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Transcriber's Note

For this version of the text, italics are denoted with _underscore_
characters, and bold text with =equal= signs. The ligature for 'oe' is
separated into its two letters, e.g., 'manoeuvre'.

There are three types of notes in the text. The lettered notes
(originally asterisks) were printed as standard footnotes on each page.
References to these notes now appear in brackets as [A], [B] and so on.
The notes themselves have been moved to directly follow the paragraph
within which they are referenced. Occasionally, an asterisk is used for
some other purpose, usually preceding rather than following a word or
phrase, and remain asterisks.

Numeric references referring to the extensive Notes section of the text
appear as bracketed numbers. Unlike standard footnotes, the references
to those notes in the text are themselves not necessarily consecutive,
nor are they unique. To assist in consulting those notes using search
features, the chapter number has been prefixed to each, using Arabic
numerals, as [21.1], [25.2], [30.3], etc. Any internal references
directing attention to another note have also been changed.

Within the Notes, there are =bold= numbers prefixed to key words (e.g.,
'=123=keyword') which serve as references to sources. These numbered
sources are found in the final section of the text. There may be
multiple references to the same source.

The logic behind this system is explained by the author in his Preface,
and in more detail in the fifth note [P.5] of the Notes to that Preface.

The notes themselves have several footnotes, using numbers and
asterisks. These footnotes have been re-numbered sequentially as [1],
[2], [3], etc.

Right-side page headers contained descriptions of the current topic
covered by the two open pages. These were retained and are placed on
separate lines prior to the paragraph where the topic is introduced,
and enclosed in brackets, as [Topic headers]. The choice of that
position is not always obvious and should be regarded as approximate.
Should the topic persist over multiple pages, any redundant headers
have been removed.

Illustrations are denoted with square brackets as [Illustration:
<caption>] at approximately the point where they were printed. The
captions are usually printed on the maps themselves. Where there is
no title to the map, the caption has been provided from the table of
illustrations, in mixed case.

References to chapters I through XX, as well as their respective notes,
refer to the Volume I of this work.

   See http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/44437

Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this file which includes
the original illustrations.

  See 44438-h.htm or 44438-h.zip:
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                          THE WAR WITH MEXICO




                +----------------------------------------+
                |          BY THE SAME AUTHOR            |
                |                                        |
                |                 The                    |
                |         Annexation of Texas            |
                |                                        |
                |     _Octavo ix + 496 pages_            |
                |                                        |
                |    _By mail, postpaid, $3.00_          |
                |                                        |
                |        ------------------------        |
                | This is the only work attempting to    |
                | deal thoroughly with an affair that    |
                | was intrinsically far more important   |
                | than had previously been supposed,     |
                | and was also of no little significance |
                | on account of its relation to the war  |
                | with Mexico.                           |
                |        ------------------------        |
                |                                        |
                |          THE MACMILLAN COMPANY         |
                |             _PUBLISHERS_               |
                +----------------------------------------+




                                  THE

                            WAR WITH MEXICO

                                   BY

                            JUSTIN H. SMITH

                  FORMERLY PROFESSOR OF MODERN HISTORY
                          AT DARTMOUTH COLLEGE

               AUTHOR OF "THE ANNEXATION OF TEXAS," "OUR
                  STRUGGLE FOR THE FOURTEENTH COLONY,"
                          "ARNOLD'S MARCH FROM
                         CAMBRIDGE TO QUEBEC,"
                                  ETC.


                               VOLUME II


                                New York

                         THE MACMILLAN COMPANY

                                  1919

                         _All rights reserved_


                            COPYRIGHT, 1919,

                        BY THE MACMILLAN COMPANY.

             Set up and printed. Published December, 1919.


                             Norwood Press
                 J. S. Cushing Co.--Berwick & Smith Co.
                         Norwood, Mass., U.S.A.




CONTENTS OF VOLUME II


                                                                 PAGE

  MAPS AND PLANS IN VOLUME II                                      vi

  CONSPECTUS OF EVENTS                                             xi

  PRONUNCIATION OF SPANISH                                       xiii

  CHAPTER

     XXI. BEHIND THE SCENES AT MEXICO                               1

    XXII. VERA CRUZ                                                17

   XXIII. CERRO GORDO                                              37

    XXIV. PUEBLA                                                   60

     XXV. ON TO THE CAPITAL                                        79

    XXVI. CONTRERAS AND CHURUBUSCO                                 99

   XXVII. NEGOTIATIONS                                            120

  XXVIII. MOLINO DEL REY, CHAPULTEPEC AND MEXICO                  140

    XXIX. FINAL MILITARY OPERATIONS                               165

     XXX. THE NAVAL OPERATIONS                                    189

    XXXI. THE AMERICANS AS CONQUERORS                             210

   XXXII. PEACE                                                   233

  XXXIII. THE FINANCES OF THE WAR                                 253

   XXXIV. THE WAR IN AMERICAN POLITICS                            268

    XXXV. THE FOREIGN RELATIONS OF THE WAR                        294

   XXXVI. CONCLUSION                                              310


  NOTES ON VOLUME II                                              327

  APPENDIX (LISTS OF SOURCES)                                     517

  INDEX                                                           563




MAPS AND PLANS IN VOLUME TWO

As equally good sources disagree sometimes, a few inconsistencies are
unavoidable. Numerous errors have been corrected. An asterisk indicates
an unpublished source. Statements, cited in the notes, have also been
used.

                                                                 PAGE
  1. The Fortress of San Juan de Ulúa in 1854                      21

     From a *plan in the War Dept., Washington.

  2. Siege of Vera Cruz: General Plan                              24

     From a map drawn by McClellan from surveys done by six
     American officers (N. Y. City Public Library); *a map
     drawn by order of Lieut. Col. Henry Wilson (War Dept.,
     Washington).

  3. Siege of Vera Cruz: The American Works                        28

     From a map drawn by Lieut. Foster, based on surveys of
     four American officers (War Dept., Washington).

  4. From Vera Cruz to Perote                                      39

     Based on a map issued by Manouvrier and Snell, New Orleans,
     1847 (Papers of N. P. Trist).

  5. Contour Lines near Cerro Gordo                                40

     From a *drawing in the War College, Washington.

  6. Battle of Cerro Gordo: General Map                            43

     Based on a map drawn by Lieut. Coppée from the surveys of
     Maj. Turnbull and Capt. McClellan (Sen. Ex. Doc. 1; 30
     Cong., 1 sess.); a map drawn by McClellan (Mass. Hist.
     Society); a *sketch of a reconnaissance by Lieut. Tower
     (War Dept., Washington); *Croquis de la Posición del campo
     de Cerro Gordo, 1847 (War Dept., Washington); a plan by
     I. A. de Soiecki (Vera Cruz City archives); and a *sketch
     by Lieut. Thos. Williams (among his letters).

  7. Battle of Cerro Gordo: Central Portion                        51

     Based on the same sources as No. 6 _supra_.

  8. From Jalapa to Puebla                                         61

     Based on a Fomento Dept. map.

  9. Profile of the Route from Vera Cruz to Mexico                 62

     From a map published by Manouvrier and Snell, New Orleans,
     1847 (Papers of N. P. Trist).

  10. A Part of the Valley of Mexico                               80

      From a map surveyed and drawn by Lieut. M. L. Smith and
      Bvt. Capt. Hardcastle (Sen. Ex. Doc. 11; 31 Cong., 1
      sess.); and a map by Balbontín (Invasión Americana).

  11. Battles of August 19 and 20, 1847: General Map              100

      Based on a map drawn by Hardcastle from the surveys of
      Maj. Turnbull, Capt. McClellan and Lieut. Hardcastle
      (Sen. Ex. Doc. 1; 30 Cong., 1 sess.); the Smith and
      Hardcastle map (No. 10 _supra_); a *map drawn by
      Capt. Barnard from the surveys of Capt. Mason and Lieuts.
      Beauregard, McClellan, and Foster (War Dept., Washington);
      a map drawn by Hardcastle from the surveys of Mason
      and Hardcastle (Sen. Ex. Doc. 1; 30 Cong., 1 sess.); a map
      in Apuntes; and a map drawn by McClellan (Mass. Hist.
      Society).

  12. Battle of Contreras                                         108

      Based on the Turnbull map (No. 11 _supra_); a *plan
      of Capt. Gardner (Pierce Papers); *notes by Capt. Henshaw
      on a map by Hardcastle (Mass. Hist. Society); a *sketch
      by Lieut. Collins, 4th Artillery (Collins Papers); New
      Orleans _Picayune_, Sept. 12, 1847; a plan by
      Balbontín (Invasión Americana); and a map in Apuntes.

  13. Battle of Churubusco                                        111

      Based on the Turnbull map (No. 11 _supra_); a map
      drawn by Hardcastle from the surveys of Mason and
      Hardcastle (Sen. Ex. Doc. 1; 30 Cong., 1 sess.); and a
      sketch by Balbontín ("Invasión Americana").

  14. The Tête de Pont, Churubusco                                112

      *Drawn by Lieuts. Beauregard and Tower from Beauregard's
      survey (War Dept., Washington).

  15. Profile of East Curtain, Tête de Pont, Churubusco           113

      *Drawn by Beauregard from the surveys of Lieuts. McClellan,
      Beauregard, and Foster (War Dept., Washington).

  16. The Fortifications of Churubusco Convent                    114

      *Drawn by Beauregard and Tower from Beauregard's survey
      (War Dept., Washington).

  17. Battles of Mexico: General Map                              141

      Based on a map drawn by Hardcastle from the surveys of
      Turnbull, McClellan, and Hardcastle (Sen. Ex. Doc. 1;
      30 Cong., 1 sess.); and a map drawn by McClellan and
      Hardcastle (published by the government).

  18. Battle of Molino del Rey                                    143

      Based on the maps specified under No. 17 _supra_; a
      sketch by Hardcastle (Sen. Ex. Doc. 1; 30 Cong., 1 sess.);
      and a sketch in New Orleans _Picayune_, Oct. 17, 1847.

  19. Battle of Chapultepec                                       150

      Based upon the maps specified under No. 17 supra; a
      *sketch drawn by Tower from surveys of Beauregard and
      Tower (War Dept., Washington); a plan accompanying Gen.
      Quitman report (Sen. Ex. Doc. 1; 30 Cong., 1 sess.);
      *recollections of Señor D. Ignacio Molina, Chief
      Cartographer of the Fomento Dept., Mexico.

  20. Blindage at Chapultepec                                     151

  21. The Citadel, Mexico, in 1840 (War Dept. *plan, Washington)  159

  22. Alvarado, Mexico                                            198

      A *plan by J. L. Mason (War Dept., Washington).

  23. A Part of Tabasco River                                     205

      Based on a map in Ho. Ex. Doc. 1; 30 Cong., 2 sess.

  24. Guaymas, Mexico                                             206

      From a plan in Ho. Ex. Doc. 1; 30 Cong., 2 sess.

  25. Mazatlan, Mexico                                            207

      From a *drawing by Commander Wouldridge of Brigantine
      _Spy_ (Admiralty Papers, Public Record Office,
      London).

  26. The Tip of Lower California                                 207

      Based on a map in Sen. Ex. Doc. 18; 31 Cong., 1 sess.

  27. Territory acquired from Mexico                              241




                       CONSPECTUS OF EVENTS


                                   1845

  March.   The United States determines to annex Texas; W. S. Parrott
           sent to conciliate Mexico.

  July.    Texas consents; Taylor proceeds to Corpus Christi.

  Oct.  17. Larkin appointed a confidential agent in California.

  Nov.  10. Slidell ordered to Mexico.

  Dec.  20. Slidell rejected by Herrera.

                                   1846

  Jan.  13. Taylor ordered to the Rio Grande.

  Mar.   8. Taylor marches from Corpus Christi.

        21. Slidell finally rejected by Paredes.

        28. Taylor reaches the Rio Grande.

  Apr.  25. Thornton attacked.

  May    8. Battle of Palo Alto.

         9. Battle of Resaca de la Palma.

        13. The war bill becomes a law.

  June   5. Kearny's march to Santa Fe begins.

  July   7. Monterey, California, occupied.

        14. Camargo occupied.

  Aug.   4. Paredes overthrown.

         7. First attack on Alvarado.

        13. Los Angeles, California, occupied.

        16. Santa Anna lands at Vera Cruz.

        18. Kearny takes Santa Fe.

        19. Taylor advances from Camargo.

  Sept. 14. Santa Anna enters Mexico City.

     20-24. Operations at Monterey, Mex.

     22-23. Insurrection in California precipitated.

        23. Wool's advance from San Antonio begins.

        25. Kearny leaves Santa Fe for California.

  Oct.   8. Santa Anna arrives at San Luis Potosí.

  Oct.  15. Second attack on Alvarado.

        24. San Juan Bautista captured by Perry.

        28. Tampico evacuated by Parrodi.

        29. Wool occupies Monclova.

  Nov.  15. Tampico captured by Conner.

        16. Saltillo occupied by Taylor.

        18. Scott appointed to command the Vera Cruz expedition.

  Dec.   5. Wool occupies Parras.

         6. Kearny's fight at San Pascual.

        25. Doniphan's skirmish at El Brazito.

        27. Scott reaches Brazos Id.

        29. Victoria occupied.

                                  1847

  Jan.   3. Scott orders troops from Taylor.

         8. Fight at the San Gabriel, Calif.

         9. Fight near Los Angeles, Calif.

        11. Mexican law regarding Church property.

        28. Santa Anna's march against Taylor begins.

  Feb.   5. Taylor places himself at Agua Nueva.

        19. Scott reaches Tampico.

     22-23. Battle of Buena Vista.

        27. Insurrection at Mexico begins.

        28. Battle of Sacramento.

  Mar.   9. Scott lands near Vera Cruz.

        29. Vera Cruz occupied.

        30. Operations in Lower California opened.

  Apr.   8. Scott's advance from Vera Cruz begins.

        18. Battle of Cerro Gordo; Tuxpán captured by Perry.

        19. Jalapa occupied.

  May   15. Worth enters Puebla.

  June   6. Trist opens negotiations through the British legation.

        16. San Juan Bautista again taken.

  Aug.   7. The advance from Puebla begins.

        20. Battles of Contreras and Churubusco.

  Aug. 24-Sept. 7. Armistice.

  Sept. 8. Battle of Molino del Rey.

       13. Battle of Chapultepec; the "siege" of Puebla begins.

       14. Mexico City occupied.

       22. Peña y Peña assumes the Presidency.

  Oct.  9. Fight at Huamantla.

       20. Trist reopens negotiations.

  Nov. 11. Mazatlán occupied by Shubrick.


                                  1848

  Feb.   2. Treaty of peace signed.

  Mar. 4-5. Armistice ratified.

        10. Treaty accepted by U. S. Senate.

  May 19, 24. Treaty accepted by Mexican Congress.

        30. Ratifications of the treaty exchanged.

  June  12. Mexico City evacuated.

  July   4. Treaty proclaimed by President Polk.




THE PRONUNCIATION OF SPANISH

The niceties of the matter would be out of place here, but a few
general rules may prove helpful.

_A_ as in English "ah"; _e_, at the end of a syllable, like _a_ in
"fame," otherwise like _e_ in "let"; _i_ like _i_ in "machine"; _o_, at
the end of a syllable, like _o_ in "go," otherwise somewhat like _o_ in
"lot"; _u_ like _u_ in "rude" (but, unless marked with two dots, silent
between _g_ or _q_ and _e_ or _i_); _y_ like _ee_ in "feet."

_C_ like _k_ (but, before _e_ and _i_, like [A]_th_ in "thin"); _ch_ as
in "child"; _g_ as in "go" (but, before _e_ and _i_, like a harsh _h_);
_h_ silent; _j_ like a harsh _h_; _ll_ like [B]_lli_ in "million"; _ñ_
like _ni_ in "onion"; _qu_ like _k_; _r_ is sounded with a vibration
(trill) of the tip of the tongue (_rr_ a longer and more forcible sound
of the same kind); _s_ as in "sun"; _x_ like _x_ in "box" (but, in
"México" and a few other names, like Spanish _j_); _z_ like [A]_th_ in
"thin."

Words bearing no mark of accentuation are stressed on the last syllable
if they end in any consonant except _n_ or _s_, but on the syllable
next to the last if they end in _n_, _s_ or a vowel.

  [A] In Mexico, however, usually like _s_ in "sun."

  [B] In Mexico usually like _y_.

  [Illustration: MEXICO IN 1919]




THE WAR WITH MEXICO




XXI

BEHIND THE SCENES AT MEXICO


September, 1846-March, 1847

The revolution of August 4, as already has been suggested, was a
complex and inconsistent affair, combining most heterogeneous elements:
the popular institutions of 1824 and the autocratic power of the
soldier upheld with bayonets; the army and the people, whose relations
had always been, and in Mexico always had to be, those of wolf and
lamb; the regular troops and the National Guards, who loved each other
as fire loves water; General Salas reluctantly taking orders from
Citizen Farías, and both of them doing obeisance to Liberator Santa
Anna, whom both distrusted; and all coöperating to revive a federal
constitution, which had been found in practice unworkable, and needed,
in the opinion of everybody, to be redrawn.[21.3]

Such a state of things argued insincerity; and in fact many had taken
up the cry of Federalism at this time simply because the failure
of reactionary designs had made the word a popular appeal, and
because--nearly all the former leaders of that school having been
crushed by the Centralists--there seemed to be room for new aspirants;
while the state of things indicated also that more troubles were soon
to arrive, since evidently no final solution of the political problem
had been achieved, and such a welter of principles, traditions and
methods was a loud invitation to the demagogue and the schemer. _Don
Simplicio_ predicted that new stars were to flash out soon in the
political heavens, and then disappear before the astronomers would have
time to name them; and it added significantly, "The comets will be
found to be all tails."[21.3]

In particular the field was open for radical democracy. Calm judgment
is never listened to in a period of excitement, and the Mexicans, like
the French of 1792, instead of resorting to the practical Anglo-Saxon
rule of compromising differences, believed in carrying principles to
their logical end. Centralism and monarchical ideas had failed to
render the nation happy; democracy was therefore the panacea, and the
more of it the better. The demoralized condition of the people promoted
this dangerous policy. Referring to all those concerned with public
affairs, a thoughtful writer of the day characterized them as ignorant,
destitute of honor, patriotism, morality, good faith or principles of
any kind, and influenced exclusively by self-interest and ambition;
and naturally men of the opposite kind held aloof in disgust and
despair. For these reasons the conservative wing of the Federalists,
led by Pedraza and known as the Moderados (_Moderates_), found itself
distanced in the race for support; and the Puros--that is to say, pure
Federalists and democrats--gained the ascendency at once.[21.3]

Their acknowledged leader, as we have seen, was the patriotic though
indiscreet Farías, but he was more honest than brilliant, and a
man stepped forward now who reversed that description. This man
was Rejón. A keen, subtle mind, a bold, unfaltering will, a ready,
plausible tongue and a tireless ambition quite indifferent about
means, characterized him chiefly, and for the present crisis these
were redoubtable qualifications. The Spanish minister once remarked,
after conversing with him, that it was impossible to trust a person who
possessed no principles except the transient interests of his ambition.
And Rejón had another qualification that was no less important. Though
unworthy of confidence and everywhere distrusted, Santa Anna counted as
an essential factor in all plans, a power that each party felt it must
have; and Rejón was believed at this time to represent Santa Anna.[21.3]

[POLITICS AT MEXICO]

The aims and to some extent the methods of the radical faction were
borrowed from the United States, but without regard to differences
of race, experience and present circumstances. Government, they
maintained, should be completely democratic and completely secular; and
they dreamed of this consummation almost voluptuously, as a Mussulman
dreams of paradise. They held public meetings, where everybody was
free to speak; and in these disorderly gatherings they discussed
religious freedom, the seizure of Church property, the reformation
of the clergy, the secularization of marriage and education, the
necessity of destroying military domination in politics, and the
capital punishment of all suspected monarchists. In short, from the
conservative point of view, they passed sentence of death on society.
Santa Anna did not sympathize with their programme. He wished society
to live--for him, and he was conducting now an equivocal correspondence
with men hostile to the Puros. But it probably suited his purpose to
have them succeed for a time, and to have the substantial citizens add
to their litany, "From Rejón deliver us, good Lord!" He himself had
played the part of the Lord before now, and was willing to do so again,
though he preferred the more terrestrial name of dictator.[21.3]

Of course property felt the menace, and it had reason to do so. During
the latter part of September, 1846, an editorial in the official
journal, commonly attributed to Rejón, intimated that if the rich did
not contribute for the war, the people would know where to find their
wealth; and even foreign houses were threatened. The British minister
forced a prompt retraction of this language so far, at least, as his
fellow-countrymen were concerned; but within two weeks a number of
capitalists were invited to loan $200,000 with an intimation that,
unless they did so, the money would be taken. Every one understood that
the leopard, though now comparatively silent, had not changed his spots
and would not, and hence four élite militia corps, familiarly known as
the Polkos, were formed at Mexico to protect life and property. One
of these, called the Victoria battalion, was composed of merchants,
professional men and scions from wealthy families. Another, which
bore the name of Hidalgo, consisted of clerks; and the Bravos and
Independencia battalions, made up largely of artisans, represented the
industrial interests of the city. The ministry, who desired to exclude
such persons from the National Guard, opposed the recognition of these
corps; but, supported by Salas, the substantial citizens carried the
day.[21.3]

An equally natural reaction caused by radical violence was political.
In the hope of welding the Federalists into a harmonious party, the
council of government had been revived, and members of both wings had
been appointed to it. Santa Anna, in order to establish his particular
friend Haro at the head of the treasury, next proposed to transfer
Farías from that office to the presidency of the council. This was
understood--correctly, no doubt--as a move to eliminate him virtually
from the government, and was fiercely denounced; but Santa Anna then
remarked that should Salas for any reason drop out, the president of
the council would take his place at the head of the government, and
Pedraza could have the post in case Farías preferred to remain as
he was.[21.1] This put a new look on the matter, and the programme
was carried out; but the Puro attacks upon their rivals continued to
excite bitter resentment. When it was arranged that Farías and Pedraza
should publicly shake hands, and crowds gathered to witness the amazing
ceremony, it failed to occur. The Moderados belonging to the council
resigned; the body ceased to enjoy prestige and influence; and Farías
lost all official power. Naturally some of the blame for this result
was laid to the charge of the Pedrazists. Partisan rancor grew still
more savage. The fury of the French revolution was rivalled. "We must
finish with our enemies or die ourselves," cried one factional organ;
"the scaffold must be raised; we must drink their hearts' blood."
Bankhead described the situation as one of "universal terror and
distrust."[21.3]

About the middle of October there came an explosion. Apparently
Rejón demanded that Salas initiate the Puro reforms, and the acting
Executive, who was not only weak and incompetent but obstinate,
resented the pressure, and turned his face toward the Moderados. To
the Puros this looked reactionary, and he was charged with a design to
prevent Congress from assembling. Next it was required of Salas that
he should give way to Farías as the representative of the new régime,
and probably there were threats at least of bringing this change
about, if necessary, through an insurrection of the populace.[21.2]
Then Salas, with the Hidalgo battalion of which he was the commander,
took possession of the citadel. The people, alarmed by rumors that a
sack was contemplated, flew to arms; and Rejón found it necessary to
moderate his tone.[21.3]

[AN EXPLOSION]

When the Executive, as was inevitable, dismissed him from office, he
submitted; and Santa Anna himself, though his orders to Rejón had
been to hold the post whatever Salas might do, found public sentiment
at the capital too strong for him, and concluded to accept the change.
Rejón's conduct had excited so much dissension and alarm, that his
removal gratified all sensible persons at Mexico. The rumors and the
disturbance were now attributed officially to agents of the United
States, and comparative quiet returned.[21.3]

The aims of Santa Anna and those of the Puros may have been exactly
contrary in these events; but both overshot the mark, and they suffered
a common loss of prestige. As one method of restoring it, they induced
the governors of San Luis Potosí and Querétaro to declare that within
their jurisdictions the Liberator would be recognized as head of the
nation until the assembling of Congress; but their principal scheme
was to carry the Presidential election. Congress, chosen on the first
day of November, was to elect, and it consisted chiefly of men termed
by well-to-do citizens "the dregs of society"--that is to say, poorly
educated radicals taken from the masses.[21.3]

This appeared to ensure a Puro triumph, yet there were serious
difficulties. Rejón had been discredited, and the former administration
of Farías had left painful memories. Besides, it was feared that his
election would offend Santa Anna, who of course was not on very cordial
terms now with the tribune of the people, and preferred to have a weak
man like Salas, with whom satisfactory relations had grown out of the
Rejón episode, continue in power. At one time Almonte seemed to be the
Puro favorite; but finally it was decided to cast the Presidential vote
for Santa Anna, who could not legally hold the chief political and the
chief military offices at the same time and would no doubt remain with
the army, and to elect Farías to the Vice Presidency as the actual
executive.[21.3]

Even this combination, however, met with strong and unexpected
opposition. The conservatives and moderates were naturally against it;
certain states--for the voting was done by these quasi sovereignties as
units--could not forgive Santa Anna for past misdeeds, and the powerful
Church party looked upon Farías as Antichrist. Finally Escudero
of Chihuahua, whose delegation held the balance of power, opened
negotiations with Farías, and that gentleman declared in writing his
willingness to "join loyally" with any one who desired "in good faith
the welfare of the country." Holding this instrument--a weapon, should
there be need of it--in their hands, a number of the Moderados, who
realized his honesty, vigor and good intentions, and believed now that
he would give them a share in the administration, accepted the Puro
candidates, and on December 22 by a narrow majority these were elected.
The news produced a commotion; but without encountering serious
opposition Farías took up the reins of government at once.[21.3]

His primary aim was to support the war. This he intended to do because
he felt an ardent patriotism, but other reasons also lay in his mind.
Abominating the military class, he desired to have as many as possible
of the corrupt officers left on the field, and he designed to keep the
army so busy, that it would not be able to prevent the states, which
were generally Federalist and democratic in sentiment, from organizing
their strength, and making sure that no tyrannical central power would
ever raise its front again. But the first requirement for military
operations was money. Farías had, therefore, to take up immediately the
financial problem, and he found it most difficult.[21.3]

Of all the fields of Mexican misgovernment the worst had been the
treasury, for it not only required a care and a good judgment that
were peculiarly foreign to the national temperament, but provided
opportunities for illegitimate gains that were most congenial. During
Spanish rule the needs of the country had been fully met, and about
nine millions a year, almost half of the revenues, left as a surplus.
Under Itúrbide a financial system which three centuries of able
administration had built up was despised, and with mines abandoned,
agriculture discouraged, commerce paralyzed, honesty relaxed, taxes
diminished for the sake of popularity, and expenses increased for the
sake of glory, the foundations of ruin were promptly laid. The logical
superstructure soon mounted high in the shape of two British loans,
which bound Mexico to pay about twenty-six million dollars in return
for about fifteen, a large part of which was practically thrown away by
her agents.[21.5]

[FINANCIAL DIFFICULTIES]

The expulsion of the rich and thrifty Spaniards, the costs of civil
wars, in which the nation paid for both sides, unwise and unstable
fiscal systems, borrowing at such rates as four per cent a month,
incredibly bad management,[21.4] and methods of accounting that made it
impossible for the minister of the treasury to know the actual state of
things, were enough to complete the edifice; but they were supplemented
with peculation, embezzlement, multiplication of offices, collusion
between importers and customhouses, and systematic smuggling winked at
by half-starved officials. Revenue after revenue was mortgaged, and by
1845 the government found itself entitled to only about thirteen per
cent of what entered the treasury.[21.5]

Since the beginning of hostilities our blockade, assisted by new
methods of wholesale smuggling, had greatly reduced the income from
duties, which had always been the principal reliance; the adoption of
the federal system had given the best part of the internal revenue
to the states; and the residue was almost wholly eaten up by the
officials. The foreign debt amounted now to more than fifty millions
and the domestic debt was nearly twice as great. Every known source of
income had been anticipated. Freewill offerings had proved illusory.
By ceasing to make payments on account of the debt in May, 1846, the
government had largely increased its income, of course, but it had
forfeited all title to financial sympathy; and the high officials,
who robbed the treasury still in this time of supreme distress, had
stripped it of all title to respect.[21.5]

The government, therefore, had no real credit. Men who made this kind
of gambling their business would now and then furnish a little money
for a brief term at an exorbitant rate. In February, 1846, for example,
a loan was placed at a total sacrifice of about thirty-seven per cent.
But when the treasury was authorized to borrow fifteen millions in a
regular way, nobody cared to furnish any part of the sum. New taxes
were equally vain. In October, 1846, the government imposed a special
war "contribution" in order to save the Mexicans, it explained, from
becoming foreigners in their own country, like the Spaniards of
Florida; and the chief result was to enrage a handful of persons, who
found they had been silly enough to pay while almost everybody else
had laughed. In November a forced loan was demanded of the clergy,
but the project aroused such opposition that substantially it had to
be given up. The whole gamut of methods, even violence, has been tried
in vain, said the ministry in December. Business was dead, confidence
gone, capital in hiding or sojourning abroad; and if by good luck a bag
of silver dropped into the treasury, it seemed to evaporate instantly.
Financially, reported the Spanish minister, the situation of the
country was "truly frightful."[21.5]

To make it more, not less, frightful, there did exist one vast
accumulation of riches. This was the property belonging to the Church.
No one could seriously deny that the nation had authority to use, in
a time of dire need, funds that had been given to the organization in
days of plenty, for this was a principle of Spanish law, and the Crown
had exercised the right without so good an excuse. There was also
a particular reason in the present instance, for the wealth of the
Church, aside from articles used in worship, consisted mainly of land,
and, as virtually no land tax existed in Mexico, it was escaping the
common burden--a burden, too, that was peculiarly for its advantage,
since in the case of American conquest it was bound to lose its
exclusive privileges. Besides, there was the saying of its Founder,
"Freely ye have received, freely give."[21.5]

[THE POLICY OF FARÍAS]

Very naturally, then, people had been casting their eyes for some time
at the riches of the Church. In June, 1844, _El Siglo XIX_, the most
thoughtful newspaper of Mexico, had suggested raising funds for the
Texas war by mortgaging some of its property; and a few months later
Duff Green, then on the ground, had expressed the opinion that Mexico
would have to choose between that resource and forced loans. In July,
1845, the correspondent of the London _Times_ dropped a similar hint
in that journal, and in the course of the year it became a popular
idea, that the Church could perform a great public service, and at the
same time vastly strengthen its own position, by providing means for
the anticipated war against the United States. In October, 1846, the
_Monitor Republicano_ suggested once more a mortgage of ecclesiastical
property; and at one time the government actually decided upon the
measure. Bankhead admitted that he could see no other resource. These
hints were not, however, acted upon by the clergy; and after many long
discussions they would only agree to advance $10,000 or $20,000 a month
for a limited period. This was to insult the nation, exclaimed the
_Monitor Republicano_.[21.5]

Charged now with full responsibility, Farías met the issue squarely.
Not only was he determined to carry on the war, but the letters of
Santa Anna had been, and were, most urgent. November 7 the General
demanded that "no step" should be neglected, if it could "help to
prevent the name of Mexican from soon becoming the object of ridicule
and contempt for the whole world." "Do not reply that the government
cannot obtain funds," he wrote later; "This would be saying that the
nation has ceased to exist ... so rich a nation cannot lack money
enough to support its independence, nor can the government say that
it has no authority to look for the money." These letters evidently
referred to ecclesiastical property, and they were followed up at New
Year's with almost daily communications of the same tenor. Such fearful
urgency had a good excuse, for the government was now sending him no
funds.[21.6]

It had none. Although Farías kept faith with Escudero, the Moderados
as a party showed the radical chief no mercy; the Centralists loathed
the apostle of federalism; all conservatives detested the typical
democrat, and the clericals abominated the extinguisher of titles. All
the old ladies thought him worse than Luther, and many of every kind
and condition rebelled at his brusque and tactless ways. No person
of substance would lift a finger to support his measures. A cloud of
distrust, passion, hostility and mortal hatred--mostly an emanation
from the whole wretched past of the country--grew thicker about him
each day. Raise money he could not. Moreover he probably felt little
desire to do so by any of the ordinary methods. One of his cardinal
principles was the necessity of destroying the fuero, the political
strength and the intellectual domination of the Church by reducing its
wealth; and now the demand of Santa Anna, the army and the nation that
funds be provided for the war, appeared to make this policy opportune
and even irresistible.[21.6]

A committee of Congress reported against the plan of borrowing on
the security of Church property; but that signified little, for no
practical substitute was offered. There were fears that the army
would break up. There were fears that for self-protection it would
proclaim a dictatorship or march upon the capital. Santa Anna's
warning and threatening communications were shown to Congress. The
legislators tried to evade the issue, but they were told that all
the responsibility rested upon their shoulders; that it was for them
to choose between the salvation and the ruin of the fatherland; and
on January 7 they grappled with the problem. Behind them--tireless,
uncompromising, inexorable--the Executive insisted upon action; and
behind him stood Santa Anna, demanding the same thing and promising to
support it.[21.9]

The session lasted virtually until January 11. The debates were hot,
and they were bitter. To make use of the Church lands, it was argued,
would invade the rights of property, lay upon one class of society the
general burden, and, should the lands be sold, involve a tremendous
loss of values, since there was little ready money in the country,
and few would have the means and inclination to purchase. The country
must be saved, answered Rejón, Juárez and their allies; is there any
other resource?--point it out. "If the Yankee triumphs," cried one
speaker, "what ecclesiastical property or what religion will be left
us?" And upon these principal themes were played an infinite number
of variations in all the possible tones of Mexican eloquence and
fury.[21.9]

Just before midnight on the ninth, however, the turmoil ceased; the
handsome chamber of the Deputies became still. High above the throne in
front glimmered pallidly the sword of Itúrbide; in letters of gold, on
the semi-circular wall at the rear, all the names of the Beneméritos
of Mexico reflected the subdued light; shadows filled the galleries;
exhausted members half-slumbered in their chairs, and others talked
wearily here and there in groups; but the stillness was momentous,
for the first article of a new law had been passed, authorizing the
Executive to raise fifteen millions, for the purposes of the war,
by pledging--if necessary, even selling--property vested in the
Church.[21.7] Minor discussions followed. The religious, charitable and
educational work of the clergy was guarded completely; many provisions
designed to hamper the realization of the main purpose were accepted in
order to conciliate opposition; and at length, on January 11, the plan
became law.[21.9]

[A CRISIS AT MEXICO]

"The crisis is terrible," wrote the minister of relations two days
later, and well he might. All the fierceness and intrigues of
partisan politics, all the cunning of high and low finance, all the
subtleties of priestcraft and all the terrors of a haughty Church came
into play.[21.8] Freely we have received, but we will not give, and
anathema to him who takes, was in effect the dictum of the prelates.
For a time it looked as if no official would venture, at the peril
of excommunication, to promulgate the law; but Farías and Juárez
found a man, and he was appointed governor of the Federal District,
in which lay the capital, for that purpose. Then came protests from
the "venerable" clergy, complaints from state governments, mutinies
of troops, and civilian insurrections organized by priests. Cries of
"_Viva la religión!_ Death to the government!" resounded in the streets
of the capital. Ministers of state were hard to find, and they soon
went out of office. Minor officials resigned so rapidly they could
hardly be counted. Santa Anna, after hailing the law as the salvation
of the country, turned against it. Moderados in Congress, encouraged by
the outcry, hurled epithets harder than stones at the Puros.[21.9]

On the other hand some of the Deputies, the regular troops at the
capital, who expected to profit by the law, the comandante general of
Mexico, the National Guards and the democratic masses rallied to the
support of the government; and Farías, his long head erect, and his
face, always thoughtful and sad, now anxious but set, appealed to the
patriotism of the nation, made the most of his authority as chief of
the state, and held to his course with inflexible energy and courage.
Not only was he determined to have the law respected, but he demanded
that it should be made effective. Chaos was the result. "When we
look for a ray of hope," said _El Republicano_, "we discover nothing
but alarms, anxieties and every probability of social dissolution."
"Furious anarchy," was Haro's description of the scene. There must soon
be a crash, he added; "the Devil is running away with us."[21.9]

Peaceful interests were not, however, entirely forgotten amid this
turbulence. During the second week of January Moses Y. Beach,
proprietor and editor of the New York _Sun_, arrived at Vera Cruz
from Havana. He carried a British passport. Besides his wife Mrs.
Storms, a remarkably clever newspaper woman, accompanied him.
Presumably she was to play the part of secretary, for Beach had large
financial enterprises in mind, and confidential clerical assistance
would certainly be necessary. For some reason letters were written
from Cuba to Santa Anna and the authorities at Vera Cruz denouncing
him as an American agent; and the party had to go through with a
tedious examination of three days, for the comandante general had been
expressly ordered to watch all suspicious foreigners hailing from the
United States. But the ordeal was passed satisfactorily, and on the
twenty-third or twenty-fourth of January Beach arrived at the capital.
Letters from Roman Catholic prelates of the United States and Cuba gave
him a confidential standing at once in the highest Church circles;
his project of a canal across the Isthmus of Tehuantepec excited the
lively interest of Santa Anna's particular friends; and his plan for a
national bank brought him into friendly relations with Farías and the
other Puro leaders.[21.10]

Still, the presence of this agent of civilization did not restore
tranquillity. On February 4 the government contrived by shrewd
management to put a law through Congress, which in effect gave it
autocratic power to raise five millions, and thus cut through the
complications and restrictions that had rendered the action of January
11 substantially inoperative. The wrath of the Church blazed afresh. At
all hazards Antichrist must be put down. Already they had concluded to
supply Santa Anna with money, in return of course for his aid against
Farías, and now they opened negotiations with the Moderados. This
party, however, thought it would be good tactics to divide the Puros
by supporting Farías, provided he would let them control his policy,
and they so proposed; but the impracticable fellow, who was battling
for principles and not place, declined the offer. Finally the Puros
themselves, realizing that all the other factions were against their
chief, decided that under his leadership they could not succeed, and
resolved to throw him overboard.[21.11]

[INSURRECTION AT MEXICO]

While they were casting about for a method, a certain Person advised
the clericals to offer an organized resistance against the laws
of January 11 and February 4, and circumstances made that course
easy. General Peña y Barragán, suspected of conspiring against the
government, was placed under temporary arrest, and this made him eager
to head a revolution. Farías, understanding that the Independencia
battalion could not be trusted, ordered it to Vera Cruz, imagining that
it would not refuse to march against the enemy. But on various more
or less valid pretexts it did so; the other three élite battalions
joined with it; and on February 27 they declared that Farías and
Congress, having lost the confidence of the nation, had forfeited
their authority, demanding at the same time the annulment of the
"anti-religious" laws.[21.12] Amidst the ringing of bells and burning
of gunpowder, the city echoed with the cries, "Death to Gómez Farías!
Death to the Puros!" Cannon were soon at the street corners, and the
usual scenes of a Mexican insurrection, fatal chiefly to peaceful
residents, were presently on exhibition. The clergy, there is ample
reason to believe, paid the costs, and priests left the confessionals
to herald this new crusade in the streets.[21.13]

After about nine days of indecisive skirmishing, however, the clericals
felt discouraged. The nation had not rallied to their cause as they
had expected. The sum of $40,000 was required for the next week of
fighting, and they hesitated. But again a certain Person urged them
on. The awkwardly drawn Plan was reduced to one article--Farías must
be deposed. On that almost all could agree. Monarchists, Centralists,
Santannistas, Clericals, Moderados, Puros were for once in happy
unison. Salas reappeared with some troops to take revenge on his old
enemy. And yet with epic heroism Farías, never faltering and never
compromising either his official dignity or his personal character,
held firmly on with his few soldiers and such of the populace as he
could arm. Again the battle raged, and again the innocent fell. But
who was it that directed this tempest? Who was the mysterious Person,
overwhelming the government of Mexico with darkness and confusion at
this critical hour? He was Moses Y. Beach, agent of the American state
department and adviser to the Mexican hierarchy. Permission had been
given him to bring about peace, if he could; and, unable to do this, he
seized the opportunity to help Scott.[21.13]

The time had now arrived for the Saviour of Society to appear, since
all rational persons were desperately tired of the vain struggle;
and Peña y Barragán wrote to Santa Anna, begging him to take
possession of the Presidential chair. Congress did nothing, for many
Deputies--fearing that it might act in a manner contrary to their
sentiments--remained away from the chamber, and a quorum could not be
assembled; but when Pedraza was arrested by the government, a large
group of Moderado members, feeling that Santa Anna's "victory" at
Buena Vista had confirmed his power, addressed him to the same effect
as Peña; and the Liberator, giving his best corps barely four days
of repose, and explaining his departure from the north as one more
sacrifice on the altar of his country, set out with a substantial body
of troops for Mexico.[21.14] Along his route women made wreaths and
threw them before his feet. Men of every faction acclaimed him; and
from Querétaro to the capital the road was filled with carriages, in
which all sorts of persons desiring to reach his ear strove to outdo
one another in despatch.[21.20]

On the first news of the insurrection Santa Anna's impression had been
that its ulterior aim was hostile to him,[21.15] for his partisans at
the capital supported the government; and, as a Puro envoy confirmed
this impression, he promised Farías military aid; but then appeared
Moderado agents with strong assurances and probably with stronger
financial arguments, and he went over, though not openly, to their side
of the controversy. Both parties were ordered by him to discontinue
hostilities, and both did so at once; for, as the clergy had now shut
their strong boxes, the insurgent officers were anxious to reëstablish
a connection with the national treasury, while the regulars of Farías
would not disobey Santa Anna. After the President's arrival at
Guadalupe Hidalgo a _Te Deum_ was celebrated there in honor of his
triumph over the Americans; and the next day, March 23, amidst real
demonstrations of joy, he formally superseded Farías, while a certain
Person[21.16]--diligently but vainly sought after by the police--was
hastily making his way through the mountains in the direction of
Tampico.[21.20]

[SANTA ANNA TRIUMPHANT]

Apparently Santa Anna had experienced the luckiest of turns. Precisely
when the Americans had shattered his plans, and he found himself
buried in the northern deserts with a broken, starving army,[21.17]
this insurrection gave him a splendid occasion for making a triumphal
march to the capital amid plaudits of gratitude and admiration, and
he now found himself at the summit of prestige and power.[21.18] In
reality, however, his situation was by no means entirely satisfactory.
Understanding that the Puros--who in reality had served him with
substantial good faith and therefore stood highest in his present
sympathy--had lost their dominant position, he allied himself with
their opponents; but the Moderados disliked and distrusted him still,
and he received at least one distinct notice that by taking their
side he was placing himself gratuitously in the hands of his enemies.
The Puros did not feel extremely grateful to him for merely avoiding
an open break with them; and, although it seemed wise to join in the
acclamations lest some worse thing befall them, they were already
sharpening their arrows against him. Indeed, they were believed to be
sharpening their daggers, and he took full precautions. The clergy had
trembled and recoiled on hearing that his arms had triumphed against
the Americans, and the Saviour of Society now appeared to lean toward
them--or toward their strong boxes; but they knew him well enough
to foresee, as they soon realized, that he intended to extort ample
compensation for all the favor shown them.[21.20]

Such was the inner state of things, and the external course of events
proved not less interesting. The effect of the insurrection upon the
progress of the war, as we shall presently see, was notable, and in
substance it produced a counter-revolution in domestic politics.
As Farías was no more willing to resign than to compromise, some
disposition of him seemed necessary, for Santa Anna would evidently
have to take the field again shortly, and it would not have been
expedient, whatever the rights of the case, to let the executive
power fall back into his control. It was therefore decided to abolish
the Vice Presidency; and in this way fell on April Fool's Day the
noblest but most unpopular man in the country.[21.19] At the positive
dictation of Santa Anna General P. M. Anaya, a Moderado, was then
elected substitute president, while the raging Puros raged in vain. The
clergy succeeded, by offering two millions of real money, in persuading
Santa Anna to annul the laws of January 11 and February 4; but the
day before he did this, Church property worth twenty millions was
placed by Congress--theoretically, at least--within the reach of the
government.[21.20]

Not many weeks before this, _Don Simplicio_ had announced, "There
will be presented an original tragi-comedy entitled 'All is a farce
in our beloved Mexico,'" and now J. F. Ramírez, who had been minister
of relations when the hated law passed, exclaimed in bitterness of
heart: All of us, without an exception, have been acting in a way to
deserve the contempt and chastisement of cultivated nations; "we are
nothing, absolutely nothing, with the aggravating circumstance that our
insensate vanity makes us believe that we are everything."[21.20]




XXII

VERA CRUZ

February-March, 1847


On the twenty-first of February, General Scott, who had sailed from
Tampico in a storm the day before, observed in the distance what seemed
to be greenish bubbles floating on the sea. These were the Lobos
Islands, and presently he found there on transports the First and
Second Pennsylvania, the South Carolina, and parts of the Louisiana,
Mississippi and New York regiments of new volunteers. Within a week
many more troops, including nearly all the regulars of the expedition,
arrived from Tampico or the Brazos, and the natural break-water that
protected the anchorage--a sandy coral island of about one hundred
acres, fringed with surf, covered with bushes and small trees woven
together with vines, and scented by the blossoms of wild oranges,
lemons and limes--veiled itself behind the spars and cordage of nearly
a hundred vessels.[22.3]

Judicious measures prevented the smallpox from spreading. Drilling
began; and the drum, fife and bugle aroused a fighting spirit, while
visiting, social jollity and military discussion tended to create an
army solidarity. In the evening bands played martial airs, and the
watch fires on the coast gave an additional sharpness to the ardor
of the soldiers. Meanwhile the General, who still expected vigorous
opposition to his landing, waited impatiently for more surf-boats and
heavy ordnance, looked anxiously for the ten large transports[22.1]
in ballast requisitioned by him in November, elaborated his plans for
disembarking, and issued the corresponding orders.[22.3]

The next rendezvous was to be off Antón Lizardo, about a dozen miles
beyond Vera Cruz and some two hundred more from the Lobos anchorage,
where islands, reefs and the shore of the mainland combined to form
a deep and capacious harbor; and about noon on the second of March
the steamer _Massachusetts_ plowed through the fleet, dashing the
spray from her bows, and set off in that direction. A blue flag with a
red centre waving at her main-truck indicated that Scott was aboard,
and when the noble figure of the commander-in-chief, standing with
uncovered head on the deck, was observed, peal after peal of cheers
resounded from ship to ship. The clanking of anchor chains followed
them; the sailors broke into their hearty songs; the sails filled
gracefully; and the fleet stood away.[22.3]

For two days its progress was not fast, but then a norther set in.
Like a panorama, peak after peak on the lofty sky line passed rapidly
astern; and finally Orizaba, the "mountain of the star," upreared its
head superbly more than three miles above sea level not far inland.
Then came Green Island, where the _Albany_ and _Potomac_ were on hand
to give any needful assistance,[22.2] and the _John Adams_ showed her
black teeth to lurking blockade-runners; while in the distance the
frowning bastions of Ulúa "castle" could be made out, and the sixteen
domes of Vera Cruz appeared to be promenading along her white wall.
Pitching and rolling on the huge billows of inky water, with foam
leaping high over their bows, the transports threaded their way swiftly
between the tumbling and roaring piles of surf that marked the reefs,
and finally, on March 5, the swallow-tail pennant of Commodore Conner
and the flags of the American squadron were seen off Antón Lizardo.
Cheers followed cheers as the transports dropped anchor one after
another; and when the sun went down in a blaze of glory behind Orizaba,
the spirits of the men, stimulated by so many novel, beautiful and
thrilling scenes, by the approach of combat and the expectation of
triumph, reached the very culmination of military enthusiasm. It was a
good beginning--except that Scott arrived a month late, and the yellow
fever usually came on time.[22.3]

[VERA CRUZ]

"Heroic" Vera Cruz, the city of the "True Cross," was in form an
irregular hexagon, with a perimeter some two miles in length, closely
packed with rather high buildings of soft, white-washed masonry.
Although famous as the charnel house of Europeans, it was a rather
pleasant place for those who could endure the climate. The little
alameda, across which many a dandy strutted every day in tight linen
trousers, a close blue jacket, gilt buttons and a red sash, and many a
pretty woman tottered coquettishly in pink slippers, was charming. The
curtained balconies gave one a hint now and then of ladies making their
toilets and smoking their cigarettes just within; and the flat roofs,
equipped with observatories commanding the sea, were delightful resorts
in the cool of the day. Along the water front extended a massive wall,
supplemented at the northern end with Fort Concepción, at the southern
end with Fort Santiago--both of them solidly built--and, between the
two, with a mole of granite some two hundred yards in length. Landward
the defences were feeble, for it had long been assumed that any serious
attack would be made by water; but there were nine well-constructed,
though in most cases not large, bastions, and between them dilapidated
curtains of stone, brick and cement about fifteen feet high and two and
a half or three feet thick.[22.9]

Behind the town extended a plain rather more than half a mile wide;
and beyond that rose hills of light sand--enlarged editions of the
dunes that ran along the shore north and south of Vera Cruz--which
gradually increased in height until some of them, two or three miles
inland, reached an elevation of perhaps three hundred feet. Then
came dense forests, cut here and there by a road and occasionally
diversified with oases of cultivated land, richly scented by tropical
fruits and flowers. To the southwest of the city lay a series of ponds
and marshes, drained by a small stream that passed near the wall; and
this creek, supplemented by cisterns and an underground aqueduct,
provided the town with water. In the opposite direction, on a reef
named the Gallega--distant nearly three quarters of a mile from Fort
Concepción--rose the fortress of Ulúa, built of soft coral stone,
faced with granite, in the most scientific manner, and large enough
to accommodate 2500 men.[22.4] Water batteries lay wherever it seemed
possible to effect a landing, and tremendous walls, enfeebled by no
casemates, towered to a height of about sixty feet.[22.9]

At the beginning of March, 1846, Mora y Villamil, the highest engineer
officer in the Mexican army and at this time comandante general of
Vera Cruz, feared that on account of Slidell's departure the Americans
might suddenly attack him. Aided by Lieutenant Colonel Manuel Robles, a
skilful and active subordinate, he drew up detailed plans for repairing
the crumbling fortifications of the city and castle, and these were
approved by the government; but the lack of money prevented the full
execution of them. In October the captain of a British frigate warned
the new comandante general that an American attack was imminent; and
at about the same time Santa Anna, while bitterly reproaching the
government for its neglect of the town and pointing out what needed
to be done, charged him to make the "strong buildings" a second
and a third line of defence in case of attack, and then perish, if
necessary, under the ruins of the city; but again the want of funds
vetoed adequate preparations. On the other hand, unpaid soldiers paid
themselves by stealing powder and selling it.[22.9]

About the middle of November it was learned at Mexico from a New
Orleans newspaper that an expedition against Vera Cruz had been
projected, and within two months the news was confirmed. Santa Anna
heard of it, and wrote that 6000 militia should be assembled there. He
was told in reply that his demand would be met early in February; and
assurances were given to Congress that everything requisite had been
done.[22.5] By the fourth of March the comandante general, to whom the
information had been transmitted, was inditing urgent appeals for help,
and soon the appearance of Scott showed that a crisis had arrived.
In reliance on the promises of the general government, hopeful and
incessant work on the fortifications now began; but within four days
letters from the war department, conferring unlimited powers upon the
commander, admitted that on account of the Polko insurrection at the
capital no assistance could be given, and many of the people not only
left the city, but endeavored to draw their friends and relatives from
the National Guards.[22.9]

In point of fact military men had long known that Vera Cruz, as
a fortified town standing by itself, was indefensible. General
Mora admitted that it needed stronger exterior works than could be
constructed; and there was no squadron to keep Ulúa supplied with
provisions. The proper course for the comandante general was either
to strip the city of whatever Scott could use, and merely endeavor to
prevent him from advancing farther, as was privately argued by leading
members of Congress, or--for the moral effect of such an example--to
send all non-combatants away, and struggle until crushed; but neither
public sentiment nor the government would have permitted the first of
these plans, and, while the comandante had the second in mind on the
fifth of March, it was too heroic for execution.[22.9]

  [Illustration: SAN JUAN DE ULÚA]

[A FIGHTING CHANCE]

Besides, there seemed to be a fighting chance. Ulúa was much stronger
than when the French, aided by fortune, had captured it, and the
anchorage occupied by them could now be shelled. Some of the guns had
been improperly mounted; some of the carriages were old; at some of
the embrasures balls of different calibres were mixed; pieces without
projectiles could be found, and projectiles without pieces; rust had
impaired the fit of many balls; but the city and the fortress together
had probably three hundred serviceable cannon and mortars,[22.6] more
muskets than men, and plenty of ammunition. As an assault was expected,
the streets were defended with cannon and barricades, sand-bags
protected the doors and windows, loopholes without number were made in
the wall, the rather shallow but wet ditch was cleared, and although
barbed cactus made the approach of an enemy to the bastions almost
impossible, thousands of pitfalls--each with a sword, bayonet or short
pike set erect at the bottom--were dug beyond the wall, so arranged
that no one marching straight forward could well avoid them.[22.9]

Juan Soto, the governor of the state, was indefatigable, and as the
state militia numbered about 20,000, it seemed reasonable to count
upon succor. Giffard, the British consul, expected that substantial
help would come from that source. Other states were likely to furnish
aid; and the people, taught by the long inaction of the Americans off
the shore to despise them and encouraged by fictitious reports that
assistance would be rendered by the national government, felt united
and enthusiastic.[22.7] The city council offered all its resources,
and the well-to-do raised funds for a hospital by giving a theatrical
performance. The garrison, led by the brave, active and popular though
not very able Morales, now comandante general, may be estimated as at
least 1200 in Ulúa and 3800 in the city.[22.8] About half of them were
merely National Guards; but these, decorated with tricolored cockades
and red pompons, looked and felt extremely dangerous. "As God lives,"
cried one of their leaders, "either we will triumph, or all of us,
without a solitary exception, will be interred in the ruins." The
civilians remaining in town may have numbered 3000.[22.9]

Bearing in mind the necessity, not merely of taking Vera Cruz and Ulúa,
but of getting his army away from the coast before the advent of yellow
fever, and satisfied that Polk would show him no mercy in case of
ill-success, General Scott examined his problem with all possible care,
and consulted freely the officers he particularly trusted.[22.10] He
could not very prudently have left, say, 5000 men to mask or possibly
reduce Vera Cruz, as some critics insisted he should have done, and
advanced with the rest, for the essential purpose of his expedition was
to capture that place, and such a course might have been viewed by the
government as insubordinate. Besides, that policy would probably have
been regarded by the Mexicans as a sign of weakness; the possession
of the harbor and shipping facilities would evidently aid all further
operations; by holding them it would be possible to deprive the enemy
of war supplies and other necessaries; the arms, ammunition and cannon
of the Mexicans were highly valuable, especially to them; and the
American army would not have been an adequate aggressive force after
thus detaching nearly half its numbers. The obstacle before Scott had,
therefore, to be faced and overcome.[22.13]

The best method, evidently, was to reduce the town before seriously
attacking Ulúa, because that success would greatly diminish the
enemy's fire, make it possible to contract and so strengthen the
American line, and somewhat facilitate the transportation of supplies.
Such had been the General's plan from the first. Officers eager for
distinction recommended an assault, and Scott well knew that a quick,
brilliant stroke would best win him fame and popularity.[22.11] But he
understood equally well that an assault, necessarily made at night,
would entail a heavy loss of his best men--enough, perhaps, to prevent
his advancing farther and escaping the pestilence--besides involving a
great slaughter of both combatants and non-combatants in the town. On
the other hand, as the British consul and the British naval commander
agreed, there was not enough time before the yellow fever season to
warrant relying upon starvation alone.[22.12] Siege and bombardment
were therefore indicated, and Scott promptly decided upon that plan as
combining, better than any other, humanity with effectiveness.[22.13]

[THE DEBARKATION]

The initial step was to select a point for debarking; and Conner, whom
Scott had requested in December to study this problem, had already
fixed upon the beach of Mocambo Bay, two and a half or three miles
southeast of Vera Cruz, which was somewhat sheltered from northers and
could be swept by the guns of the fleet. Sacrificios Island, a strip
of sand representing a large reef, was just off shore, too, forming an
anchorage here. Accordingly Scott, with Conner, the principal generals,
Robert E. Lee, P. G. T. Beauregard and other officers, went up in the
little steamer _Petrita_, reconnoitred the spot, and then--probably to
deceive the Mexicans regarding his intentions--ran within a mile and
a half of Ulúa, where he was almost sunk by the gunners.[22.14] His
judgment agreed with the Commodore's, and orders were given to land
on the eighth. But when that morning came, signs of a norther showed
themselves. The glass fell. The heat became stifling. A southerly
wind loaded with moisture blew, and the summit of Orizaba, clad in
the azure hue of the poet, stood sharply forth; hence the orders were
countermanded.[22.17]

  [Illustration: SIEGE OF VERA CRUZ GENERAL PLAN]

The signs failed, however, and the extra day was available for the last
preparations. A detailed plan of debarkation had been drawn up and
announced while the army was at Lobos Islands, but certain difficulties
had not been anticipated. The ten large transports in ballast had not
come, and to land from a great number of small vessels at Sacrificios,
where there was little room and foreign warships occupied all the safe
anchorage, appeared imprudent. Conner, therefore, offered to transport
the army on larger, better and more ably handled vessels belonging to
the squadron, and Scott's wise acceptance of the proposal involved
extensive readjustments.[22.17]

These, however, were skilfully arranged, and when the dawn of March
9 announced a perfect day, a scene of the greatest activity began.
Signals fluttered to mastheads. In clarion tones officers issued their
orders. Despatch boats dashed here and there. Sailors and soldiers
roared their favorite airs. Fully half of the 10,000 and more troops
were placed on the frigates _Raritan_ and _Potomac_, and most of the
others on smaller vessels of the squadron. At about eleven o'clock the
order to sail was given. Amid thunderous cheers the _Massachusetts_
plunged through the fleet, and took its place in the lead with Conner's
flagship. A gentle breeze from the southeast filled the sails; and the
war vessels and transports were off. After a smooth voyage they began
to arrive near Sacrificios at about one o'clock, and in close quarters,
but without mishaps or even the least confusion, each dropped anchor
in its allotted space.[22.15] The yards and rigging of the foreign
war vessels were black with men, and ladies, armed with glasses and
parasols, gazed impatiently from the deck of the British packet.[22.17]

Without the loss of a moment three signal flags rose to the main-truck
of the _Massachusetts_, and the work of landing Worth's brigade of
regulars began. The double-shotted cannon of the squadron were brought
to bear on the shore. Seven gunboats drawing eight feet or less formed
a line within good grape range of the beach, and cleared for action.
About sixty-five surf-boats, which had been towed from Antón Lizardo
by steamers, were rowed by naval crews to the vessels carrying
troops--each having a definite assignment--and after receiving from
fifty to eighty soldiers apiece, making up the whole of the brigade,
attached themselves in two long lines to the quarters of the steamer
_Princeton_, which had now anchored about 450 yards from the shore.
This process consumed several hours, and it was hardly ended when a
shell whizzed over them. "Now we shall catch it," thought the soldiers,
for rumors of opposition had been heard, two or three hundred cavalry
could be seen, and artillery was supposed to be lurking behind the
dunes.[22.17]

The flash of a signal gun shot now from the _Massachusetts_; the
surf-boats cut loose, faced the shore abreast in the order of battle,
and struck out for land; and a cheer burst from every American throat.
Great Orizaba cast aside its veil of haze, and stood out against the
setting sun. Not a cloud flecked the sky; not a ripple marred the
burnished water. Ulúa and Vera Cruz thundered loudly, though in vain.
National airs rolled from our squadron. Shells from the gunboats
broke up the Mexican cavalry and searched the dunes. The oars of
the straining sailors flashed. Muskets--not loaded but with fixed
bayonets--glittered. Regimental colors floated at the stern of each
boat. Suddenly one of the boats darted ahead and grounded on a bar
about a hundred yards from the shore. Out leaped Worth; his officers
followed him; and the whole brigade were instantly in the breaking
ground-swell, holding aloft their muskets and cartridge-boxes.[22.17]

Here was the chance of the enemy, for our vessels could not fire
without endangering Americans; but no enemy was to be seen.[22.16] Led
by their color-bearers the regulars quickly splashed ashore, formed
in a moment, charged to the crest of the first dune, planted their
standards and burst into cheers; the men on the ships, tongue-tied for
some time by an excitement and anxiety that made their brains reel,
answered with huzza after huzza till they made the bay "seem peopled
with victorious armies," wrote one of the soldiers, and the strains
of "Star-Spangled Banner" broke from the bands. Less formally, but
rapidly and in order, the boats went back for the troops of Patterson
and Twiggs; and by midnight, without having met with a single accident,
more than 10,000 men, duly guarded by sentries, were eating their
biscuit and pork on the sand or preparing to bivouac.[22.17]

[VERA CRUZ INVESTED]

During the night Mexicans in the rear did some shooting but without
effect, and the process of investment began. Diverting attention from
this by having a gunboat, sheltered about a mile from the city behind
Point Hornos, throw shot and shell into Vera Cruz for a couple of hours
the next forenoon, Scott had Pillow's brigade capture the hill of
Malibrán behind Worth's camp, and push on toward the rear of the city.
Quitman then passed it; Shields passed Quitman, and Twiggs passed him.
Wallowing up and down the slopes of deep sand in a sultry heat without
water to drink proved to be extremely hard work; and breaking through
the valleys, where a matted growth of chaparral--armed with thorns as
keen as needles and stiff as bayonets--resisted everything but sharp
steel, was harder yet. Day and night Mexican irregulars, both infantry
and horse, and cannon salutes from the city and the castle embarrassed
operations, and there were many brisk skirmishes. Moreover the landing
had scarcely been made when a norther set in, covering the men with
sand, blowing away old hilltops and building up new ones. But not long
after noon on March 13 Twiggs reached the Gulf north of the city. The
next morning a well-supported detachment from each brigade advanced as
far as it could find cover, driving the Mexican outposts before it; and
by night these detachments were only about seven hundred yards from the
town.[22.21]

The American position as a whole, known as Camp Washington, was now a
semi-circular line about seven miles long. There were gaps, but these
were rapidly closed with strong pickets. The railway and the roads were
all occupied; the visible water supply of the city was cut off; and
on March 16 Scott announced that nothing less than a small army could
break through. Meantime, whenever the weather permitted, artillery,
stores, horses and provisions were landed in the most systematic
manner. Safeguards were issued to the representatives of foreign powers
at Vera Cruz, and in a letter of March 13 to the Spanish consul[22.18]
Scott indicated plainly that "bombardment or cannonade, or assault, or
all" of these might be expected by the citizens.[22.21]

The time to plant artillery had now arrived, and the ideal spot
was found on the sixteenth; but after a battery had been laid out
there, access to it proved to be dangerously exposed. Two days later,
however, a fairly good point was discovered, near the cemetery and
Worth's position, about half a mile south of the town, which screened
it somewhat from the castle; and preparations to establish two mortar
batteries there, about one hundred yards apart, began the following
night. At the same time a deep road, wide enough to admit a six-mule
team, was under construction.[22.21]

  [Illustration: SIEGE OF VERA CRUZ AMERICAN BATTERIES]

Most of this labor had to be done at night, and the utmost possible
silence observed. As the transports lay a mile off shore, while the
only wharf was an open beach, and a norther blew violently from the
twelfth to the sixteenth, the work of landing ordnance and ordnance
stores proceeded slowly. Fortunately the work on the batteries was not
discovered; but the fire of Paixhan guns and heavy mortars from the
city and castle, though irregular and singularly unfruitful despite
the undeniable skill of the gunners,[22.19] compelled the Americans
to adopt extreme precautions. Nor were these embarrassments the only
ones. Notwithstanding seasonable orders, only fifteen carts and about
a hundred draught horses had arrived. Not more than one fifth of the
ordnance requisitioned by Scott about the middle of November and due
at the Brazos--he now reminded Marcy--by January 15, had yet appeared.
A great many artillery and cavalry horses had been drowned, injured or
delayed; and there was a shortage of almost every requisite for siege
operations.[22.20] But the army and the navy coöperated zealously;
soldiers took the places of draught animals; and in spite of every
difficulty three batteries, mounting seven 10-inch mortars, were in
readiness by two o'clock on the afternoon of the twenty-second, and the
soldiers felt eager to hear what they called the "sweet music" of these
"faithful bull-dogs."[22.21]

[THE BOMBARDMENT]

At this hour, therefore, Scott formally summoned the town, intimating
that both assault and bombardment were to be apprehended. The reply
was a refusal to surrender; and at a quarter past four, accompanied by
a deafening chorus of joyous, frantic shouts and yells, the American
batteries opened, while the "mosquito fleet" of two small steamers and
five gunboats,[22.22] each armed with a single heavy cannon, stationed
themselves behind Point Hornos, and fired briskly.[22.24]

Like "hungry lions in search of prey," a soldier thought, the shells
from the mortars flew "howling" to their mark. With heavier metal and
vastly more of it, Vera Cruz and the castle replied. The city wall
blazed like a sheet of fire. Shot, shell and rockets came forth in a
deluge, it seemed to the men; and the two columns of smoke, rolling
and whirling, mounted high and collided as if striving to outflank and
conquer each other. Still more terrible was the scene at night. A spurt
of red fire; a fierce roar; a shell with an ignited fuse mounting high,
pausing, turning, and then--more and more swiftly--dropping; the crash
of a roof; a terrific explosion that shook the earth; screams, wailing
and yells--all this could be distinctly seen or heard from the American
lines. During the twenty-third and the following night the fire still
raged, but on the American side more slowly, for although ten mortars
were now at work, a norther interrupted the supply of ammunition.[22.24]

But while the bombardment made an interesting spectacle, as a military
operation it was proving unsatisfactory. The ordnance thus far received
by Scott was inadequate for the reduction of the city--to say nothing
of Ulúa. With mortars, especially as the distances could not be
ascertained precisely, it was impossible to be sure of hitting the
bastions and forts. Shells could be thrown into the town, but while the
houses suffered much, the fortifications and garrison escaped vital
damage, and there was no sign of yielding. Not a few in the American
army, who had supposed that a fortified city could be taken at sight
like a mint julep, grew impatient; the officers eager for assault
fumed; Worth, proud of his quick work at Monterey, sneered; Twiggs
grunted. As an army man Scott naturally desired that branch of the
service to reap all the glory of its campaign, but he now found himself
compelled to ask for naval guns heavy enough to breach the wall, and
make an assault practicable; and when Perry, who had taken Conner's
place on the twenty-first, insisted that men from the squadron should
work them, he consented.[22.24]

The new battery, constructed by Robert E. Lee and mounting three long
32's for solid shot and three 68's for shells, was planted just behind
the bushy crest of a slight eminence, only some 800 yards from the city
wall, where the enemy did not suppose that such an enterprise would be
ventured; and until the guns were about ready to be unmasked on the
morning of the twenty-fourth, its existence was not suspected.[22.23]
Here were instruments of power and precision, and they told. The
Mexicans concentrated upon them a terrific fire, but with no serious
effect; and when on the next morning a battery consisting of four
24-pounders and two 8-inch howitzers joined the infernal chorus, the
fire, though hindered occasionally by the tardiness of ammunition,
was "awful," said Scott and Lee, while the city appeared like one
dense thunder-cloud, red with flashes and quivering with incessant
roars.[22.24]

That night the batteries played still more fiercely. Sometimes four or
five shells were sizzling through the air at once. The fire, said an
officer, was now "perfectly terrific"; and to heighten the wildness
of the scene, many vessels could be observed by the light of the
moon going ashore in the norther. About thirty were wrecked by this
one gale, and others had to cut away their masts. In the meantime
preparations for assaulting both by land and by water, should an
assault prove to be necessary, were actively pressed.[22.24]

[THE SITUATION IN VERA CRUZ]

In town, during the early period of these operations, the enthusiasm
continued to run high, for the cautious and faint-hearted had gone
away, and the reports of the irregulars, constantly skirmishing against
the Americans, were colored to suit the popular taste. Work on the
fortifications proceeded, and fresh cartridges for the artillery were
made with feverish haste. Bands played; the gunners amused themselves
by firing at small and far distant groups among the sand-hills; and at
night fireballs and rockets lighted up the plain in anticipation of the
hoped-for assault. When the investment was completed, when the American
outposts drew near the town, and especially when it became known that
preparations for a bombardment were under way, the people grew more
serious; but it was expected that forces from without would break the
line, or at least prevent the construction of batteries.[22.26]

A painful disappointment followed, however. Soto made great efforts to
collect the tax levied by the state; but the citizens, impoverished
by the long blockade, had no money, and without cash troops could not
be fed. In spite of many hopes the fluctuating bands under Colonel
Senobio, the chief leader of the irregulars in the vicinity, do not
seem to have risen at any time far above 1000, and perhaps never
reached that number. In vain Soto appealed for an able general and a
nucleus of regulars. They were not within reach, and the few pieces of
artillery could not be moved. The states of Puebla and Oaxaca tried to
help, but were tardy and inefficient.[22.26]

Men from the upper country dreaded the yellow fever; and those of
the coast, volatile by nature, ignorant of real warfare, without
organization, training or discipline, were astonished and confounded
when they struck the solid American line. They pecked at it
continually, but Morales himself could see that no skill, concert or
strength marked their efforts. Discouragement and wholesale desertion
followed. The city, therefore, could not obtain provisions by land;
and as most of the seamen alongshore fled to the mountains, and boat
communication became more and more difficult, it was realized that
supplies from the interior were out of the question. After March 20 the
troops could be given little or no meat; but soldiers were detailed to
fish the prolific waters under the guns of Ulúa, and no doubt beans and
tortillas, the staple food of the common people, continued to be fairly
plentiful.[22.26]

The opening of the bombardment, however, precipitated a crisis, and as
our fire grew more and more intense, the consternation and suffering
increased. Crashing roofs; burning houses; flying pavements; doors,
windows and furniture blocking the streets; a pandemonium of confused
and frightful sounds; bells ringing without hands; awful explosions;
domes and steeples threatening to fall; the earth quaking; crowds of
screaming women, who rushed hither and thither; terrible wounds and
sudden deaths--all these were new and overwhelming scenes.[22.25]
Only one bakery escaped destruction, as it happened, and the children
cried in vain for bread; the priests would not leave their shelter to
comfort and absolve; and finally the very instinct of self-preservation
was lost in a stupid despair more dreadful to witness than death
itself.[22.26]

The troops in the southwestern section, under our heaviest fire, became
terror-stricken. In other quarters men left the ranks to look after
families and friends; and when a murky dawn ended the terrible night
of the twenty-fifth, demoralization was rife. People wandered about
the streets crying for surrender. Always passionate, they now hated
their own government for deserting them. The consuls went out under a
flag of truce, but Scott refused to see them, sending them word--it
was reported--that any persons leaving the city would be fired upon,
and that unless it should surrender in the meantime, new as well as
the old batteries would open the next morning. This fact overwhelmed
the people; and the prospect of being exterminated at leisure by
an enemy who could not be injured, beat down their last thought of
resistance.[22.26]

Consul Giffard had predicted that any plausible excuse for surrender
would be turned to good account. Supplies were now said to be failing,
and in the course of this dreadful night an informal meeting of
officers agreed upon capitulation. Naturally the idea gave offence
to many, and there was talk of opening a way through the American
line with the sword. But a council of war soon decided to negotiate;
commissioners were appointed; and Scott, who was invited to take
similar action, did so. The six men came together on the afternoon of
the twenty-sixth, but could not agree; and the Mexicans returned to the
city, leaving behind them a proposition.[22.29]

[THE SURRENDER OF VERA CRUZ]

Worth, who was our chief representative, believed the negotiations
were simply a waste of time, and favored an immediate assault; but
Scott saw that the Mexicans, while trying to save appearances, really
meant surrender, and the next morning granted with certain vital
modifications their terms.[22.27] His demands were accepted, and it was
thus agreed in substance that Landero, to whom the command had been
turned over, should march his army out with all the honors of war,
the troops be paroled, and the armament--so far as not destroyed in
the course of the war--be disposed of by the treaty of peace. It was
further agreed that all the Mexican sick should remain in town under
Mexican care, private property be respected, and religious rights be
held sacred.[22.29]

It was a "shameful surrender," declared Santa Anna, and from a military
point of view this could hardly be denied. Ulúa had practically not
been touched; it had a considerable supply of provisions, and there was
a chance of obtaining more from blockade-runners. Vera Cruz was in a
harder yet not in a desperate plight. Men of importance there, knowing
the city would be denounced for surrendering, naturally endeavored
to prove that it had suffered terribly and exhausted its resources
before yielding; and the principal neutrals--friendly toward them,
engaged mostly in trade, and more willing to have life sacrificed than
property--raised an outcry against the proceedings of Scott that became
a fierce indictment in Europe and the United States. But the British
naval commander, though not inclined to favor the General, reported
that the casualties in the city were only eighty soldiers killed or
wounded, about one hundred old men, women and children killed, and an
unknown number injured, and that its food supply, while no doubt less
delicate and varied than could have been desired, would have lasted
beyond the middle of April; and there is considerable evidence that his
figures were approximately correct.[22.28] Ammunition did not fail, nor
did water.[22.29]

The surrender was really due therefore to the moral effect of
Scott's artillery. Even Giffard, who termed his operations cruel
and unnecessary, admitted this; and, bearing in mind the General's
obligations to obey his government and save the lives of his men, the
inevitable horrors of an assault by night, and the serious danger that
a reliance upon starvation as the sole means of reducing the city
would have given time for Santa Anna's regulars and the yellow fever to
arrive, one concludes again and finally that Scott's method was humane
and wise.[22.29]

Owing to inequalities of the ground, the character of the soil, great
skill on the part of our engineers, incessant care and remarkable good
fortune, the total losses caused by 6267 Mexican shot, 8486 shells and
all the bullets of the irregulars were only about nineteen killed and
sixty-three wounded. The siege was not exactly a _fête champêtre_,
however. It was tiresome to be awakened at night so often by Mexican
skirmishers, disagreeable to be routed out by the diabolical screech of
a heavy shell, and quite annoying to have one of the "big dinner-pots,"
as the soldiers called them, explode close by. Saturating dews,
abominable drinking water, scanty and bad rations, howling wolves,
lizards in one's boot, "jiggers" that made the feet itch incessantly,
fleas that even a sleeping-bag could not discourage, and sand-flies
nearly as voracious, were minor but real afflictions. When a norther
began, the whole aspect of nature seemed to change. The sky became
a pall, the atmosphere a winding-sheet, the wind a scourge; and the
roaring, chilling blast filled one's ears, eyes, mouth and even pores
with biting grit, cut the tents into ribbons, and sometimes buried
their sleeping inmates.[22.30] To escape from the Mexican shot sentries
often had to burrow in the sand, and under the tropical sun they
learned to appreciate the power of the old brick oven. When carrying
provisions or dragging cannon, amidst hills that blazed like the
mirrors of Archimedes at Syracuse, men often dropped.[22.31]

On the other hand, besides the initial high spirits, which helped
immensely, and the excitement and comradeship that knocked off the
edge of hardships, there were special sources of cheer--particularly
the "blue-shirts," as the seamen were called. When turning out in the
face of an icy sand-blast sharp enough to cut granite, it was something
to hear a salty voice give the order, "Form line of battle on the
starboard tack!" But sailors on shore leave, who burst from their long
confinement like birds let loose, and "cruised" in the environs with
perfect abandon, were better yet. Their sport with the wild monkeys
was truly edifying, and their delight over the burro would have set
Diogenes laughing. Sometimes they rode him, and sometimes they carried
him. Planted in the Mexican style just forward of the creature's
tail, they felt that at last they were riding the quarter-deck, and
commanding a snug vessel of their own. Above all they enjoyed "mooring
ship." This congenial manoeuvre was achieved by taking aboard for
"anchor" a heavy block of wood, previously attached to the donkey's
neck with a long rope, then racing at full speed, heaving the "anchor,"
paying out the cable, and bringing up in a heap on the sand--the donkey
on top, very likely.[22.31]

Not less cheering and a little more military was the news, which
arrived by the fifteenth of March, that "Old Wooden-leg's" army had
been "licked up like salt" at Buena Vista. And still another comfort
was to gaze from a safely remote hill at Vera Cruz, which looked--the
soldiers agreed--so oriental, with airy palm trees visible over the
white wall, hundreds of buzzards floating in wide circles far above,
the dark bulwarks of Ulúa set in waves of purple and gold on the left,
a forest of American spars and masts on the right, piercing the misty
splendor of the yellow beach, the bright sails of fishing boats in the
middle distance, and the vast, blue, cool Gulf beyond it all. How the
panting soldiers gloated on the prospect of taking possession![22.31]

[VERA CRUZ OCCUPIED]

And on March 29 they did so. The day was enchantingly summerlike; a
delightful southeast breeze came over the water; and the domes of Vera
Cruz were gilded with splendid sunshine. In a green meadow, shaded with
cocoanut palms, a little way south of the town, Worth's brigade was
drawn up in a dingy line, and a dingy line of volunteers, about seventy
yards distant, faced it. At one end of the intervening space, near
the city wall, stood sailors and marines. The American dragoons and a
battery were opposite them, and a white flag waved at the centre. A
little before noon the Mexican troops, in their best uniforms of blue,
white and red, marched out of the gate, formed by company front with a
band at the head of each regiment, advanced to the flag, and stacked
arms. A few slammed or even broke their muskets; many kissed their
hands to the city; and a standard bearer, who had removed his flag from
the staff and secreted it in his bosom, wept for joy when permitted to
keep it. But most of the men seemed in fairly good spirits, and as a
rule the much-decorated officers, who retained their swords, produced a
fine impression.[22.32]

As the rear of the column left the gate, the Mexican banner on Fort
Santiago, after receiving a last salute from the guns of the city
and castle, was lowered; and then issued forth a crowd of men, women
and children, loaded with fiddles, guitars, parrots, monkeys, dogs,
game-cocks, toys and household utensils, that was enough to destroy any
funereal sentiments which otherwise might have been felt. Even by the
Mexican accounts, not a word or look of triumph, not even a note of
authority, was chargeable to the victors; and Worth, who received the
column, proffered a thousand courtesies. General Scott, the so-called
"vain-glorious," remained in the background; but he sent a note
excusing from their parole about forty officers, whom he expected to
aid him at the capital as in effect advocates of peace.[22.32]

Amid cheers and the waving of caps, American flags then rose on the
forts, greeted by hundreds of salutes from sea and shore. It seemed,
wrote a soldier, as if there were nothing in the world but cannon, and
all the cannon thundering; and the glory of the Stars and Stripes,
gleaming amidst the smoke, gave a new significance to the emblem of
patriotism. With his bands playing favorite American airs, Worth's
brigade now marched into the town; and later Scott, with his staff and
a brilliant escort, followed it. Perry took formal possession of Ulúa;
and the disbanded Mexican troops that resided elsewhere scattered to
their homes, preparing the people for submission wherever they went by
tales of American invincibility, and teaching them by every sort of
outrage to welcome American rule.[22.32]




XXIII

CERRO GORDO

April, 1847


I believe it would be many months after the capture of Vera Cruz and
the fortress of Ulúa, said Minister Pakenham in substance at the end
of January, 1847, before an army strong enough to advance any distance
into the interior could be collected there, and meantime the climate
would be "frightfully destructive." Heat, fatigue, differences in
food, and the yellow fever will cause heavy losses, wrote Bermúdez de
Castro, the Spanish minister at Mexico in March, and the road to the
capital passes so many centres of population and so many fine military
positions, that without great labor and preparations an invading force
can be destroyed. Two men better qualified to express opinions on the
matter could scarcely have been found; but without hesitation the
"scientific and visionary" Scott addressed himself to the task. Had the
requisitions duly made by him in November been complied with, he might
by this time, at a trifling cost in lives, have been standing on the
great plateau, and quite possibly within the capital; but now, with
only two thirds of the desired troops[23.1] and an insufficient supply
of many other essentials, he fearlessly girded up his loins.[23.5]

Stores were expeditiously landed. The First Infantry and two
independent volunteer companies received orders to garrison the town
and the fortress. It was arranged to minimize the danger of yellow
fever by keeping the Americans at the water-front as much as possible
and cleaning the city. The military department of Vera Cruz, extending
fifty miles inland, was created. Foreign merchants, under the threat
of a six per cent duty on exported gold and silver, supplied funds by
cashing official drafts on the United States at par. "One more appeal
... to the ninety-seven honorable men, against, perhaps, the three
miscreants in every hundred," urging them to coöperate actively in
preventing even trivial outrages, was issued; and the people of the
region were addressed[23.2] in a proclamation.[23.5]

"Mexicans," said Scott, I am advancing at the head of a powerful army,
which is soon to be doubled, and another army of ours is advancing
in the north. "Americans are not your enemies," however, but only
the enemies of those who misgoverned you, and brought about this
unnatural war. To the peaceable inhabitants and to your church, which
is respected by the government, laws and people in all parts of our
country, we are friends. Everything possible will be done to prevent
or punish outrages against you; and on the other hand any citizen, not
belonging to the regular forces, who undertakes to injure us will be
severely chastised. "Let, then, all good Mexicans remain at home, or
at their peaceful occupations." Let them also furnish supplies, for
all who do so will be paid in cash and protected. If such a course
be followed, the war may soon end honorably for both sides; and the
Americans, "having converted enemies into friends," will return
home.[23.5]

The problem of transportation, however, caused the General a great
deal of trouble. As early as the beginning of February notice of
his probable needs had been given by him to the quartermaster's
department, and presumably steps had been taken to meet them; but the
loss of animals on board the ships during storms or by the wrecking
of transports had upset all calculations.[23.3] For wagons especially
he was dependent upon the United States. At least eight hundred were
needed, and up to April 5 only one hundred and eighty had arrived,
though three hundred more were known to be on the way. Four or five
thousand mules were required for wagons, two or three thousand for
pack-saddles, and about four hundred mules or horses for the siege
train; and by the same date less than 1100 had been obtained. An
expedition to the village of La Antigua[23.4] on the north shore met
with little success in this regard, and a more important one, to the
rich country on the upper Alvarado River,[23.4] which was supposed
to abound in horses and mules, produced but very disappointing
results.[23.5]

In the opinion of Scott, however, the district near Jalapa, a beautiful
city about seventy-four miles inland, was likely to prove more
satisfactory. From Beach's friend, Mrs. Storms, who had presented
herself to him on March 20, he seems to have learned that friendly
sentiments were entertained there. No serious opposition below that
point and even for some distance beyond it seemed to him probable;
and hence on April 8, although his means for equipping a road train
were but a quarter of what he desired, and only an inadequate siege
train could be moved, the second division of regulars, commanded by
Brigadier General Twiggs, marched for Jalapa, which was also the
first point where large quantities of subsistence and forage could be
obtained.[23.5]

  [Illustration: VERA CRUZ TO PEROTE]

[MEXICAN DEFENSIVE PLANS]

Measures to defend the route had been set on foot by Mexico in good
season.[23.6] From the lofty plateau of the interior the national
highway--which it was evident that an American army would have to
follow on account of its artillery--wound through mountains to
sea level, presenting, according to the minister of war, "almost
insuperable obstacles against any audacious invader." Not far above
Jalapa the village of Las Vigas marked a spot of military value, and
the narrow, rugged pass at La Hoya, though it could be turned without
much difficulty, afforded an excellent opportunity to stop a weak force
or delay a strong one, while below that city Corral Falso, Cerro
Gordo, Plan del Río and the national bridge (_puente nacional_) were
fine points. As early as October 11, 1846, an order to fortify several
of these positions was issued. Some gangs of laborers assembled, a
little preparatory clearing of the ground was done, a few cannon were
moved about; but energy, money, supplies, appliances and engineering
skill fell indefinitely short of the requirements, and up to the
twentieth of March, 1847, nothing substantial was accomplished.[23.9]

  [Illustration: CONTOUR LINES NEAR CERRO GORDO. The difference
of elevation between two lines is fifty metres.]

That day Santa Anna arrived near the capital on his return from the
north, and, although he expected Vera Cruz to delay the Americans much
longer than it did, he seems to have taken the southern danger into
consideration at once. Disputes between the generals had sprung up. As
a result La Vega was given the district from Vera Cruz to Corral Falso,
General Gregorio Gómez that extending from Corral Falso to Las Vigas,
and General Gaona a jurisdiction above this; and each was ordered to
fortify his best points and raise as many troops as he could. Over all
of these officers was then placed General Canalizo, a little man with a
big tongue, as commander-in-chief of the eastern division. The forces
under Senobio and other chiefs were to be gathered, "regularized" and
trained. The troops--a cavalry brigade, two brigades of infantry and a
force of artillery--that had followed the President from La Angostura
were ordered to march toward Vera Cruz by the shortest route, a brigade
under Rangel to proceed from the capital in the same direction, and
2000 National Guards, from Puebla to join those corps; and General
Mora, who now commanded the Army of the North, was instructed to send
his bronze 16-pounders to Jalapa with all possible speed.[23.7] Every
effective engineer then at the capital received similar marching
orders, and attention was given to the need of ammunition, wagons,
mules and other necessaries. At the same time instructions were issued
to block the route _via_ Orizaba at Chiquihuite, a naturally strong
position below that city.[23.9]

Late on March 30 news that Vera Cruz had fallen reached the capital.
At once the government expelled Black, the American consul residing
at Mexico, and issued a circular calling upon all citizens to forget
rancor and dissension, offer their lives and fortunes, and stand
unitedly behind the President. "Mexicans," exclaimed Santa Anna, "do
not hesitate between death and slavery.... Awake! A sepulchre opens at
your feet; let it at least be covered with laurels!" and he adjured
Canalizo in the name of the country to fortify Corral Falso and Cerro
Gordo, and above all to defend the national bridge "in all possible
ways and at all costs" in order to give time for troops to concentrate
above it. With Senobio's forces and the militia--amounting, said
this letter, to more than 2000 men--and aided by the topography of
the ground, itself "equal in value to an army," the enemy could be
detained, the President assured him; and he was authorized to shoot
every deserter and every coward. At the same time Governor Soto was
directed to proclaim martial law, call out all the fit men between the
ages of fifteen and fifty years, and aid Canalizo in every possible
way. Then, after transferring the executive power to General Anaya, the
substitute President, Santa Anna left the capital on April 2. As he
went down the steps of the palace to his waiting carriage, he and the
onlookers felt sad presentiments they could not hide. Even his enemies
had tears in their eyes, and it seemed to every one like a final
good-by.[23.9]

[SANTA ANNA AT THE FRONT]

On the way gloomy reports met him. Soto wrote that while all in his
power had been done, the fate of Vera Cruz had smitten the people
with terror, and the resources of the state were far from adequate.
Canalizo wrote no more hopefully. Efforts had been made to rouse the
spirit of the public.[23.8] Under penalty of death all intercourse
with the Americans had been prohibited, and under the same threat all
citizens had been ordered to place beyond the invader's reach whatever
could be of service to him. But the outlook was dark. Although a good
engineer had been at the national bridge for a week, work on the
fortifications had scarcely begun; eight hundred out of a thousand men
had fled panic-stricken on learning of Scott's triumph at Vera Cruz,
there was little ammunition or money, and the bridge could not be held.
In view of Santa Anna's adjuration Canalizo promised to make another
effort, but he soon ordered La Vega to abandon the position. The light
fortifications recently built were demolished, and as wagons to carry
the guns away could not be obtained, they were spiked and pitched into
a ravine.[23.9]

Observing at La Hoya that virtually nothing had been done, Santa
Anna ordered Engineer Cano to fortify the pass, and then went on to
his great hacienda of El Encero, eight miles below Jalapa, where he
arrived on the fifth. Two days later, in company with Lieutenant
Colonel Robles, he passed Corral Falso, five miles farther down the
highway, and the hamlet of Cerro Gordo, nearly five miles beyond that,
and finally, making a steep and circuitous descent, he came to Plan
del Río, about five miles from the hamlet. Near the first of these
three positions the highway passed through a narrow, craggy defile,
that could not be turned; but Santa Anna decided to make a stand at
the second, because according to the country people and the traditions
of both the Spanish régime and the revolutionary war, it was equally
unassailable on the flanks, and holding it would force the Americans to
remain within reach of the yellow fever, which ceased to be terrible
just above Plan del Río.[23.14]

[CERRO GORDO]

Very little work had been done at Cerro Gordo, but the position seemed
admirable. About half a mile below the hamlet the descending highway
entered a ravine, which rapidly deepened. On the left of this rose a
hill named El Telégrafo, which, though low and easily ascended from
the direction of the hamlet, was five or six hundred feet high on the
opposite side and extremely steep. To the right of the ravine the
grade of the hamlet continued for more than a mile, ending finally in
three tongues, just south of which the plateau was cut, approximately
east and west, by a precipitous canyon of rock more than five hundred
feet deep, the channel of a small stream called the Río del Plan. The
tongues, which may be designated from south to north as _A_, _B_ and
_C_, were parallel to the highway and more or less fully commanded
it.[23.10] Near the head of the ravine, at a spot that may be called
_D_, a road branched off from the highway toward the tongues, and there
was a low eminence, _E_, in this vicinity.[23.14]

  [Illustration: BATTLE OF CERRO GORDO GENERAL PLAN]

Believing that Scott could advance with artillery only by the highway,
Santa Anna gave his chief attention to this part of the terrain, and
recalling Cano and his men from La Hoya, he sent them to assist Robles
here. At the ends of the tongues parapets were laid out, which, though
not completed, served to indicate the correct positions; and in front
of each the bushes and trees were cut down and left on the ground, so
that an assailant should be impeded and should have no screen. On _A_
General Pinzón, a mulatto of considerable ability, was placed with
about six guns and some five hundred men. At _B_, where the highway had
formerly run, there were not less than eight guns and about a thousand
troops under General Jarero. _C_ was held by Colonel Badillo with about
five pieces and nearly three hundred men.[23.11] _E_ was entrusted to
General La Vega with a reserve of some five hundred grenadiers; and
that officer had charge also of a six or seven gun battery at _D_ and
of a neighboring breastwork, parallel to the highway--which was cut at
that point--and completely dominating it, where the Sixth Regiment,
counting nine hundred bayonets, was placed. In all some 3500 men,
including the artillery, occupied this wing.[23.14]

April 17 Santa Anna transferred Robles, Cano and their laborers to
the other side of the highway. On the summit of El Telégrafo, which
commanded the entire position, there was a level space of about an
acre, and in it stood a square stone tower. Here a breastwork, some
distance back from the crest and partly enclosing the tower, was
imperfectly constructed; four 4-pounders were planted; all the bushes,
cactus and small trees within musket range on the slope were cut down
and left on the ground; and the Third Infantry, consisting of about
one hundred men, took possession of the summit. To the left and rear
of this point ran a spur, which rose to a minor crest--a broken ledge
eighteen or twenty feet high--some thirty feet lower than the summit
and about a hundred yards from it. In the rear of all these points,
close to the hamlet, lay the main camp and strong reserves of troops
and guns. To Santa Anna the position seemed impregnable. He reported
to the government that it was completely fortified, well armed with
artillery and garrisoned with 12,000 men.[23.12] News from the capital
that revolutionary movements were on foot and that something must be
accomplished to prevent the idea of peace from gaining currency, no
longer troubled him. Confiding in his army and his position he gave
free rein to his vanity, his lordliness and his exultation. Here should
the proud invaders be rolled back or here under the saffron wing of the
plague should they rot. And then let domestic foes tremble![23.14]

But a number of circumstances undermined him. The narrow camp, too
much crowded with cottages, tents, huts and market booths, became
confused even while there were no hostilities. Insects kept the troops
restive. The supply of water, brought in barrels from the Río del Plan,
was insufficient,[23.13] and many drank the crude sap of the maguey,
which made them ill. A sort of cholera set in, and exposure produced
lung troubles. Far worse, however, were the moral distempers. Some of
the troops had turned their backs to the Americans at Palo Alto, the
Resaca, Monterey and Buena Vista, while others had recently, to their
utter amazement, seen heroic Vera Cruz and mighty Ulúa, the pride of
Mexico, haul down their flags; and men of both classes represented
the enemy as invincible. Every deserter was ordered shot, and this
interference with a popular diversion gave offence.[23.14]

Looking at the shaggy hills and ravines on his left, Santa Anna
declared that a rabbit could not get through there. Perhaps not,
thought many a soldier, but the Americans are not rabbits. About seven
hundred yards in front of El Telégrafo stood a similar though somewhat
lower hill called La Atalaya, which commanded a wide expanse of the
rough country, and the engineers felt it should be fortified and
strongly held; but the President would merely station twenty-five men
there. Robles himself believed that Scott could turn the main position,
and wanted fortifications erected at the extreme left; but Santa Anna
would listen to no advice, and his cocksureness itself excited alarm.
In private, officers talked of a disaster, and even Canalizo foreboded
it. The tinder of a panic was ready.[23.14]

[TWIGGS'S ADVANCE]

Meanwhile Twiggs with two field batteries,[23.15] six 24-pounders, two
8-inch howitzers, four 10-inch mortars, and a squadron of dragoons--in
all some 2600 men--set out in the footsteps of Cortez.[23.16] Most
fortunately the troops had a stock of enthusiasm, for the beginning
of the march was terrible. After going three miles along the beach
they struck off at a right angle for six or eight on a deep, sandy
road, sometimes three or four feet below the level of the ground,
with a blazing sun overhead, not a breath of moving air, and Twiggs's
horse for a pace-maker. Many threw away everything detachable, and the
greater part of the division--at least four fifths, it was said--fell
by the way. Some died, and many others did not rejoin the command for
days. Unbroken mules and drivers ignorant of their business added to
the difficulties. The meagre facilities for transportation did not
permit even officers to have tents, and some of the scanty supplies
were lost through the breaking down of wagons.[23.19]

The next day, happily, a change took place. The column set out before
sunrise, marched more slowly, and halted occasionally; and the national
highway, no longer buried in sand, proved to be a spacious, comfortably
graded cement avenue, carried over the streams by handsome bridges
of cut stone, and flanked on both sides by the estates of Santa
Anna.[23.17] Now it penetrated a dark forest of palms, cactus, limes
and countless other trees festooned with vines, and now it crossed
rolling prairies. Here it was cut through solid rock; here it skirted
a beautiful hill, with a charming vista of leafy glades; and presently
it was clinging as if in terror to the face of a cliff. Bowers carpeted
with many soft hues and perfumed with heliotrope recalled ideas of
Eden, while marshes full of strange bloated growths, bluish-green pools
rimmed with flowers of a suspicious brilliancy, and thick clumps of
dagger plants tipped with crimson offered suggestions of a different
sort.[23.19]

Matted tangles of leafage spattered with gold, big tulipans gleaming in
the shadows like a red rose in the hair of a Spanish dancer, blossoms
like scarlet hornets that almost flew at one's eyes, and blooms like
red-hot hair-brushes, the sight of which made the scalp tingle, were
balanced with big, close masses of white throats and purple mouths, and
with banks of the greenish-white cuatismilla, discharging invisible
clouds of a fragrance that seemed to be locust blended with lily of the
valley. Trees with tops like balloons, like corkscrews and like tables,
trees drained almost dry by starry parasites that swung from their
branches, trees covered with strawberry blossoms--or what appeared to
be strawberry blossoms--that were to graduate into coffee beans, trees
bare of everything except great yellow suns, the Flower of God, that
fascinated one's gaze--these and countless other surprises followed one
another; and then would come a whole grove netted over with morning
glories in full bloom. Amid scenes like these our exhausted troops
quickly regained their spirits.[23.19]

Toward the end of the march on the eleventh, when about thirty-seven
miles from Vera Cruz, the troops crossed a branch of the Antigua, and
soon came to the river itself. In the triangular space thus bounded
rose a hill crowned with an old fort.[23.18] Here stood the national
bridge, a magnificent structure more than fifty feet high and nearly
a quarter of a mile in length, commanding romantic views of the rapid
stream winding through towering vistas of luxuriant vegetation. On
leaving the bridge the road made a sharp turn to the left at the foot
of a high and very steep bluff; and it seemed as if a battery planted
at the top of the bluff, as La Vega's had been, might stop an army
until overpowered with siege guns. But Canalizo had been wiser than
his chief, for there were fords above and below and cross-roads in the
rear, that made it possible to turn the position. So amidst a wondrous
illumination from glow-worms and fireflies, the troops made their third
camp here in peace.[23.19]

Beyond this point the influence of Canalizo could be seen. The bamboo
huts thatched with palm-leaves were all vacant and empty. Scarcely one
living creature could be seen except flitting birds. These, however,
still abounded: parrots, macaws, hawks, eagles, orioles, humming-birds,
mocking-birds, cardinals brighter than cardinals, cranes larger than
cranes, talkative chachalacas, toucans as vociferous as their bills
were huge--every color from indigo to scarlet, and every note from the
scream to the warble; and the same ocean of green still rolled its vast
billows, warmed and brightened by the same golden sun.[23.19]

At the end of this march, about thirteen miles from the national
bridge, the highway narrowed and pitched down a long, steep, winding
descent, with overhanging trees and rocks on one side and a precipice
on the other, as if making for the centre of the globe. Then it crossed
Río del Plan, and came to a small, irregular opening, where a few
scattered huts could be seen. This was Plan del Río. Views of superb
heights delighted the eye, but the hot breath of the coast could be
felt in the valley. Even the hollows between the sand-hills of Vera
Cruz were thought less pestilential. But the men lay down, and, as a
soldier wrote, covered themselves with the sky.[23.19]

In the midst of scenery like this, "Old Davy" Twiggs appeared like a
perfectly natural feature. His robust and capacious body, powerful
shoulders, bull-neck, heavy, cherry-red face, and nearly six feet
of erect stature represented physical energy at its maximum. With
bristling white hair and, when the regulations did not interfere, a
thick white beard, he seemed like a kind of snow-clad volcano, a human
Ætna, pouring forth a red-hot flood of orders and objurgations from
his crater of a mouth; and he was vastly enjoyed by the rough soldiers
even when, as they said, he "cursed them right out of their boots." In
a more strictly human aspect he made an excellent disciplinarian, and
he could get more work out of the men than anybody else in the army;
but as a warrior, while he always looked thirsty for a fight, he was
thought over-anxious to fight another day--to be, in short, a hero of
the future instead of the past; and as a general, Scott had already
said that he was not qualified "to command an army--either in the
presence, or in the absence of an enemy." His brains were, in fact,
merely what happened to be left over from the making of his spinal
cord, and the soldiers' names for him--the "Horse" and the "Bengal
Tiger"--classed him fairly as regarded intellect.[23.20]

Twiggs had been warned by Scott that a substantial army, commanded by
Santa Anna, lay in his front; lancers were encountered on April 11;
and a reconnaissance of that afternoon, made because the enemy were
said to be in force just ahead, proved that guns commanded the pass of
Cerro Gordo; yet the next morning he advanced in the usual marching
order. Nothing saved his division but the eagerness of the Mexicans.
They opened fire before he was entirely within the jaws of death, and
he managed to retreat--extricating his train with difficulty, however.
The enemy have given up and withdrawn, boasted Santa Anna, while the
Americans felt ashamed. Further reconnoitring on that day gave a still
more impressive idea of the problem ahead; but the General, as if
intoxicated by holding an independent command, ordered an assault made
at daybreak the next morning. The Volunteer Division, consisting at
present of two brigades, a field battery and a squadron of cavalry,
then arrived. Patterson, who led it, seemed, however, by no means
eager to accept the responsibility of command, and, as no confidence
whatever was felt in Pillow, the second in rank, he placed the entire
force under Twiggs on the ground of illness. Pillow and Shields, who
were thought no less willing than Twiggs to make a bid for glory at the
expense of their men, then demanded a day for rest and preparation; and
accordingly, about sunset on the thirteenth, orders for the attack were
issued.[23.20]

[DISCOURAGEMENT]

But the officers and soldiers, distrusting alike the information and
the ability of their commander, now felt extremely depressed. The
situation appeared hopeless, thought even Lieutenant U. S. Grant; and
Captain Robert E. Lee described the Mexican position as an "unscalable"
precipice on one side and "impassable" ravines on the other. It seemed,
wrote a third man, like a Gibraltar; and the idea of assailing it with
Twiggs for leader inspired the deepest alarm. Everybody not selfishly
ambitious desired to wait for the commander-in-chief; and yet Polk,
in order to justify his depreciation of Scott, said with reference to
this very situation, that our forces would be victorious "if there
was not an officer among them." Suddenly, however, the faces of the
men brooding round their bivouac fires lighted up, for news came that
Patterson, in order to veto the project of Twiggs, had assumed the
command, and ordered offensive operations to be suspended.[23.20]

Scott, whose ideas of an army differed radically from those prevalent
in Mexico, hardly believed that Santa Anna could place himself below
Jalapa at this time with as many as 4000 men, even though reports of
a larger number reached him; but he arranged to drop his work at Vera
Cruz on the first news of serious opposition, and letters from Twiggs
and Pillow, received late on April 11 led him to set out the next
day. Early on Wednesday afternoon, the 14th, he was at Plan del Río,
doffing his old straw hat as the soldiers, who doubtless realized that
in taking Vera Cruz by siege instead of assault he had spared their
lives, cheered tumultuously. Instantly chaos became order, confidence
reigned, and the jealous clashes of the commanders ended. Now something
will be done, thought the officers; the soldiers began to laugh and
whistle; and what an officer called a "hum of satisfaction" pervaded
the camp. Already the battle was half gained.[23.23]

Engineers Beauregard and Tower had by this time done some
reconnoitring, and, as indeed would have been fairly obvious to any
intelligent person, had concluded that a turning movement against the
Mexican left--toward which a trail had been found to lead--offered
the best hope. But an idea was not a plan. The reconnaissances were
far from complete, and reports upon the Mexican position and numbers
differed materially. Hence the commander-in-chief, who accepted
everything valuable done by his subordinates but never surrendered his
own judgment, decided to begin anew, and, in the hope of gaining the
highway in Santa Anna's rear and cutting off his entire army, sent
Captain Lee at once to the ravines.[23.21] Friday that indefatigable
engineer found himself in contact with the Mexican lines far to the
rear of El Telégrafo. Reconnoitring could go no farther, and the
highway toward Jalapa was not actually seen; but there were good
reasons for believing it near, and the construction of a "road" for
troops and artillery on the route discovered by Lee was pressed with
great energy. At about 9 o'clock on Friday evening all the facts and
conclusions were brought together in a plan by Major John L. Smith,
senior engineer on the ground, and in substance his plan was adopted.
Its essential point was, in accordance with Scott's announced aim, to
gain the highway in the Mexican rear first of all, and then--not until
then--attack in the rear and perhaps also on the front.[23.22] After
the adjournment of this conference the army was further cheered by
the arrival of Worth, 1600 picked men and a number of heavy guns. The
Mexican forces were estimated as 12-18,000, and Scott had only 8500;
but the bright stars of that night looked down on an army sleeping
soundly in full courage and confidence.[23.23]

[PRELIMINARY OPERATIONS]

At seven or eight o'clock the next morning Twiggs advanced. His
instructions were to avoid a collision, occupy La Atalaya, reach
the Mexican left, and rest on his arms near the highway until the
remainder of the army should be in position, and the time for acting
decisively should arrive. Accordingly, after marching about three
miles along the highway he turned off to the right by the road already
cut, ordering the men to trail arms and preserve absolute silence. At
one point the road lay for twenty-five or thirty feet in view of the
enemy, and Lee proposed to screen it with brush. But this appeared to
Twiggs quite unnecessary, and hence the Mexicans could observe not
only the troops but four mountain howitzers, four 6-pounders, and
two 12-pounders gleaming in the sun. Pinzón and also the outpost on
La Atalaya notified Santa Anna of the American movement, and strong
reinforcements were therefore despatched to that hill.[23.26]

  [Illustration: BATTLE OF CERRO GORDO CENTRAL PART OF THE FIELD]

Twiggs advanced but slowly, for the road--hewed in the roughest way
through oaks, mesquite, chaparral, cactus and the like and over almost
impassable ground--could barely answer its purpose, but about noonday
the command found itself in the vicinity of La Atalaya. Lieutenant
Gardner of the Seventh Infantry was then directed to ascend a
neighboring hill with Company E, and take an observation of the enemy.
He was attacked; upon which Colonel Harney, now commanding Twiggs's
first brigade in place of Persifor F. Smith, who was ill, sent forces
to relieve him, pursued the Mexicans to La Atalaya with the Mounted
Rifles, First Artillery and other troops, and after a stiff combat
occupied that point.[23.26]

One of the captains--for on such ground independence of action was
unavoidable--inquired of Twiggs how far to charge the enemy. "Charge
'em to hell!" roared the Bengal Tiger; and naturally enough a small
American force rushed down the farther slope of La Atalaya and began
to ascend El Telégrafo. It was then in a desperate situation, exposed
to the cannon of the Mexicans and to overwhelming numbers. A party of
Americans under Major Sumner, which bravely hastened to its relief,
succeeded only in sharing its plight. But happily cover was found;
a howitzer discouraged the enemy; and later this group was able to
retire. La Atalaya remained in American hands despite attempts to
recover it; but the Mexicans had been fully warned, and our troops
were not lying on their arms near the Jalapa route. Meantime or soon
Shields's brigade came to the support of Twiggs, who now had control
of nearly 5000 men. The casualties amounted to about ninety on our
side and more than two hundred on the other; but the Mexicans, whose
operations had been directed by Santa Anna himself, believed the
Americans had seriously attacked El Telégrafo, and exulted loudly with
shouts and music over what seemed to them a triumph.[23.26]

Santa Anna did not yet believe, or would not admit, that Scott's main
drive would be aimed against his left, but he recognized the wisdom
of strengthening that wing. He therefore ordered a breastwork, which
was made of short palisades reinforced behind with stones and brush,
to be thrown up near the base of El Telégrafo, placed a couple of
12-pounders, the Second Ligero and the Fourth Line regiments on the
summit, selected brave Ciriaco Vázquez to command there, planted five
guns on a slight eminence near headquarters to guard the mouth of a
wooded ravine on the left, had the ground in front of this battery
partly cleared, and ordered the Eleventh regiment and Canalizo's
cavalry to support the guns. The Americans were not less active. By
dint of extraordinary exertions General Shields's brigade, assisted
by other troops, dragged a 24-pounder and two 24-pound howitzers with
ropes through the woods and rocky gorges, pulled them up the steep
and bristling side of La Atalaya, mounted them, and constructed a
parapet for them and the rocket battery; and with perhaps even greater
difficulty four New York companies placed an 8-inch howitzer on the
farther side of Río del Plan over against the tongues, _A_, _B_ and
_C_. Darkness and rain did not facilitate these operations.[23.26]

[THE BATTLE OF CERRO GORDO]

Sunday morning the sky was clear, a gentle breeze from the Gulf just
fluttered the red, white and green flag on the stone tower, and the
Mexican trumpets blared in all directions. Soon the guns of La Atalaya
solemnly announced the battle, producing consternation at first on
the summit of El Telégrafo; but the pieces were badly aimed, and
accomplished little beyond encouraging the Americans and calling forth
a vigorous reply.[23.24] The Second Infantry and Fourth Artillery
under Brevet Colonel Riley of Twiggs's division now moved on toward
Santa Anna's rear and the Jalapa route, supported by the brigade of
Shields, which included the New York regiment and the Third and Fourth
Illinois. Learning of this activity in the valley, General Vázquez
ordered Colonel Uraga with the Fourth Infantry and a 4-pounder to the
minor crest of El Telégrafo, and as Riley crossed the continuation
of the spur he was much annoyed by their fire. Four companies of the
Second Infantry were therefore detached as skirmishers, and before
long, in spite of Scott's orders and the protest of Lee, who was
conducting Riley's command, Twiggs, pawing the ground somewhere out of
range, ordered Riley's whole brigade up the hill. Shields, however,
proceeded along the route discovered by Lee. The ground was rough and
precipitous, and the growth of trees and thorny chaparral dense; but
the General--a stout, soldier-like man with a heavy mustache, black
hair and brilliant dark eyes--had a great deal of energy, and in three
straggling files his men pushed on.[23.26]

During the artillery duel Harney's command lay under cover on the
summit of La Atalaya, listening to the harsh, bitter shriek of the
Mexican grape, which tore the bushes into shreds; but at about 7
o'clock a charge upon El Telégrafo was ordered.[23.25] As the troops
measured the height, crowned with guns and fortifications and topped
off with a scornful banner, the attempt seemed almost impudent; but
that was the day's work, and it had to be done. First the "cursed
Riflemen," as the Mexicans named them, were diverted to the left,
where the Mexican Sixth Infantry could be seen approaching; the bugles
sounded; and then the Third and the Seventh Infantry, supported by the
First Artillery, dashed down the slope of La Atalaya. Here and in the
valley they were swept by a deadly shower of bullets, canister and
grape, and the front melted like snowflakes; but, as fearless Captain
Roberts of the Rifles put it, "When dangers thickened and death talked
more familiarly face to face, the men seemed to rise above every
terror." The contest at the palisade breastwork was hard, and the
Mexicans dared even to cross bayonets with Americans; but they finally
gave way. Here a little time was taken for rest, and then forward
pressed the troops, helping themselves up the slope, over craggy rocks
and loose stones, and through the chaparral by catching at bushes and
trees. The screen of woods and the steepness of the incline protected
them now.[23.26]

Very different proved the cleared part of the hill, where small trees,
bushes and thorny cactus lay spread with tops pointing down. Here
progress was slow and concealment impossible. But with deliberate
fearlessness the men plodded firmly on, firing at will, strong in that
mutual confidence which gives a charge its force. They "seem to despise
death," cried the Mexicans in astonishment. Here and there one was
struck down; here and there, breathless and exhausted, one dropped; but
no flinching could be seen. Like the wave of fire in a burning prairie,
the line moved steadily up. "Charge, charge!" shouted the officers; and
the men yelled and cheered, yelled and cheered, yelled and cheered till
sometimes it seemed as if even the trees were cheering, till sometimes
the roar of the guns could not be heard; and Harney--red-headed,
tempestuous Harney of the steel-blue eyes--at last in his element, led
them as they deserved to be led. Superbly tall, his athletic figure
needed no plume; the sword in his long arm waved them on; like the keen
edge of a billow rushing upon the shore his calm, shrill voice rode the
tumult.[23.26]

Just below the crest a pause for breath; and then the blue stripe
was up and over. At the breastwork the fighting was sharp, for Santa
Anna had sent up two more regiments; but soon Vázquez fell; with
pistols, bayonets and clubbed muskets the Mexicans were driven from
the summit; and in a moment big Sergeant Henry of the Seventh had
the Stars and Stripes flying from the tower. Riley's men, pushing up
through dense thickets under a hot fire, had now taken possession of
the spur; and while some of them hurried on to join Harney, others shot
down the gunners of the battery on the summit. In a twinkling Captain
Magruder turned the pieces, and poured a storm of iron on the flying
Mexicans. General Baneneli, commanding the reserve just below, tried
hard to charge, but his men would not face the yelling Americans. The
Grenadiers and the Eleventh Infantry, hurried by Santa Anna in that
direction, were overwhelmed by the fugitives; Riley's advance plunged
down the hill toward the Mexican camp; and an indescribable confusion
ensued.[23.26]

Just at this time, after a fearful march of perhaps two miles, Shields
with his foremost companies emerged from the chaparral on the Mexican
left, and hastily prepared to charge. Three guns of the headquarters
battery, one hundred and fifty or two hundred yards distant in their
front, had been turned upon Riley, but the other two let fly at them.
Shields fell and his men recoiled. It was no wonder. About three
hundred raw volunteers, without regulars and without artillery,
stood before cannon and an army! Some two thousand fresh horse under
Canalizo, guarding that very ravine, faced them just at the left of the
battery, and the cannon kept at work. But their mere emerging from the
close chaparral at this point, in a strength which the enemy could not
measure, was of itself a triumph.[23.26]

"The Yankees! They have come out to the road!" cried the Mexicans;
"Every one for himself!" Some of Riley's men shot down or frightened
away the gunners of the battery, and in another moment seized three of
the pieces. At the same instant a section of Shields's brigade, which
had now come up in more force, captured the other two, while a second
section, followed by the Seventh Infantry, struck for the highway.
Canalizo, afraid of being cut off, took flight, as many had already
done; and all the rest of the Mexicans who could, either followed him
or, like Santa Anna himself, rushed headlong down one or the other of
two paths, narrow and steep, that descended into the canyon of the Río
del Plan. Scott, who had watched the charge "under a canopy of balls,"
as Major Patten said, was now on the scene. Harney, his old foe, he
greeted in the warmest and friendliest of terms; and, as he moved among
the victorious troops with tears rolling down his cheeks, he spoke to
them noble and touching words, as not merely their commander but their
elder brother in arms, fully sharing their pains, their pride and their
joy.[23.26]

While these brave scenes were enacted, the other flank witnessed a
burlesque of war. Naturally Scott planned to attack the Mexican right
in order to deceive Santa Anna regarding his intentions, prevent
the troops of that wing from going to the assistance of the other,
and perhaps accomplish something positive in that quarter.[23.27]
This piece of work was assigned to Pillow's brigade, and although
he objected to it as dangerous, a hint about discipline brought him
into line. As early as April 13, in view of Twiggs's plan, he and
Lieutenant Tower of the engineers had reconnoitred the ground, and this
examination had been continued on the fifteenth and sixteenth; but the
General did not understand or did not remember what he saw. It was
clear, however, that a force attacking between _A_ and the canyon would
have the enemy on but one side, and would be as far as possible from
the guns occupying _B_ and _C_. With Scott's approval this plan was
adopted, and the 8-inch howitzer was placed so as to command the flank
and rear of the battery at _A_.[23.29]

Pillow's orders were to set out on his march of about four miles at
6 o'clock on Sunday morning, yet he did not reach his position until
almost 9. One reason for the delay probably was, that in consequence of
a manoeuvre, executed by his order, the rear of the column missed the
proper route. Another reason also may be surmised. Aside from wanting
confidence in their general's military capacity, his troops had long
disliked him; and his display of unfeeling harshness on the march from
Vera Cruz had given further offence. Under such circumstances things
never can go well.[23.29]

During the march he announced that he had changed his mind, and would
have the First Pennsylvania (Wynkoop) supported by the First Tennessee
(Campbell) attack on the northern face of tongue _A_, and the Second
Tennessee (Haskell) supported by the Second Pennsylvania (Roberts)
attack on the southern face of _B_, which was obviously sure--since it
guarded the old road--to be held more strongly than either of the other
tongues.[23.28] This ingenious plan, moreover, divided the American
while tending to concentrate the Mexican strength. By mismanagement
he reversed both of his attacking regiments--a mistake that caused
embarrassment and loss of time; and then on leaving the highway, about
three miles from Plan del Río, and entering the narrow path leading to
the point of attack, he adopted this order: Wynkoop, Haskell, Campbell,
Roberts, which--since it was necessary to advance mostly in single
file--placed Campbell and Roberts a long distance from the troops that
each was to support, so that neither of them reached his position
before the fighting on this wing ended.[23.29]

On arriving at the appointed spot, where the orders of Mexican officers
at _B_ could be heard very distinctly, Haskell began to form his badly
scattered regiment. "Why the Hell don't Colonel Wynkoop file to the
right?" shouted Pillow at the top of his voice. A bugle in the front
sounded instantly, and within three minutes the Mexicans opened a heavy
fire of grape and canister. Some of Haskell's men, brave but not in
hand, bolted; others took shelter; and the rest, at Pillow's order,
charged pell-mell. Emerging into the cleared space they received a
murderous fire from all of the tongues. In less than three minutes
about eighty, including every field officer except the colonel, were
either killed or wounded, and all able to move were in flight. Pillow
meanwhile, squatting in the bushes with his back to the enemy at a
distance of about 450 yards, was "shot all to pieces," as he said, by a
canister bullet that slightly wounded his upper arm; and he retired at
a run, leaving Wynkoop without the promised instructions.[23.29]

A state of general confusion ensued. Campbell and his men were anxious
to charge; Wynkoop felt no less eager when it was too late; the Second
Pennsylvania was demoralized; all were more or less under fire.
Campbell, however, to whom Pillow resigned the command, got the men
almost ready to charge upon tongue _A_; but then Pillow, venturing back
from the rear, withdrew his brigade so far into the woods that, until
notified by Scott, he did not know the Mexicans in his front, who found
their rear was occupied by the Americans, had surrendered. As for the
8-inch howitzer, it fired seven ineffective shells; and then, at the
critical time, as Pillow had neglected to arrange a code of signals,
Ripley, who controlled it, suspended work. Evidently, as Polk said,
gallant Americans--and such Pillow's men really were--did not require a
commander![23.29]

A little before 10 o'clock the fighting was over and pursuit began.
Having little cavalry and no adequate subsistence train Scott's powers
in this respect were limited; but every man had been expected to set
out in the morning with rations for two days, and substantially all
the troops except Pillow's, accompanied by two incomplete batteries,
moved actively forward. Patterson once more became well enough to act,
and took charge of the advanced forces. Frequently bands of fugitives
were seen at a distance, looking in their cotton or linen jackets
like flocks of sheep. The artillery had some fair long shots, and
occasionally other troops also came within reach of the enemy. But the
Mexicans fled--even the cavalry--without stopping for ceremony, too
much cowed to face even a small party of Americans; and the results
were of little significance.[23.31]

Heat and exhaustion checked the most advanced pursuers about four
miles from Jalapa, but nothing could stop the Mexicans. Like stampeded
cattle, the fugitives thought only of flying until worn out. No stand
was made at Jalapa. At La Hoya, the second line of defence, General
Gómez, hearing of the disaster, sent word to the rear, "All is lost
at Cerro Gordo, all, all!" and fled. In complete disorder, panting,
starving, falling by the way--the horses of the cavalry in a like
state--the men streamed on toward Puebla, plundering when they could.
Thousands also of those who surrendered managed to escape at one place
or another in the rough, wooded country, and, as Scott could with
difficulty feed his own army and thought future opposition could be
weakened by proving the friendly sentiments of his proclamation, the
remaining 3000 were released on parole.[23.30] More than 4000 stand of
arms, old and not worth using, were destroyed; and about forty cannon,
which Scott had no means of transporting, were rendered unserviceable
and left at Cerro Gordo. The Mexican casualties were estimated at 1000
or 1200, while the American loss during the two days amounted to only
thirty officers and 387 men, of whom sixty-four were killed.[23.31]

[JALAPA OCCUPIED]

Next morning the Americans advanced again. For the two last miles below
Jalapa the highway ran between continuous hedges loaded with blossoms
and vocal with the songs of birds, while bougainvillea flamed here and
there on a cabin or tree-top in a conflagration of purple, and the air
was laden with delicious perfumes; and when the town was descried from
an eminence, it seemed like a delicate mosaic set in a massive frame
of rich emerald. Friends had been left behind forever, but grief was
offset by the joy of surviving; and after dressing ranks the troops
began to enter Jalapa at about 9 o'clock with bayonets fixed, colors
flying and bands playing. Some of the girls could not help laughing at
the unkempt appearance and nondescript costumes of the terrible and
victorious Yankees; but the people, who lined the streets, appeared
neither hostile nor afraid, and the bells rang out a welcome.[23.32]
The soldiers for their part soon felt they had reached Eden, and they
were none the less content on hearing of the dull saffron haze which
now hung over Vera Cruz--a visible token that "King Death in his Yellow
Robe" had once more set up his throne there; while Scott himself,
wishing to tranquillize the army and favorably impress the public,
proceeded to hide the errors of his subordinates with reports that
misled the public.[23.33] As for the future he cheerfully announced,
"Mexico has no longer an army." Apparently the United States had a very
substantial one; but surprises were soon to occur.[23.34]




XXIV

PUEBLA

April-August, 1847

[THE ADVANCE FROM JALAPA]

Wishing to take advantage of the Mexican panic, Scott hurried Worth's
division after the fugitives. Down the steep hill on which Jalapa
lies poured the men in blue, passing the little plaza and the quaint
cathedral; and then without halt, leaving the city of flowers and its
groves of liquidambar, they set out on a long, gradual ascent. What a
march they now had! "The most beautiful country there is," commented
an officer; and his remark was truer than he knew. Dominated by the
splendid snowy peak of Orizaba, there spread a vast expanse of hills
and gorges, mountains and valleys, here studded with white villages,
there gemmed with a silver cascade, yonder brightened with fresh fields
of corn and grain, always variegated with the shadows of lazy clouds,
and everywhere softly receding into a deeper and still deeper blue; and
as the column wound in and out through the clear, cool and fragrant
atmosphere, every turn revealed new beauties or displayed once more the
beauties already seen--only a little nearer each time, or a little more
remote.[24.1]

Gradually the ascent grew sharper and the air cooler, and about a dozen
miles from Jalapa Worth came to the Black Pass--the "terrible pass,"
wrote Scott--of La Hoya, where for more than a mile the troops were
squeezed between two steep mountains, cleared to afford artillery a
fair sweep, and partly fortified; but the seven or eight guns lay on
the ground spiked, and not an enemy could be seen. Then after making a
sharp twist they kept on winding and ascending for about six miles till
they reached the log houses of Las Vigas, much like those of Russia
and Sweden. Vegetation was luxuriant still; but the trees on the steep
hills at the left were evergreens, and the flowers that brightened the
overtowering walls, buttresses and spurting arches of black lava were
mostly dandelions and yellow jarilla, for the Americans now stood a
mile and a half above the sea and almost three quarters of a mile above
Jalapa. Here the winds bit; and now and then masses of thick vapor,
whirling up from an immense gorge and burying the column for a time in
wintry twilight, would sweep on ahead of it in rolling, shining volumes
of heaven-high clouds.[24.1]

  [Illustration: JALAPA TO PUEBLA]

This was the final pass; and after marching some twelve miles farther,
one saw at the left edge of a sandy, gravelly plain, set with
occasional tufts of coarse grass, the dust-brown castle of Perote and,
seemingly just above it though in reality several miles distant, the
pine-clad mountain of that name. The castle was a superb specimen of
military architecture, capable of accommodating more than 2000 men;
but it had long served chiefly as a state prison, a refuge for troops,
an arsenal, and a dépôt for the rich convoys that went this way. The
American troops could have passed by on the other side of the plain,
had that been necessary; but it was not. With only twenty-three gunners
and scarcely any powder, General Gaona could not have defended the
place. Canalizo therefore ordered him to evacuate it on the nineteenth;
and at noon on the twenty-second Worth took possession of its elaborate
bastions, more than fifty cannon, more than 25,000 balls and shells and
even 500 muskets, which the terror-stricken Mexicans had not cared to
remove. Throwing Garland's brigade and Duncan's battery about fifteen
miles in advance to facilitate the gathering of subsistence, Worth now
halted in accordance with his orders.[24.1]

[SCOTT'S DIFFICULTIES]

Scott meantime remained at Jalapa to study his problems and make his
preparations. The capital of Mexico, he believed, lay at his mercy,
and this opinion seems to have been correct; but unlike his critics,
who merely had to deal with legions of ink on areas of paper, he found
that much needed to be done before seizing it. The position of the
Americans depended vitally on military prestige, and it was therefore
of the utmost importance to suffer no reverse. His first care was
to make sure of getting up in advance of the especially fatal rainy
season, which was expected to begin at the latest by the first week of
June, the needful clothing, equipments, ammunition, salt, medicines and
many other imported articles; and since the lack of cavalry and a due
regard for the health of the troops forbade trying to keep the road
below Cerro Gordo clear of Mexicans, this tedious work involved the
use of heavily escorted convoys,[24.2] and the exercise of unceasing
vigilance, energy and skill.[24.6]

  [Illustration: Profile of the Route from Vera Cruz to Mexico]

His next care was to gather provisions, determine whether supplies of
breadstuffs, meats, rice, beans, coffee, sugar and forage existed near
the proposed line of march, and arrange for obtaining them despite the
hatred of the people, which quite equalled their fear.[24.3] A third
care was to divine what Santa Anna intended and was able to do, for
news came that he was now on our flank and rear, preparing to conduct
guerilla war against the American detachments and convoys. Contrary to
his expectation Scott found subsistence and forage scarce at Jalapa,
and as Quitman's brigade came up without the extra rations it had been
ordered to bring, the situation proved embarrassing. A scarcity of
funds aggravated it alarmingly. An immediate advance upon the capital
was therefore out of the question; but on April 30 Scott issued
preliminary instructions, enjoining kind treatment of the people in the
strongest possible terms, as absolutely necessary if the troops did
not wish to starve; and the volunteers were ordered to set out on the
fourth and fifth of May.[24.6]

But now a difficulty that had been feared by Scott rose directly in
his path. Seven regiments and two companies of volunteers were to be
free at various near dates, averaging about the middle of June. Polk,
believing that many would reënlist, had recommended that a bounty
should be offered as an inducement, and Congress had acted upon the
suggestion. April 26 General Scott received the law and promptly
circulated it; but he soon found that Polk's expectations were to be
disappointed.[24.6]

It would have been quite agreeable to linger at Jalapa, strolling
about this paradise of birds, gazing at the many-hued blossoms of a
perpetual springtime, feasting on the delicacies of semi-tropical
gardens, winning occasional glimpses of exotic luxury through doors
ajar, listening to ever-graceful señoritas--a few dazzling blondes as
well as many sparkling brunettes--who played the guitar hour after
hour in their grated windows, and catching glances now and then from
eyes of fire; but the soldiers had learned what campaigning really
meant. They had been allowed to go unpaid and unprovided for. They
had met with hardships and privations not counted upon at the time of
enlistment. Disease, battle, death, fearful toil and frightful marches
had been found realities. Besides, they had now "seen the elephant," as
they said; they felt they had won glory enough; and, as even Colonel
Campbell admitted, they "sighed heavily" for home, family and friends.
In spite of their strong desire to see the Halls of the Montezumas, out
of about 3700 men only enough to make one company would reëngage, and
special inducements, offered by the General, to remain as teamsters
proved wholly ineffective.[24.6]

One course now open to Scott was to march on, trusting that new forces
would arrive seasonably to replace the soldiers discharged; but of
this he had no assurance. Another was to assume that even when legally
free the volunteers would not abandon him in the enemy's capital;
but the evidence was all to the contrary. More than once American
troops had insisted upon their rights without considering the needs
of the country; and now five colonels declared in writing that "only
a very small proportion" of their men would "under any supposable
circumstances" remain in the service "for any time whatever" beyond
their term. Such was the sentiment of all these volunteers.[24.6]

Moreover, to advance, capture Mexico and so force the men to sail
from Vera Cruz in the midst of the pestilential season would have
been insubordinate as well as inhumane, for the government had
ordered most emphatically, with particular reference to the yellow
fever, that regard for their health must outweigh all military
considerations.[24.4] The returning volunteers would also have been
exposed, under inexperienced commanders and without a proper complement
of artillery, to Santa Anna and the guerillas, and those remaining
behind at the capital would have been regarded by the Mexicans as
destined prey. On the other hand, should the entire army retreat after
capturing Mexico, the exultant people would have risen almost _en
masse_ to starve, harass and slaughter them; while even Worth doubted
whether Scott's whole force, could it by any possibility be persuaded
to remain intact, would be strong enough to hold the capital. Finally,
as the sequel was to show and as any well-informed person could have
foreseen, merely capturing and retaining Mexico City was not sure by
any means to end the war. The seat of government could easily move, and
Scott was correctly informed that it proposed to do so. Santa Anna was
in the field with a growing army; his moral and physical resources had
not been exhausted; and more fighting needed to be done.[24.6]

Scott was called slow by some of his critics, but when the case
permitted he could make a quick decision; and on the sixth and seventh
of May the volunteers referred to--"with a joyous and pleasant
countenance upon every man," as one of them wrote--set out for home
under Patterson.[24.5] Their departure left the General with an army of
7113. As for early reinforcements, he had recommended on November 29
the addition of twelve regiments to the regular establishment, and had
said that about the first of May they would be indispensable; but at
present he only knew that 960 recruits were on the way. None the less
he sent Quitman forward with three regiments of November volunteers,
and on the sixth of May instructed Worth to advance with his division
and two of those regiments, led by Quitman, against Puebla, leaving the
third regiment with a sufficient number of artillerists at Perote.[24.6]

[MEXICAN ASSISTANCE]

For the confidence with which less than 4000 men were thus advanced
beyond the reach of prompt assistance, to cope with a strong city
and the Mexican troops, there was a special reason. The heads of the
Roman Catholic Church in Mexico, who did not feel all the religious
intolerance which they deemed it proper to exhibit in public, cherished
no love toward Santa Anna. For many years his rapacity had given them
offence; and one of his first acts on landing at Vera Cruz in August,
1846, had been to strike at their power. They had therefore felt
disposed to favor the continuance of hostilities, hoping that he and
his myrmidons would be destroyed. But when Moses Y. Beach made it plain
to them on the one hand that resistance to the United States would be
dangerous, and on the other guaranteed the freedom and the property
of Church and citizens, they decided to support our efforts in behalf
of peace, work against Santa Anna as the chief obstacle, and arrange
secretly to have Jalapa, Perote, Puebla and Mexico City refrain from
opposing Scott.[24.8]

At "unconquered Puebla," which was more fully under the domination
of the Church than any other Mexican town, circumstances favored the
clerical design. Terrible stories had been circulated there about the
Americans. They were barbarians, vandals, tigers; they had branded and
sent across the Gulf into slavery shiploads of Tampico people, and
stuck little children on their bayonets at Vera Cruz. But these tales
had now lost all credibility. Santa Anna had been found out. Buena
Vista no longer seemed a Mexican victory. The military caste was not
only hated but despised. News had come that wherever the Americans took
possession, odious taxes were abolished and trade became brisk. Scott's
treatment of the people shone in comparison with Santa Anna's, and
his soldiers looked angelic beside the guerillas. The defeat at Cerro
Gordo caused not only deep discouragement but even deeper disgust, for
the men and money of the state had been sacrificed to the incompetence
of the commanders. Besides, marvels were told of the Americans. They
could hew a man asunder at one stroke; their horses were gigantic and
incredibly swift; their artillery was unspeakably terrible; and every
one of their bullets might split into fifty pieces, each of the pieces
fatal. Worth's division included 5000 of these warriors, an American
deserter stated.[24.8]

With such popular support the clericals had Isunza, who was closely
connected with them, put in place of the vigorous Ibarra as governor,
and he not only took a stand for non-resistance, but answered the
appeals of the national government with sharp complaints. Instead of
preaching against the Americans, the churchmen led pious processions
about the streets, to show that prayer and not the arm of flesh
was to be relied upon. The arms and ammunition were sent away--for
safe-keeping. The governor would supply no funds for military purposes.
"Reason prohibits vain sacrifices," he remarked. The comandante general
decided that the city could not be defended. The prefect ordered that
after the arrival of the Americans, not more than three citizens
were to meet in public, and that none should carry arms; while the
ayuntamiento announced that no unsigned placards would be tolerated.
"Men are not all called to play the rôle of heroes," observed the
_Monitor del Pueblo_. We can only "await with resignation the terrible
blow with which Providence chooses to afflict us," decided the city
authorities. All the arrangements are complete, Worth was notified
by headquarters on the tenth of May. The people are waiting for you,
reported foreigners from Puebla.[24.8]

Scott, for his part, agreed to protect the citizens and especially the
Church, and he put forth on the eleventh of May a proclamation called
by him "the crowning act of conciliation," which was drawn up under his
direction by a representative of the bishop of Puebla, and embodied the
ideas and sentiments deemed by the leaders of the clerical party most
likely to be effective.[24.7] The oppression under which the people
of Mexico lay crushed received in this proclamation brief but vivid
treatment, distrust regarding Santa Anna's abilities, honor and aims
was excited, and the Americans were represented as true brethren of
the Mexicans. Paredes, an unpatriotic usurper, had forced us to take
up arms in behalf of republican institutions and the welfare of the
whole continent, as well as for the maintenance of our proper dignity;
but we were anxious now as ever, to live in peace and friendship with
Mexico, even though determined, if the war must continue, to do the
work of the sword thoroughly.[24.8]

[SANTA ANNA'S MEASURES]

On the other hand Santa Anna was not idle. His first thought on
quitting the terrible field of Cerro Gordo was that Canalizo's horse
would stop at El Encero, and that he might rally the flying infantry
upon it; but on moving in that direction by the southern bank of Río
del Plan he found himself cut off by the American pursuit, and turned
abruptly to the left. Always profoundly depressed after a reverse, he
rode along grim and speechless, as if stunned; but the next day an
enthusiastic reception at a small town, aided perhaps by the marvellous
beauty of the district, lifted his head. In the early evening of
April 21 he reached Orizaba, and here the applause of the readily
excited townsfolk made him feel himself once more a general and a
President.[24.12]

His low intellectual plane did not permit him to understand his mental
inferiority or to perceive the real strength of the unpretentious and
apparently careless Americans.[24.9] It was impossible for him, looking
abroad upon a vast and potentially rich country with all the vanity
of his people, to believe that a handful of poorly dressed Yankees,
imperfectly trained and seemingly not very martial, could overpower its
millions. He felt that sooner or later his groping finger would touch
the right spring, as it had done so many times before, and the nation
would rise up about him. Pride, self-will and blind passion, raging
in his heart, inflamed his courage; and his sense of a proprietary
claim to the country inspired him with a sort of patriotism. What
has been lost after all, he said, except a position and some cannon?
The nation is still mighty. Let it but join me, and I shall yet be
victorious.[24.12]

Within his reach lay the brigade of Antonio de León--a little more
than 1000 poorly armed men with two 6-pounders--just from Oaxaca, the
presence of which in this quarter had brought him to Orizaba, and also
the National Guards ordered before the battle to Chiquihuite. Larger
and smaller bodies of fugitives and irregulars, learning where he was,
came in. All the armed men of the vicinity, whatever their proper
function, he caught in his unsparing net, and he summoned to the
colors every citizen from sixteen to forty years of age. Beyond the
sweep of his arm far less animation reigned. One disappointment more,
one hope less now, was the mildest frame of mind among the public.
Canalizo, a faithful dog that for the present had been kicked one time
too many, sharply resented Santa Anna's complaints. The scattering
soldiers and officers, denouncing him bitterly as well as exaggerating
the power of the Americans, discouraged the people. A popular newspaper
demanded savagely that he should be court-martialled. The charge of
collusion with the invaders came back to life. Many of the Indians,
feeling that an American triumph would help them, became restive.[24.12]

But the government stood resolutely behind him, and he was invested
with plenary powers. Soto tried again to rouse the people of the state.
From a wider and wider circle fugitives and laboring men were gathered.
Small cannon and some artillerists came within his reach. The stocks of
horses and mules that Scott had tried in vain to get from the region
of the upper Alvarado River were turned to account. Considerable
money and supplies arrived from the government, and other funds and
necessaries were taken without formalities wherever they could be
discovered.[24.10] By the first of May he pretended there were 4000 men
under his flag, and no doubt he did have 2500.[24.12]

By good fortune more than by design, too, he found himself in an
excellent position, within striking distance of Scott's communications,
rear and base; and even though not richly imbued with the spirit of
Napoleonic warfare, he laid his plans accordingly. But--fortunately
for Scott, who might have been seriously embarrassed[24.11]--Santa
Anna was more politician than general. On May 15 the election of a
President was to occur, and the votes had to be counted at the seat
of government. His enemies and rivals were incessantly busy there. A
revolution had begun to brew, he understood. A suspicion had got abroad
that he intended to give up the fight and move into Guatemala; and news
reached him that Mexico City was to be surrendered. For these reasons
and to obtain additional supplies, all his forces were directed upon
Puebla; and at the head of a motley and miserable army numbering--he
boasted--4500 men he arrived there on May 11.[24.12]

His reception was not flattering. Aside from the fact that everybody of
much account felt ready to see Scott, the town had suffered previously
through Santa Anna's visiting it, accounts of his exactions had come
from Orizaba, his presence was thought likely to result in hostilities,
and the people feared that he would compel them to take up arms. Many
fled at his approach, and many more wished they were elsewhere. Not
without excuse under the circumstances, his conduct was arbitrary,
insulting and extortionate. He cashiered all the officers of the Vera
Cruz garrison, raved at the indifference of the authorities and people
at Puebla, seized the horses, made liberal demands for cash, and--it
was asserted--even took ornaments of gold from the churches. Some
funds, a quantity of ammunition and some cannon were finally obtained
here; but Isunza furnished him less than two hundred men, and perhaps
the indignation of the people quite offset his gains.[24.13]

[THE AMERICANS MARCH ON]

Close behind him, too, came the Americans. Already a day's march apart,
Worth's two brigades maintained that interval for some time, followed
by Quitman with the New York and South Carolina regiments at an equal
distance. For six or eight miles from Perote the country was highly
cultivated and already brown with ripening wheat and barley; but then
came a sandy, arid region where steep, conical hills of bare limestone,
calcined like those of the Rhone valley, shot up from a wide, smooth
plain in extravagant confusion, and appeared to bar the way. Hacienda
buildings that were crenellated fortresses could be seen here and
there; but the only cheering sights were glimpses of silvery Orizaba, a
number of smaller mountains with Italian profiles, forked lightnings at
play sometimes in the black clouds, and mirages of gardens, lakes and
sylvan shores that deceived even the most experienced.[24.14]

At Ojo de Agua, about thirty-five miles from Perote, a spring of water
almost as large as the fountain of Vaucluse gave rise to a creek,
which watered palmettoes and extensive meadows. Eight or nine miles
farther on, the troops came to dark Nopalucan, which lay reclining on a
comfortable eminence and viewing complacently its fertile valley. Then
some twenty-five miles of romantic scenery brought them to Amozoc, a
manufacturing town of 2000 souls ten or eleven miles from Puebla, and
here Worth, who had made easy marches for two days in order to lessen
the interval between him and Quitman, halted his now united brigades at
noon on the fourteenth to await that officer, and to give his own dusty
division time to "brush up."[24.14]

Santa Anna, after sending his infantry and artillery toward Mexico
early that morning, had moved off with some 2000 cavalry to surprise
Quitman, supposing that he would be at his usual distance behind Worth,
and that Worth had continued his march. The consequence was that his
troops, finding themselves at about eight o'clock within half a mile or
so of Duncan's battery and under fire, scattered promptly up the hills
and into the woods. Divining correctly that he would reassemble them
to strike at Quitman, Worth despatched forces at once to the rear; but
Quitman, who had set out in the night, was now only two miles distant,
and, warned by the artillery fire, had prepared to meet the enemy.
Santa Anna therefore accomplished nothing more than to fatigue his men,
and give them a superfluous lesson in running away; and after returning
with them to Puebla for the night, he evacuated that city before
daybreak the next morning with one more failure to his account.[24.14]

While at Nopalucan, May 12, Worth had addressed the governor and the
municipality at Puebla, saying that in three days he should take
possession of the city, and that he desired to confer with the civil
authorities before doing so, in order to arrange for the maintenance of
order and worship. Owing to what was regarded as a lack of formality in
this proceeding and to Santa Anna's insistence that Worth should have
addressed him, no reply was made. But when a second letter arrived in
the evening of the fourteenth, the ayuntamiento appointed a commission
to meet the American general, and the next morning a conference took
place at Chachapa, where our troops arrived at an early hour. Generous
pledges of civil and religious protection were then offered and
accepted; and the Pueblans, who adopted the usual jockeying tactics,
drew from Worth an agreement that Mexican law, to be administered by
Mexican authorities, should remain in force, although Scott's General
Orders 20 had thrown the protection of military law round the American
troops.[24.15] In short, said Hitchcock, the inspector general of the
army, Worth--not Puebla--surrendered; and Scott found it necessary to
rectify the error.[24.17]

[WORTH TAKES POSSESSION OF PUEBLA]

At a little before ten o'clock that day the American troops--who
had suffered badly from dust on the arid, stony hills, consoled
only by views of the great snow-clad volcanoes glittering behind
Puebla--approached the city. It was a proud moment for them when, as
their brilliant commander said, "with all the flush and glow of victory
in their hearts" they entered the second city of Mexico in importance
and the first in military fame. Almost the entire population of the
town looked on. Streets, sidewalks, windows and balconies were thronged
with holiday-makers. As usual, the appearance of the victorious
Americans fell sadly below expectation--perhaps only demigods in
luminous mail could have reached it; but the people showed an intense
curiosity to scrutinize them. Sometimes the troops had to work their
way through the crowd; but no ill temper was displayed on either side,
and finally, reaching the main plaza, our men stacked their arms and
lay down to sleep as if at home.[24.17]

Puebla, a fine city laid out in the rectangular style and inhabited
by some 80,000 persons, was chiefly noted for piety, cotton mills,
dolls and sweetmeats. The principal feature was the cathedral with its
two dark towers--each of them capped with a yellowish, incrusted dome
bearing aloft a globe and cross, and each filled with numberless bells
of all sizes, which singly performed special offices, and three times a
day rang together in a celestial chorus. Eight or ten altars, refulgent
with sacred vessels of gold, silver and precious stones in amazing
profusion, lighted up the interior; and there was also a candelabra so
big--or was it so grimy?--that $4000 had been paid a few months earlier
for cleaning it. Near by, in the arcades of the plaza, could be found
the dolls and sweetmeats; and of course Poblana market girls, too,
were there: black eyes, black hair combed over the ears, huge silver
ear-rings, snowy chemisette partly hidden with a gray _rebosa_ (scarf),
short red petticoat fastened round the waist with a silk band and
fringed with yellow, small shoes and large silver buckles.[24.17]

For almost a fortnight Worth now had an opportunity to show the real
breadth of his admired talents. With the ecclesiastical authorities,
for obvious reasons, no difficulties occurred. He and the bishop
exchanged calls promptly. Bells rang, churches opened, and in some
of them public rejoicings were celebrated. But between him and
the civil functionaries, mainly in consequence of his excessive
complaisance, there sprang up not a little friction. His troops felt
very much dissatisfied, for his nervous and restless temperament was
in continual excitement about Mexican attacks, and once he kept them
standing under arms needlessly all day. Such alarms came to be known
as "Worth's scarecrows"; and as the natural consequence, had a real
danger presented itself, the men would have responded tardily and
half-heartedly.[24.17]

Worse yet, on evidence for which he himself could not say much, he
warned his division a little later (June 16) by means of a circular,
that attempts to poison them were to be feared, adding gratuitously,
"Doubtless there are among those with whom we are situated many who
will not hesitate, as is the habit of cowards, to poison those from
whom they habitually fly in battle--a resource familiar in Spanish
history, legitimately inherited and willingly practised by Mexicans."
Of course the circular was not likely to elude publicity, and its
indiscretion blazed. It gave the Pueblans a dangerous hint, insulted
all Mexicans, and reflected grossly upon Spain, whose continued
neutrality was highly desirable.[24.16] Evidently, though quite able
to criticise, Worth did not possess all the qualifications of a
commander-in-chief.[24.17]

[THE AMERICAN SITUATION AT PUEBLA]

Happily a wiser mind and steadier hand now took charge. Until May
20 General Scott had felt compelled to wait at Jalapa for a heavy
train, from which he expected much more than he received. Two days
later Twiggs set out, and on the twenty-eighth Scott--after leaving a
garrison at Jalapa and a smaller one at Perote--reached Puebla with
four troops of horse one day in advance of the division.[24.18] As at
Plan del Río his arrival brought confidence and tranquillity. Needless
alarms ended. Rumors of hostile forces were investigated promptly by
his Mexican Spy Company[24.19] or other trustworthy persons, and the
General fixed his mind on greater work than trying to hunt down every
party of irregulars that raised a dust in the vicinity. The troops were
drilled each morning and, if the weather permitted, later each day, and
after about six weeks of this made a brilliant showing, when reviewed
by divisions. The engineer soldiers received special training for the
work supposed to lie before them; careful maps of the district between
Puebla and the capital were prepared; and Scott frequently gathered
the engineers and the heads of the army at his quarters of an evening,
discussing military affairs or monologuing inimitably on the many
interesting persons and events familiar to him.[24.22]

The Mexican government ordered that nothing marketable should be taken
into the city, but the Pueblans replied unanswerably: There is no
power to enforce that policy; and if there were, the result would be
to starve us, not the Americans, for they could supply their needs by
the sword and we could not. The markets offered, therefore, all sorts
of articles and at moderate prices. Indeed they were too abundant, for
the soldiers gormandized on fruits and sugar-cane brandy, and these
indulgences, added to the want of salt meat, the change of climate and
water, the rare atmosphere, the chilling winds and the lack of suitable
clothing, caused a great amount of sickness--principally dysentery
and ague. On the fourth of June more than 1000 Americans were on the
invalid list, and that number largely increased.[24.22]

Sickness of mind prevailed no less. It depressed one to hear the dead
march almost every evening. Rumors of wholesale plots to assassinate
the officers and poison the men tried their nerves. Renewed efforts to
cause desertion excited alarm. Whig speeches condemning the war and
suggesting that bloody hands and hospitable graves ought rightfully
to be the welcome of our soldiers in Mexico undermined confidence and
courage. Poverty chilled their marrow. Men had served eight months
and been paid for two. At the time when shoes and other indispensable
clothing had to be obtained at an exorbitant cost, the army was already
in debt and credit was flickering.[24.20] Through an intercepted letter
the Mexicans knew of Scott's financial difficulties, and the Americans
knew that they knew. The expected revolution against Santa Anna did
not break out, and a pacific President was not elected on June 15, as
General Scott had almost expected.[24.22]

To crown all other discouragements, we had a ridiculously small army,
while news came repeatedly that Santa Anna's forces were growing
rapidly. With less than 5800 privates--not over 4000 of them available
for an advance--the General had to face, not only the Mexican army,
but a nation of seven million inflammable persons, who might at any
time be roused to fury by some untoward event. Even the 960 recruits
that had been counted upon did not arrive. June 3, therefore, deciding
to throw away the scabbard and meet all odds with the naked sword, he
reluctantly ordered up to Puebla the garrison of Jalapa[24.21] and a
part of the men left at Perote, cutting himself off in the heart of the
enemy's country.[24.22]

Pillow, the great captain, wrote censures on this course to Polk, and
Polk, the consummate strategist, agreed with his agent; but Scott
understood that necessity is a supreme law and courage the soldier's
first axiom. A farther advance was, however, impossible. To leave
Puebla without a garrison, allowing that strong city, reoccupied by
the enemy, to menace the rear and stand like a wall of stone across
the path of reinforcements and supplies, was out of the question; and
troops were also needed to protect helpers and overawe enemies among
the civil population. If reduced by these deductions the army would not
have constituted a striking force. Nothing could be done but stand at
guard, and await new troops.[24.22]

[THE PROBLEM OF REINFORCEMENTS]

These, for a number of reasons, were delayed. Marcy's report of
December 5, 1846, presented to Congress at the opening of the session,
admitted that the regular army stood nearly 7000 below full strength,
and it also recommended the addition of ten regiments; but the
administration, feeling at sea about its war policy, and not realizing
how far the men on the firing-line came short of their estimated
numbers or how much time would be required to place new troops there,
took no decided stand in the matter. On the twenty-ninth, however, a
bill authorizing the new regiments was presented in the House by the
military committee, and the President followed this up some days later
with a Message. A law offering a bounty of twelve dollars to encourage
enlisting, upon which the war department acted promptly, was the next
move; and on January 11, 1847, the House, excited by news that Worth
stood in great peril at Saltillo, voted the new regiments. The Senate,
on the other hand, procrastinated until Marcy was in despair, and Polk
twice decided to address the country. Without much doubt partisan
scheming and personal aims were chiefly responsible for the delay; but
differences of opinion, more or less honest, regarding the comparative
utility of regulars and volunteers, the expediency and proper terms of
a land bounty, and the rights of the Senate in regard to the choice
of officers caused much discussion, in which every issue touching the
inception and conduct of the war had to run the gantlet of passionate
vociferation.[24.25]

Progress was also hindered in another way. Although Polk had found it
necessary to appoint Scott and had given that officer to understand
that bygones were to be bygones, he liked him no better than
before, did not wish the Whigs and their possible candidate for the
Presidency to win more glory in the war, and realized the political
wisdom--particularly in view of Calhoun's unfriendliness--of pleasing
the Van Buren Democrats. There were also objections to the existing
arrangement that could be stated publicly. The number of troops to be
employed in Mexico was said to require a chief of higher grade than a
major general, and Polk took the ground that the commander--especially
since he might be desired to handle the question of a treaty--should be
in full agreement and sympathy with the Executive.[24.25]

For these combined reasons he offered to Benton the post of lieutenant
general, provided it could be established, before Scott left
Washington, and about the first of January requested Congress to
authorize the appointment of such an officer.[24.23] This precipitated
a commotion. The Senator's harsh, domineering ways had made him
unpopular, and grave doubts regarding his technical and temperamental
fitness for the place existed not only in Congress but in the Cabinet.
Calhoun and his friends detested the idea of letting Benton gain so
much prestige and with it very likely the Presidency; the partisans
of Taylor and Scott resented such treatment of their favorites; all
the Whigs, besides suspecting Polk of scheming to evade responsibility
and make Benton his grateful successor, rallied to the support of
their two most prominent men; and, after serving for some time as an
embarrassment, the plan was rejected.[24.25]

Finally, then, after a conference committee had adjusted the
differences between the two Houses, the Ten Regiment Bill, though
defeated once in the Senate, passed that body on February the tenth,
and received Polk's approval the next day; and as a loan bill had
been worried through Congress at the end of January, something was
apparently to be done.[24.24] Since, however, the officers were liable
to be discharged on the conclusion of peace, it was not believed that
many already in the service could be induced by a slight advance in
rank to enter the new establishment, and for this and probably other
reasons few of the more than five hundred places were offered to the
army. The field was therefore clear for civilian warriors, and their
campaign opened at once. Not limiting their operations to Capitol Hill,
applicants for commissions besieged and assaulted the White House.
"I have pushed them off and fought them with both hands like a man
fighting fire," wrote Polk in his diary, but "it has all been in vain."
"Loafers without merit" came, and equally meritorious Congressmen
supported them. Not one in ten of the appointees was known to the
President, and their degree of unfitness was precisely what might have
been expected. A considerable number of them had actually been run out
of the service--in some cases for bad conduct before the enemy--and
many were found less teachable than privates.[24.25]

During February this beautiful exhibition continued, and such were the
only immediate fruits of the much debated law, for it empowered no one
to organize the new troops into brigades and divisions or to appoint
general officers, and the military appropriations had not yet been
made. Further Congressional exertions, therefore, had to be put forth;
but at last on the second and third of March, after a loss of almost
three months at this crisis of the war, the deficiencies were supplied,
and enlistment shortly began. Vigorous efforts were made by the
administration to set the new regulars in motion, company by company,
and even squad by squad; and finally on the nineteenth of April, since
little more could be expected from the November calls, requisitions
for six and a half new regiments of volunteer infantry and twelve
companies of horse--all to serve until the conclusion of peace--were
issued.[24.25]

On the fourth of June, then, about six hundred new troops, commanded
by Brevet Colonel McIntosh, left Vera Cruz for the interior, escorting
a long train of loaded mules and wagons and two or three hundred
thousand dollars in specie. Mexican irregulars, who knew the value
of the convoy, soon attacked and stopped it. Cadwalader, then waiting
for a part of his brigade, reinforced McIntosh on the eleventh with
about five hundred men and took command. Fighting his way along he
incorporated the garrison of Jalapa commanded by Colonel Childs, and on
the twenty-first reached Perote.[24.27]

Meanwhile Pillow, now a major general by the grace of his former law
partner, arriving at Vera Cruz and finding there some 2000 of his men,
had advanced with most of them on June 18; and although Scott was in
the most urgent need of money, Pillow ordered Cadwalader to await his
arrival at Perote. Eventually, on July 3, the combined forces were in
motion, and five days later all of them--including the recruits long
since expected--passed the brown gate of Puebla. Of the rank and file
Scott now had 8061 effectives and 2215 sick. Next Brigadier General
Pierce with some 2500 men got away from the coast about the fifteenth
of July,[24.26] and after similar fighting appeared at headquarters on
the sixth of August with a heavy siege battery, a long train of wagons
and $85,000 in unsalable drafts, but with none of the specie that had
been expected and regarded as indispensable.[24.27]

[THE AMERICAN ARMY]

Scott now had about 14,000 men, some 2500 of whom lay, however, in
the hospitals, while about six hundred were convalescents too feeble
for an ordinary day's march. The cavalry, led by Colonel Harney,
included portions of the three dragoon regiments under Captain Kearny,
Major Sumner and Major McReynolds. For artillery, besides the siege
train, there were the field batteries of Duncan, Taylor, Steptoe
and others,[24.28] and the howitzer and rocket battery of Talcott.
Brevet Major General Worth's division of infantry, known as the First,
consisted of Brevet Colonel Garland's brigade (Second and Third
Artillery, Fourth Infantry and a light battalion) and the brigade of
Colonel Clarke, which included the Fifth, Sixth and Eighth Infantry.
The Second Division, commanded by Brigadier General Twiggs, was
composed of the regiments under Brevet Brigadier General Persifor F.
Smith (Mounted Riflemen, First Artillery and Third Infantry) and Brevet
Colonel Riley (Fourth Artillery, Second and Seventh Infantry). Major
General Pillow, higher in rank than the brave, able and experienced
Worth, a professional soldier, had the Eleventh and Fourteenth
Infantry and the Voltigeur regiment under Brigadier General Cadwalader,
a polished veteran of Chestnut Street parades, Philadelphia, and the
Ninth, Twelfth and Fifteenth Infantry under the gentlemanly Franklin
Pierce, a social and political hero of Concord, New Hampshire; while
General Shields's brigade (New York and South Carolina volunteers) and
Lieutenant Colonel Watson's, consisting of three hundred marines and a
detachment of the Second Pennsylvania, made up the division of Quitman,
an excellent person and politician, who had now reached the highest
military grade.[24.29]

The troops that had been waiting at Puebla were by this time in fine
training; and the new men, besides receiving the soldier's baptism on
the way up, had learned at least the value of discipline and skill.
The former had become to a large extent acclimated, and they felt an
entire confidence in their commander, which, fully accredited by his
victories, extended promptly to the reinforcements. The essential
clothing had been purchased or manufactured. Thanks to indefatigable
exertions a large stock of provisions had been accumulated, and at a
cost of 15 per cent funds for the march to the capital had been raised.
Although time had permitted the friendly sentiments and reasonable
arguments of Scott's proclamation to leaven the people, and association
with the Americans had refuted the calumnies previously effective
against them, our officers and men expected hard fighting. Thoughts of
distant homes and of near perils were silvering many a fine head. There
were no good laughers in the army now. But in an equal degree hearts
were nerved. Mentally the cost of success, figured without discount,
was already paid. All felt eager to advance. And when, anticipating
Pierce's arrival by one day, Scott gave the order, a soldier's joy
lighted up their bronzed features.[24.30]




XXV

ON TO THE CAPITAL

April-August, 1847


Almost immediately after Santa Anna left the seat of government for the
Cerro Gordo campaign, more than twenty generals and several members of
Congress were called together at the palace by Anaya to consider the
defence of the capital.[25.1] Apparently the problem could be solved
without much difficulty. Mexico lies in a rather shallow basin--said
to be the crater of an ancient volcano--about thirty-two by forty-six
miles in diameter. In the time of Cortez the site had consisted of
islands barely rising above the water, but the spaces between these
had gradually been filled, and the water had subsided. Six lakes could
still be counted, however; almost everywhere else in the environs
there were marshes traversed by elevated roads or causeways; and the
rim of the basin, as well as the routes beyond it, seemed to offer
advantageous points for defence.[25.2]

The sentiment of this council and of the city, though concealed under a
cloak of bellicose ardor, opposed resisting the Americans in earnest,
or at all events opposed inviting bombardment; and it was therefore
decided merely to take precautions against a raid, fortify certain
points on the roads, and bring out a host of irregulars to hang upon
the rear and flanks of the enemy. All men capable of bearing arms were
summoned to the colors. The states were called upon for aid. Hopes of
borrowing twenty millions imparted a sunny look to the situation; and
ecclesiastics, naturally passive in view of the agreement with Beach
to let Scott have the city, were deliberately forced into the streets
by the civil authorities to preach fanaticism and rouse the public
from their apathy. Except perhaps by this last method, however, little
was accomplished. "Let us unite, let us unite, and do you go and fight
against the French," some of the Spanish priests had said when their
country was invaded by Napoleon. So things went now in Mexico, and
every one assigned to himself the duty of exhorting. Fine ideas beamed
forth, but everything of practical utility was conspicuously wanting.
Still, as the American volunteers were considered "banditti, without
the slightest knowledge of military tactics, without any sort of
training, without confidence, and in general easily terrified," no keen
sense of alarm was felt.[25.2]

  [Illustration: VALLEY OF MEXICO]

[POLITICAL CHAOS AT MEXICO]

The disaster of Cerro Gordo cast new and fearful shadows upon the
scene. That defeat, said Anaya, "simply means complete ruin for
the whole republic," and even his gratification that Santa Anna's
"interesting person" had not gone down in the wreck seemed rather
of an iridescent kind. Military confidence, which had revived after
earlier shocks, gave way entirely. The prestige derived by Santa
Anna from his alleged success at Buena Vista was now torn to shreds
by panting fugitives from the south. About a thousand pamphlets, for
which no language was too savage or too true, poured light upon his
character and achievements, and the military men as a class met with
similar treatment.[25.3] To be sure, the government promised boldly
to continue the war. April 20 Congress invested the Executive with
autocratic powers, and prohibited all steps toward peace.[25.4] The
Federal District, in which lay the capital, was placed under martial
law. Urgent demands for troops were sent wherever soldiers could be
supposed to lurk. Once more the authorities called upon every citizen
of the proper age to take up arms. Quotas aggregating 32,000 men were
formally assigned to the states. Light fortifications, intended to
delay and perhaps block the Americans, were ordered to be thrown up
along the route; and the heads of the Church issued an appeal for
concord and morality.[25.5]

But all of these proceedings displayed more alarm than courage, more
desperation than intelligence. Many of the defensive points were
found valueless. Tools, funds, engineers and laborers fell short. The
meagre donations for continuing hostilities evinced a total want of
enthusiasm. The problem of obtaining enough troops, provisions and
artillery to defend the town seemed more and more insoluble, and the
danger not only of bombardment but of sack more and more terrible.
Grandees got out their old travelling coaches, and even plain citizens
began to emigrate. The government itself decided that against an army
represented by American deserters as more than 16,000 strong, fully
equipped, shortly to be reinforced, and soon to advance, the city could
not possibly be held; and the favorite plan of the administration,
the most promising that could be devised, was to buy up Scott's
Irish soldiers through the priest McNamara, recently conspicuous in
California, and facilitate their desertion by having Santa Anna attack
Puebla. Should this fail, submission and peace appear to have been
deemed inevitable.[25.5]

With some exceptions rulers and people alike, wearied by decades of
dissensions, oppression, scheming, robbery and illusory promises,
discouraged by the passive opposition of the clergy and the wealthy
classes, overwhelmed by a series of military disasters, convinced
that incompetent and perhaps traitorous generals led the armies, and
powerless to discern any happy omens for the country, felt neither
hope nor spirit; and the kindness of the Americans, added to their
invincibility, had now overcome even the instinct of race.[25.5]

To heighten the confusion, a state of governmental chaos reigned.
Anaya had at most but little prestige or influence, and friends of
Santa Anna, angry because excluded from office, created a friction
between the two that weakened both. The ministers could not coöperate
harmoniously. General Bravo was given command of all the troops in
the Federal District and the state of México, and Santa Anna did not
want him in that important position. Congress devoted itself, when not
harassing the administration, to wrangling over a new constitution,
substantially that of 1824, which finally was voted on the eighteenth
of May. In conscious impotence the Puros writhed and snarled; and their
enemies, the Moderados, after having triumphed and brought Santa Anna
to their side, now boldly paraded their dislike of him, and, by showing
no concern except about retaining their power, excited hostility and
contempt. Common sense was no less wanting than patriotism; and when
these two parties finally agreed to save the country, their plan
was--to supplement the constitution with two more articles.[25.5]

Of all the discontent, resentments and ambitions the now despised
Santa Anna became naturally the target. Almonte still plotted to be
President. Arista and Ampudia, joined now in disgrace as formerly in
misfortune, felt thoroughly dissatisfied. Gómez Farías could not forget
his betrayal, and Olaguíbel, governor of the most important state,
México, loyally supported him. Bravo reciprocated Santa Anna's dislike.
Valencia aspired to the chief military command. All in favor of ending
the war--who now had an organ, _El Razonador_--considered Santa Anna
a bar to peace and even to the faithful observance of a preliminary
armistice; and some of them, arguing that his extraordinary powers were
cancelled automatically by the adoption of a new organic law, advocated
placing him in the interior somewhere, ostensibly to wait for new
troops, and negotiating a treaty without his knowledge. The Puros were
expected to explode a revolution against him about the twentieth of
May, and for all sorts of personal or patriotic reasons a host of minor
individuals made ready to coöperate with it.[25.5]

[SANTA ANNA AT THE CAPITAL]

But all these busy folks were only mice, reckoning without the cat. On
leaving Puebla Santa Anna proceeded to San Martín, which lay on the
direct road to Mexico where it began to ascend the rim of the Valley.
Works had been erected near, but it was found they could easily be
turned and not easily be provisioned; and a council of war decided to
occupy the capital, since only there could large resources be counted
upon. May 18, therefore, the wretched army of 3000 or 3500 men arrived
at Ayotla, fifteen miles from their destination. Learning of this
unexpected and undesired event, the hostile elements undertook to
"pronounce" at once, but could not set the movement off. Three leading
statesmen of the dominant party then hurried to meet the General, and
after arguing all day persuaded him to write that Anaya might remain in
office and even decide whether Mexico City should be defended, while
he himself would retain his military command, or, if dissatisfied with
Anaya's decision, would resign.[25.6]

But presently cunning Tornel and one or two others convinced Santa
Anna that a mere handful of enemies had spread this net in order to
drag him from power, and eliminate his influence on the vital question
of peace. Jealousy and fears inspired by the favor that Valencia and
Bravo were apparently enjoying, added to the urgency of his officers,
did the rest; and on the nineteenth, in spite of the understanding just
agreed upon--indeed, only about an hour after his letter reached the
palace--his troops entered the city. Anaya's rather sour and curdled
face flushed hot and bitter. He did not care to retain the Presidency,
for he believed a revolution would soon break out; but forcible
ejection, in disregard of a written promise, was another affair. He
found himself powerless, however; and the next day, after inducing
a council of generals to decide upon holding Mexico, Santa Anna
announced that he would sacrifice his wishes, and resume the executive
power.[25.6]

The state of things that ensued was indescribable. Nothing equal to it
has been known perhaps, and nothing imagined save the witches' caldron.
One public man estimated the number of bubbling intrigues as twenty
millions. Nothing is left us except vanity and dissension, but those
we possess in the superlative degree, wrote Ramírez. Congress had no
prestige, no power, no capacity; and its factions could see nothing
except opportunities to stab one another. Santa Anna's breach of faith
intensified the distrust and hatred of the Moderados without gratifying
the Puros. Hoping to win some popularity, he restored the freedom of
the press, which had recently been curtailed; but his enemies merely
took advantage of it. "The man of La Angostura, of Cerro Gordo, of
Amozoc, weary of destroying Mexicans on the field of battle, comes
home tranquilly to find repose in the Presidential chair," exclaimed
Almonte's organ.[25.6]

A plausible and eloquent manifesto put out over Santa Anna's name
dropped cold on the pavement. No basis of popular or political strength
for even a temporary footing could be discovered by his counsellors.
Santa Anna himself felt staggered by the opposition. His only chance
was to place the nation between the devil and the deep sea--between
bayonets and chaos--hoping it would again call upon him to save it; and
so on the twenty-eighth, declaring that schemers and revolutionists,
who found him in their way, paralyzed his efforts to serve the country,
he made another sacrifice, and resigned the Presidency.[25.6]

Unhappily for him it soon appeared likely that Congress would accept
the sacrifice, while on the other hand certain aspects of his outlook
brightened. Busy Tornel induced a fraction of the Puros, who realized
their helplessness, to adopt his cause. Valencia, though much to Santa
Anna's repugnance, had been given for his present portion the chief
command at San Luis Potosí, and so disappeared from the capital.
Almonte found himself in prison under a charge of conspiracy. Arista
and Ampudia were banished from the vicinity. Bravo retired from his
command. At the same time promotions fell copiously on devotees; and
the happy recipients knew these might well cease to be valid, should
their patron fall. Almonte was said to have received a majority of
the votes for President, while Santa Anna had been supported by only
Chihuahua; but so much territory lay in American hands that a question
about the legality of the election arose, and Congress deferred the
matter. On the second of June, therefore, the arch-prestidigitator laid
himself once more upon the altar, and in order to save the country from
Scott and anarchy withdrew his resignation.[25.6]

"Mexicans, I shall be with you always--to the consummation of your
ruin," so the _Monitor Republicano_ paraphrased his announcement; and
then it added: "What a life of sacrifice is the General's; a sacrifice
to take the power, to resign, to resume; ultimate sacrifice; ultimate
final; ultimate more final; ultimate most final; ultimate the very
finalest. But let him cheer up. He is not alone in making sacrifices.
For twenty-five years the Mexican people have been sacrificing
themselves, all of them, in the hope that certain persons would do good
to the country." But in spite of sarcasm and ridicule Santa Anna had
triumphed. Hated by many, disliked by most, distrusted by nearly all,
yet forging ahead because he was on the ground with troops, because his
combination of good luck, audacity and cunning could not be matched,
because the Moderado government had proved incompetent, because a
régime of dissension and anarchy could organize no solid opposition
against him, and because a group of selfish interests found in him
a sharp, tough bit of steel to fix at the head of their spear, he
triumphed once more.[25.6]

[SANTA ANNA STILL SUPREME]

The victory threatened, however, to be fatal. In every direction
lurked pitfalls charged with gunpowder. In all the history of Mexico
dissensions had never been more bitter, nor political and social
chaos nearer. Congress annoyed him until at length, by failing week
after week to form a quorum lest one faction or another should
score an advantage, it fell into abeyance and left him virtually a
dictator.[25.7] In the hope of obtaining funds from the Church, he gave
deeper offence than ever to the most prominent of the Moderados; but
the prelates, in alliance with leading monarchists, continued to plot
against him. Newspapers waged a bitter campaign until choked with an
iron hand. His persecution of the generals excited fierce resentment. A
Puro chief, entering the Cabinet and getting a glimpse of his ulterior
aims, resigned in six days.[25.8]

In short the administration had no political creed, and could find no
political support; and the assistance of that indispensable villain,
Tornel, who could be seen stealing to the palace at the hour when
the night-hawk begins to fly, covered it with discredit. Executive
authorities waged almost civil war upon one another. Rumors, not
without some basis, that a formal dictatorship was in view, could not
be stilled; and the general want of confidence in the President's
character and aims rendered the most skilful appeals to patriotism
vain. Only by the utmost exertions could the fragile edifice of
government be kept balanced on the point of the bayonet.[25.8]

Nor was the opposition against Santa Anna confined to his immediate
vicinity. The people of Mexico City had always despised the outlying
states; and not only was this disdain repaid, but the capital, source
of so many political and financial ills experienced by the rest of
the country, was looked upon by a great number of thoughtful men as
hopelessly corrupt--as a diseased part that required amputation. When
restoring the old federal system in August, 1846, in order to satisfy
his democratic allies and win popularity, Santa Anna apparently did
not foresee, as Consul Black did, that after realizing their power
and getting into touch with one another, the states would take a firm
position upon their prerogatives. In addition to such difficulties, it
was commonly felt that military men and the army stood mortally opposed
to democracy and federal institutions, that success in the field might
enable Santa Anna to overthrow this principle and these institutions,
and that a loud cry for patriotism and war, combined with a systematic
withholding of men and supplies, would compel him to fight and ensure
his ruin.[25.8]

By evasions, therefore, or in some cases positive refusals to obey
the commands of the general government, substantially all the states
withheld support, frequently alleging that under the régime of the
new constitution its extraordinary powers, conferred by the law of
April 20, did not exist, and that all National Guards, as well as all
revenues assigned to the states in September, 1846, were independent
of the national authorities. In this opposition Zacatecas naturally
played a leading part, but perhaps Olaguíbel, an impressive, honest and
able man, who had travelled in the United States and Europe and had
filled his library with busts of the leading American statesmen, was
its foremost representative; and the firm support of his constituents,
who felt intensely jealous of Santa Anna, as well as the coöperation
of Gómez Farías, rendered him a formidable person. Balked thus by
constitutional theories that not only flattered local interests and
pride but were noticeably economical, Santa Anna could obtain--aside
from the troops brought by General Juan Alvarez and a few others--very
little assistance outside of the Federal District.[25.8]

That was hard enough, but still greater difficulties lay behind it.
In the far northwest Sonora, Sinaloa and Durango entertained the
idea of uniting as a new republic, and six of the central states were
banded together in a Coalition. This extra-legal, if not illegal,
organization had been called into existence in January, 1847, by the
pronunciamiento of the Mazatlán garrison, which aimed at making Santa
Anna dictator. By the end of May it was in good shape, and had a plan
for troops of its own. Two weeks later the delegates, who made Lagos
their place of meeting, called themselves an Assembly, and were buying
arms; and by the fourth of July they felt bold enough to declare
null a decree of Santa Anna. Of course the ostensible purpose was to
protect independence, nationality and federal institutions; but, as the
correspondence of the state governors reveals, the real aims included
the establishment of a "new pact of alliance," a new confederation,
in which Santa Anna and that Babylon, the city of Mexico, should have
no part. With this Coalition a large number of the Puros naturally
sympathized.[25.8]

[SANTA ANNA PREPARES FOR BATTLE]

In the face of it all, however, the futile strategist of Cerro
Gordo, with a truly superb wilfulness and a more truly pitiful
self-confidence, snatched up once more the bloody dice. Cannon were
brought from distant points, cast by the government from bells and old
ordnance at Chapultepec and elsewhere, or manufactured by contractors.
New muskets, of which foreigners offered to deliver great stocks
at Mexican ports or by way of Guatemala, were purchased; old ones,
appropriated by deserters or stolen during revolutions, were hunted up;
and all citizens were ordered, though perhaps without great results,
to let the government have what arms they owned. Immense quantities
of powder were produced at Morelia, at Guanajuato, at Santa Fe near
Mexico, and at the capital; a great deal was imported overland from
British Honduras, and additional supplies came from New Orleans by the
way of Campeche. At various points mortars, bayonets, projectiles and
numberless other articles were turned out by government establishments
or private contractors. Forges clanged on all sides; and wherever the
President's restless and unscrupulous mind could have its way, there
reigned a feverish activity, cooled only by a want of funds.[25.11]

At Mexico City, before his arrival, some 2000 regulars and 8000
National Guards, besides the officers, were in garrison; and these
with his army, five hundred from Querétaro, some two hundred Irish
deserters, an unknown number of able-bodied loafers impressed at the
capital, and larger or smaller accessions from other sources, made
up the Army of the East. The Army of the South under Juan Alvarez,
who commanded the line to Acapulco with headquarters near Mexico, had
on its roll at the end of June 2748 officers and men; and Canalizo,
comandante general of Puebla, who became reconciled to his chief in
June, was supposed to have a few thousands of National Guards and
irregulars. But as most of these forces were poorly paid and a large
part of them served unwillingly, desertion--in spite of the severest
rules--was common, and the numbers fluctuated incessantly.[25.11]

At San Luis Potosí, meantime, lay the Army of the North, which
contained the largest percentage of veterans. In May Valencia, so
long a rival of the President, had talked in a very lofty style, as
if already the military head of the nation, about marching south
and cutting Worth to pieces, and Santa Anna, though anxious to get
his troops, now wished him to remain at a distance; but in July, on
account of Scott's approaching reinforcements, it seemed necessary to
bring down that army, and it arrived at Guadalupe Hidalgo, a few miles
north of Mexico, on the twenty-seventh, numbering more than 4000 men
with twenty-two guns. Just how many soldiers the President then had
cannot be stated, and in all probability no one could have stated at
the time; but, such as they were, there seem to have been fully 25,000
men and probably, as reports and intercepted letters convinced many
of the Americans, 30,000, if not more.[25.9] Some were well dressed,
well equipped and well trained; but from that pinnacle the army
descended to mere off-scourings, whose rags were as the President said,
"a disgrace to the nation," and whose military efficiency doubtless
corresponded.[25.11]

Of equally varied quality were the officers. The generals best known
to the country were nearly all out of the service now, being under
charges or at odds with the head of the government. Valencia was a
conspirator, a drunkard, a dolt and a volcano. Alvarez, an ignorant
mulatto from the wilds, understood only half-savage, partisan fighting.
Lombardini, a strutting lackey, who commanded the Army of the East
except when Santa Anna took personal charge of it, strove to conceal
behind a swarthy face, a heavy mustache and goatee, and a ceaseless
volubility the poverty of his intellect; and the great mass of the
officers were--well, they had already shown their value. They were now
ordered to be intelligent and brave, to be zealous whether paid or not
paid, to do their full duty and something more, to cast behind them
every thought of accepting parole, and to say nothing against their
superiors; but it lay beyond the power of orders to make them what they
could not be, and the small number of excellent men were lost in the
crowd.[25.11]

[THE MEXICAN PLANS]

Regarding the plan of operations a radical difference of opinion
existed. To not a few the idea that Scott was lying comfortably at
Puebla seemed almost unendurable. They longed to have him attacked
unceasingly; and they insisted that, should the arrogant invader dare
to march for the capital, every step of the route should be contested.
Santa Anna on the other hand still believed in concentration, and
though some regard was paid to the apprehensions of the ayuntamiento,
his views naturally prevailed. The plan adopted, then, after
considerable vacillation in regard to details, was to protect the
entire perimeter of the city with fortifications, inundate more or less
the surrounding meadows, and prevent Scott from seriously injuring
the town with his artillery by erecting a series of works at the most
advantageous points of the environs. These protected lines were to be
held by the less reliable corps--National Guards, for example--and the
troops belonging to the regular army were to be a mobile force ready to
defend the city at any threatened point.[25.11]

The plan was thus essentially defensive, and it has been said with
much force that a system of this kind promises merely negative results
in the case of success, and positive ruin in the case of defeat. But
the present situation was peculiar. Supplied with provisions for no
long period, and without hopes of early and strong reinforcements, the
Americans were bound to fail unless promptly and signally victorious,
and their entering the Valley would then have meant destruction. "Scott
is lost," exclaimed the Duke of Wellington after the Americans crossed
the rim; "He cannot capture the city and he cannot fall back upon
his base." Santa Anna's plan, therefore, did not merit the criticism
bestowed upon it.[25.11]

Besides, Alvarez with nearly all the Mexican horse was to swing in
behind the advancing Americans, cut off their communication with
Puebla, follow, annoy and injure them in every possible way, conceal
his real strength so as to bring out and overwhelm their cavalry,
attack vigorously whenever Scott should become seriously engaged before
Mexican fortifications, and be ready to prevent his retreat. Canalizo
with his thousands was to support Alvarez; and Valencia also, advancing
from Guadalupe Hidalgo to the, village of Texcoco, east of Mexico,
was to coöperate with him, and especially to throw himself with all
his energy into the attack on the American rear or flank, whenever
Scott should assail the outer works. At the same time the people of
the neighboring towns and villages were to swarm about the invader
like hornets, and sting him day and night incessantly. In short the
plan was excellent--only Santa Anna overlooked, as usual, several
possibilities.[25.11]

As soon as he took up the reins of government the construction of
defences had begun, and now, under the technical direction of General
Mora, Manuel Robles and Juan Cano, it was pushed with all the energy
of an intense military despot who stuck at nothing. Villages were
depopulated, haciendas robbed of their laborers, jails emptied, and
the streets cleared of vagabonds. Enforce obedience, the governor of
the District was curtly told when he reported that his orders had no
effect. Sunset no longer promised repose, and the church bells no
longer meant worship. Informed on July 18 that Scott would leave Puebla
on the twenty-first, Santa Anna rose above his exemplar, Napoleon, and
took for model the Creator. Within eight days let all the works be
completed, he decreed. But engineers, laborers, tools, instruments,
timber, provisions, time and cash--much of which was embezzled by high
officers and officials even at this juncture--all fell short, and Santa
Anna's serviceable cannon were not enough to equip even the works
constructed.[25.11]

Certain points, however, became quite formidable, and especially Old
Peñón, a lofty, precipitous hill of rock standing by itself, close
to the Puebla route, seven miles from the city.[25.10] Stockades,
breastworks, parapets and guns bristled on summit and brow; works
at the base and in advance commanded all dangerous approaches; a
trench full of water crossed the road; the meadows in front--cut with
ditches--were inundated; and the swampy edge of Lake Texcoco guarded
the opposite side of the road. To the Mexicans, who always measured
the strength of a chain by its heaviest link, this position seemed a
wonderful protection; and in general the people, if not the city, were
strongly fortified by the President's labors.[25.11]

[THE PEOPLE ENTHUSIASTIC]

For other reasons also the morale of the inhabitants improved.
Characteristic light-heartedness made them turn from past defeats to
future triumphs. They were told that at Cerro Gordo Scott had made his
troops fight by opening a battery upon them from the rear; that his
men, while they presumed to think they could make "vile slaves" of the
generous and valiant Mexicans, were few, sickly, poverty-stricken,
dissatisfied; and that Polk, embarrassed by the expense of the war,
could send him but scanty reinforcements. Greed, brutality and
sanguinary ambition were charged against us at this crisis by the
London _Times_ in its usual contemptuous manner, and the _Diario_
eagerly quoted it. The successes of the guerillas against American
convoys roused a lively enthusiasm. "Only a little, a very little"
effort is necessary to beat the hateful Anglo-Saxon, proclaimed the
government; and a review of the brilliant Eleventh Infantry, headed
by its band of twenty-five pieces, made that little seem easy and
agreeable.[25.11]

People who bore the names of saints as a matter of course easily
exploded Scott's Address of May 11. How absurd, they cried, for
the American general to pretend he is a Christian: there is no St.
Winfield in the calendar! The only hope of the Americans lies in
Mexican dissension, therefore let us disappoint them, it was urged;
and to promote harmony all the newspapers except the official organ
were suspended on plausible grounds. Santa Anna's activity and warlike
spirit had to be recognized by all. We must confide in him and gather
round him like a band of brothers, preached the _Diario_; and when
all political trials were ordered to end, and the President banqueted
at Valencia's house, the fraternal era so long hoped for seemed at
hand.[25.11]

Finally, on the ninth of August, at two o'clock in the afternoon, a
16-pounder boomed portentously from the citadel. The long roll was
beaten. Bands of music patrolled the city. Hands clapped. Vivas echoed
through the streets. Rockets flashed rosettes in the sky. "Blinded by
pride the enemy have set out for the capital," proclaimed Santa Anna;
"For this, Mexicans, I congratulate myself and you." The government,
while savagely and contemptuously scoring the Americans, announced a
series of reforms to be effected by Santa Anna, not as a constitutional
magistrate, but as a Divine Providence; and the _Diario_ echoed back,
"Half a dozen of these measures would change the face of the Republic."
The President assumed command of the army, and every citizen from
sixteen to fifty years of age took his place in the ranks. Amidst the
most fervid enthusiasm of crowds that filled the streets, balconies and
housetops, troops followed troops gaily toward Old Peñón, and two days
later the forces were reviewed there.[25.12]

Tents gleamed under a splendid sun. Bands played as if inspired.
The soldiers marched with a quick, impatient step. Anaya--recently
the chief magistrate, Gorostiza--the primate of Mexico's literary
men, white-haired Herrera--the most honored of her political chiefs,
and countless other dignitaries did honor to the occasion. The rich
vestments of the clergy gave exquisite lustre and color, and their
pompous benedictions added a sense of more than human grandeur. All
were happy, radiant, brotherly. Every thought of peace, every thought
of opposing or even doubting Santa Anna appeared to be forgotten. In
all his previous career so refulgent a day had never been his. "Ecce
Homo!" cried the _Diario_; "Behold the illustrious champion of 1821,
the hero of 1829, the genius of 1838!" For him the hill became a Mount
of Transfiguration. Or rather, perhaps, it was Mt. Sinai, where Deity
appeared in thunders and lightnings. You MUST, was the command
to the governor of Zacatecas this day. Let the state of Mexico send
me her troops, rang the message to Olaguíbel. And Olaguíbel replied
meekly, They shall go to-morrow.[25.12]

[SCOTT'S MARCH TO MEXICO]

Scott was in fact advancing. On the morning of Saturday, the seventh,
his camp was astir early. The base of Popocatepetl seemed black, and
the slopes a pale, silvery blue; but its top, almost 18,000 feet
above the sea, was a "Blazing Star," as some of the Indians named the
mountain, and appeared like an omen of victory. The Second Division was
soon ready. Twiggs faced it, waved his hat round his white head, and
cried in the voice of Ajax, "Now, my lads, give them a Cerro Gordo
shout!" A simultaneous hurrah from twenty-five hundred iron throats
was the response; and at six o'clock, preceded by the cavalry and the
engineer company and followed by the siege train--while his band,
mounted on splendid white horses, played our national airs--he began
the eventful march. One day apart, Quitman, Worth and Pillow followed
him. Though it was announced that no man unable to do three marches
could be permitted to go, hundreds of convalescents unequal to the
effort insisted upon trying, and, gradually falling out, rejoined the
garrison of Puebla. Feeble in numbers[25.13] for such an enterprise,
but confiding in their quality, their leader and their prestige, the
10,738 men and their officers pressed boldly forward.[25.15]

For a time the dust proved extremely annoying and the sun scorched;
but soon mountain air began to be felt, and the troops entered a wide,
blooming and scented valley, full of rich fields, grazing herds, noble
hacienda houses that were almost palaces, and trim white churches
that seemed like stragglers from the great host at Puebla. In the
rear shone Orizaba and the nearer pyramid of Malinchi. On the left
Popocatepetl and his consort, the Sleeping Woman (Iztaccihuatl), deeply
blanketed in fleecy white, looked hardly a stone's throw distant; and
after the sun had set, the air grown cold, and the valley--now less
open--filled with shadows, their purple tops glowed like interplanetary
lighthouses.[25.15]

Soon after passing the ugly little town of San Martín, twenty miles
from Puebla, the troops began to ascend more rapidly. Eleven miles more
brought them to a mountain river, Tesmelucan, where the elegant aërial
bridge that spanned the abyss made them almost feel they were flying.
The scenery now became Alpine. Deep chasms, answered to peaks, and
lovely glens to precipices; and the cedar, the oak and the ash, as well
as pines of extraordinary height and straightness, reared themselves
on the slopes. At Río Frio, about thirty-six miles from both Puebla
and Mexico, where an icy stream dashed foaming down the rocks, the
mountains closed in on the left, and their crest, lined with deserted
parapets, almost overhung the road.[25.14] Then a stiffer climb of
about five miles placed the troops on a narrow plateau which formed the
summit; and they were now 10,500 feet above the sea.[25.15]

A few miles down the steep descent on the other side their prospect
opened, and below, girt round with singularly bold mountains--rough,
dark and purplish, but softened here and there with a wisp of shining
vapor--lay the Valley of Mexico, which the pellucid atmosphere,
transmitting colors and outlines undimmed, brought wondrously nigh. Ten
small volcanoes, that had been crumbling for ages untold, stood clothed
in luxuriant verdure nearly to the summit. Six broad lakes now laughed
under the brilliant sun and now brooded in the shadows of passing
clouds. Velvet champaigns--cut with ash-colored roads, gleaming canals
and straight lines of poplars, and studded with walled haciendas,
rambling towns and cozy-looking villages--were further variegated with
highly cultivated fields of many crops, with groves and orchards from
which peered steeples and bell-towers, with villa roofs of tiles, red
and cheery, and with whitewashed cottages that shone like silver.
Every possible hue of green and every possible tone of light and shade
blended into one harmonious effect. And in the midst of this wonderful
scene, as the climax of the stillness and beauty, the focus of all
eyes, the aim of all desires, untarnished by smoke, seemingly without
stain, bright with sunshine, begemmed with many a palace, park and
lofty church, slumbered the capital of Mexico, Venice-of-the-Mountains.
Not one of the fascinated soldiers but held his breath; and not one,
testified the commander-in-chief, but said to himself or his neighbor,
"That splendid city shall soon be ours!"[25.15]

Along this part of the route almost 13,000 trees had been cut down
for barricades, and some of them had been placed in the road; but the
Americans were not materially hindered, and in crossing the lower
slopes they found little to do except admire the wondrous variety and
profusion of the wild-flowers. On the eleventh, seeing Mexicans ahead
for the second time, Twiggs waited for Quitman; but a few hours later,
after passing a cross-road, he went on about four miles, and occupied
the adobe village of Ayotla, half-buried in olive trees, while Harney's
cavalry took post at San Isidro, a mile and a half in advance, and
Quitman camped in the rear. The next day Worth's division turned to the
left by the cross-road, marched three miles and a half to the squalid
little town of Chalco, simmering at the margin of the shallow, marshy
lake bearing that name, and finally halted a little distance beyond;
and Pillow camped at Chimalpa, not far beyond Worth.[25.15]

But what had the enemy been doing? The people along the route, who were
to have stung the Americans day and night, recognized the difference
between them and the Mexican irregulars, welcomed them cordially, and
gave them all possible assistance. Canalizo--who seems to have been
cowed by the disaster of Cerro Gordo, and some time before this had
fled from San Martín, with six hundred men at his back, on seeing
an American officer, detailed to arrange an exchange of prisoners,
approach with a small escort--felt no desire to fight, besides which
most of his troops revolted or deserted; and Governor Isunza not only
failed to assist him with men and means, but flatly refused him a
particular corps, expressly demanded by the Executive at Mexico.[25.16]

Alvarez, well-nigh a brigand, had always fought for his own advantage,
knew that all the other chief leaders were doing this now, and, in
addition to cherishing resentments against Santa Anna, probably felt no
craving to play a strictly inferior part. Though he did not have all
the men for whom he seems to have been drawing rations, his force was
important, and in three particulars he obeyed his orders. He stationed
himself at the designated point on the flank of San Martín, kept
beyond the reach of Scott's artillery, and scrupulously refrained from
attacking the Americans on unfavorable terms; but while he made excuses
bravely, and proposed valiant operations that Santa Anna forbade as
inconsistent with his general plan, he retired some ten miles from the
route on the plea that his exhausted horses required pasturage. For
probably similar reasons Valencia quibbled and shirked; his train of
heavy guns--which, though needed in the fortifications, he would not
give up--impeded his movements; and so the only hostilities were a
trifling skirmish with irregulars, in which one American trooper fell a
victim to his own rashness. Thus ended, to his deep disgust, the first
chapter of Santa Anna's hopes.[25.16]

[THE APPROACH TO MEXICO]

Four lines of advance now offered themselves to Scott. By taking the
cross-road to the right he could have skirted Lake Texcoco, passing the
village of that name, and approached the north or the northwest quarter
of Mexico. But the route would have been long, deficient in water and
fuel, and circuitous; it was defended by Valencia with an ample supply
of artillery; a movement in that direction would have made surprise or
even sudden attack impossible for him; at a pass near Guadalupe Hidalgo
stood fortifications; and a march round these would have involved
another long circuit on exposed and unknown ground. This route,
therefore, was not seriously considered. On the other hand, after the
most thorough investigation, Scott had planned before leaving Puebla
to take the cross-road to the left, march along the southern shores of
Lakes Chalco and Xochimilco, and reach San Agustín, some ten miles to
the south of Mexico; and it was for this reason that he placed Worth,
who was to lead the movement while Twiggs was to menace Old Peñón, near
Chalco.[25.17]

On reaching the ground, however, unfavorable reports about this road
were given by Mexican spies; and the General, partly for that reason
and partly to mystify the enemy, reconnoitred the Peñón and also a
fourth route, which led to the village of Mexicaltzingo, about five
miles from the city. In regard to the Peñón his engineers--who pushed
their investigations with the utmost intrepidity, studied every foot
of the red ledges dripping with crimson gravel, and even penetrated
behind the hill--decided that it could be carried, but only at a
severe loss; while the evidence concerning the fourth possibility led
to a substantially similar conclusion, supported by the additional
objection, that apparently success would place the Americans on
difficult and unknown ground. At about the same time Scott obtained
further information regarding the Chalco route, which seemed to
justify the opinion formed at Puebla. Consequently the orders to
attack Mexicaltzingo--issued either because at the time Scott thought
he should march that way or because he desired to mislead the cunning
Mexican spies, who even gained the confidence of high American
officers--were suddenly rescinded in the night of the fourteenth, and
the next day, though Twiggs continued to threaten the Peñón until the
morning of the sixteenth, all the rest of the army, headed by the
cavalry and Worth's division, set out for San Agustín, distant from
Chalco some twenty-five miles.[25.17]

For about half this distance the road was little more than a narrow
lane, with a lake--or more properly a watery marsh--on the right and
bold foothills close on the left. Spaces of firm ground there were.
At one time venerable olive trees formed an arch over the road; once
the troops camped in a fine grove, and some ledgy, rocky spurs had to
be crossed. But for much of the way, although the weather had been
remarkably dry for the midst of the rainy season, the story, as Scott
had anticipated, was "mud, mud, mud." Now and then a man would slip
and sink to his waist in a bog-hole; in places the track was quite
overflowed; the chilly, torrential rains of almost every afternoon
increased the difficulties; and the labor of getting several miles
of wagons and heavy guns along such a route was almost incredible.
Besides, the troops had to be ready at all hours for attack--frontal,
rear or flank. But early in the afternoon of the seventeenth Harney
and Worth's advance reached San Agustín, a delightful place full of
handsome gardens and orchards; and the next day the rest of the troops
joined them--"ready," as a soldier put it, "for anything except a
thrashing."[25.18]

[TO SAN AGUSTÍN]

But again, where were the Mexicans? With so many works to construct,
Santa Anna could hardly be censured for leaving unfortified--especially
as both an inner and an outer line were made ready against any forces
using it--a route that seemed to be quite impracticable for an army
train; but he might have placed upon it a few light guns and a body
of skirmishers, who could have embarrassed the Americans greatly.
This, however, with his usual over-confidence and faulty judgment,
he neglected to do. Yet he was not idle. On the fourteenth he knew
the Americans were talking of a march to San Agustín; and though he
suspected this language might be a blind, he not only sent additional
forces to that quarter, but ordered Alvarez to follow Scott, should
such a movement occur, and be ready to fall upon him bravely should
he attack a fortified position; and when the movement actually began
on the following day, though Santa Anna misinterpreted its aim, he
promptly took further defensive steps on that line.[25.18]

One result was a slight brush between Alvarez and Twiggs after the
latter moved from Chalco on the sixteenth; but Alvarez soon found so
many difficulties in the road pursued by the Americans and so little
food or pasturage left in their rear, that he once more abandoned his
appointed field of operations. Santa Anna would not break up his
general plan by sending strong detachments from the southern line;
and consequently Scott's march was merely annoyed by a few hundred
irregulars, who fired at intervals, rolled great stones down the
slopes, and cut ditches in the road, but broke from cover and fled like
scared rabbits when C. F. Smith's corps of light infantry ran leaping
and shouting across the hillsides. Thus ended the second chapter of
Santa Anna's hopes.[25.18]

Meantime a precipitate rearrangement of the Mexican forces took place.
The President, after reconnoitring the American advance, hastened to
place himself between San Agustín and Mexico. Troops were despatched
from the Peñón to various points on the southern front, and Valencia
was ordered to proceed by the way of Guadalupe Hidalgo to the same
quarter. But the former status could no more be restored than one could
put back the smoke of an exploded shell. The strongest fortifications
had been turned and rendered useless; and any one could see that on the
side now threatened, where a number of causeways approached the city,
the defence of it would almost necessarily be weakened by a division
of the garrison. After such enthusiasm and such impatience to meet the
enemy, retirement unadorned with laurels or with even the stains of
combat produced a humiliating reaction in all hearts.[25.19]

At Mexico the returning soldiers found empty streets, untenanted
balconies and bolted windows; and the silent, sombre, fearsome aspect
of a besieged city enveloped and oppressed them. Doubts as to Santa
Anna's competence or loyalty, which had slept but not died amidst
the recent glorification and his confident promises of "a splendid
triumph," awoke. People recalled that precisely when the enemy were
moving against Vera Cruz, the Mexican army had been led off into the
northern deserts; and they hotly demanded why the engineers, the
laborers, the troops and the cannon had been massed at Old Peñón,
where Scott could nullify them all by a turn of the wrist. As if in
answer, it was publicly stated that an outpost had found a treasonable
communication addressed by the President of Mexico to the American
commander; and so ended Chapter III of Santa Anna's hopes.[25.19]




XXVI

CONTRERAS, CHURUBUSCO

August, 1847


While grievously disappointed by the collapse of his efforts at Old
Peñón, Santa Anna felt by no means despondent regarding his new line.
Toward the south ran the great highway of Acapulco--along which
numberless cargoes of silks, teas and spices had approached--guarded at
about a mile from the city by the gateway or _garita_ of San Antonio
Abad. Three miles and a half beyond that garita the highway crossed a
bridge over Churubusco River, here practically a drainage canal running
between high embankments planted with maguey, with Mexicaltzingo
about a mile and a half distant at the left. On the farther side of
the river, a fifth of a mile southwest of the bridge, stood a massive
convent and church, skirted by the rambling hamlet of Churubusco.
Passing the church at a distance of three hundred and fifty yards the
highway veered slightly toward the east, and some two and a quarter
miles from the river came to a great feudal hacienda named San Antonio,
adorned with trim silver poplars and Peruvian pepper trees along the
front of its buildings. A scant mile then brought one to the similar
but far less pretentious establishment of Cuapa; and two scant miles
more to San Agustín.[26.1] At the Churubusco bridgehead and convent
and at San Antonio, where the erection of defences had begun some
time before, laborers could now be seen working--particularly at San
Antonio--like bees; and with all possible haste guns, as well as
troops, were brought over from the Peñón. Here, said the President, he
"desired to have the battle fought."[26.4]

  [Illustration: BATTLES OF AUG. 20, 1847 GENERAL PLAN]

To increase his confidence, troops not only occupied Mexicaltzingo on
the left, but in even stronger force guarded the opposite flank. About
three miles toward the south from San Cosme, the western garita of
Mexico, the traveller, passing the fortified hill of Chapultepec on
the right, found himself at the genial suburb of Tacubaya. Keeping
on in the same general direction for nearly six miles and traversing
Mixcoac at about half-way, one came to San Angel, a pretty but narrow
town of some importance on the skirt of the foothills. Two miles from
here toward the east at Coyoacán, a garden spot loved by Cortez and
Alvarado, the fine brigade of Pérez, which consisted of about 3500
infantry, was now placed; and at San Angel itself a high military
officer, followed by some 5500 troops[26.2] from Guadalupe, drove up
in a coach about noon on Tuesday, the seventeenth of August. The man
was of average height but unusually broad, with a bull-neck deep in his
shoulders, as if some person had tried to force a good idea into his
head with a pile-driver, a hard, cruel, domineering look about his blue
eyes, small side-whiskers, and a heavy mustache. It was Valencia, whose
imputed schemes and intrigues had of late been keeping every tongue
busy.[26.4]

[VALENCIA'S MOVEMENTS]

Valencia's instructions were to block the way from Coyoacán to Tacubaya
with men and works; but he mounted at once, rode on south by the
turnpike, passed Ansaldo--a farmhouse buried in its orchard, two miles
and a half or so from San Angel--and a strong half-mile beyond it
paused. On his right, open ground sloped gradually back into a rounded
hill, some three or four hundred yards from the road; and below him on
the left flowed a small but lively stream at the bottom of a deep, wide
ravine, near the opposite side of which stood the adobe buildings of
Padierna farm.[26.4]

From this point a mule-path, barely practicable for horses, wriggled
off in the direction of San Agustín, here about four miles distant
in a straight line; and--covering the whole intermediate plain from
San Antonio and San Agustín on the one side to Padierna and San Angel
on the other, from Coyoacán on the north to the mountains on the
south--extended a _pedregal_ or lava bed, which looked as if a raging
sea of molten rock had instantly congealed, had then been filled by the
storms of centuries with fissures, caves, jagged points and lurking
pitfalls, and finally had been decorated with occasional stunted
trees and clumps of bushes. After pursuing the mule-path for some
distance, ordering a camp and batteries established on the slope of
the rounded hill, and instructing experts to reconnoitre the ground
thoroughly, Valencia returned to his post; and in the evening, on
learning from the experts that four other paths--one of them available
for artillery--led from San Agustín to San Angel, he summarized the
reconnaissances in a letter to Santa Anna, complaining that he had
neither room to manoeuvre nor time to fortify where he was, asking
leave to change his position, and calling for 2000 more men.[26.4]

The next day, Wednesday, the eighteenth, Santa Anna, writing back
that Scott intended to attack San Antonio, ordered Valencia to place
his troops at Coyoacán, and send his artillery to Churubusco, a mile
farther east. Valencia, who by this time had placed a strong outpost
on the mule-path and sappers on the rounded hill, replied that Scott,
striking both at San Antonio and at San Angel, would push his thrust
in whichever direction he should find the easier, and that he could
not conscientiously leave the second point unguarded by obeying those
orders. Notes worthy of the most finished and effusive pirates were
then exchanged; and in the end Santa Anna, who longed to remove his
insubordinate general but dared not, authorized him to do as he pleased
and assume, of course, the attendant responsibility.[26.3] Accordingly
on Thursday morning Valencia advanced with trumpets, drums and flags
to the rounded hill, and proceeded to array his forces. A long, low,
earthen parapet with an angle at the southern end already faced
Padierna, and five guns were in battery; but the summit of the hill was
neglected.[26.4]

[SCOTT FEELS HIS WAY]

During this time the Americans were not inactive. Early on Wednesday
Scott directed Worth and Engineers Mason and Tower, supported by
Garland's brigade of infantry and a body of dragoons, to reconnoitre
San Antonio.[26.5] The task was accomplished boldly and thoroughly; and
they found the place heavily defended, not only in the vicinity of the
white castle which formed the headquarters of the hacienda, but for a
long distance eastward--where, moreover, the water-soaked ground almost
forbade approach--and saw countless laborers toiling hard upon the
works. The presence of at least one 24-pounder was demonstrated, and
other heavy cannon were believed to be there. In Worth's opinion, the
cost of making a successful assault by the narrow, gun-swept causeway
with fascines and ladders would cripple the army.[26.6]

Questioning peons through an interpreter, the officers learned of a
path which began at the highway near Cuapa, made a circuit on the
left through the pedregal, and apparently returned to the highway
some distance inside the works, and this received careful attention;
but the conclusion was, that while infantry could filter through
it, artillery could not pass; and to advance by such a route in the
presence of a strong, unshaken enemy, whose front and other flank could
not be attacked or seriously threatened, appeared worse than hazardous.
Even Scott felt rather depressed on hearing the reports, especially
as fortifications were said to exist north of the hacienda. The men,
wagons and guns, all covered with mud, that lay scattered about on the
wet ground, seemed little indeed like a conquering army. Except for
some cattle, the army had only four days' provisions; the hard bread
was already musty, and the horses lacked forage.[26.6]

Later, however, Lee and Beauregard brought somewhat more promising
information. To the hacienda of Peña Pobre, a mile and a quarter from
San Agustín toward the west, they had found a good road; and then,
after proceeding about an equal distance by a mule-path to the top of
a sharp ridge, they had seen the path continue to Padierna and the
turnpike, which lay in full view nearly a mile and a half away, and
they believed it possible to make a road by that line. Their escort had
routed a hostile corps of observation, and some men had been seen at
work on a rounded hill beyond the turnpike, but no other Mexican forces
appeared to be near. Indeed, it seemed probable that much less adequate
defences had been provided here than on the great southern highway,
and in this direction Scott resolved to strike. "An enemy that halts,
vacillates, declines the battle offered him, makes a circuit, hunts for
a position and finds none to suit him is an enemy lost," exulted the
_Diario_.[26.6]

[THE BATTLE OF CONTRERAS]

The next morning, August 19, therefore--while Quitman unwillingly
remained at San Agustín to guard the base,[26.7] and Worth, with his
engineers and troops, continued to reconnoitre and threaten on the San
Antonio side--Scott ordered a force of engineers to build a road in the
other direction. Pillow's division was to furnish working-parties, and
Twiggs's to clear away whatever Mexican detachments might undertake to
hinder the operations; and the implied instructions were to gain and
hold the San Angel turnpike, so that San Antonio could be turned. Scott
did not expect or desire a general engagement at this time; but he
directed Pillow to take command and employ both divisions, if a battle
should be opened, promising that in such an event he would soon appear
on the field. Under these instructions the troops advanced cautiously
but rapidly the first mile and a quarter, constructed a road to the
summit of the ridge, pulled up the guns with drag-ropes, and looked
over. As the returning tide makes a sea in the Bay of Fundy, where only
bare ground had been visible a few hours earlier, Valencia's army had
taken possession. It was now one o'clock, and evidently road-building
was over for a while.[26.11]

Pillow, however, knew all about winning victories. From a central
hill, Zacatepec, where he stood, he could measure Valencia's forces
to a nicety, and he decided to brush them away. By his order the
Mounted Rifles, particularly the advanced companies of Roberts and
Porter, deployed quickly, drove the Mexican skirmishers in a handsome
style from rocks and fissures, and finally occupied Padierna. At
the same time and under his instructions Magruder--tall, blonde and
intrepid--advanced his field battery nearly a mile without cover over
that almost impassable ground, which the enemy had now barred with
stone walls, planted it under the slight protection of a transverse
ledge, and not long after two o'clock opened a duel with Mexican siege
guns, 68-pound howitzers and many lighter pieces, more than twenty
in all, at a range of about 900 yards, while brave Callender fought
the howitzer battery beside him, dashing little Reno set off rockets,
and Smith's and Pierce's brigades, which were presently to attack
Valencia's camp, furnished support. And Pillow knew also how to "bag"
a defeated enemy. So he ordered Riley's brigade to the extreme right
to coöperate with the frontal attack by checking reinforcements and
cutting off Valencia's retreat. Then he countermanded this order, but
not in season.[26.11]

Zigzagging, scrambling, leaping, and sliding as best they could over
about a mile of pedregal, Riley's brigade crossed the stream and the
turnpike, formed in the orchard of Ansaldo, routed small bodies of
lancers, passed through San Gerónimo--an Indian village lying amid
trees and ravines a quarter of a mile west of Ansaldo and about three
times as far from Valencia--had a stiff but victorious brush with
Torrejón and three regiments of cavalry, defied Valencia's cannon, some
of which now faced this way, found cover at length in broken ground
between the village and his camp, and waited for the Mexicans to be
routed. But the major general commanding failed in the prime essential
of his plan, for he did not induce Valencia to retreat. Badly crippled,
the American batteries became silent after an hour or so, the brigades
that had expected to charge saw clearly they could accomplish nothing,
and Riley found himself isolated. So ended wretchedly the first phase
of the battle of Contreras,[26.8] Pillow's phase.[26.11]

But by this time a second phase was taking shape. Pillow himself
perceived that Riley had been thrown into imminent peril, and sent
Cadwalader's brigade, which was followed by the Fifteenth Infantry,
to his support. Smith, useless where he was and probably feeling
little confidence in Pillow or Twiggs, decided to regard himself as
the senior officer present, gathered his men, except those employed
in skirmishing, and, with a yell of endorsement from them, proceeded
in the direction that Riley had taken--not, however, primarily to
intercept Valencia's retreat or reinforcements, but with a direct
view to attacking his left flank. At about the same time--probably
by half-past three o'clock--Scott himself joined Pillow and other
officers on Zacatepec, viewed with his usual battlefield equanimity
the desperate state of things, now spread before him like a map on a
table, studied Valencia's batteries, the heavy ranks of supporting
infantry and the long lines of cavalry in the rear, and soon fixed upon
woody San Gerónimo--marked at a line distance of about a mile and three
quarters by its white steeple--as the key to the situation, since it
both flanked and isolated Valencia, and ordered Shields's brigade also,
which had followed him from San Agustín, to that point.[26.11]

Smith, arriving at San Gerónimo about an hour before sunset, found all
of the commands, except Shields's, that had been ordered to go there;
and he also found that Santa Anna, after hurrying from San Antonio
through Coyoacán and San Angel, had placed himself with Pérez's brigade
and seven or eight hundred cavalry and artillery on low hills about
one half or three quarters of a mile behind San Gerónimo, and--though
checked by Cadwalader's brigade--was making ready to attack. Smith
at once began preparing to dispose of him, while the Mexicans on the
hills, after four or five guns arrived, indulged in vivas, music and a
little harmless cannonading; but both commanders finally concluded that
the hour was now too late for a battle. Santa Anna also decided that an
impassable ravine separated him from the Americans, and that he could
not prudently expose his men and arms to the rain then imminent; and
therefore, leaving his cavalry and artillery behind, he put the rest of
his forces under cover at San Angel.[26.11]

Night and a storm now set in, but behind the curtain of darkness four
striking scenes were presented. Scott, the general who seemed to have
lost half his army all at once without a battle, sat at headquarters
anxious and helpless. Seven times he despatched an officer to his
isolated right with orders, and seven times the officer failed to get
through. But still he waited--patient, considerate for those about him,
hopeful and alert, reflecting no doubt that brave men, skilful officers
and the natural strength of San Gerónimo would count. Valencia, on the
other hand, feeling that at last he had proved Santa Anna a blunderer,
and had forced him into the position of a mere assistant, was jubilant,
boastful and literally intoxicated. He reported grandly on his
"brilliant day," and scattered promotions as if already head of the
state.[26.11]

Santa Anna, devoured by passions and perplexities, now sent José Ramiro
to Valencia by a circuitous route with orders to retreat at once. Not
long afterwards two of Valencia's aides reached San Angel, bringing
news that, instead of being exterminated, thousands of Americans were
established in the San Gerónimo woods. Don't talk to me, Santa Anna
cried to the aides, who endeavored to excuse the situation; Valencia is
an ambitious, insubordinate sot; he deserves to have his brains blown
out, and I will not expose my men to the storm for him; let him spike
his guns, make the ammunition useless, and retreat. When Ramiro arrived
at the camp, Valencia would not listen to his message, and fiercely
demanded ammunition and men; but when his aides reported, he saw his
doom.[26.9] "Traitor, he has sold us!" he cried, storming like a madman
in the midst of his troops. Soldiers heard and echoed the cry. Women
shrieked. Frightened horses broke loose and galloped into the night.
Americans with lights are creeping in behind us, reported Torrejón. The
army understood. Scouts were feeling the way. The price had been paid
to Santa Anna. Their blood would soon be claimed.[26.11]

  [Illustration: BATTLE OF CONTRERAS]

In ignorance of all these outside events the Americans at San Gerónimo,
too exhausted to eat, bore the torrents of chilling, beating rain
without fires and in darkness as best they could. Some found huts,
but most of them lay in the mud or stood up under trees. Smith's and
Riley's men occupied the lanes, and Shields's brigade, which stumbled
in at about midnight, put up in the road and an orchard. Officers fared
like privates. In such a plight, the troops listened for hours to the
music and vivas of the enemy, and for their own part could only reflect
on the painful and fruitless exertions of the day and on the prospects
of the morrow. Without cavalry, without cannon, without reserves of
provisions or ammunition, without hope of quarter, they felt that
with some 4200 men they might have to face 25,000 exultant Mexicans
and any amount of artillery at daybreak. But everybody believed in
General Smith.[26.10] "Here he is!" "Now we'll have them!" Riley's
soldiers had cried on seeing Smith arrive; and the confidence was not
misplaced.[26.11]

During the afternoon a ravine leading toward Valencia's rear had been
found. Smith seized upon the hint at once, and proposed to attack by
that route before daybreak with bayonets only; a conference of officers
agreed to his plan; it was decided to notify Scott, and suggest that
a diversion be made on Valencia's front at the proper time; Lee
undertook the almost impossible feat of carrying this message across
the pedregal; and Officers Tower and Brooks, whose lights--probably
occasional matches--Torrejón had reported, were sent off to study
the ravine, and prepare to be the guides. As Santa Anna was expected
to attack early, Shields accepted the charge of building fires in
the morning as if no Americans had left the ground, and holding San
Gerónimo.[26.11]

Two hours after midnight the troops were roused, and at three o'clock
Riley began to move. But it was tedious work to marshal the scattered
corps in the darkness and rain by touch and whisper, and morning
broke before the last were out of the village. The ravine branched
deceptively; it was full of rocks, too; and the watery clay, a soldier
said, slipped like "soft soap." Finally, however, the units closed up
at about a mile from San Gerónimo, and, partially hidden in a fog,
scrambled up to firm ground behind a low hill. As it was now light,
the firearms were put in order; and with quick adaptation to the
topography, the present arrangement of the Mexicans and their probable
movements, General Smith marshalled and instructed the troops.[26.11]

Riley's brigade, about 1300 strong, was to be the storming party.
Cadwalader's in halves formed a wing on each side to keep off cavalry.
A part of Smith's, together with the engineer company, was directed to
slip along behind elevated ground, and fall upon the flank or rear of
a Mexican force posted in advance; and the rest of it, marching by the
left, was ordered to strike the camp and a large body of lancers on the
flank. Even the possibility of a rear attack from Santa Anna, supposed
to be still where he had been seen the evening before, was provided
against. Meanwhile the troops that had remained in the pedregal,
assembled as well as possible by Twiggs and Lee during the latter part
of the night, in accordance with orders from Scott, watched and waited
near Padierna under Colonel Ransom of the Ninth Infantry.[26.11]

Finally a slightly round-shouldered man, with blue eyes, a sandy
mustache and sandy hair, walked slowly to the front and looked at his
watch. It was about six o'clock. "Are you ready?" he asked in a cheery
voice. "Ready!" the troops answered with a meaning smile. He gave them
a keen glance. "Men, forward!" he then ordered, for it was General
Smith. "Forward, forward!" flew the command through the ranks, and
ahead they went.[26.11]

Struck on front and rear General Mendoza's advanced corps fired without
aiming, turned and bolted; but Ransom's men, darting across the ravine,
gave Valencia something else--something he fancied more serious than
Smith's approach--to think about. Only a pair of 6-pounders bore on
Riley, and they fired high. Soon the Mexicans at the breastwork,
exchanging shots wildly with Ransom, found that bullets were coming
from behind, leaped over the parapet and fled. Attacked by Smith's
men, the lancers gave way and upset the rest of the infantry; and
Riley's column, deployed as well as time and the ground would allow,
bore down like a flood. All was now confusion in the camp: infantry,
horse, artillery, mules, women, laborers in a mob. Some of the gunners
remained at their pieces--chained to them, it was said--but, like the
infantry, they aimed little; and almost in a moment, like a bag turned
upside down, the camp was empty of all the Mexicans who could get away.
Again General Smith drew out his watch. "It has taken just seventeen
minutes," he remarked.[26.11]

Riley's brigade halted to secure the prisoners and the spoils, among
which--to the frantic delight of the soldiers--were the two cannon
lost so nobly at Buena Vista; but the rest of the victorious troops
pursued the enemy to San Angel; and the Mexicans fleeing by the
turnpike toward Ansaldo, cannonaded from their own camp and running the
gantlet of Smith, Ransom and even Shields, who had moved down toward
the road, fared badly. Others, including Torrejón and a large part of
the cavalry, managed by taking rough paths to reach San Gerónimo and
the hills. Valencia also escaped; but Salas, who tried to check the
flight, was captured. Seven hundred Mexicans fell, it was estimated;
over eight hundred were made prisoners; the captured cannon, including
the best that Santa Anna had, and the captured ammunition proved
invaluable; and the cost, as reported by Scott, was not over sixty
Americans killed and wounded.[26.11]

[AFTER THE BATTLE OF CONTRERAS]

Nor were such the only consequences of this lightning-stroke. Santa
Anna, having at length decided to rescue Valencia and raised his forces
to at least 7000 by drawing Rangel's reserve brigade from the city,
had set out at daybreak for his position of the night before; but
when in sight of Valencia's camp he learned from flying soldiers that
all was over, and that his outer line of defences had failed. Angrily
striking at fugitives with his whip he turned back, and waited near San
Angel for a while, unable to decide anything. Then he sent Rangel to
guard the southwest section of Mexico, despatched orders to evacuate
San Antonio and Mexicaltzingo, and marched with the rest of his
forces to Churubusco. Here priceless time was spent in raving against
Valencia--whom he ordered shot at sight--in a passion that almost
crazed him. His dominant idea now, so far as he could think at all, was
to make the capital a second Troy; and, probably with that in view, he
set Pérez's brigade in motion toward the city.[26.12]

After a time, however, reason gained the better of desperation, and
seeing the necessity of protecting the retreat of the San Antonio
garrison, he ordered General Rincón, who was ably seconded by Anaya,
to hold the Churubusco convent as long as possible, garrisoned the
bridgehead with one of Pérez's regiments, extended two others far
down behind the embankment of the river eastwardly, used a part of
the remaining two as a line from the bridgehead to the convent, and
stationed the rest on the highway behind.[26.12]

The convent position included, besides the building proper, a strong
church with a parapeted roof, a high stone enclosure provided on the
inside with scaffolds for troops, a broad, wet ditch, two outside
bastions facing Coyoacán, unfinished but strong breastworks on the
west and south, two detached adobe huts pierced with embrasures on
their southwest sides, four 8-pounders, three smaller guns, and for
garrison some 1500 or 1800 men, consisting of the Mexico battalions
named Independencia and Bravos, the San Patricio contingent of American
deserters or most of it, and some detachments of other corps; while the
bridgehead, a powerful, scientifically constructed work, with four feet
of water in the ditch and three heavy cannon, appeared to defy attack.
Surveying this excellent position Santa Anna recovered some of his
courage, and began work actively to complete the fortifications near
the bridge. The untried militia at the convent were almost in despair
when they found themselves in the forefront, but he promised to aid
them at the critical time.[26.12]

  [Illllustration: BATTLE OF CHURUBUSCO]

Scott, for his part, left San Agustín before he knew how Smith's plan
had worked out, met the news on the pedregal, kept on to San Angel, and
near that place, amid tumultuous cheering, took command of Pillow's
and Twiggs's divisions.[26.13] The road to Mexico by way of Tacubaya
lay open, but he could not move now in that direction and leave Worth,
Quitman, the artillery, the baggage, the stores and the sick to join
him as best they could, exposed--as it was believed--to some 25,000
Mexicans. The first needful step was to capture San Antonio and reunite
his army. Worth had already been directed, after the rout of Valencia
became known, to attack and also turn that position whenever he should
learn that Pillow and Twiggs had gained its rear; and as a cross-road
led from San Antonio to Coyoacán, Coyoacán was the proper point of
concentration. Scott therefore went there with his troops, and sent
Lee, strongly escorted by dragoons and Mounted Rifles, to reconnoitre
the enemy and give the preconcerted signal for Worth's advance. Further
to assist that general, Pillow with Cadwalader's brigade was now
ordered down the cross-road.[26.14]

  [Illustration: The Tête de Pont, Churubusco]

[THE BATTLE OF CHURUBUSCO]

Worth did not, however, wait for assistance. At about eleven o'clock
he sent Colonel Clarke's brigade--the Fifth, Sixth and Eighth
Infantry--and Brevet Colonel C. F. Smith's battalion from Cuapa to
turn San Antonio by the path on the left hand and cut off retreat,
and placed Garland, accompanied by Duncan's battery, in a somewhat
sheltered spot, as near as possible to the fortifications, with orders
to advance on hearing the other brigade at work. Clarke's tortuous
path seemed to be three miles long, and as it lay for two thirds
of the distance in the pedregal, where the troops had to slide and
scramble in single file, two hours were occupied in the march. The
Mexicans, therefore, warned by seeing this movement--which they vainly
attempted to check--as well as ordered by Santa Anna to retire, made
the utmost efforts, after spiking some of their guns, to escape with
the rest of them. But the garrison of San Antonio and the neighboring
fortifications, which consisted of the Hidalgo and Victoria battalions
of Mexico and some other militia, were wholly unfitted to execute a
difficult retreat in the face of the enemy. Not far from its middle
Clarke struck their column; and while the first part, led by General
Bravo, kept on toward Churubusco bridge, the second broke up and
scattered.[26.15]

By this time Garland, having found by pushing a company forward that
San Antonio had been evacuated, hastened on to unite with Clarke. The
enemy were quickly driven from fortifications of a minor importance at
Sotepingo, and the division then rushed forward after Bravo, while the
Mexicans--a mass of cavalry, infantry and artillery, wagons, mules,
women, servants, carriages and camp-followers--made all possible speed.
Owing to the effects of the rains, two Mexican guns and a number of
wagons were mired on the way; and near the Churubusco bridge Pérez's
brigade, hard pressed by the Americans from San Angel, crowded in upon
the stream of fugitives.[26.15]

  [Illustration: TÊTE DE PONT. Profile of east curtain.]

So it happened that when Engineer Stevens climbed the church tower of
Coyoacán at about noon to reconnoitre, he observed a large body of
Mexican troops pouring along the highway from San Antonio. Apparently
Santa Anna was drawing all his forces to the city. Dense fields of corn
six feet high or more almost hid the works at the convent. Perceiving,
however, the nose of a bastion, Stevens concluded there might be one
gun at that point, which he thought could be rushed; and a prisoner
mentioned only two guns. The entire American army, reacting from the
gloom of the previous evening, exultant over Smith's victory, and
almost intoxicated by the change from storm to splendid sunshine, was
now feeling invincible, eager and over-confident. Stevens merely shared
the contagion; his report--precipitate and misleading, as he fully
admitted later--signified that without loss of a moment the San Antonio
garrison ought by all means to be intercepted; and so Scott did what we
know it had not been his intention to do: ordered Twiggs immediately
to the convent and highway by the direct road. "Make haste, my sons,"
he called to the troops, "or they will be gone before you reach
them!"[26.16]

At his instance and by way of precaution, engineers were sent on to
make investigations; but, as the case appeared simple and urgent, the
investigating and the fighting began hastily together. In a haphazard
way the Mounted Rifles, or at least a part of them, became engaged;
then the First Artillery advanced; and soon the rest of Smith's
brigade--the Third Infantry--besides the engineer company and Taylor's
battery were thrown in. Rincón, a gray-haired Spanish veteran, deceived
our generals, for he desired to save ammunition, and therefore did
not open his artillery fire till the Americans had come within musket
range. To pause after the conflict began would have chilled the ardor
of the troops and encouraged the enemy. Victory or defeat were the only
alternatives, and a defeat could not be thought of.[26.16]

  [Illustration: The Fortifications of Churubusco Convent]

Victory did not arrive, however; so now the Second and the Seventh
Infantry, led by Riley, attacked the Mexican right. Amidst the corn
the American infantry became scattered, yet in the same haphazard
way fought on; and Taylor, placed in a very exposed position before
the state of things was understood, fired at short musket range with
beautiful precision and rapidity. But the Mexicans, inspired by good
leaders and by the example of the American deserters, who aimed the
cannon, stood their ground. From parapets and bastions poured sheets
of unceasing flame, sally followed sally, and guns at the bridgehead
coöperated. In an hour and a half Taylor drove the enemy from the
walls and from the roof of the church, but he lost twenty-four men and
fourteen horses killed and wounded. The battery had to be withdrawn,
and victory seemed almost beyond reach.[26.16]

Worth had now been attacking the bridgehead for half an hour or more.
Hurrying the troops along, without giving them definite instructions,
at a speed limited only by their wind and the obstacles in their
way, he had left the Sixth Infantry on the highway, placed the Fifth
and the Eighth at the right of it, and sent the rest of his infantry
obliquely against the Mexican left; and then, without a reconnaissance
of the bridgehead, the Sixth was ordered to charge whatever lay in its
front.[26.15]

Probably the army contained no better corps, but it recoiled twice
in confusion under a terrific storm of iron and lead. Valor was not
lacking, but the men were dumfounded to come "butt-end first," as
a soldier put it, upon such a fort so strongly held, when they had
supposed they were chasing a parcel of rabbits; and their numbers were
unequal to the task. Officers as well as men showed every sign of
panic. The regiment could not be kept on the highway; and the troops
in the tall corn on the right accomplished no more. The ground was
soft there; and it was cut up with dikes and with deep, wide ditches
containing about three feet of water. The men fought, but they fought
in general disorder. C. F. Smith found himself with not more than
twenty of his battalion at hand. Even the artillery, the backbone of
the army, failed now, for Duncan's light pieces could not challenge
the bridgehead squarely on the highway, and the ground beside it was
unsuitable for them; while occasional fire from the convent and the
explosion of an ammunition wagon abandoned by the Mexicans added to the
difficulties.[26.15]

At the same time, besides these two combats which Scott had not
expected, one planned by him was taking place. A few minutes after
sending Twiggs toward Churubusco he ordered Pierce--and presently
Shields also--to follow a road leading north from Coyoacán, cross
Churubusco River, and move toward Santa Anna's rear, so as to protect
the American flank and rear, favor the attack on the convent, and cut
off the retreat of the Mexicans. The route adopted by the troops after
leaving the road took them for a mile and a half through cornfields
and marshes, and placed them near the highway, about three quarters
of a mile north of the bridgehead, not far from the hacienda of Los
Portales. To parry the blow Santa Anna at once moved in that direction
with the Fourth Ligero, the Tulancingo regiment and most of the
Eleventh Line, his finest corps, extending his men--perhaps 2200 in
all--until they almost overlapped the Americans; while some 1500 or
2000 cavalry, probably consisting of the horse that had followed him
to San Angel reinforced by that which had escaped from Contreras,
menaced--though afraid to attack--Shields's left.[26.17]

Precisely what occurred now cannot be stated, for apparently most of
the reporting officers were more anxious to conceal than to disclose
facts; but it seems clear that Shields handled the men clumsily, that
his own regiments fell into disorder when charging and shrank from
the devouring Mexican fire, and that Pierce's brigade, composed of
excellent material but officered to a large extent with political
favorites, actually skulked. The Mexicans, on the other hand, finding
two ditches along the highway to protect them from the dreaded bayonet
and an embankment to screen them somewhat from bullets, fought stiffly.
Shields was therefore unable, with his six hundred good men and two
small howitzers, to make any impression, and after a time his troops
huddled wherever they could in the shelter of some buildings.[26.17]

But finally, between three and four o'clock, the spell broke. Worth's
men, though astonished and for a time dismayed, had no thought
of giving up. "Victory or death" was not a phrase to them, but a
conviction. Though dikes, ditches, bad ground, corn higher than their
heads, and the Mexican artillery fire broke up their organization,
personal courage and personal leadership survived. In smaller or larger
groups they fought on. Santa Anna, by taking the Fourth Ligero from
Pérez to defend the rear, deducted half the strength of his left wing,
and no doubt Shields's operations, very suggestive of the American
methods used in previous battles, tended to make the troops at the
bridgehead nervous. Gradually a part of the unlucky Sixth and men of C.
F. Smith's and Garland's commands, working toward the extreme American
right, out-reached the enemy, crossed the river, turned the Mexican
line, and moved on toward the highway. This created great alarm. The
fate of Valencia was recalled. Many of the officers wilted. Ammunition
seems partially to have failed; and at length, under a still galling
fire, some of the Eighth Infantry, followed by more of the Fifth, waded
the ditch of the bridgehead--twenty feet broad it was--climbed over the
parapet or pushed through the embrasures, and settled the question hand
to hand.[26.15]

At once Duncan planted two of his guns on the highway near the
convent, and for ten or fifteen minutes, aided by a piece or two
at the bridgehead, he fired with a judgment, rapidity and accuracy
that delighted the on-lookers. By this time two of Rincón's guns
at the right of the convent and one of the other pieces had become
unserviceable; the ammunition, so lavishly expended, had failed the
infantry; and the loss of the bridgehead, which stood on higher and
commanding ground, was recognized as a most serious blow. The artillery
commandant began to move a cannon from the front side to the right.
Only two guns were in play on the front; and our Third Infantry, noting
the slackened fire, dashed over the parapet at the left of the convent.
Still the American deserters would not permit a white flag to be shown,
and the garrison retired sullenly to the interior of the building. But
Captain J. M. Smith, seeing that active resistance was over, now put up
a white handkerchief himself to prevent further bloodshed. The signal
of surrender stopped Duncan's work, too; and the Mexicans, astonished
by the consideration shown them, laid down their arms.[26.18]

Pérez and Bravo with a large part of the troops were now on the way to
Mexico _via_ Mexicaltzingo and Old Peñón, and others were taking flight
along the highway, pursued by Worth's division. Shields perceived what
was occurring, and harangued his brigade. "The South Carolinians will
follow you to the death," answered the "Tigers," as they were called
by Scott. Many, if not all, of the New Yorkers joined them; Pierce's
officers mustered pluck enough to guard the left; and once more a
charge was made. It proved no easy work, though, even now. First and
last more than a third of Shields's brigade were killed or wounded.
Brave, handsome Butler, commanding the Tigers, and his lieutenant
colonel went down, and Colonel Burnett of the New Yorkers fell. But at
last Shields carried the day, captured nearly four hundred Mexicans,
and met Worth's cheering van on the highway.[26.17]

All joined then in the pursuit, supported with a captured 6-pounder
and a howitzer, and took liberal toll as they went, until, after
charging nearly two miles, they were halted by Worth. Orders from the
commander-in-chief to the same effect soon arrived. Four companies of
dragoons under Harney were permitted, however, to keep on, and when
the sight of a battery led him to pull up, Captain Kearny of the First
resolved to charge the guns, and galloped ahead.[26.19]

"Oh, what a glorious sight it was to see Phil Kearny riding into them!"
wrote a soldier. His own troop were picked men; they rode picked
horses--all iron-gray--that now seemed endowed with supernatural
strength; and his other troop were fit comrades. Standing quite upright
in the stirrups they looked like centaurs. Little by little the rear
fours, hearing the trumpet sound the recall, dropped off; but the
leader and about a dozen others kept on like a swift vessel, dashing
the billows of humanity right and left. The battery, which stood at the
garita, fired upon friend and foe alike. Still the little group arrived
there, leaped from their horses to carry it, and found--that they were
alone. The panic of the enemy, however, saved them. Tearing loose and
springing into the saddle, they got away. But a grape-shot was faster
than Kearny; and so, losing an arm but winning a brevet, he finished
valiantly the battle of Churubusco.[26.19]

[AFTER THE BATTLE OF CHURUBUSCO]

Santa Anna's total loss for the day--the killed, the wounded and
especially the missing--may be roughly estimated as 10,000. He
admitted that he lost more than a third of his men. After he was able
to find where he stood (August 30) the Army of the East contained
11,381 privates. Alvarez had 2447 privates (August 26); and, besides
remnants of Valencia's troops, there were doubtless many small bodies
of militia. Scott estimated the Mexicans killed and wounded as 4297,
and 2637 prisoners, including eight generals, were reported; while
the American ordnance was more than trebled, and the scanty stock
of ammunition enormously increased. Out of 8497 engaged in the two
battles, we lost fourteen officers and 119 privates killed, sixty and
805 respectively wounded, and some forty of the rank and file missing,
who probably lost their lives.[26.20]

The high moral qualities displayed by our troops made the day glorious,
as Hitchcock said, "in the highest degree"; and the army, naturally
overestimating the numbers of the enemy, felt exceedingly proud. Scott,
riding about the field, gray and massive, was hailed by the troops as
the very genius of power and command.

          "Never did mightier man or horse
          Stem a tempestuous torrent's course,"

they felt; and when he addressed them with the eloquence of a soldier's
heart, it seemed as if the cheers that followed must have shaken the
"Halls." Nature, however, appeared to view the situation differently.
The mountains above Padierna wrinkled their foreheads with still
deeper furrows, or knit them with still darker scowls. Dense black
clouds, preceded by gleaming heralds, rushed suddenly across the sky.
Lightning flashed in sheets. Thunders rolled until the earth seemed to
tremble. Torrents of rain deluged the ground; and in a little while,
almost like something heavy and solid, night swiftly and prematurely
descended.[26.21]




XXVII

NEGOTIATIONS

May, 1846-September, 1847


After fighting ceased, the Americans found temporary quarters wherever
they could. Most of Shields's command occupied Los Portales "in a
most deplorable condition," and Worth's division remained at the same
point or in Churubusco. Some of Pillow's men retired to San Antonio,
and there passed the night without rations, blankets, fires or lights,
while others moved across to Mixcoac. A part of Twiggs's lay in a muddy
field without shelter, while the rest made their way to Coyoacán or
San Angel. Some of the troops, covered with sticky mud, slept in a
barn on straw, and acquired an extremely curious appearance. For all
it was a hard night, and perhaps hardest for the officer on guard. The
hours crawled. Thoughts of the battle, the morrow and the distant home
barely stirred his leaden brain. Every instant, drowsiness threatened
to become stupor. Now and then a sentry's challenge, the snort of a
horse, the blast of a bugle roused him with a start. At last came a
streak in the east. He called the drummer, and ordered him to "beat
off." Instantly the sharp roll was taken up by others. The bustle of
men awoke; and the troops were alive again. Joy and pride welled up
in their hearts, but the sadness of bereavement also and a sense of
disappointment. They seemed to have won the race but lost the prize.
Why had they not slept in the city?[27.1]

There were adequate military reasons for this. It was believed that
Santa Anna still had some 20,000 men, and what fortifications defended
the interior of Mexico no one pretended to say. Three surprises had
met the Americans during the past forty-eight hours. They had sick and
wounded, prisoners, wagons and captured material to look after. They
were scattered, unmunitioned, spent. Not a few had become ill. In
spite of Scott's precise orders to carry rations a large number had
gone hungry for about a day, and many had fasted longer. The stock of
provisions had practically been exhausted. If repulsed, the troops
would have faced starvation; if successful, they would have been a
disorganized mass of ravenous, infuriated soldiers in a hostile city.
Almost all, even officers, were eager for a revel in the "Halls";
they would largely have scattered for something to eat and something
to drink; many would soon have been intoxicated; and fearful scenes,
costly alike to them and the inhabitants, would have disgraced the
victory and imperilled the army.[27.1]

[AMERICAN EFFORTS TO MAKE PEACE]

Besides, the aim of the United States was peace; it appeared certain
that in view of the battle just won the Mexicans would be disposed to
offer acceptable terms; and resident Americans as well as neutrals had
assured Scott that by taking the city, breaking up the government,
dispersing the sensible and substantial men who desired a settlement,
and perhaps rousing the people to desperation, he would be defeating
his own government. On the other hand, as the General had reckoned
before leaving Puebla, the presence of a victorious American army
waiting at the gate seemed likely to excite intense fears of slaughter
and sack, and prove a most effective argument for negotiation.
Consequently, though sure he could break his way in, Scott deliberately
sacrificed military glory, and halted. The wish to end hostilities was
the dominant consideration; and, fully to understand this, we must now
place ourselves at Washington, and then return to our present point by
a singularly winding route.[27.1]

Both in his war Message of May 11, 1846, and later, Polk announced
that he would be ready to negotiate whenever Mexico would make or even
hear propositions; and he sought a listening ear with a persistence
due to several causes: a real desire to end the war, a naïve ignorance
of Mexican psychology, the exigencies of home politics and foreign
relations, a natural predilection on his own part and on Buchanan's
for schemes and tactics, and behind all a sincere wish, in accordance
with our long-standing sentiment and policy, for the prosperity and
friendship of the sister republic. Taylor was therefore instructed
to place himself on confidential terms, if possible, at the Mexican
headquarters with a view to bringing about negotiations; and in line
with this policy Worth, while at Saltillo, offered pleasant sentiments
to Santa Anna on the subject of peace.[27.2]

The battles on the Rio Grande and the unwelcome effects of the blockade
tended to sober Mexico, as did the aloofness of Great Britain; and
Marcy counted not a little on the settlement of the Oregon question.
Intimations were received from Consul Black in June and July, 1846,
that not only all thoughtful citizens but Paredes himself desired to
reach an agreement. Bravo and his Cabinet, who temporarily assumed the
reins of government, felt more strongly in the same way, and were more
free to act; other signs also pointed in that direction; and it was
hoped that Santa Anna, should he regain power, would favor peace. The
American administration, on the other hand, felt much embarrassed by
the unexpected seriousness of the problems involved in the conflict.
So on the twenty-seventh of July Buchanan addressed the Mexican
minister of relations, waiving as undesirable all discussion upon the
causes of the war, and inviting negotiations in the most conciliatory
manner.[27.4]

But the government of Salas, which received this overture, had attacked
Paredes for slackness in prosecuting the hostilities; and he now
counted upon this issue for maintaining the power it had given him.
Besides, wrote Bankhead, the Mexicans were still confident they could
hold their own against the United States; and the war spirit ran so
strongly that Santa Anna, returning from exile to treat, remained
to fight.[27.3] Rejón, therefore, answering Buchanan in a lofty and
cutting strain, refused to ignore the causes of the war, and only
promised that Congress, on meeting in December, would take the matter
up. In other words, as an American newspaper observed, he said in
effect: We are sorry that you feel so tired of the campaign; as for
ourselves, we are quite comfortable. The reply was not one to fire the
popular heart of the United States; and without committing Mexico to
anything, it required our Executive to prepare for a long and arduous
contest. Nor was Salas reassuring when he laid the subject before
Congress. "If Mexico fights with constancy and courage, hers will be
the triumph," he proclaimed, and therefore the government has not
desired to hear proposals of peace. Polk answered Rejón by ordering
the hostilities to be conducted more harshly, and by announcing in his
Message at the beginning of December that an indemnity covering the
costs of the war, as well as our claims, would be required; but the
Mexican Congress did nothing.[27.4]

About a week after Buchanan addressed the minister of relations in
July, Polk recommended to Congress a naïve measure admirably fitted to
embarrass peace negotiations as much as it was intended to facilitate
them. This was an appropriation of $2,000,000 to be used in that
business for "extraordinary expenses." Probably the measure, vigorously
though confidentially pressed by the Executive, would have passed; but
Senator Davis killed it by speaking against time. In the following
session a similar proposition granting three millions came up about
the middle of January, 1847, and on March 3, after every Congressman
with a voice had talked himself out, it was carried. The natural result
followed. Even at our Capitol there were open though false charges that
bribery was contemplated, and to the Mexican that design seemed of
course transparently plain. No public man who cares for his reputation
can vote for peace now, said the _Diario_.[27.5]

The sentiment in favor of offering to treat with our weak and
unfortunate neighbor--as illustrated by formal action in Rhode Island
and New York, for example--was in fact strong. Even the British
minister at Washington recognized that the feeling in the Senate was
"entirely in favor of generous and pacific measures towards Mexico."
Such Whigs as Webster and Winthrop demanded that a commission be sent;
Benton favored that idea; and about the middle of January, 1847, it
was powerfully supported by Atocha, who presented himself at the
capital. This cunning and perfectly unscrupulous intriguer, who had
been expelled by Santa Anna's enemies in 1845 because he represented
the dictator's corrupt financial methods and then by Santa Anna himself
in September, 1846, because he knew too much about the Liberator's
dealings with Mackenzie, readily proved his intimacy with leading
Mexicans, created the belief that he was the government's peace agent,
induced our administration to propose on January 18 a meeting of
American and Mexican commissioners at Jalapa or Havana, and was made
the bearer of Buchanan's despatch to the minister of relations.[27.6]

Undoubtedly, though invested with no diplomatic functions, Atocha was
expected to do much personally; but in this he totally failed. At Vera
Cruz the people attempted to murder him. At Mexico he was ordered to
leave almost immediately, and was prevented from talking with any
person of influence; and such use as he contrived to make of the pen,
in suggesting terms of peace to Rejón, proved utterly fruitless. In
short, the American messenger was handled with tongs, and he was back
at Washington about the twentieth of March with an offensively worded
note, refusing to treat until all Mexican lands and waters should be
evacuated by our forces. Clearly this was a most unhappy overture.[27.6]

[WHY MEXICO WOULD NOT TREAT]

Many circumstances combined to inspire such boldness on the part
of our antagonist. Aside from the personal interest of many public
men in continuing the war, and the belief, prompted by vanity and
encouraged by specious arguments, both domestic and European, that
natural defences, latent resources and the military ardor of brave
citizens fighting for their homes would enable her to beat untrained
money-grubbers and "cowardly adventurers," operating far from their
base--aside from all this, hatred of "the rapacious invader," a fear
that peace would only lead to fresh demands and fresh encroachments,
and the fine theory that no people struggling for their independence
could be vanquished exerted a strong influence.[27.7]

The fact that an actual occupation of California would have to be
reckoned with could hardly be faced. To make peace without first
gaining a victory seemed humiliating, sure to be disadvantageous, and
likely to make dispirited Mexico the sport and prey of the whole world;
and Santa Anna in particular felt strongly on this point, because
his personal future as well as the cause of the nation required some
show of success. No peace is possible now except the peace of the
grave--national and racial extinction--it was insisted. Many reasoned
that Polk, to satisfy the United States, would have to demand, as
matters stood, a huge indemnity. Why regret a war that is bringing
so much gold into the country; a war that will overthrow Santa Anna,
the corruptionists, the intriguers, the military men and the sham
patriots; a war that will put an end to extortion and finally unite
all the good elements of the nation, demanded not a few; and why make
sacrifices to stop it, when peace will bring civil wars, which are
worse?[27.7]

Better subjugation than surrender, cried some in desperation; while
others believed that an American conquest and annexation would
extinguish privilege and monopoly, set up a pure democracy, ensure
stability and order, bring in a flood of enterprising northerners, and
make the country prosper. The clergy in particular, anxious to preserve
their property and their ease, felt rather more than willing to accept
such a dénouement. On the other hand, many believed that our people
neither would nor could bear for any length of time the expense of the
contest. This was the key to Rejón's policy, as he told the Spanish
minister. It was, therefore, only necessary to protract the war a
little--meanwhile allowing the wrath of Heaven time to pass away--in
order to reach the very pinnacle of glory.[27.7]

European journals offered much encouragement. Mexico need only be
obstinate, advised the London _Times_, and it seemed a most agreeable
prescription. The United States cannot long maintain the necessary
troops, predicted the _Globe_. The Americans are tired of the war, need
peace more than Mexico, have no disciplined soldiers, cannot follow
up their successes, and with good reason dread British interference,
remarked some of the French papers. Even more significant were
expressions coming from the United States. Hold fast, and you can
make "a brilliant treaty," said a letter. All are disgusted with the
hostilities, and in four years this country will kneel and pray for
peace, declared others. Persistent American denunciations of the war
as dishonorable made the idea of submission look shameful to our
enemies. No nation as brave and numerous as the Mexicans have ever been
conquered, announced the New York _Express_. The American treasury
will soon be empty, predicted the _National Intelligencer_; and that
influential paper endorsed the view that our antagonist could wear us
out. Calhoun used all his powers to show that it would be "folly" to
push the war, and ruin to push it successfully. Still more encouraging
were the Whig orators. In the voice of doom Webster threatened the
President with impeachment; and Corwin exclaimed, "Call home your army;
I will feed and clothe it no longer." Reports of a Whig revolution
circulated at Mexico; and the belief, accepted by many in Europe also,
that at any rate the Whigs would soon come into power and reverse the
policy of the American government, was confidently entertained by our
foes.[27.7]

But nothing proved so comforting, so cheering, as the conduct of our
government. The call for 12-months volunteers appeared to indicate the
limit of our endurance, and invited procrastination. Polk's assurances,
following so many earlier assurances from American Presidents, that for
our own sake we desired Mexico to be strong, prosperous and friendly,
implied that we did not intend to crowd her far. Our conciliatory
language and repeated efforts to negotiate were noted as clear signs of
weakness. The employment of an agent like Atocha seemed a confession of
impotence; and the appropriation of three millions for secret expenses
in order to obtain peace, as _El Republicano_ put it, looked like
throwing up the sponge. Polk wishes to exchange a bad war for a good
bargain, sneered _Le Constitutionnel_ of Paris. An extension of our
boundary was believed to be one aim of the negotiations we urged; and
the Mexicans felt, said Pakenham, that we should not think of buying
territory, if able to take it by force. The idea of selling it under
such circumstances was viewed as doubly degrading.[27.7]

Happily saved by his ignorance of Mexican character and sentiment from
the mortification of knowing all this, fully conscious that the war was
unpopular even with his own party, and hopeful that Buena Vista and the
capture of Vera Cruz had affected Mexico, Polk favored the idea of a
commission. Benton, however, would not have Slidell on the board; the
President could not well ignore Slidell unless a higher official--the
secretary of state himself--should be made sole representative; and no
first-class man could go to Mexico and dance attendance on the whims,
delays and insults of a government that scornfully held off. Indeed,
the nation could not afford to place the head of our state department
or a commission of leading public figures in such a predicament.[27.8]

[TRIST APPOINTED PEACE COMMISSIONER]

At length, however, Buchanan's resourceful mind thought of sending
Nicholas P. Trist, a protégé of his own and now chief clerk of the
state department. Trist's dignity, it was doubtless thought, would not
be too delicate; his action, it seemed evident, could be controlled;
and the glory of success, if a treaty should be made, would belong to
the administration--particularly the secretary of state--and not exalt
the agent in any dangerous political sense. Besides, the chief clerk
was a man of agreeable and impressive appearance, admitted talents,
unusual industry and the highest character; he had studied at West
Point; he knew diplomatic business; as consul at Havana for a term of
years, he had become acquainted with Spanish-American traits; and he
spoke the language of Mexico fluently. He was therefore immediately
appointed as Polk's agent--though officially styled "Commissioner
Plenipotentiary"--to be paid, not as a diplomatic representative,
but from the appropriation for the contingent expenses of foreign
intercourse.[27.8]

The appointment was not, however, entirely felicitous. Trist,
associated with Jefferson as law-student and as grandson by marriage
and associated with Jackson as private secretary, had sojourned on
Olympus and tasted the ambrosia of the gods; but he did not possess
their divine constitution, and ambrosia disagreed with him. It gave him
queer feelings in the head that were not exactly growing pains, and
produced a state of mind that was neither of heaven nor of earth. The
Declaration of Independence was always resounding in his thoughts, and
mentally he was always walking up the stairs of the White House arm in
arm with a hero, sage and prophet; but he overlooked the foundation of
downright common sense on which great men build, and lacked the humor
that might at least have kept him near the ground.[27.8]

Aspiring, as he said, to influence the course of the world by drawing
supernal truths from the region of abstract speculation, he resembled
the gazing astronomer who walked into the ditch; and a deep, sticky
ditch lay just before him. Cordial coöperation with Scott was almost
indispensable for the proper execution of his work; but he thought
he disliked the man, he knew that Polk and the Cabinet disliked him,
and his chiefs--probably afraid that he might be overpowered by the
Whig general--took superabundant pains to brace him. Polk urged
him to consort with Pillow, whom he represented as a Cincinnatus
compounded with a Scipio Africanus; and Buchanan, uprearing his big
person impressively, expanding in his courtly, diplomatic style, and
beaming upon the artless, ethereal chief clerk with his uncommunicative
blue eyes, intimated that by faithfully carrying out the wishes of
the government he might become the next Democratic nominee for the
Presidency![27.8]

[NEGOTIATIONS OPENED]

Trist was equipped with a commission, credentials, letters from the
secretaries of the war and the navy departments to Scott and Perry, a
draft or _projet_ of a treaty, instructions directing him to inform our
military and naval commanders, if Mexico should make and ratify the
treaty, and a sealed despatch to the minister of relations, in which
Buchanan pointed out that an evacuation of Mexican territory would be a
surrender of all our costly gains, but announced that a commissioner,
ranking second in our state department, would attend the army, and
be ready at all times to negotiate. Ostensibly a mere bearer of
despatches, the chief clerk hastened incognito to New Orleans, reached
Vera Cruz on May 6, fell very sick there, and forwarded to Scott both
Marcy's letter and Buchanan's despatch, which was to be placed at once
in the hands of the Mexican commander. He was authorized--not ordered,
as he should have been--to let the General see his own instructions and
his copy of the sealed despatch, which would have explained the plans
of the government; but instead of doing this he merely wrote a letter
of his own.[27.9]

What that letter said was never disclosed; but we know that it
proceeded from a truly amiable but high-strung, "top-lofty" man, who
felt expressly Called by Destiny to perform a Great National Act and
incidentally to put Winfield Scott where he belonged.

The General's reply, on the other hand, is extant, and can readily
be understood. He was already in a state of mind regarding the
administration. Friends had warned him against it since his departure
from the United States, and the warnings had seemed to be coming
true. After Polk had promised him confidence and coöperation, and
after he as a grateful return had assisted Polk with the Whigs, the
President had immediately branded him before the world as unfit, and
outraged his natural pride as a military man, by trying to have a
civilian placed over him. Polk had infringed upon his rightful power to
discipline unruly subordinates; his requisitions for vessels, troops
and supplies had not been met; and now, though general-in-chief, he
was required to transmit a despatch, doubtless bearing seriously upon
the war, without knowing its contents or using a proper discretion as
to its opportuneness--a requirement that Marcy did not undertake to
defend; and he read in the Secretary's letter these words: "Mr. Trist
is clothed with such diplomatic powers as will authorize him to enter
into arrangements with the government of Mexico for the suspension of
hostilities." This looked mysterious and, in view of Polk's course
toward him, alarming. He believed that in a highly important respect
the management of the campaign had been taken from him, and he felt
that he was to be degraded before his army, the Mexicans and the public
at large by a clerk from the state department, of whom he had known at
Washington just enough to believe he disliked him.[27.9]

It seemed unjust and insulting; and being an irascible, overworked,
over-worried soldier and master of language, seven of whose regiments
had just gone home unexpectedly, he answered as might have been
foreseen. Trist, angry, ill, conscious to his pen's point of every
convolution, involution, evolution, ramification and complication of
his mental processes, and unaware of Marcy's blundering phraseology,
replied at a length and in a tone that were enough to drive Scott
wild; and when he finally reached headquarters on May 14, though
Scott provided amply for his dignity and comfort, the two were not
on speaking terms, and further epistolary exchanges only widened the
breach. I fear Scott and Trist have got to writing, groaned Marcy,
who knew them both; if so, all is over. As for the sealed despatch,
on the grounds that it was doubtful whether the present circumstances
warranted its presentation, and that anyhow a proper escort for
protection against guerillas could not then be afforded, it was
returned to the commissioner.[27.9]

On the sixth of June, therefore, Trist wrote a letter to Bankhead,
explaining the character of Buchanan's despatch, asking him to make
known the existence of the despatch and Trist's presence with the army,
and inquiring whether at a proper time that minister would transmit
the paper to the Mexican government. Bankhead, as we know, strongly
desired peace. The interests of the British merchants at Puebla and the
capital and of consul-general Mackintosh, who not only was in business
but had made large advances to Santa Anna, lay in the same direction;
and hence Edward Thornton, a member of the British legation, called on
Trist at Puebla five days later.[27.10] Trist's verbal explanations
of his government's aims proved satisfactory, and soon the despatch
arrived at its destination.[27.12]

The law of April 20 had forbidden, however, all negotiations with
the United States. Ibarra, the minister of relations, therefore,
replied to Buchanan that his communication would be laid before
Congress, and Santa Anna promised Bankhead that he would use his
best efforts to have it considered promptly and favorably. Meantime
the public disputed fiercely whether an American proposition should
be heard. Many of course denounced the idea, but others said it
would place Mexico in a better position to listen, than to reject a
proffer of peace without knowing its terms. The _Diario_--that is to
say, the President--advocated this opinion, and the peace feeling,
represented by the most sober and intelligent citizens, especially of
the mercantile class, and supported by the sensible arguments of _El
Razonador_, showed no little strength.[27.12]

June 24 Thornton visited Puebla again, delivered Ibarra's reply to
Buchanan, stated that Santa Anna had openly declared in favor of
negotiations, and added that Santa Anna felt--as did Bankhead--that
an immediate attack upon the capital would be most unfortunate for
the cause of peace. Trist, therefore, perhaps having had pains in
the head for some time that were growing pains, addressed Scott on
the subject, and sent him the official documents that explained his
mission. The General replied in a friendly and high-minded style.
The two met. Each discovered that his impression of the other had
been radically incorrect. When Trist became very ill again, as he
soon did, Scott anxiously went through his personal stores for guava
marmalade; and they became intimate and mutually admiring friends. The
commander-in-chief cordially proposed to disregard for the sake of his
country every thought of personal glory, and he was ready to assume all
needful responsibility.[27.]

[SANTA ANNA'S EMBARRASSMENTS]

In Mexico, however, a lubricant almost always had to be applied in
government affairs, and that lubricant was gold. Knowing that the
United States eagerly desired peace and had already appropriated
millions to gain it, not a few Mexicans would have felt they sinned
against nature and custom had they been willing to oblige us for
nothing. Santa Anna's greed overtopped the mountains. Rejón was well
understood to be corrupt. Valencia, one of the loudest declaimers
against peace, had a large family, was old and was poor; and in Santa
Anna's opinion he desired to be a little more comfortable. Numerous
minor figures, more or less prominent in Congress, also appreciated
comfort. The British merchants, with whom "arrangements" were a regular
feature of dealings with the government, believed the Americans would
have to apply the lubricant. Such was Bankhead's opinion, and on his
second visit Thornton intimated as much. Scott, though he would not
have attempted to corrupt an honest person, considered it no worse to
employ a "statesman" than a spy, if the statesman desired to serve him;
and he believed that without the use of money a year of bloodshed would
not force Mexico to sign an acceptable treaty. He offered, therefore,
to provide the requisite funds for carrying out Thornton's idea, and
Trist welcomed his assistance.[27.12]

Santa Anna doubtless felt eager to obtain peace provided he could
remain in authority, and that proviso was natural, for otherwise he
would have lost a position he loved, and exile or death would have
been his early portion; but it was not easy to calculate the chances.
Buchanan's despatch seemed to many a fresh sign of weakness. Scott had
less than half the numbers that Marcy had promised, and many inferred
that no more good troops could be sent. For a nation to succumb before
less than 10,000 isolated men, poorly trained and poorly supplied,
seemed ridiculous and even irrational. Trist's lack of prestige was
another offence to Mexican pride. The charge of collusion, supported by
the known fact that an American officer had visited Santa Anna in Cuba,
manacled him; his countless enemies were awake and implacable; and he
found it necessary to deny that he thought of treating.[27.12]

The Coalition opposed all thoughts of peace. Fearful of responsibility
and paralyzed by personal and factional intrigues, Congress would not
assemble. Nobody of influence had the courage to advocate what all
knew to be necessary. Each party held back, hoping the other would
make a tactical blunder of that sort. The law of April 20 towered
squarely in the way. A caricature represented Polk amputating Santa
Anna's remaining leg, and the ether sponges were labelled "3,000,000
pesos." As the President and his friends could see no way out of the
predicament, he decided--so the Spanish minister reported--to smash his
army against Scott's, hoping that a treaty would then be acceptable to
the nation. But the loss of his troops would have left him powerless;
and he confined himself now to advising, as did the British, that Scott
should alarm the capital by advancing toward it.[27.12]

At length, however, an arrangement for a meeting of Congress was made
by the factions, and on July 13 that august body convened; but it
referred Buchanan's letter back to the administration as executive
business, declaring at the same time against an "ignominious" treaty,
and leaving untouched the law of April 20; and then practically, though
not in form, it broke up. Santa Anna was now inclined to hold that
Congress had abandoned him, negotiate a treaty of peace as a military
act, and carry it through by means of the American lubricant. Three
days later, therefore, after discussing the matter with Pillow and
the commander-in-chief, Trist formally asked the coöperation of Scott
in providing $10,000 at once and promising to hand over a million
whenever a treaty should be ratified by Mexico; and Scott not only
assented,[27.11] but paid the smaller sum that day, as bread upon the
waters, out of his fund for secret expenses.[27.12]

The outlook seemed favorable. Pedraza and Baranda, both of them
in favor of a settlement, were virtually decided upon as the
Mexican commissioners, and July 27 Santa Anna called his generals
together--presumably to bring them round. But Valencia arrived that
day from San Luis Potosí with his army, loudly declaiming for war
and closely watching for a slip on Santa Anna's part; Scott's delay
about advancing weakened the plan; and so the council of generals
did nothing. Santa Anna now hesitated more and more. Both he and his
officers became encouraged by the accumulation of troops and war
material. Finally they concluded that a triumph lay within their
reach, and the idea of making peace lost its attractiveness. Scott for
his part allowed the negotiations to have no influence on his military
plans. He doubtless hoped that a white flag and an offer to treat would
meet him on the way to Mexico; but as they did not come, those plans
were unflinchingly executed, and our arms triumphed.[27.12]

Soon after the battle of Churubusco ended, he returned to San
Agustín, and as the initial step toward peace negotiations wrote a
note summoning Mexico City to surrender. But Santa Anna did not wait
for it. The town was in a dreadful state of confusion and panic.
Wounded or demoralized soldiers could be seen everywhere. Many roamed
about the streets, crying out at the slightest alarm, "Here come the
Yankees!" Astounded by the American victories and utterly disheartened
by the incompetence, cowardice and quarrels of their leaders, many
felt that God had pronounced the doom of Belshazzar against "this
accursed Babylon." Hence, though Santa Anna rallied troops as well as
possible, he felt that an assault could not be repulsed, and at about
midnight had Pacheco, then minister of relations, address a despatch
to Buchanan proposing the negotiations requested so many times by
the American government.[27.13] The purpose of the despatch, which
Bankhead transmitted open to Trist with an appeal from himself to
heed it, was to prevent the Americans from entering the city; and the
Spanish minister, who was consulted with reference to it, agreed that
in view of Polk's repeated assurances it could not fail to have that
effect.[27.14]

[AN ARMISTICE]

Thornton and Mackintosh also brought their influence to bear; and
the next morning, while Scott was preparing to take up battering or
assaulting positions to warrant the summons, General Mora met him at
Coyoacán with a proposal for a truce. The terms of this proposal were
not satisfactory; but Scott sent back by him an overture for a short
armistice. This was accepted by Santa Anna as a gift from heaven.
Commissioners to arrange the terms were appointed the next day, and on
the twenty-fourth ratifications of their agreement settled the matter.
The army, though its entire confidence in Scott prevented all trouble,
felt profoundly dissatisfied; but with a total disregard of personal
considerations the General took what reasonably seemed to him the wise
course.[27.14]

Scott, who was now at Tacubaya with Trist, held his troops at
command--Worth and the dragoons at Tacubaya, Pillow at Mixcoac, Twiggs
about four miles farther out, and Quitman at San Agustín--in such a
manner as to be fairly safe himself, and to threaten the western and
southern approaches of the city. The well men cleaned their clothes
and arms, and the sick and wounded soon found themselves comfortable
and cheerful. Several Mexican Congressmen among the prisoners were
set free. About half a million of needed specie was obtained from
the city--principally and perhaps entirely by cashing drafts on the
United States government. A large quantity of provisions, contracted
for while the Americans lay at Puebla, was brought out, and a train of
wagons proceeded for the same purpose to the valley of Toluca, where
Olaguíbel, ostensibly the implacable enemy of the Americans, helped
them to obtain supplies. Apples, pears and peaches of an indifferent
quality were now ripe, and the soldiers lived fairly well.[27.15]

Santa Anna was even busier than Scott. Measures were taken to collect
all missing soldiers, reorganize and rearrange the corps, maintain a
state of defence, and revive morale by removing disaffected officers as
well as by punishing conspicuous delinquents. All American prisoners in
the city were freely given up. Gamboa, a politician of México state,
caused some trouble by critically reviewing Santa Anna's course during
the war, and formally charging him with treason. Far more serious
was the combination of Valencia--who was still regarded by many as a
martyr, had gathered a small army, and had pronounced against Santa
Anna--with Olaguíbel, who stood on confidential terms with Alvarez;
and to make this combination still more threatening, it seemed to be
supported by Paredes, now at the head of a small force, by Almonte
and by Canalizo. All possible care was taken to guard against the
movement. Every officer known to have been associated with Valencia
was imprisoned or at least cashiered; every hint of intrigue excited
attention; and the government heard with deep concern that somebody on
a sorrel horse had carried letters from Toluca to Querétaro. Naturally
Santa Anna did not fail to assemble the generals, and offer his place
to any one who would take it; and of course none of them had the bad
taste--not to say imprudence--to come forward. Moreover behind all the
military disaffection, rejoicing over it as a threat against Santa
Anna, though unwilling to join forces with the army in any cause,
towered the Coalition, justly regarded as even more dangerous.[27.15]

[NEGOTIATIONS]

But obviously the chief business of the government was the negotiation
with Trist. Here Santa Anna acted sincerely--as sincerely as the
drowning man who clutches at a plank, no matter how great a rascal he
has been. On this point we have a superabundant amount of evidence, and
in particular the full reports of Lozano, chargé d'affaires of Spain,
with whom Santa Anna talked explicitly and at great length. Texas and
upper California could be given up, the General thought, as territory
already lost. The region between the Rio Grande and the Nueces, it
was hastily inferred from a vague remark dropped by Trist at Puebla,
could be made neutral, perhaps under a European guaranty; and with that
barrier established against smuggling and the dreaded encroachments
of the United States, and with millions of shining American dollars
pouring into the treasury for the benefit of those supporting him and
the treaty, Santa Anna felt he could meet all opponents. In his own
mind, though he intended to get still better terms if possible, the
bargain was as good as made. He therefore placed on the commission
superior men, disposed to effect an amicable settlement, and not mere
partisans of his own: ex-President Herrera, J. B. Couto, a man of
the highest integrity and leader of the Mexican bar, General Ignacio
Mora, chief of the military engineers, and Miguel Atristain, a lawyer
supposed to represent British commercial interests; and he put forth
a manifesto entirely satisfactory from the American point of view, in
which he declared openly for peace, and, holding that Congress on being
duly consulted had referred the subject back to the Executive, brushed
aside the law of April 20.[27.17]

Trist, for his part, stated promptly the full demands of the United
States, which required that Mexico should not only accept the Rio
Grande line but cede New Mexico and upper California; and three or four
days later, in the hope of removing difficulties, he decided to inform
Santa Anna confidentially that he would pay the highest sum authorized
by his instructions. This course was proper for the representative of
a country that had always loved frank diplomacy, and felt no need of
jockeying in the present negotiations; and it was also prudent, for in
tedious haggling and crafty special pleading no Anglo-Saxon could rival
the Mexicans. September 1 and 2 the terms were fully discussed.[27.16]
Regarding certain minor points that might have entered into an
agreement a mutual disposition to be conciliatory showed itself, but on
the essentials Trist held firmly. Much to his surprise, the pecuniary
consideration appeared to count for little in comparison with the
alienating of territory and its population, and the Mexicans proved
obdurate. At last, therefore, to save the only hope of peace, Trist
proposed that the armistice be extended forty or forty-five days, and
the decision of Washington be obtained as to excluding nationality and
population from the Nueces-Rio Grande district.[27.17]

The proposed extension of time Santa Anna, angry at what he thought
had been a deception on Trist's part with reference to this district,
rejected at once as a scheme to get provisions and reinforcements, and
so he found himself confronted squarely by unexpected and unpalatable
terms. Nor were these his only difficulties. With light-hearted vanity
the people still ignored their long series of defeats. An intense fear
prevailed that Santa Anna, with what military forces remained and the
money coming from Washington, would sweep away republican institutions,
establish himself as autocrat for life, and wreak vengeance on his
enemies. All the standard objections against ending the war marshalled
themselves anew. Arguments, protests and threats, official as well as
unofficial, poured in.[27.17]

Any sale of territory, wrote the governor of Querétaro, would authorize
a general secession. Negotiations not shared in by Congress are
treasonable, proclaimed Farías, Otero, Rosa and other statesmen in
concert. Rejón, who probably wished the Americans to capture Mexico,
install the Puros in authority and make a treaty with them, added his
loud voice to the chorus. The Coalition and the Valencia-Olaguíbel
conspiracy loomed up darker than before. States and citizens who
refused to support the war denounced Santa Anna for proposing to end
it. Many who longed for a treaty would not think of a treaty signed
by him. The friends of peace lacked organization and the courage
necessary to dominate the situation. The members of Congress would
not gather, and it seemed evident that no popular assembly would ever
ratify the "sale" of loyal fellow-citizens, which the New Mexicans were
believed to be.[27.17]

[FAILURE OF THE NEGOTIATIONS]

Apparently Santa Anna's one chance was to declare himself dictator
immediately, and, if he cared to make so distasteful a bargain,
ratify it himself; but there were signs that his army--with Valencia
and Paredes, long favorites of the military caste, bidding against
him--would not support his authority against such opposition in such
a cause. Rascally but keen Tornel, who called himself the Rainbow
because he shone in stormy times, but was likened by others to the bat,
poured self-interested counsels against peace into his ear; and from
similar motives Pacheco assisted Tornel. Santa Anna's nerve weakened.
Besides, an alternative offered itself. Had not Scott lost a good part
of his little army in the recent fighting, and made the armistice in
the desperate hope of receiving fresh troops? Might not fickle fortune
change in the next battle? Whatever its result, could the Americans
venture to demand more than was now demanded? Why not have another
throw of the dice, and then make the treaty, if it could not be
avoided?[27.17]

As soon as Trist's persistence in our demands was made known to him,
therefore, although he still felt some hope they would be modified,
Santa Anna began to prepare a line of retreat. Warlike instead of
pacific reasons for agreeing to the armistice made their appearance in
public. Every thought of negotiating a treaty was denied, and papers
were drawn up representing him as a bold and indignant champion of
Mexican rights. At first his orders had been to keep the agreement
with Scott inviolably; but on finding that no acceptable modification
of Trist's demands was in sight, he proceeded to break it--especially
by preventing money and supplies from leaving the city, and by having
work done on the fortifications of Chapultepec--and appeals for troops,
funds and materials were issued. Scott, on the other hand, there is
good reason to believe, adhered to his pledges; but he was alert,
and his paid agents in the city watched Santa Anna's proceedings. On
September 2 he relinquished all real expectation of peace, yet he still
clung to hope.[27.19]

The Mexican leader also shrank from drawing the sword. But on the
afternoon of the 6th his commissioners, arriving late and agitated at
the rendezvous, presented Trist with a counter-projet, which they knew
he would reject, and an argumentative note intended for the Mexican
public. No discussion took place. Evidently the time for words had
passed. Scott then sent a letter charging that Santa Anna had violated
the armistice, and announcing that unless complete satisfaction
should be made before noon the following day, hostilities would be
resumed. Santa Anna's ingenious reply was mainly a counter-blast of
accusations designed to rouse what he called "the first city of the
American continent"; and again it was war.[27.18] Yet something had
been accomplished. The word "peace" had been uttered and seriously
considered; it was Trist's firm belief that not only the commissioners
but most of the Cabinet were for accepting the American terms; in a
measure this attitude on the part of leading Moderados committed their
party; and the Mexican plenipotentiaries retired from the meetings
filled with cordiality and even admiration for Trist.[27.19]

In the United States great disappointment was felt over the issue of
these negotiations. The general view of the armistice was the easy,
superficial one that all Mexicans were rascals, and that Santa Anna
had shamelessly tricked our good faith. Marcy, not seeing that the
counter-projet was a political ruse, gravely pronounced it "extravagant
and inadmissible." Polk, whose knowledge of the Mexicans was revealed
by his quaint idea that an extension of the American ægis over New
Mexico might be welcomed by them, condemned the armistice as if peace
had not been his avowed aim; and the administration organ, besides
representing Scott and Trist as dupes, described it as contrary to the
intentions of the government, when in fact a commissioner had attended
the army for the express purpose of negotiating at the earliest
possible moment. Mexico rejects peace, proclaimed the _Union_; let
us give her war. "Burn the olive branch and whet the sword," was the
popular cry; let her be humbled in dust and ashes![27.20]

[THE AMERICAN VIEW]

To the army the respite of a fortnight proved a physical, mental and
moral blessing. San Agustín, buried in orchards, umbrageous Coyoacán,
cozy San Angel and lively Mixcoac had each its charms; and Tacubaya,
where the palace, embowered in blossoms and fragrance, crowned a hill
gently--even pensively--shaded by silvery old olives, was lovelier
yet, and afforded the noblest views. Here the brilliant sunrise, first
lighting up the distant white volcanoes that propped the sky, and then
stooping to brighten the near-by villas of the city merchants, ushered
in gorgeously the perfect day. After noon black, jagged clouds could be
seen gathering quickly in the soft and luminous blue; the edge of one
would melt into a slender gray shadow, dripping to the earth; and in
a few moments the grandest artillery of the heavens would be at work.
Then sometimes a rainbow followed; the sunset was fair; the moon rose
clear and full; and the white houses, massive towers and brilliant
porcelain domes of the city appeared to be afloat in a magical radiance
toned with slumber and with dreams. "Heaven help those at home," wrote
a soldier, "who think they know what moonlight is!"[27.21]

Amid experiences like these it seemed hard, almost impossible, to
contemplate war and bloodshed. But the troops felt thoroughly angered
by what they looked upon as Mexican treachery--first in pretending to
negotiate, and then in violating the armistice; and they quickly nerved
themselves, not without satisfaction, for the coming struggle. All
realized that only triumph could save them now from destruction.[27.21]




XXVIII

MOLINO DEL REY, CHAPULTEPEC, MEXICO

September, 1847


Rather more than half a mile west of Chapultepec and still farther
north of Tacubaya stood a complicated range of low stone buildings
known as El Molino del Rey (The King's Mill). They extended in a
rambling fashion approximately north and south more than 300 yards,
and consisted essentially of a flour mill and a foundry for bronze
cannon. The heavy walls and the parapets of the flat roofs, reinforced
with sand-bags, made these buildings almost a fort. Nearly half a mile
from them toward the northwest lay a very solid stone edifice, at one
time a powder magazine, called the Casa Mata, protected now with a
small, dry fosse and light, incomplete breastworks. Along the west
front of El Molino extended a somewhat irregular drainage ditch, or
series of ditches, at this critical time free from water, which then
made a bend, passed some twenty-five yards from the south face of Casa
Mata, continued in the same direction nearly one fourth of a mile, and
finally joined a deep, wide ravine, that ran for a long way northeast
and southwest, and could not easily be crossed except (at X) near this
junction. For military uses the ditch gained strength from dirt thrown
up in front of it and a line of maguey growing some thirty yards back.
From it an easy slope, clear of trees but somewhat obstructed with
cornfields near the bend, rose toward the southwest for about 600 yards
and culminated in a ridge, which overlooked Tacubaya; while west of the
ravine and a mile or so from Casa Mata stood the hacienda buildings of
Los Morales.[28.1]

[Illustration: BATTLES OF MEXICO]

[SCOTT'S PREPARATIONS]

Inferring from supposed signs of American activity, and also from
Scott's peremptory letter, that on the afternoon of September 7 a
determined effort would be made to seize Chapultepec and attack the
defences of the city, which had not become very strong in this quarter,
Santa Anna made special efforts during the sixth to place his most
serviceable troops on the terrain just described; and the next day,
taking command there in person, he posted and instructed them with
particular care. León's and Rangel's brigades were stationed in El
Molino; the best of Pérez's brigade garrisoned the Casa Mata; Ramírez's
occupied the intermediate space; four guns were placed a little
in front of the bend; 3000 or 4000 horse under Alvarez--the first
division commanded by him and the second by Manuel Andrade--proceeded
to Los Morales; reserves of infantry and artillery lay in the rear,
and the cannon of Chapultepec were made ready to sweep the ridge and
slope.[28.2]

At the same time pains were taken to rouse Mexico City. Suspicion of
Santa Anna persisted, but his credit had been improved not a little by
Valencia's conduct, and the public felt inclined to believe in him once
more. The image of the Virgin of Guadalupe, the Patroness of Mexico,
now passed through the streets. Under orders from Tornel the clergy
preached a crusade against the heretical invaders. Tales of alleged
American atrocities supplemented their exhortations. People were
ordered to sharpen their daggers, and make ready to throw paving-stones
from the azoteas. That Scott's handful--only some 8000 available men
and supposed to number even less--could beat 18,000 or 20,000 valiant
Mexicans, protected by strong defences, and capture a city still
occupied by perhaps 200,000 persons, appeared incredible. Citizens as
well as troops grew confident. When the bells began to ring at about
half-past nine on the morning of the seventh, all welcomed the alarm;
and when Santa Anna visited the chosen terrain during the afternoon to
issue his orders for battle, he was received with applause.[28.3]

[BATTLE OF MOLINO DEL REY]

Scott also prepared. September 7 the engineer company and Cadwalader's
brigade advanced from Mixcoac to Tacubaya, the rest of Pillow's
division and one of Twiggs's brigades moved toward the city as a
feint, and Twiggs's other brigade and Quitman's division were ordered
to concentrate at Mixcoac. Captain Mason and Lieutenant Foster of
the engineers daringly reconnoitred the Mexican position, and,
although Casa Mata--standing on low ground and partially masked by its
earthworks and the maguey--was not adequately made out, they analyzed
the situation correctly otherwise. Then, to prevent errors, Brevet
Lieutenant Colonel Duncan and two engineers did the work a second time;
and Scott and Worth also made observations. Information that he deemed
thoroughly safe led the commander-in-chief to believe that guns needed
for the defence of the city were now under construction at El Molino,
and he desired Worth to have a party destroy the works and material
during the coming night--in his opinion an easy task--and immediately
retire. At Worth's request, however, a daybreak attack and, as the
natural consequence, a broader plan were decided upon.[28.4]

  [Illustration: BATTLE OF EL MOLINO]

Accordingly, the first gray light of September 8 found the Americans
waiting to assault the position. One cannon guarded the road from
Mexico to Tacubaya. Brevet Colonel Garland's brigade and Captain Drum
of the Fourth Artillery with his two Buena Vista 6-pounders were
directly south of El Molino, at a distance of about 400 yards from it,
to ward off a flank attack from Chapultepec, threaten the mill, and
be ready to assist as might be necessary. On the ridge, not far to
their left, stood Captain Huger with two 24-pound siege guns, Brevet
Major Wright's party of stormers--twelve officers with five companies
of 100 men each, drawn during the night from the six regiments of
Worth's division--and a supporting body composed of Brevet Lieutenant
Colonel C. F. Smith's light battalion. Some 500 yards farther to the
left and higher up the ridge the guns of Duncan, who had charge of all
the artillery, bore upon the Mexicans near Casa Mata, about 700 yards
distant, with Colonel Clarke's brigade--now commanded, on account of
Clarke's illness, by Brevet Colonel McIntosh--on the left of the pieces
and General Cadwalader's brigade, acting as a reserve, at their right
and rear. And finally, near the ravine, Major Sumner of the Second
Dragoons with some 270 mounted men occupied our extreme left under
orders to hold the Mexican cavalry in check and coöperate wherever he
could. In all there were 3447 officers and men.[28.5]

Apparently Worth's dispositions had been wisely planned, and a scrutiny
of the Mexican position, could it have been made, would have confirmed
the expectations of a quick victory. Deceived by Scott's feint against
the southern front of the capital, Santa Anna had broken up his army
during the night, and now, with a considerable part of it and some of
the guns, he was fully two hours distant. No one officer commanded the
troops before Worth. Only a sharp, strong thrust was required.[28.5]

As soon as Huger could make out the low, white walls of El Molino,
about a third of a mile distant, he opened fire; and at the same time
Engineers Mason and Foster advanced some 350 yards. All was perfectly
still in front. Both of them believed the position had been abandoned,
and Mason sent Foster back to have Wright's party--now deployed in
line--advance. Consequently, instead of waiting, as had been the plan,
until the 24-pounders had perceptibly shaken the mill, the stormers
advanced and masked those guns when some ten rounds had been fired.
The Mexican pieces, which had been moved nearer the mill during the
night, at once opened furiously with canister from an unexpected
quarter, and soon a terrific fusillade burst from the parapeted azoteas
of El Molino. In spite of it all, three of the pieces were taken,
however.[28.5]

But the American spearhead--Wright's party--was merely glued fragments
of steel, not a forged blade. A large part of the men were separated
from the comrades and officers whom they knew and relied upon, and all
from the colors they adored. Mason, Foster, Wright and eight other
officers out of fourteen went down. The column broke. Nearly a third
of the men, whose comrades fought later in the engagement, under their
proper colors and officers, like heroes, absolutely bolted. The enemy
saw that only a handful were persisting, and promptly rallied. Without
orders brave Lieutenant Colonel Echeagaray brought from Chapultepec the
Third Ligero. "At them!" he cried; and instantly a counter-attack was
launched. The guns were recaptured. The Americans had to retreat. And
the pursuing Mexicans butchered and robbed our wounded.[28.5]

Smith's battalion rapidly advanced, however, though possibly not quite
soon enough. Drum directed a quick, accurate fire upon the Mexican
battery. Garland moved up by a road that sheltered his command until
it came within some 200 yards of the mill. Drum followed him, stopping
at intervals to deliver canister. Cadwalader sent aid. Tall, swarthy
León crumpled suddenly with a bullet in his side; valiant Balderas
fell over into the arms of his son; and for these ardent leaders the
Mexicans had no substitutes. Ramírez took flight. The Mexican reserves
would not budge. The Americans captured the enemy's guns, penetrated
into the buildings, and forced their way to the azoteas. Close fighting
then settled the issue; and before very long, under the fire of their
own pieces, as well as Drum's and one from Huger, the Mexican left wing
and the troops coming to its aid from Chapultepec were in precipitate
retreat.[28.5]

Casa Mata, still held by the excellent men under Pérez but wholly
destitute of artillery and feebly protected by its earthen enclosure,
might have been cleared of defenders by a vigorous application
of artillery. Duncan began work. But Worth believed in brilliant
operations, and ordered McIntosh to assault the position. With a
smile that beautified his rugged face, the old warrior set out; and
soon, bleeding from two wounds, he was lying on the slope. The second
and the third in command fell. Officer after officer was struck
down. The men toppled over by the wholesale. Wild with enthusiasm
some of the Mexicans leaped over the defences and came to meet their
assailants.[28.5]

In spite of their well-aimed and murderous volleys, however, they were
soon punished and driven back. But what more could be done? The walls
of Casa Mata had not been breached, and there were no ladders. So
the Americans lay down behind the embankment of the ditch, and coolly
picked off Mexicans at Casa Mata and behind the maguey. After a time
their muskets became foul. Their ammunition began to give out. Somehow
an order to retire got started; and finally the shattered remnants of
the brigade fell back to the rear, followed by miscreants who glutted
their fury on our wounded. But Duncan, whose guns had been masked by
McIntosh's advance, now resumed his work upon Casa Mata, and in a short
while the Mexicans were in flight, pursued by the unerring missiles of
the battery.[28.5]

Yet there were still 3000 or 4000 horse at Los Morales. These troops
had been expected by Santa Anna to sweep the field, and he had
personally given their commander his instructions. But a mere partisan
fighter like Alvarez did not know what to do with two divisions of
cavalry, an arm that it requires distinctive qualifications and
much experience to handle well. Besides, his division included no
artillery, and he probably felt no more anxious than before to help the
President at his own expense. He followed but carelessly Santa Anna's
instructions. His orders to Andrade were more or less confused and
impracticable; and that officer, who was at odds with his commander and
felt that Santa Anna had overlooked his achievements at Buena Vista,
concluded to keep himself and his men out of danger.[28.5]

At length, however, while McIntosh was charging, Alvarez advanced in
brilliant array with his own division. Sumner at once dashed hotly
across the ravine and at them, passing the Mexican infantry within
pistol range and losing forty-four men and 104 horses in perhaps ten
seconds. Duncan turned his now unemployed guns in the same direction.
One of Alvarez's brigades, made up of untrained guerillas, broke
immediately under the cannon fire; and the whole division soon
retreated in disorder upon Andrade's men, fiercely pursued by the
riderless horses of Sumner's command, as if to get revenge for the loss
of their masters. Later some of the cavalry undertook, or so pretended,
to cross the ravine at another point. But Sumner dashed at them again,
a part of Cadwalader's brigade was now in that quarter, and both Duncan
and Huger--the latter being at present near the American centre with
one gun-- sent their compliments; the Mexicans retreated; and at about
seven o'clock the battle ended.[28.5]

"A sad mistake," said Hitchcock, and he was right. A few cannon
moulds were found. The partial destruction of El Molino and Casa Mata
cancelled the military value of the position, and facilitated later
American operations; but such operations were not contemplated at
this time. A few small cannon and a quantity of more or less valuable
ammunition fell into our hands, and a heavy gun at Chapultepec became
disabled. Probably 2000 Mexicans were killed or wounded, and perhaps an
equal number deserted. Nearly 700 prisoners were taken. The loss of two
excellent officers meant still more, perhaps. Intrenching implements
needed at Chapultepec were lost. The want of coöperation among the
Mexican generals and especially the total failure of the cavalry to
meet expectations disheartened the capital. But the casualties in
the little American army amounted to 124 killed and 582 wounded. The
confidence of the officers, if not the men, in their leaders faltered
at the evident mistakes of Scott and Worth. Each of those generals
blamed the other, and the discord between them, which reached down to
the private soldier, became worse than ever. No American could find
satisfaction in a barren victory gained with such difficulty and at
such a cost; and the Mexicans, believing we had aimed to accomplish far
more, exulted over their imaginary triumph. Scott faced the situation
with unshaken fortitude, but those who knew him intimately saw that he
felt anxious.[28.6]

[THE GREAT PROBLEM]

However, the great problem before them soon occupied the minds of all.
Mexico, lying on a very slight elevation or swell, could be entered on
its western side by the garita of San Cosme and at the southwest by the
garita of Belén, to each of which led a causeway from the fortified
hill of Chapultepec, about a mile and a half southwest of Belén. From
this garita a second causeway ran south about an equal distance to the
picturesque chapel of La Piedad, where it was crossed by one extending
eastwardly from Tacubaya to the San Antonio or Acapulco highway,
which--it will be recalled--led south to Churubusco and San Agustín.
Not far north of the latter junction and about a mile from the city
proper stood the garita of San Antonio; while, intermediate between the
San Antonio and the Piedad routes, the Niño Perdido causeway, coming
from San Angel, connected with Niño Perdido garita, which stood at the
edge of the city. Finally, a road leading nearly east from San Antonio
gateway conducted one to La Viga garita and La Viga canal, a deep and
broad waterway, which, since it could not well be bridged in the face
of the enemy, practically bounded Scott's field of operations. There
were thus four garitas--Belén, Niño Perdido, San Antonio and La Viga in
this order from west to east--each guarding an approach to the capital
from the south.[28.7]

Scott's expectation was to break the south front, and after the
armistice ended, his engineers, assisted to some extent by himself
and a Mexican officer in his pay, reconnoitred it actively and boldly
except on the forenoon of the eighth. Had it been feasible to strike
immediately on the resumption of hostilities, the enemy's lines would
have been found poorly fortified and armed. But this could not well
be done with Santa Anna's principal forces menacing our flank; the
American army was not yet in position; and Scott desired first of
all to destroy El Molino. After the battle of the eighth half of his
troops imperatively required a breathing space. The wounded had to be
given attention. The army still needed to be placed. It was necessary
to protect hospitals, baggage and stores--especially since Governor
Olaguíbel and about 700 militia, supposed by Americans to be Alvarez
with his two divisions, were approaching the rear, and according to
reports Valencia had 8000 men in that vicinity. Moreover Scott's
information was not complete. The eighth of September, following the
twentieth of August, had proved the danger of rashness; and the fresh
losses made extreme caution absolutely necessary. Finally, Scott felt
a suspicion that the Mexicans expected and wished him to attack their
apparently unfinished works covering the south front.[28.8]

On the morning of the eleventh he inspected these once more, and then
had a conference of generals and engineers at La Piedad. It was a
solemn gathering. Before them lay the fortified capital of Mexico, a
hopeful army of perhaps 15,000, a good equipment of artillery, nearly
700 trained gunners, and a large population, somewhat disillusioned,
but excited and vengeful; and in view of the American situation it was
essential, as the commander-in-chief clearly indicated, to strike a
vital blow at once.[28.9]

But where? Point by point Scott fully and fairly stated the case: at
the southwest the mighty porphyritic hill of Chapultepec to carry, but
a clear problem, hard ground, excellent places for batteries, Huger's
opinion that in one day the fortified college on the top of the hill
could be demolished, in the event of success a position from which to
operate freely, and at least a possibility that, after losing what was
commonly deemed its key, Mexico would listen to terms; on the southern
front marshes, inundations, large ditches full of water everywhere,
causeways already cut by the enemy, bridges destroyed, a topography
that made rear and flank attacks impossible, an extensive series of
well-planned and well-armed fortifications crossing their fires and
commanding one another, and an enemy apparently eager to have the
attack made here. Scott, while disclaiming any wish to influence the
judgment of others, pronounced frankly for Chapultepec.[28.9]

Then one of the engineers--a tall, handsome young man, with a positive
chin, a strong nose, a dark, closely trimmed mustache, dark hair
clustering above his ears, and a fresh, clear color in his face--stood
up and reported crisply on the work of reconnoitring. His name was
Robert E. Lee, and he recommended approaching by the southern front.
Three other engineers concurred with him. Four generals, doubtless
influenced by these experts, took the same view. Twiggs and Riley
inclined the other way. The fifth engineer present was then called
upon, and he--Beauregard--in a long, technical statement argued for
the Chapultepec route. Pierce changed his opinion. A silence followed;
and then Scott, drawing up his magnificent figure to its full height,
announced in his grand way: "Gentlemen, we will attack by the western
gates. The general officers present here will remain for further
orders--the meeting is dissolved." And so the die was cast.[28.10]

[CHAPULTEPEC]

The preparation of Chapultepec for defence had begun in May, and
Santa Anna had insisted upon it as of the "highest importance"; but
want of money hindered and at times checked operations. During the
armistice a little progress was made, and September 9, under the
direction of a competent engineer and of the President himself, the
work began in earnest. But alterations in plan, a lack of implements,
a shortage of materials, the general confusion and the want of time
naturally made thoroughness impossible. Chapultepec was therefore
a fort but not really a fortress. It stood alone, too, without the
supporting positions that a fortress must have; and shot and shell
could penetrate the defences of the college on the summit of the hill
almost everywhere. Even the parapets were not ready; and instead of
the 2000 men required for an adequate garrison of the buildings and
works, only a few hundreds occupied them. Their elevation merely
hindered approach--not assault--and artillery could largely offset that
advantage. To hold the grove was essential, for without it the garrison
above could not obtain supplies or even water; and here the want of
adequate defences had a still worse effect, since large forces could
not be protected against artillery.[28.11]

  [Illustration: BATTLE OF CHAPULTEPEC]

Yet for 7180 available Americans including those required to make a
feint against the southern front--an "army" that had to contemplate
still harder work beyond, and could not afford severe losses
here--Chapultepec meant a great deal. In general the position formed an
approximate rectangle about three fourths of a mile in length by one
fourth of a mile in width, bounded at its western end by El Molino and
on the other sides with high stone walls. In the south wall, at about
its middle point, there was an opening covered on the outside by a
sand-bag redan (B), unarmed. From the main gateway in the eastern end
the causeway of Belén struck off toward the city, another road--guarded
here by a cut and by two batteries--ran toward Tacubaya, and a third,
after running westwardly into the rectangle and a little way up the
slope until it arrived at a 4-pounder in a circular redoubt (C),
flanked with an infantry entrenchment (D), turned sharply toward the
northeast, and finally climbed to the summit.[28.12]

  [Illustration: BLINDAGE AT CHAPULTEPEC.]

Here on a rectangular level space or terre-plein, supported at the
eastern end by an almost vertical precipice and on the other sides
by high, parapeted walls, rose the masonry buildings of the military
college, skilfully though incompletely reinforced with sand-bags and
screens of timber (blindage), supplemented with parapeted azoteas, and
surrounded with ten effective guns, heavy and light. A deep, broad
fosse at the base of the western wall, mines below that, and finally,
half-way down the slope, a redan (E) strengthened this end, where
the incline was gentlest. In swamps at the western foot of the hill
stood a large grove of huge cypresses--extending also toward the main
gateway--through which ran an east and west road commanded by this
redan (E) and also by the wall of the fort. Beyond the grove came a
north-and-south ditch, intended for drainage, with a redan-breastwork
(A)--looking westward--at its northern end; and finally, after
traversing level and open fields for about a quarter of a mile toward
the west, one arrived at El Molino. Placed so conspicuously in view,
150 or 200 feet in height, Chapultepec seemed to deserve its popular
reputation of impregnability, and the American soldiers gazed at the
white walls on the summit, transfigured in the sunlight, with dread if
not with consternation.[28.12]

Late in the afternoon, September 11, Quitman's division ostentatiously
presented itself at La Piedad, but after dark both his and Pillow's
moved to Tacubaya, leaving Twiggs with Brevet Colonel Riley's brigade
and Steptoe's and Taylor's field pieces behind. During the night two
16's and an eight-inch howitzer under Drum were placed behind bushes on
the road from Tacubaya to Mexico, about 1000 yards from Chapultepec,
and a similar howitzer with a 24-pounder, masked in the same way, south
of El Molino under Hagner; and these batteries (Nos. 1 and 2) opened
fire the next morning (September 12). Later in the day a 16-pound siege
gun and an eight-inch howitzer (Battery No. 3) and a ten-inch mortar
(No. 4), planted nearer the mill, joined in the work. Chapultepec
replied; and, as usual, the Mexican artillerymen--of whom there was
a full complement--did well, occasionally knocking sand-bags from
the American parapets, while our own gunners, warned by the burst of
smoke, took shelter at each discharge. Meantime Steptoe, in the hope
of deceiving the Mexicans as to Scott's purpose, made as much noise as
possible opposite the San Antonio garita.[28.13]

During these preparations the Mexicans passed their days in a state
of fever. Reports that our army had only half-rations cheered them,
and Scott's deceptive manoeuvres were attributed by many to indecision
or timidity. On the eleventh a review and a valiant proclamation from
the President recalled his "victory" of 1829 over the Spaniards. But
a sense of weakness and confusion, the loss of friends, the continual
alarms, the marchings and countermarchings, and the ominous clang
of the bells kept them sad and anxious. Santa Anna, for his part,
displayed as usual a remarkable activity and a remarkable want of
judgment and method. During the night of September 9 he set perhaps
2000 men at work--one hour each--on the southern fortifications,
and the parapets rose as if by enchantment. Not knowing where Scott
would strike, he broke his army into a number of detachments, and
shifted troops and guns frequently according to his notion of the
probabilities, while always maintaining a reserve. But he lost himself
in a maze of details; and on the eleventh, deceived by the rather weak
American feint, he unwisely drew men and cannon from Chapultepec and
Belén.[28.14]

[SEPTEMBER 12]

Early the next morning, however, the reports of spies and the roar of
Scott's heavy guns enlightened him. Troops were hurried to the real
point of danger. With all speed he went there himself, ordered his best
engineers to work on the fortifications near the main gateway of the
Chapultepec enclosure, and posted troops close by. But there was little
he could do. More and more accurately the American batteries fired and
kept on firing. Two of the best cannon in the fort were disabled. The
buildings of the college suffered, the garrison suffered more, and
their morale suffered most of all, for except the engineers and gunners
the men felt utterly helpless. When Santa Anna entered the rectangle
unattended to reconnoitre, a shell burst near him and covered his red
pony with dirt. Toward evening General Bravo, the commander of the
position, came down, reported to him that the garrison were cowed, and
demanded fresh troops; but Santa Anna could see no use of sending them
forward to be destroyed on the way or else demoralized after arriving.
They should be provided, he said, at the critical moment.[28.15]

Scott saw, however, as the day waned, that Huger's expectations would
not be realized--that an assault would be necessary. For this last
resort preparations had in fact been made. The troops and the ladders
were now ready. Fearing the Mexicans would repair the damages under
cover of night he thought at first of delivering the blow at once; but
he concluded that it was now too late in the day, that his guns could
soon dispose of repairs and reinforcements, and that a morning attack
would give many hours for pursuing the advantages gained. Engineers
proceeded to mend and improve our own batteries, and the generals met
for a conference. Here the plans were finally decided upon. Quitman's
division and a forlorn hope of about 265 selected officers and men from
Twiggs's division, under Captain Casey of the Second Infantry, were to
advance by the Tacubaya road; and Pillow's, preceded by a similar party
from Worth's division, led by Captain McKenzie of the Second Artillery,
was to attack by way of El Molino and the grove. Then every one betook
himself to his post. But Pillow felt discontented. "We shall be
defeated," said Worth privately; and even Scott admitted to Hitchcock,
"I have my misgivings."[28.16]

[BATTLE OF CHAPULTEPEC]

At daybreak--about half-past five--the next morning a signal gun broke
the stillness, and then our batteries opened. For two hours or so they
hurled shot and shells at the fort, and then for some thirty minutes
grape, canister and shells were poured into the grove. At about eight
o'clock, as if by common consent, they stopped--but only to burst forth
again with new fury.[28.17]

That one momentary pause was the command to attack. Colonel Trousdale,
with the Eleventh and Fourteenth Infantry and a section of Magruder's
field battery under the "Stonewall" Jackson of our civil war, moved
some distance eastward from near El Molino by the Anzures causeway
along the northern side of the rectangle, to prevent reinforcement
and embarrass escape in that quarter. Lieutenant Colonel Johnston
with four companies of the gray Voltigeurs advanced outside the south
wall, drove the Mexicans from the redan (B) and from the wall, behind
which they had been standing on platforms, passed through the opening,
captured the circular redoubt (C) and the breastwork near it (D), and
opened fire on the southern parapet of the fort. Reno's howitzers,
taken from El Molino eastward into the fields, poured shells upon the
grove and the Mexican entrenchments (A and E). Four other Voltigeur
companies under Colonel Andrews, after crossing those open fields,
rushed with loud cheers into the swamp; and the Ninth and the Fifteenth
Infantry, deploying into line, followed them closely. Decorated with
long, hanging moss, the venerable cypresses, dear alike to Cortez
and to Montezuma, seemed like the fit guardians of some mystical and
melancholy religion; but now hurrahs and sharp flashes and the terrible
crash of cannon-balls amidst the branches broke their shadowy silence,
and the Americans, wallowing through the mire, drove the Mexican
skirmishers from tree to tree, from the grove, and at last from the
battle.[28.17]

Clearly it was time for Santa Anna to support the garrison. Attempts
had been made to repair the fort during the night, but no adequate
materials could be found there. A cannon had burst. The dead and
wounded lay about. There were no surgeons, no medical supplies. The
expected reinforcements did not appear. Most of the students, gallant
lads in gray uniforms and gaily tasselled blue caps, withdrew by
command. Bravo--thickset and erect, with deep eyes and a powerful
chin--though he was cold and unenterprising, had flawless courage,
and he stood with folded arms or marched calmly from post to post.
But the infantry of the garrison--hungry, exhausted, stunned,
hopeless--cowered behind the parapets. Many had to be driven to their
places, and some had to be fired on. Even the engineers and gunners
felt despondent.[28.17]

But Santa Anna could not see what to do. No doubt the hill was to be
attacked from the grove, but the enemy seemed likely to assault by the
Tacubaya causeway also, and Trousdale, he fancied, might come round
by a road that skirted the eastern end of the rectangle to strike his
rear. Besides, the officers and men showed no desire to challenge
the American artillery by marching up the hill, and he understood
well enough himself how few of them could probably reach the fort. At
length, however, he strengthened the forces on the Tacubaya road, and
sent most of the San Blas Activo battalion to Bravo. At the circular
redoubt this corps met the Americans, and not many of them lived to go
farther.[28.17]

East of the grove, Andrews with his Voltigeurs and Reno with his
howitzers turned a little to the right and united with Johnston. This
left the Ninth a clear front. Colonel Ransom had promised, the day
before, that he and his men would go into the fort or die. Proudly
erect, sword in hand, the beau-ideal of a soldier, he strode in front
up the steepest part of the slope, while the Fifteenth marched on his
left. The breastwork (E) was captured; and then, coming in view of the
fort--its buildings almost hidden in smoke, its parapets a sheet of
flame, the air filled with the hiss and shriek and roar of missiles--he
waved his sword, shouted, "Forward, the Ninth!" and fell dead with a
bullet in his forehead. A terrible cry rose from his men: "Ransom has
fallen--the Colonel is shot!" Wild for revenge they all charged on, and
a part of them reached the fosse.[28.17]

But there had been some mistake. The ladders had been entrusted to
raw men, it was said; perhaps they had not been started off in time;
apparently some of the bearers had left their places and hurried on;
some had been killed and others frightened. Anyhow the ladders did
not arrive. Like the Voltigeurs on their right, the Ninth and the
Fifteenth sought shelter behind rocks and stumps and fired at the
parapet; and the tardy storming party, which was to have passed through
them, feeling no desire to get between the two lines of fire and really
unable to do anything without ladders, halted.[28.17]

The men were fairly safe. Their muskets taught most of the enemy to
keep down behind the parapet. The rest of the Mexicans fired very
badly, and the Americans near the wall could not be reached by the
cannon. But the attack was making no progress. Time passed--five, ten,
fifteen dreadful minutes, and still no ladders could even be seen.
The American batteries, which had been firing over the heads of our
troops, could no longer do it safely. The ardor of battle was cooling.
Low mounds that looked like graves, but in reality were the mines, lay
under our men, and a Mexican lieutenant of engineers had orders to
fire them at the right moment. Santa Anna with perhaps 4000 or even
5000 reserves so near--might he not come round the hill? Scott's whole
gazing army, back even to Lieutenant Mayne Reid at Battery No. 2, was
seized with a horrible fear. Pillow, lying at the foot of the hill
painfully hurt in the ankle, sent for the whole of Worth's division,
which was supporting him as a reserve, and begged Worth to make "great
haste" or it would be "too late."[28.17]

There was, however, a nearer source of help. When the signal for attack
was given, Quitman's division--preceded by forty pioneers under Captain
Reynolds of the Marines, Casey's forlorn hope, and 120 stormers from
the volunteer division led by Major Twiggs of the Marines--advanced on
the Tacubaya causeway until about 200 yards from the gateway batteries.
To support it, repel a body of Mexicans on its right, ward off any
force that might approach from the city, perhaps turn those batteries,
and if possible gain the Mexican rear, General Smith struck off into
the meadows and pushed on despite the ditches; and Captain Drum and
Lieutenant Benjamin, each with a single gun, and Lieutenant Hunt with
two of Duncan's pieces advanced by the road, firing on those batteries
or at the hill and fort as opportunities offered.[28.17]

On each side of the causeway ran a ditch that was almost a canal and
cramped the troops not a little; and a terrible fire of artillery and
musketry from the meadows, the front, the wall of the rectangle and the
fort on the hill-top greeted them. Quitman had reconnoitred here the
day before, and thought he understood the problem; but the Mexicans had
made further preparations afterwards, and when he ordered a charge, it
was checked, and Twiggs and Casey fell. Ahead of him, partly enfilading
the road, blazed at least five guns, and some of the best soldiers
in the Mexican army--commanded by General Rangel--occupied the stone
buildings near them, while others fired from behind the wall near
the gateway. Under this concentrated and awful storm the Americans
recoiled, and sheltered themselves near a bend in the road by lying
down, getting into the ditches or occupying some houses. Here, too, the
offensive was blocked; the attack failed.[28.17]

But "the issue of battle lies in the hearts of men," and the will of
every American heart was Victory. Lieutenant Reid, hurrying over from
the battery with two companies, dropped on the slope, but his men went
forward. By Quitman's order the New York and the Second Pennsylvania
regiments left the Tacubaya causeway, under a heavy fire waded the
ditches on the left and rear to the redan (B), and charged through the
opening, while the Palmettoes, finding a break in the same wall, made
a little farther east by an American cannon, enlarged it with their
bayonets and squeezed through. Shields and the commanders of the New
York and Pennsylvania regiments were wounded, but the troops kept on.
Clarke's brigade, sent forward by Worth, hastened up the western slope,
and when Lieutenant Longstreet of the Eighth fell, Lieutenant Pickett
seized the colors. For some reason the mines failed to explode; and at
last the ladders came up.[28.17]

Shouting and yelling, the Voltigeurs, the Ninth and Fifteenth, some of
McKenzie's and the foremost of Quitman's men, all closely intermingled,
and brilliant with flags and the sparkle of arms, crowded to the fosse.
The first ladders, with all the bold fellows upon them, were thrown
down, but in a moment so many more were placed, side by side, that
fifty could go up abreast. The blue Voltigeur flag, now full of holes,
was planted on the parapet. A tide of brave Americans overflowed the
fort. Resistance was vain. A little before half-past nine Bravo gave
up his diamond-hilted sword, and the tricolor, that had been waving
placidly amidst the uproar, came down with a jerk.[28.17]

Fire was opened then upon the Mexicans at the gateway below, and
fearless Captain Roberts of Casey's storming party, at the head of all
the troops on the causeway and supported by General Smith's brigade,
carried the gateway batteries. Many from Quitman's and Smith's commands
rushed to the summit, dealing with flying enemies as they went. Scott
himself came up--the hero of Chippewa and Lundy's Lane. The men pressed
round him. He told them how glad he was, and how proud of them; and how
proud their country, their wives, their sisters and their sweethearts
would be; and it seemed as if such cheering had never been heard,
anywhere in the world, before.[28.17]

Exultant but weary, the soldiers now looked about them as they took
breath. From this eyrie the whole wonderful Valley of Mexico could be
surveyed. All round the west the great wall of rugged mountains closed
it in, and two vast, snowy peaks guarded its portal on the east. As if
reluctantly the mountains gradually subsided into verdant hills and a
wide plain, enamelled in a thousand soft hues. The broad, smooth lakes
gleamed like molten silver. The gold of ripening grain, penciled lines
of pale-green maguey, cottages radiant in the sun like the sails of
distant ships, country-houses and villas half hiding in foliage, and
many straight, converging avenues, lined with trees, delighted the
eye. In the midst, clear-cut as a medallion, lay the city of Mexico,
the capital, its roofs and towers black with people; and there, just
yonder, stood the Halls of the Montezumas, the Jerusalem of these
ardent young crusaders. Unfortunately breastworks, redoubts, cannon and
a Mexican army were still to be reckoned with. Santa Anna had probably
lost not more than 1800 killed, wounded and missing this day, and
apparently Scott's loss had been about one fourth as great.[28.18]

[QUITMAN'S OPERATIONS]

But the Americans quickly prepared to advance--first of all, Quitman.
Naturally a certain discretion had been given to the commanding
generals, and he intended to make the most of it. Looking from the
hill along the Belén causeway, he saw a wide avenue divided through
the middle by a stone aqueduct some eight feet wide and fifteen feet
high, resting on heavy arches and pillars of masonry. Owing to fine
weather the road was unusually firm. A small number of troops, fleeing
in the utmost confusion, could be seen upon it, but at only one point
fortifications. Borrowing all of Pillow's troops except the Fifteenth
Infantry, which remained to hold Chapultepec and guard the prisoners,
he quietly gave orders that his men should assemble near the main
gateway. At once the inspiring words began to circulate, "Quitman's
division to the city!" and as soon as possible the Rifles, in their
crimson sashes, were leading the march forward. About a mile on, a
two-gun battery, with a field redan at its right on the marsh, blocked
the way. For an hour or so Drum used a small gun upon it. Then the
Rifles, after creeping along the aqueduct from arch to arch, took it
by assault, and the march continued toward the fortifications at the
garita.[28.19]

  [Illustration: THE CITADEL IN 1840.]

As at the other garitas, no gates existed here, but a ditch and a
parapet blocked one half of the causeway and a zigzag redoubt the
other. Just at the north was the stone house intended for guards and
customs officials, beyond which lay the wide _Paseo_ (Promenade).
South, on the Piedad road, were artillery and infantry that could fire
through the arches. Inside the garita, buildings extending toward the
east offered shelter, and in open ground a little more toward the
north and about 300 yards distant, the extensive edifice called the
citadel, protected with a wall and a wet ditch, constituted a serious
obstacle.[28.19]

Santa Anna, after acting like a madman when Chapultepec fell, came to
this garita. General Terrés, a brave old Spaniard, commanded here with
about 180 infantry and some artillerymen. Santa Anna gave him three
guns of medium power, and stationed General Ramírez in the Paseo,
Brevet General Argüelles on the opposite side, and General Perdigón
Garay and Colonel Barrios in the rear with substantial reserves.[28.19]

On approaching this formidable position, Quitman encountered a
withering storm of bullets, grape and solid shot from both sides and
the front, and suffered rather severely. But Drum and Benjamin, iron
men, bringing up as soon as possible a long 18-pounder and a 24-pound
howitzer on the opposite sides of the aqueduct, dampened the ardor of
the Mexicans not a little, and splinters from the masonry did havoc
among the sheltered artillerymen at the garita. Some troops already
beaten at Chapultepec and at the intermediate battery soon became
demoralized. At about one o'clock rumors crept in that Americans from
the southern front were turning the position. Ramírez, Garay, Argüelles
and Barrios retired without the formality of saying good-by; and
Terrés, whose cannon ammunition had failed, withdrew prudently to the
citadel with two of the guns and about seventy panicky men, the remnant
of his garrison. The Rifles now dashed over the parapet; and at exactly
twenty minutes past one a tall, slender man with short, bristling,
grayish hair stood on it, smoking a cigar and waving a red handkerchief
tied to a rifle. It was Quitman, self-possessed but exultant; and
in a few moments the Palmetto colors and the green banner of the
Rifles, with its blazing gold eagle, were flying at the portal of the
city.[28.19]

The advance then continued for some little distance, and, as the
ammunition of our two heavy guns had been exhausted, the captured
Mexican 8-pounder was made to do good service. But Santa Anna, who
had thought the position safe and gone on to San Cosme, soon arrived
with ordnance and troops. The citadel was reinforced, and infantry and
cannon were placed at other points. Quitman's last artillery cartridges
were used, and under the enemy's fire no more could be brought up.
Solid shot cut down both Drum and Benjamin. Our infantry had to retire
to the vicinity of the garita. Attempts were then made to strengthen
the position; but they did not accomplish very much. Ammunition gave
out entirely, and firing ceased. The enemy grew bolder. Again and
again they charged, and though repulsed they did not appear to be
discouraged. By this time every member of Quitman's staff, Beauregard,
his engineer officer, and all his artillery officers had been killed or
wounded, and he longed anxiously for night.[28.19]

Meanwhile, events had occurred on Scott's other wing. Trousdale's
command, supplemented with Jackson's guns, pushed along the road
and aqueduct on the north side of the rectangle, and the latter
distinguished himself by fearlessly attacking a one-gun redoubt,
which, supported by infantry and by fire from the summit of the hill,
barred the way. To check Mexican reinforcements and threaten the
enemy--particularly the troops in Quitman's front--Scott now had Worth,
Garland's brigade, C. F. Smith's battalion, Duncan's battery, the rest
of Magruder's battery and Sumner's dragoons pursue the same route. The
one-gun redoubt was flanked and occupied; and Worth's forces arrived at
the northeast corner of the rectangle in time to annoy the retreat of
Rangel and other departing Mexicans.[28.20]

[THE SAN COSME APPROACH]

Here began the broad, straight Verónica causeway--closely similar to
that of Belén--which extended almost north for nearly two miles (3530
yards) to the English cemetery, and there joined the San Cosme highway
at approximately a right angle. Understanding the difficulties of the
Belén approach, Scott intended to make only a feint in that quarter,
and let his left wing break into the city. He therefore sent the
brigades of Clarke and Cadwalader and also Huger with siege guns to
Worth. To organize the attacking column, replenish the ammunition, make
other needed preparations, and sweep away the resistance encountered at
several minor fortifications, especially near the cemetery, required
time; but at about four o'clock Worth found himself on the straight
highway about half a mile from the San Cosme garita.[28.20]

This entrance to the city had been included in the general scheme of
defence, but on account of its remoteness from pressing danger few
workmen had been employed here; and when Chapultepec fell, it lay
entirely open except for a small parapet without a ditch extending
partly across the highway some 250 yards to the west. General Peña,
however, coming this way from Chapultepec, stopped at the parapet, and
Rangel placed at the garita such troops as he could assemble. Santa
Anna, who displayed on this occasion reckless valor and an almost
fiendish activity, sent three available cannon and brought additional
troops. The roofs of buildings in the vicinity were occupied. A redoubt
with embrasures was hastily erected at the garita, the near arches of
the aqueduct were stopped up with sand-bags, and some guns in the Paseo
were prepared to coöperate.[28.20]

On attempting to advance, therefore, Worth found the highway swept
with bullets, canister, grape and shells. Garland, however, was ordered
to creep forward under the protection of the arches, and endeavor to
reach the south flank of the garita, and Clarke to burrow through the
continuous line of buildings on the other side, and strike the northern
flank. Lieutenant U. S. Grant, who was reported as acquitting himself
at this time "most nobly," waded some ditches with a party of men and a
mountain howitzer, and planted the gun on the roof of a church at the
right; and Lieutenant Raphael Semmes of the navy performed a similar
exploit on the left. Artillery fire compelled Peña, who--reinforced by
Santa Anna with two companies of the Eleventh Infantry--was fighting
gallantly, to leave the parapet; and Hunt, of Duncan's battery, though
he lost more than half his men in dashing 150 yards at full speed,
landed a gun at that point, where he could load in safety and then fire
from the one embrasure.[28.20]

By five o'clock these preparations were complete. On the other
hand Rangel had been severely wounded, and his principal gun, a
24-pound howitzer, had become unserviceable. Suddenly, to his utter
astonishment, Americans appeared on the top of a three-story house
that commanded the interior of his redoubt, and with a single volley
disposed of almost every gunner and artillery mule. Then some of them
hurried down to the front door of the house, burst it open, and rushed
into the redoubt, where they met Americans just arrived by a flanking
movement from the other side of the highway. In a panic the Mexicans
fled, literally sweeping away Santa Anna and a body of troops, who had
come at all speed from Belén to support the position. Many of them
scattered, but with no little difficulty others were conducted to the
citadel. By six o'clock Worth entered Mexico. Near the garita his
forces were safely housed, and by way of "good-night" and good advice,
Huger dropped a few shells in the vicinity of the palace.[28.20]

The end, however, was not yet in view. Santa Anna had some 5000
infantry and fifteen cannon at the citadel, with probably about 7000
more troops not far away, and the Americans, besides having lost many
in the day's fighting, were now fearfully divided. Not only Worth but
Quitman, who planted three heavy guns in battery during the night,
intended to advance in the morning, and apparently a day of carnage
was to ensue.[28.20]

But Santa Anna probably began to feel the reaction that always followed
his great efforts. Funds and provisions were scanty. The army was
demoralized, and the mass of the people felt disheartened. Within the
town there were no fortifications, and it looked as if another battle
under these conditions might scatter the troops, and involve the loss
of nearly all the war material. Besides, leading persons in the city
had always been strenuously anxious to prevent bombardment and assault;
and the President was urged now, as four months previously, to spare
it. Early in the evening, therefore, he briefly discussed the situation
with Olaguíbel, the minister of war and three generals. The Governor
was for acting deliberately; but Santa Anna, declaring that honor
had been satisfied and the city could not be defended successfully,
ordered immediate evacuation; and by one o'clock the troops retired
in a somewhat orderly fashion to Guadalupe Hidalgo. About three hours
later a commission of the city council (_ayuntamiento_) offered terms
of capitulation at the American headquarters in Tacubaya. These were
of course rejected, for the town lay at our mercy; but Scott gave
informally the usual assurances of good treatment.[28.21]

[THE AMERICANS CAPTURE MEXICO]

So when the first thin streak of dawn glimmered forth behind the gray
volcanoes, and our cannon at Belén garita were on the point of opening
fire, a white flag and an invitation to enter the capital reached
Quitman. First making sure there was no deception, he advanced; and
after stopping about half an hour at the citadel he moved forward under
a splendid sun to the grand plaza, which fronted the palace and the
cathedral, with Smith's brigade, the Marines, the New York volunteers
and Steptoe's battery. As a triumphal procession the command looked
rather strange. Quitman and Smith marched at its head on foot--the
former with only one shoe; and behind them came troops decorated
with mud, the red stains of battle and rough bandages, carrying arms
at quite haphazard angles. Not less astonishing looked the city,
for sidewalks, windows, balconies and housetops were crowded with
people. Except for the silence, the countless white handkerchiefs and
the foreign flags, it might have been thought a holiday. Before the
palace, which filled the east side of the plaza, the troops formed
in line of battle. Officers took their places at the front, and when
Captain Roberts hoisted a battle-scarred American flag on the staff
of the palace at seven o'clock, arms were presented and the officers
saluted.[28.22]

Soon loud cheering was heard. A few squares away the
commander-in-chief, escorted by cavalry with drawn swords, had reached
Worth's command, which had stopped at six o'clock by orders opposite
the high ash trees of the Alameda. A clatter of galloping hoofs
followed; and in another moment, amidst the involuntary applause of
the Mexicans, General Scott, dressed in full uniform and mounted on a
tall, heavy bay charger, dashed with his staff and Harney's dragoons
into the grand plaza--his noble figure, gold epaulets and snowy plumes,
resplendent under the brilliant sun, fitly typifying the invisible
glory of his unkempt and limping army. Uncovering, he rode slowly along
the line of battle to the music of our national airs; the troops,
presenting arms again, cheered and hurrahed till it seemed as if the
earthquake-proof cathedral must be shaking, and the cavalry escort
waved high their flashing blades.[28.22]

In stentorian tones the commander-in-chief appointed Quitman governor
of the city; and then, dismounting in the courtyard, he clanked up
the broad stairway of the palace, to indite congratulations on the
"many glorious victories" of his army. Presently cross-belted American
Marines were calmly patrolling the Halls of the Montezumas as if they
owned them, while the rest of the troops gazed with profound exultation
at the long pinkish façade and the endless balconies of the upper
story, and the people gazed silently at the troops. "They are all and
each of them heroes," commented a foreigner present, and others in the
world thought the same.

          "Light up your homes, O fathers,
          For those young hero bands,
          Whose march is still through vanquished towns
          And over conquered lands,
          Whose valor, wild, impetuous
          In all its fiery glow,
          Pours onward like a lava-tide,
          And sweeps away the foe!"[28.22]




XXIX

FINAL MILITARY OPERATIONS

January, 1847-April, 1848


At the north, after the Buena Vista campaign and the embarrassments
growing out of it came to an end, Taylor probably wished, in what an
officer called "his easy dog-trot fashion," to advance as far as San
Luis Potosí, and retained troops urgently needed by Scott; but by the
middle of June, 1847, he doubtless realized that effective operations
on so long a line, especially through hostile and much of the way
through barren territory, were impracticable, and advised that Scott's
column alone should act on the offensive. A month later orders of a
corresponding tenor were issued at Washington, and then some 3000
surplus troops of the northern army proceeded toward the capital,
though too late, of course, to assist in the decisive struggle.[29.1]

Valencia, during his brief stay at San Luis Potosí in the early summer
of 1847, not only requested permission to move against Saltillo, but
planned that General Filisola, aided by a brigade under Avalos, then
lying at Matehuala, by Reyes, the comandante general of Zacatecas, and
by Urrea--who still commanded the "brigade of observation," and could
easily pass across the Sierra Madre from Tula--should threaten, if not
attack, Saltillo and Monterey, and at least keep the Americans on the
defensive. Some disquieting movements of these troops resulted; but
Valencia was soon called to Mexico, and various difficulties, chiefly a
lack of means resulting from the American occupation, proved fatal to
this ambitious enterprise, besides hindering the Mexican preparations
to receive Taylor at San Luis Potosí.[29.1]

During the winter of 1846-47 and to some extent later, the garrison
of Tampico was menaced by plans for an uprising, to be assisted by
outside forces, and sometimes it was feared that a move to capture the
city would be launched from Tula in the hope of embarrassing Scott's
communications; but the Americans, though not strong in numbers
there, were vigilant and well protected by fortifications. Besides,
the authorities of Tamaulipas, now living on fairly good terms with
the invaders, had little wish to take part in active hostilities.
They quarrelled bitterly with Urrea, who naturally attempted to draw
supplies and money from the region, and in November, 1847, with a view
to bringing about harmony, that officer was removed. Scott's victories
and especially the fall of Mexico had no little effect in this quarter;
the prospect of serious operations entirely disappeared; and early in
November, 1847, General Taylor, who had reached the conclusion some
time before that his country wanted him for President, and had laid
aside his old brown coat in favor of checked shirt sleeves, set out
for home on a leave of absence, which actually continued until the
close of the war. Wool took his place; but nothing occurred in this
region except guerilla affairs, of which a due account will be given
presently.[29.1]

In the northwest, meantime, Price, who commanded in New Mexico and
was disturbed by rumors of danger from the south, decided on his own
responsibility, ignoring instructions to do otherwise, that he must
assume the aggressive. Early in March, 1848, the city of Chihuahua
was therefore reoccupied; and on the sixteenth of that month, after a
little brisk fighting, the town of Rosales, about sixty miles to the
southeast, which Angel Trias held with some 800 men, chiefly National
Guards, was captured by assault with a trifling loss. But this campaign
had no general effect on the war--indeed, the treaty of peace had
already been signed--and Price was ordered by Marcy to retire.[29.1]

[FIGHTING IN THE CAPITAL]

In Scott's department the final military operations began very
promptly. Immediately after the Americans took possession of the
grand plaza at Mexico on the morning of September 14, a multitude of
blanketed léperos crowded closely upon them. Already these miscreants
had tasted the disorder they loved, for the palace had been left
unguarded, and they had sacked it; and now they showed signs of
turbulence. The plaza was cleared, however, and no further trouble
seemed likely. But when our troops began to march away to their
quarters, a shot was heard. A bullet probably intended for Worth struck
Garland, and almost instantly firing from street corners, windows and
the tops of houses became general, though not systematic. Thousands
of convicts from the jail supported the populace, and in one way or
another not a few of the better class coöperated. By Tornel's order
paving stones had been taken to many of the azoteas with a view to
resisting the invader step by step, and these, like every other sort of
weapon, were now used.[29.2]

Though surprised, the Americans promptly accepted the challenge.
Skirmishers drove back the mobs. Grape and canister swept the streets.
As a rule, every house from which a shot flew became a target for
our heavy cannon, which seemed to shake the very foundations of the
city, and when breached was immediately sacked; and sharpshooters
worked effectively on towers and roofs. Scott threatened even sterner
measures; and the city authorities not only put up notices, embodying
his threats and imploring the people to desist from a vain and
imprudent contest, but interceded personally with them in the streets.
By about noon the Americans held all the points of vantage, and as
evening approached, the firing died away. A fearful night ensued. It
was dark and cold. No lights relieved the gloom. Wild mobs ran shouting
through the streets, and the hoof-beats of American patrols resounded
from square to square.[29.2]

Santa Anna, finding it impossible on the morning of the fourteenth
to subsist his army at Guadalupe, had ordered the infantry and heavy
guns to Querétaro under General Herrera, and proceeded with four small
pieces and the cavalry to San Cristóbal, a point about fourteen miles
northeast of the capital. After seeing the people of Mexico view with
indifference his efforts of the previous day, he expected nothing of
them; but on learning of the outbreak he marched back to Guadalupe, and
at a late hour sent into Mexico a small force of cavalry and infantry
to investigate and assist. This met Duncan's battery and retreated; but
Santa Anna, assured that on the next day there would be a rising _en
masse_, erected a breastwork at the Peralvillo garita on the north side
of the town, and waited.[29.2]

As soon as day broke, gloomy and wet, the shooting was in fact
resumed, at least in the northern quarters. But he soon perceived that
no general movement was taking place, and again marched away. This
disheartened the people still more; the efforts of the authorities
influenced them greatly; and by the end of the afternoon, realizing
that much was to be suffered and nothing gained, they generally
abandoned hope. During the next day or two scattering shots could be
heard, but real fighting was over. Extravagant hopes of destroying the
small American army were still entertained by lightheaded men. "You
will soon behold the banner of the haughty invader trailing in the
dust," wrote one of these, and attempts were made by military officers
to organize a real conspiracy; but lack of courage, means, confidence
and mutual trust--as well as the watchfulness of the Americans--made
success impossible. Scott repeatedly warned his troops to be vigilant
and orderly, to keep together, and to refrain from drinking. As the
danger grew less menacing, however, they became less careful, and for
probably a month assassinations were frequent. From first to last
several hundred Americans perished in the hostilities, and no doubt
far more of the enemy. But by the middle of October the city was
tranquil.[29.2]

The concluding field operations in Scott's department resembled for the
most part the fighting just described, for they had to do chiefly with
guerillas. That style of warfare suited the national character. It had
figured prominently in the Spanish struggle against Napoleon and in the
Mexican war of independence; and when the public began to see clearly
that battles could not stop the Americans, it was invoked--even though
by universal military practice in Europe those who robbed and fought at
will, while pretending to be inoffensive, were considered brigands and
assassins--as the one hope.[29.3]

Thoughtful persons like J. F. Ramírez and General Mora pointed out
serious dangers: the impossibility of discipline, the relaxation of
morale, the destruction of all standards, and the certainty that a
spirit of violence and rapine would grow by what it fed upon; and they
recognized the improbability that such methods could prevail against
the strength, equipment, compactness and skill of the Americans. But
the obvious advantages of the guerilla system, which it required far
less intelligence to perceive and appreciate, counted powerfully on the
other side. How much the Spanish themselves had suffered from their
irregulars during the hostilities against Napoleon was not understood,
and patriotic pride in the war of independence had tended to draw a
veil over its horrors.[29.3]

The dagger, said the official newspaper, was the favorite weapon of the
people. Unarmed men could burn wagons and intercept communications,
it was pointed out. Even women and children could help. A thorough
knowledge of the country, its mountains and its by-paths, would
evidently constitute an enormous advantage. Light corps of the
abstemious rancheros, embarrassed with no baggage, could travel quickly
day and night, concentrate in large numbers against an American
detachment, strike, vanish, and then, when least expected, reappear,
making the most of all neglects, all mistakes, nullifying superior
strength by avoiding it, and nullifying discipline by fighting in a
style that had no need of discipline. Situated even more favorably than
Spain for such warfare, the Mexicans were to outdo her example.[29.3]

This is what will save us, proclaimed in effect the legislature of
México state. "Let the echo of our mountains repeat the cry of War and
Liberty," exclaimed the congress of Vera Cruz. Santa Anna endorsed the
plan. Salas organized the "Guerillas of Vengeance," which were to make
"war without pity" "in every manner imaginable"; and in April, 1847,
the government, pinning its faith to the system, set it on foot in
earnest. Scott, the "cowardly tiger," was to be routed after all.[29.3]

[THE GUERILLAS OF THE NORTHEAST]

In the north February, 1847, was the golden month of the irregulars,
for the approach of the Mexican army under Santa Anna encouraged the
rancheros to lay aside the habits of peace. Canales boasted of 161
Americans killed that month, and Urrea with his combined force of
regulars and guerillas, besides engaging in other operations, captured
a train of wagons at Agua Negra, and horribly slaughtered a large
number of guards and teamsters. To avenge this butchery a party of
Rangers, teamsters and other civilians murdered twenty-four men in a
village not far distant. Upon this Canales declared what he called
martial law, announcing that every American, armed and unarmed, and
every Mexican living peaceably would be shot; and many were led by
fear or a lust for plunder to take up arms.[29.4]

The American trains in particular seemed likely to be easy prey.
As they commonly stretched out for some two miles and were guarded
only--for so the character of the road usually dictated--at the ends,
the Mexicans, trained to charge at full speed through an ordinary
thicket, could readily attack them from ambush at about the middle
point, create a stampede, and do a great deal of mischief. Infantry
could not pursue the guerillas with success, and the number of our
mounted men was always comparatively small, for every Mexican ranchero
had at least one smart pony. In September, 1847, a band even attacked
Mier. Governor Aguirre of Coahuila exerted himself particularly to
organize forces of this character, and not only alcaldes but priests
aided the cause.[29.4]

The American leaders, however, pursuing a course that was now
conciliatory, now severe, and in many instances technically unjust,
succeeded in coping with a system that was itself unjust. Taylor levied
on the people of Nuevo Léon a tax of $96,000, the estimated value of
the goods destroyed at Agua Negra, but suspended it indefinitely,
when representative authorities proved the substantial innocence of
the population and begged for mercy. Cavalry patrols and detachments
pursuing culprits fairly wore out their horses. Villages, if even
suspected of harboring the "banditti," were burned. Contributions were
imposed wherever connivance appeared probable. By April, 1847, Canales
was in despair.[29.5]

Then Wool determined to stamp out the evil, and announced in July that
any guerillas caught by him would be executed. In December, 1847, he
issued his famous Order 11, which not only made the Mexican authorities
and their towns responsible for all damages done, but required them to
hunt down the "brigands." Aguirre attempted to retaliate, but in vain.
The Americans had power enough to carry out threats, whereas he had
not; and he admitted his failure. Besides, the mass of the population
were indolent in mind as well as body, and looked upon submission as
preferable to danger. In February, 1848, finding the guilty rancheros
were anxious to give up the business, Wool enabled them to resume
peaceful occupations by declaring an amnesty, and in the following May
he stated that the country had never before been so free from highway
robbery.[29.5]

[GUERILLAS IN VERA CRUZ STATE]

In the south, Vera Cruz, a state of mountains, gorges, thickets and
forests threaded with blind paths, was the chief home of the guerilla,
and it looked as if Scott's line of communication might be virtually
destroyed. Not only many hardy, hot-blooded and unscrupulous natives,
but a great many desperadoes hailing from Cuba were ready to enlist.
After the fall of Vera Cruz, and still more after the battle of Cerro
Gordo, a large number of regular officers, to say nothing of privates,
could scarcely find bread, and some men, like the ex-divinity student,
ex-Carlist, Jarauta--whose small, close beard, fierce black eyes,
braided jacket, graceful cloak and gold-laced sombrero gave him a
romantic air--had acquired in Spain a taste for this adventurous,
reckless life; but a vastly greater number were prosaic felons,
liberated from prison under a pledge to rob and murder. Nominally J.
C. Rebolledo, a fine looking man of rather humane instincts, was the
chief in this district, but the 800 or so persons belonging to many
small bands, while occasionally acting more or less in concert, were
mainly independent. The decree under which all goods coming from points
occupied by the Americans were lawful booty opened possibilities of
large gains, and Rebolledo's capture of ten loaded wagons in April,
1847, set the people aflame with cupidity.[29.6]

Brevet Colonel McIntosh and his inexperienced officers, who left Vera
Cruz for the interior--it will be recalled--about the first of June,
1847, with a well-advertised convoy including a large amount of specie,
dependent on wild mustangs under raw, half-mutinous drivers largely
ignorant of English, received the full benefit of this ambitious
feeling. Near Tolomé and at Paso de Ovejas he lost men, wagons and
pack-mules; and at the national bridge there was a genuine skirmish, in
which a number of Americans were killed or wounded. Out of about 130
wagons twenty-four had to be abandoned in the low country; and a little
way above Jalapa, though strongly reinforced, the troops had to fight
again. General Pierce, who left Vera Cruz about six weeks later than
McIntosh, had similar experiences. Early in August Major Lally set out
from the coast with a few more than 1000 soldiers, two 6-pounders and
sixty-four wagons. He lost no merchandise, but his four fights cost
him nearly 100 men killed, wounded and missing; and Captain Wells,
who followed Lally with some 200 recruits and additional ammunition,
lost forty and had to retreat. These and other affairs proved that
irregulars, favored by the geography of the region, were capable of
doing substantial harm.[29.7]

But in Vera Cruz, as in every other quarter where they operated,
though perhaps nowhere else in so marked a degree, the lack of morale,
which enabled the guerilla system to exist, proved the cause of its
failure. Poor arms, poor ammunition, poor marksmanship, and the want of
artillery might have been remedied, or at least might have been offset
by the counter-balancing advantages; but this defect was fatal. The
Mexican guerillas were very different from what the guerillas of Spain
had been. They fought like savages without the excuse of savages, for
they knew better. Infuriated by their treacheries and cruelties, the
Americans were persistent and unsparing in severity. Patrols who seemed
never to sleep hunted out their nests in the mountains. On the march,
flanking parties would force their way through the woods five miles
or more from the road to catch them between two fires. The torch was
applied with much liberality on suspicion, and sometimes on general
principles, to huts and villages; and in the end a black swath of
devastation, leagues in width, marked the route.[29.8]

Scott ordered that in every case of outrage the nearest alcalde, if he
failed to deliver up the guilty, should be fined at least $300 for a
murder or the value of the stolen property for a robbery, and that any
robber or murderer and any person belonging to a known party of such
miscreants might, when caught, be summarily tried by three officers,
and either flogged or executed. This plan, however, did not quite
satisfy those on the ground--especially the Texas troops. Captain
Walker, on his cream-colored horse, and Colonel Hays, in his blue
roundabout, black trousers and black leather cap, impressed themselves
on the Mexican imagination as the agents of diabolical wrath; and in
general it was a tale of merciless atrocities followed by merciless
reprisals.[29.8]

At the same time this lack of morale deprived the guerillas of
Mexican support. By taking bribes for letting merchandise pass up
to the interior and sometimes even guarding it, they violated the
laws on which their existence rested. Mostly they were brave only
where they felt safe. When laden with booty they would scatter to
their homes, no matter how important the business in hand. Rivalries
and even hostilities between parties operating in the same district
arose. Cooperation could seldom be reckoned upon, and hardly any would
face the climate far above Jalapa. Soon learning that it was more
wholesome to waylay Mexicans than Americans, they plundered their
fellow-countrymen without ceremony; and they would rob even old women
or young children of their needful clothing. Sheafs of complaints
against them piled up in the state and national archives. People
organized to fight them, and sometimes appealed to the Americans
against the very men who were to have been their champions. "The
Mexicans have sown to the storm, they are now reaping the whirlwind,"
said an American officer.[29.9]

[GUERILLAS OF THE CENTRE]

In the states of Puebla, México and Oaxaca also guerillas were
organized, and in Puebla all these parties could find an opportunity.
General Rea, a pupil of Morelos and the Mexican revolution, had the
discredit of the chief command, though Bravo, who stood at the summit
of the social scale, was mainly responsible for their iniquities, since
during his brief term as comandante general of Puebla he issued a great
number of patents to unfit leaders. What Rea did particularly in this
regard was to combine individuals and small groups, and place them
under some kind of supervision. He loved to answer critics by saying
that his guerillas were in the field because honorable men were not;
and that, had not the government condoned their crimes, they would have
served the Americans as counter-guerillas. After a time his officers
adopted a set of rules which aimed to regulate operations, but even
this measure seems to have accomplished little. The guerillas robbed
the people, seized funds belonging to the state, and pillaged even
churches. Some gangs were large enough to attack haciendas. One party
called themselves the "Lancers of the Poisoned Spear."[29.10]

Soon after Scott left Puebla for Mexico early in August, 1847, these
banditti and every individual ruffian of that vicinity hurried to the
city. Mexicans and even foreign residents were robbed and outraged, and
about the first of September, in the hope of more booty, the Americans
also were attacked. Two thousand soldiers were needed for a garrison,
and Colonel Childs, the civil and military governor, actually had 2193;
but 1800 of these were in hospitals. His effectives consisted of about
fifty cavalry, 100 artillery, 250 of the First Pennsylvania volunteers,
and a small spy company of Mexicans.[29.11]

Headquarters, Lieutenant Colonel Black of Pennsylvania and the main
body of troops occupied the "cuartel San José," a large rectangular
building on the eastern side of the town, which had a plaza of its own
opening toward a public promenade called the Tivoli. To this position
five howitzers were allotted, and within a hundred and fifty yards of
it all the sick were placed. Half a mile or so from the town on a hill
stood Loreto fort, a stone affair equipped with two 12-pound field
guns and a 10-inch mortar, where Major Gwynn of the Sixth Infantry
commanded; and not far distant, on a higher point of the same hill, was
Guadalupe church, now protected with mountain howitzers, a ditch and an
earthen wall, under Captain Morehead of the Pennsylvania regiment. But
the chief element of the defence was the large, robust, finely-featured
Childs, a skilful and veteran officer, cold in manner, clear in
judgment, and inflexible in courage. September 13 the "siege" began in
earnest, and from that day on there was a continual small-arm attack,
particularly at night, upon San José, which replied with a musket and
howitzer fire that kept the assailants at a respectful distance. What
was more serious than guerilla shooting, all supplies were now cut off.
Such was the state of things at the second city of Mexico when Santa
Anna retired from the first.[29.11]

[THE "SIEGE" OF PUEBLA]

Santa Anna's real intention was probably to seek an asylum in
Guatemala. But many of his friends urged that he could make himself
dictator as the sole hope of the country, and it was clear that, if
he should recover Puebla and cut off Scott, he would still be able to
boast of a triumph. His cavalry, though greatly reduced by desertion,
included some 2000 men backed with four light guns. Alvarez, who was
ordered to Puebla, still had about 600 foot and horse. Rea, Santa Anna
understood, commanded 600 irregulars; 2500 National Guards lay near
him with two field pieces, it was reported; and the Pueblans were
described as eager to fight. Six thousand men and six guns appeared
quite enough to dispose of "six hundred sick Yankees," as Mexicans
described the garrison; and he therefore presented himself at Puebla on
September 21. Two days later Alvarez arrived there. But between these
two events Childs appeared at a second-story balcony, "winking and
smiling all over his face," as a soldier expressed it, and announced
that Scott had taken the capital. Evidently, therefore, the Mexican
President was not greatly to be feared.[29.11]

After looking about, Santa Anna concluded that it would not be easy
to capture the American positions by assault, and appealed to the
minister of war--wherever that official might be--for 1000 infantry,
a 16-pounder, a 12-pounder, ammunition and supplies. He now had
ten cannon, but all of them were light; owing to desertion his
force included only some 4000 men; and the citizens had no arms, he
reported. Probably, too, the annoyances and outrages inflicted upon
them by him and his troops, and his appointing the guerilla chief
military commandant of the city dampened whatever ardor they had
possessed.[29.12]

On September 23 and 24 unsuccessful attempts were made at Guadalupe,
and the next day Santa Anna summoned Childs, describing his army as
8000 strong, and graciously announcing that "for the sake of humanity"
the Americans might retire "within a limited time" with the honors of
war. Childs replied as was proper, and then, riding to the posts, gave
notice amid cheers that no surrender need be expected. To add the touch
of humor that soldiers love, an American flag was manufactured out of
an old Mexican uniform, and raised aloft; and the garrison settled
down to severe duty, stern discipline, short rations and incessant
watchfulness at all hours. The Mexicans tried to approach San José by
throwing up successive breastworks at night in the streets leading that
way, but shot, shell and rockets from Loreto kept them back. September
30 Santa Anna learned that no ammunition could be provided for the
heavy cannon demanded of the minister, and resolved apparently to
make a bold effort. With two 6-pounders he fired all day on the weak,
plaza face of San José. But Childs, anticipating such a manoeuvre, had
brought a 12-pounder from Loreto the night before; and this, protected
with bags of tobacco, made an assault impracticable.[29.12]

A new factor now entered the military situation. About the middle
of September General "Jo" Lane, one of Taylor's chief officers at
Buena Vista, arrived at Vera Cruz from the Rio Grande, and on the
nineteenth his brigade set out for the interior. Aware of the situation
at Puebla but not aware what was to be encountered on the route, the
General had not made adequate preparations, and on meeting guerillas
at the national bridge he was obliged to send back for ammunition and
supplies. By October 1, however, he managed to leave Jalapa.[29.13]

It was a hard march that ensued. Torrents of rain deluged the troops.
Sometimes the road lay deep under water. For dinner they had a thin
slice of beef, a couple of "crackers" and some coffee; for supper,
after darkness fell upon them with tropical abruptness, the same
without the beef; and perhaps mud for a couch. But Lane, a hearty
westerner with a stout frame and unbounded vigor, led on unshrinkingly
in his black hat and old blue overcoat, and the rest followed him
eagerly. October 5, after incorporating additional troops at Perote, he
left that place with a force of about 3300 and seven guns, and marched
on across hot plains, where water sold for five dollars a drink, and
men died of sheer fatigue.[29.13]

Santa Anna, informed by spies that 1000 Americans were approaching, and
anxious, not only to prevent them from joining Childs, but still more
to win the glory of routing them, had set out from Puebla four days
earlier with perhaps 3500 men, leaving Rea to continue the fighting.
Desertion played havoc with his command, especially when the strength
of Lane's force was ascertained; but, after sending back a large part
of the faithful in order to keep control of them, he took possession
of El Pinal, where the national highway passed between a precipitous
mountain and a ravine, with about 1000 cavalry and six guns, and made
preparations to ambush Lane's rear. This done, he moved to Huamantla, a
sizable town eight miles distant, and waited.[29.13]

[THE FIGHT AT HUAMANTLA]

Early on October 9 the drums and bugles awoke Lane's troops at the
hacienda of San Antonio Tamaris, approximately ten miles from Huamantla
and twelve from El Pinal; and the men, leaping from the damp grass and
buckling their muddy belts, found the white walls of the hacienda, the
church towers of neighboring villages, the dark woods on the hillsides,
and the distant, snowy peaks all aglow under a splendid sun. Never,
perhaps, did soldiers feel more like having an adventure. Santa Anna
had just marched from Huamantla to conceal his force at El Pinal,
leaving behind him with no scouts or outposts his six guns, a very
small guard for them and a party of irregulars; but a spy reported to
the Americans that he was at Huamantla, and Lane moved off to attack
him. First rode four mounted companies, and at their head a rather
short, slender, spare, slouchy man, with reddish hair, a small reddish
beard, mild blue eyes and a quiet, kindly manner, whom nobody would
have picked out as a fearless, indomitable fighter, the scourge of the
guerillas, but in fact he was Captain Walker; and then marched Lane
with five guns and some 1800 men.[29.14]

When about three miles from their destination, Walker and his 200
cavalry, seeing a party of Mexican horse approach the town, dashed
ahead. Entering Huamantla they formed in fours, and then with a yell, a
flash of sabres and a thunder of hoofs they swept through to the plaza.
The Mexicans had time to get four of the guns away, but the others were
captured, and most of the American troopers, concluding their work
had been finished, scattered to drink, loot or hunt for cannon and
ammunition. But now Santa Anna, who had observed Lane's movement from a
church tower near El Pinal, appeared with his full command. They were
a beautiful sight--galloping horses, red and green uniforms, brilliant
pennons and a billowy sea of flashing lance points; but they were
enemies, and the Americans accepted their challenge.[29.14]

"Take it cool, my boys, but run like the devil!" cried Lane. Every
nerve was taxed. Blood gushed from nostrils. The Mexicans, lashing
their steeds into foam, reached the goal first, however, and the
American troopers found themselves attacked on all sides. Walker was
shot from a house, and soon expired; but he lived long enough to give a
final order: "Don't surrender, boys; the infantry will soon be here."
And so they were--"with a shout and a bound," said one of them. The
tide was quickly turned, and giving up the town, "Peg-Leg," as the
soldiers loved to call Santa Anna, passed the night some distance
away. So ended the Tale of Huamantla or The Biter Bitten, which
received no little applause at the time.[29.14]

While these events were taking place, the garrison of Puebla continued
to be hemmed in, starved and harassed. Their casualties numbered in all
only fifty-two, but they felt severely the effect of so long a strain.
Though a number of sorties were made, and their persecutors had to
retire from several annoying positions, the Americans were not strong
enough to do more. Their day of deliverance was approaching, however.
October 10 Lane moved forward, dogged and somewhat annoyed by Santa
Anna. Two days later his men saw the spires of Puebla, dominated by the
sombre towers of the cathedral, and set off by white volcanoes veiled
with clouds. And now and again the numberless bells of the city, great
and small, pealed forth harmonious tones of many colors, that seemed to
blend and interweave in rich and varied tapestries of sound, hung out
in the mediaeval style to honor their triumphal approach.[29.15]

At about one o'clock, announced by the bells of Guadalupe, they entered
the suburbs--not a few of them at a run. One column then advanced by
the main street, while another flanked the town by the left. For two
hours there was considerable firing from houses, though Rea's guerillas
had begun to leave their posts the night before; but at length Lane
extended his "rough paw" to Childs, with a sunny smile on his rather
hard features, and the garrison joyously welcomed their deliverers. In
the main plaza a bugler played "The Star-Spangled Banner," and all sang
the chorus:

      "The star-spangled banner, Oh, long may it wave
      O'er the land of the free and the home of the brave!"[29.15]

Now followed the punishment of Rea. Some twenty-five miles from Puebla
toward the southwest lay beautiful Atlixco, a defensible point that
not only reconciled the climates of the temperate and the cold zones
of Mexico, and controlled a region fertile in grains, flocks and
herds, but, while fairly remote from the Americans, gave convenient
access to important roads. Here, in the midst of flowers, fruits and
snowy mountains, the government of Puebla had found a refuge, when the
Americans under Worth approached the state capital; and to this asylum
Rea now withdrew. _De facto_, at least, the guerilla chief was the most
important person on the ground. The authorities did not relish his
prominence; they detested his men and his methods; and on October 18,
tired of spending money fruitlessly on the National Guards for Rea to
command, they dissolved the corps. But many of the irregulars proposed
to make the best of what appeared to be a good situation, in which they
could live on plunder, if not paid.[29.16]

October 18 Lane, who apparently never slept nor expected his followers
to sleep, ordered them to be ready in the morning for an expedition.
Many of the soldiers were barefoot, but they borrowed shoes; and at
about nine o'clock, cheered by the fife and the drum, some 1500 men
set out round the base of Popocatepetl under a hot sun. At about four
in the afternoon, after making twenty miles or so, they came in sight
of the enemy, and a running fight began. Blistered feet and parching
tongues were now forgotten. The Mexicans, holding some good position
and protected by chaparral, could make a stand against cavalry, but
when the infantry came up they always fled. Shortly after sunset Lane
reached Atlixco, which stood on the slope of a lofty hill. As it was
unsafe to risk a street fight in an unknown town at night, he ordered
the artillery to open. The moon was full. Marks were easily selected.
By their burning fuses the shells could be traced until they fell
amidst the shadows; and then a burst of red fire, the crash of roofs
and walls, and the cries of the people told the rest.[29.17]

After about an hour of cannonading, the troops advanced into the
town--which surrendered at once--and there slept as best they could.
Rea, with two guns and the disordered remnants of his force, retreated
to Izucar de Matamoros, about thirty miles farther down the valley; but
from that point he was routed a month later. These and other exploits
of Lane's discouraged as well as dispersed the chief guerilla forces of
the plateau, and in February, 1848, Rea asked permission of the Mexican
authorities to leave the country.[29.17]

[POLITICAL CHAOS IN MEXICO]

Neither in these affairs nor in any other military operations did
Santa Anna figure at this time, and there was a good reason for his
inactivity. Officially he no longer existed. As General Scott had
feared, our entering the capital had resulted in the destruction of the
Mexican government. September 16 Santa Anna resigned, explaining that
it was advisable to preserve the chief magistracy from the hazards of
war, and fix it near the centre of wealth and population, whereas he
proposed to continue the hostilities wherever that should be possible.
The same proclamation or decree assigned the executive power to a
triumvirate: the president of the supreme court, General Herrera and
General Alcorta, and Santa Anna then ceased actually to exercise any
civil authority.[29.18]

But as Congress was not in session to accept his resignation, some
doubted whether it became effective; the presidency of the supreme
court was vacant on account of the incumbent's death; the appointment
of Herrera and Alcorta needed to be made, or at least confirmed, by
the council of government, a body no longer acting; and it was denied
broadly that Santa Anna had the power to issue such a decree. Peña y
Peña, to be sure, was regarded as a member of the court, and, if he
was, he could claim by right of seniority to act as the chief justice;
but the legality of his membership was questioned, and the presidency
of that body was really an elective office. Peña was old, feeble
and even timid; his ill-success as Herrera's minister of relations
doubtless weighed heavily upon him; and he was now living, almost as a
recluse, in the country. Indeed there was really no organic law even,
for the amended constitution of 1824, though formally adopted, had
not come into effect. In short, chaos reigned, and the states were
officially "resuming" their individual sovereignty.[29.18]

But a number of good and able men, particularly Cuevas and Couto,
determined to ward off ruin, and awakened others. Peña, drawn from
his retirement, consented for patriotic reasons to override all the
technical difficulties; and on September 22 he announced formally that,
in order to give the nation a head, he would act as the Executive until
an interim President could somehow be chosen. At the small city of
Toluca, capital of the state of México, just outside the Valley, this
fiction of a government pitched its tent; and perhaps it gained some
feeling of security from the vast bastioned, battlemented ridge between
it and the Americans, from snowy Mt. Miguel towering above the city,
and from the peacefully shining lagoons of the intervening meadows.
What was more important, Herrera, Olaguíbel and many others of the best
men rallied to the support of Peña, the representatives of neutral
governments recognized him, and the states began to concur. Early in
October, however, he removed to Querétaro, a safer yet central place,
and with Luis de la Rosa as sole minister addressed himself to his
task.[29.19]

[SANTA ANNA ELIMINATED]

The programme that he announced was honorable and straightforward.
My tenure of office will be extremely brief, he said in effect, for
Congress will be assembled as soon as possible; I will usurp no powers,
but will not be turned from the path of duty by insurrections; the
closest economy will be practised, the necessary taxes laid fairly,
and all interests respected; union and harmony will be the watchwords,
and the national rights will be maintained. His most urgent problem,
of course, was to deal with Santa Anna, who not only held the chief
military command, but insisted that he could resume the Presidential
authority by simply withdrawing his resignation; and in this matter the
government showed a decision that earned it no little prestige. All
Santa Anna's protests against political effacement were disregarded,
and on October 7 he was instructed both to give up his troops and
to submit, as did other unsuccessful commanders, to a military
trial.[29.20]

At about the time this order overtook him, the Huamantla affair
occurred. From a military point of view he was now prostrate. He
saw it himself, and knew that the country would see it. Evidently
his countless political enemies would make the most of his complete
failure, and he was doubtless aware that his military reports had
offended many officers. His chief executive merits--decision and
activity--had led only to a useless expenditure of life and money,
it was now pointed out, and his ostensible patriotism was attributed
to passion and obstinacy. Even his confidence in himself broke down.
Unable to understand why failure had attended all his efforts, he fell
into a sombre depression, and without a struggle he placed his troops
at the orders of General Reyes, who joined him on October 11 with
about 1000 men. His part in the war was over; and in the following
January, realizing that nothing could be gained through intrigue or
conspiracy and fearing the Americans would make him a prisoner, he
asked for permission to leave the country. Both his own government and
our authorities consented. And after giving a dinner at El Encero
to the American officers of that vicinity, who had treated him with
distinguished consideration, he sailed once more, about the first of
April, from what he regarded as an ungrateful country.[29.21]

Santa Anna being now eliminated, the government had to face its
military difficulties without his assistance. In general the problem
was to make bricks with neither straw nor clay. Almost every good
cannon had been taken by the Americans, and the muskets had nearly
all been captured, thrown away or sold. Ammunition was almost wholly
wanting. The engineering material had been lost or destroyed. Vast sums
of money were needed to provide fortifications as well as replace all
this equipment, and the government could hardly obtain enough, day by
day, to cover its minimum expenses. Even officers had to sell their
shoes for bread.[29.22]

As for an army, Santa Anna and Alvarez together had some 2000 troops
the first week of October, Reyes had about 1000, about 3000 from Mexico
City concentrated at Querétaro under Herrera, about 1000 from Jalisco
were on their way to the same point, and small detachments existed
at various other places. But nearly all of these men were utterly
demoralized. "Almost useless," they were officially termed; and the
army as a whole felt the crushing weight of general contempt. Herrera,
the commander-in-chief, became so disgusted over the uncontrolled
excesses of the troops that he resigned. Rincón declined on the ground
of ill-health to serve. Arista, when summoned to Querétaro, declared he
would not command a soldier until exonerated for his conduct on the Rio
Grande. No officers of high distinction, indeed, were available except
the aged, torpid and infirm Bustamante and "the old woman," Filisola,
as Bancroft described him.[29.22]

Attempts were made to lay plans of campaign, but an expert summed up
one of them by saying it appeared excellent--only it was based upon
things as they should have been, not as they were; and all the others
had the same defect. Schemes were devised to reform, reorganize and
build up the forces, and quotas amounting to 16,000 were assigned to
the states; but México, which had been expected to furnish nearly a
quarter of these men, promptly answered that she could not, and other
states did not even reply. In fact, the regular forces decreased
instead of multiplying, for sometimes a general could not feed his
troops, and frequently, when soldiers were let out of the barracks on
service, they vanished; and the people, instead of helping to support
the Mexican troops, even dreaded to see them approach, for their coming
was liable to draw an American attack, and more than liable to mean
extortion, outrage and robbery. Nowhere on the military horizon could a
glimmer of light be seen.[29.22]

[THE AMERICAN POLICY]

Over against this pitiful government stood the United States--wealth
against poverty, strength against weakness; and the antithesis was
complete, for while the Mexicans could only plan, that was the hardest
thing for us to do. The idea of retiring to a defensive line still
persisted. Taylor himself adhered to it. But in addition to the other
overwhelming objections to this project, it seemed improbable that a
majority in Congress could agree where to draw the line. Even Calhoun,
though qualified to make a better argument for an untenable proposition
than any other man in the country, was unable to present this policy
in such a manner as to satisfy either the friends or the opponents of
the war. Some advised holding, in addition to the territory thus to be
cut off, the chief ports of Mexico; and some advocated retaining the
capital also, and the line to Vera Cruz. Others favored the occupation
of still more cities; and many were for subjugating and holding the
entire country.[29.23]

To this last plan, however, even had it been practicable to levy all
the costs upon Mexico, there were tremendous objections. It would
have involved keeping under arms 80,000 or possibly 100,000 young
men, seriously needed at home for the most part, in order to be sure
of having effectives enough at the front. The troops in Mexico would
have become corrupted both physically and morally; and the commanders
would have acquired the ideas and vices of proconsuls. It seemed to
be almost an insoluble problem. No final decision was made. But the
government determined to occupy the capital, hold the line to Vera
Cruz, retain the chief ports, and extend our holdings according to
circumstances.[29.23]

To Scott, however, the lack of a definitive plan signified little.
Not one reinforcement entered the capital until after the first of
November, and even at the end of that month he was barely able to
garrison Mexico and Chapultepec. December 4 his army included only
about 8000 privates, of whom a quarter were sick. During the next three
weeks Generals Patterson, Butler and Cushing, Colonel Hays, Lieutenant
Colonel Johnston and Major Lally, each with troops, arrived; and the
forces then numbered about 11,000 effectives and 3000 sick.[29.24]

Scott therefore announced, with no doubt a strategic purpose as well as
a rhetorical flourish, that our army was "about to spread itself over
and to occupy the Republic of Mexico." What he really intended was to
take possession successively of the principal mining regions--those
of Zacatecas and San Luis Potosí--and the capitals of such important
states as lay within easy reach. Even for the former purpose, however,
two columns of some 5000 effectives each were needed, and the men as
well as clothing for them could not be provided. The only immediate
operations, therefore, aside from the establishment of new posts on the
road to Vera Cruz, were the peaceful occupation of Pachuca, a mining
town about fifty miles northeast of Mexico, Toluca, about thirty-eight
miles distant in the opposite direction, and Cuernavaca, the key to the
Acapulco region, a little farther away toward the southwest.[29.24]

February 6, 1848, an expedition of more consequence marched, by Scott's
orders, from Vera Cruz. Most of the guerillas who infested the road to
the interior lived and found a market at or near Córdoba, a city about
sixty-five miles to the southwest, and Orizaba, sixteen or eighteen
miles beyond it in the same direction; and Bankhead was instructed
to occupy those towns. Very different from Lane's rough trips on the
plateau was this march. Near Córdoba flourished such genuine tropical
wonders as the bread tree, the butter tree, the milk tree, and a kind
of palm called "the traveller's friend," which covered the wayfarer's
head with a tent, and quenched his thirst with abundant sap. Going on,
one found enormous masses of vegetation--thick, matted, boundlessly
prolific--moulded into astonishing yet harmonious forms by the bays
and promontories of the rapidly mounting foothills; terraces of
luxuriant foliage piled on sheer cliffs, castles on the terraces, and
cathedrals on the castles; verdure, verdure everywhere, dripping,
flowing, spurting, tumbling in every hue and shade of green, with a
dark, velvety mist in the gorges that became clear sapphire when the
sun touched it, and here and there a cascade letting fall its crystal
thread from a mossy crag.[29.25]

Then came the rich Orizaba valley, hemmed in with jungles, and winding
off between sombre, precipitous mountains until lost in the dreamy
distance; and above it the sparkling snows of the vast peak sent down
a torrent of gray glacier water, that leaped into mid-air, and then,
gathering itself below, wound on through splendid, odorous trees full
of parrots, canaries and mocking-birds, hurried past fragrant orange
groves and still more fragrant blossoms, poured through the arches of a
noble old bridge, and buried itself in the woods. But the Americans did
not forget their orders. Both cities were occupied without resistance,
and both were garrisoned; and the guerillas now found their proceedings
considerably hampered.[29.25]

[THE REMOVAL OF SCOTT]

The final military operations of Scott seemed thus rather tame, as
was natural; but Polk executed one that could be termed startling, if
not exactly brilliant. His principal assistants were Pillow, Worth
and Duncan; and in different ways each had excellent qualifications
for the work. Pillow was not "The Lie Incarnate," as Trist believed,
nor even "a perfect ass," as many thought; but vanity, ambition, lack
of probity, and a gift for dark and cunning methods characterized
him. His instincts and talents, indeed, were those of the criminal
lawyer who minds nothing about his case except the verdict. When the
President's brother shot a man down in the street at Nashville, Pillow
got him off. With reference to his work in helping bring about Polk's
nomination at Baltimore he wrote, "The fatal blow was given, but it
was not seen nor known what produced such a result--nor where the blow
came from." "I feel as boyant as the air," he said in December, 1846,
when great dissatisfaction with Taylor prevailed at Washington, because
I know "that _I have done the work_.... I have paid him in full" for
his treatment of me. And one could seldom get a finger on Pillow's
back, when he was not wriggling actively toward some object of selfish
desire.[29.26]

Without a particle of real military ability or success to his credit,
he now stood second in our army, and hence logically enough saw no
reason why he might not, by some devious path, arrive at the first
position and even at the Presidency. "Modesty," said Burke, "does
not long survive innocence." To plant such a person, with urgent
recommendations, at open, big-hearted Scott's right hand, to win his
confidence, to spy upon, criticise and undermine him, and inevitably to
scheme for his place, was indecent; but Polk did it.[29.26]

Very unlike Pillow was the courtly and fascinating Worth; but his mind
was intense, narrow and self-centred. After the battle of Monterey
he exclaimed, "I am satisfied with myself. The most vindictive foes
crouch at my feet, and my friends choke with joy and delight." And
there is one sin of which even angels are capable, we have been told.
All his military recognition he owed to Scott, but probably the debt
weighed heavily on his proud and restive nature; and, while apparently
reciprocating the genuine affection of his chief, he had inwardly
rejected Scott's principles and methods nearly thirty years before
the Mexican war. Regarding his friend, fellow New Yorker and brother
Democrat, Marcy, an adroit politician, he felt very differently. "I
would not give an ounce" of his wisdom, he wrote in June, 1846, for all
Scott's glory; Scott "is determined to sink and draw his friends down
with him."[29.27]

At Vera Cruz the commander-in-chief, relying on their long intimacy,
told Worth frankly that he believed the administration intended to ruin
him, and the subordinate officer evidently determined not to be drawn
down. At the same place a brother officer suggested to Worth a higher
position than was even the highest in the army. The suggestion appears
to have struck root. All military men believed the next President
would be one of them, and what commander had acquired a more brilliant
reputation? The New York _Sun_ recommended him for the place; and the
idea of his candidacy was favorably received by many. This prospect
naturally turned him still more against his old friend, for either
Scott or Taylor seemed almost certain to be the Whig nominee. Through a
series of clashes, for which little--if any--justification can be seen,
and in spite of Scott's efforts to conciliate him, Worth proceeded then
to gain emancipation from his burden of gratitude, and place himself in
open antagonism to his former patron.[29.28]

[THE REMOVAL OF SCOTT]

Duncan's motives were different again. He was intimate with Worth;
and Pillow, who offered to marry the Colonel to a rich and handsome
widow, doubtless promised him the post of inspector general. At any
rate he urged Polk to make the appointment, hinting at other reasons
than mere qualifications, and it was made; and we know that Duncan gave
himself much trouble to assist Pillow as a partisan supporter. The
power of such a combination, headed by the President himself, to gather
adherents from the many ambitious officers hardly needs to be pointed
out; and finally there were, of course, jealous and envious men. "Since
we cannot attain to greatness, let us revenge ourselves by railing at
it," said Montaigne for the benefit of such persons; and many of the
officers knew that greatness was beyond their powers. None of them
could monologue as Scott did; none could look in a cocked hat as he
looked; none had won the Mexican war; and, moreover, he was the sole
general-in-chief.[29.29]

The result was a powerful movement against the prestige and authority
properly belonging to Scott. Pillow's reports on the battles of
Contreras and Chapultepec tended to represent the General as a
nonentity; and Worth not only did somewhat the same, but referred to
the Commander in terms of ridicule and contempt. A letter, doubtless
written directly or indirectly by Pillow over the signature of
"Leonidas," extolling Pillow shamelessly and belittling Scott, was
trickily worked into the New Orleans _Delta_ of September 10, 1847; and
another letter, containing a passage intended to show that Worth and
Duncan had saved Scott from choosing the wrong approach to the capital,
appeared in the United States, then in a Tampico newspaper and finally
at Mexico City. Both letters were grossly improper, especially since
the army lay in the enemy's country; and Scott found it necessary to
act. As he well said, "The general-in-chief who once submits to an
outrage from a junior, must lay his account to suffer the like from
all the vicious under him," and "even the great mass of the spirited,
intelligent, and well affected, among his brothers in arms, would soon
reduce such commander to utter imbecility, by holding him in just scorn
and contempt" for his recreancy to himself and the country.[29.30]

On November 12, therefore, he issued his General Orders 349, which
aimed to stigmatize these offences in such a way as to prevent a
recurrence of them. Duncan then assumed in a plainly defiant manner the
paternity of the Tampico letter, although in fact the offensive passage
had not been written by him. His primary object in doing this was
evidently to give Worth a handle, and the handle was promptly seized.
One thing led to another; and in the end formal charges were brought by
the commander-in-chief against Pillow, Worth and Duncan, and by the two
generals against him; appeals--insulting to Scott--were made by Pillow
and Worth to the government; and the technical "arrest" of the three
officers followed.[29.31]

The government then stepped in. Scott had no doubt given it offence
during the campaign, for his letters had plainly enough revealed a
conviction that Polk had broken faith with him, and purposely thrown
difficulties and annoyances across his path; but the circumstances
had appeared to warrant his complaints, and Marcy had at least "got
even" by administering liberal censures in reply. The balance in
fact--aside, perhaps, from a mere acerbity of language--was against
the administration. Besides, having served the country well and saved
the government from disaster, Scott was entitled to some indulgence
for irritation caused by the peculiarly trying circumstances that
surrounded him. He was a large man, had done a large work and merited
large treatment. But there was nothing large about the administration.
The confines of mediocrity hemmed it in. Pillow and Duncan were
therefore by its orders relieved of arrest; Worth was not only
released, but assigned to duty according to his highest brevet rank;
and "in view of the present state of things in the army," chiefly or
entirely caused by Polk's agent and Marcy's friend, Scott was deposed.
He had performed his task, said Robert E. Lee, and now was "turned
out as an old horse to die." April 22, 1848, amidst the lamentations,
cheers and blessings of the army as a whole--trembling himself with
emotion--he took his leave, and Major General Butler, who was a
Democrat and looked well on a horse, bore sway at headquarters.[29.32]




XXX

THE NAVAL OPERATIONS OF THE WAR

1845-1848


In January, 1846, the United States had available for naval
hostilities one ship-of-the-line, seven frigates and razees, fifteen
sloops-of-war, six brigs, one schooner and three steamers--that is to
say, thirty-three war craft. As ships-of-the-line carried more than
seventy guns, frigates about forty-four to fifty, sloops twenty, brigs
ten and other vessels in proportion, this fleet had 1155 cannon. Two
of the vessels, under Commodore James Biddle, were on the coast of
Asia; several occupied the Brazil station; and five cruised in African
waters to check the trade in slaves. The Pacific squadron, commanded
by Commodore John D. Sloat, comprised on July 1, 1846, the frigate
_Savannah_, the sloops _Portsmouth_, _Levant_, _Warren_ and _Cyane_,
the schooner _Shark_ and the storeship _Erie_, to which the frigate
_Congress_, the razee _Independence_ and the sloops _Dale_, _Saratoga_
and _Preble_ were added later in the year, while the _Levant_ went
home; and substantially all the rest of the fleet, known as the Home
Squadron, attended to the West Indies and Gulf service, under Commodore
David Conner.[30.1]

The appropriation for the year ending with June, 1846, was a little
less than ten millions, but only about six and a half millions were
expended. The war bill of May 13 permitted the completion of all
vessels then building and the purchase of others; and by November,
1847, after suffering a number of losses, the navy had in commission
five ships-of-the-line, one razee, four frigates, thirteen sloops, six
brigs, eleven schooners, four bomb-vessels, twelve steamers and six
storeships.[30.1]

The peace establishment created by Congress in 1844 provided for 7500
petty officers, seamen, landsmen and boys, and in August, 1846, this
number was raised to 10,000 for the period of the war; but owing to
the remarkable activity of the merchant marine and the consequently
high wages, men could not easily be obtained. During the most important
year--November, 1846, to November, 1847--not over 8000 were in the
fleet at any one time. The whole number of seamen employed in the
course of the war did not exceed 7000; and hence plans to strengthen
our forces in the Gulf and the Pacific had to be curtailed. The
service, too, did not enjoy unqualified popularity. In the sailor's
decalogue appeared this commandment:

          "Six days shalt thou work
          And do all thou art able,
          On the seventh thou shalt holystone
          The deck and scrape the cable";

and the cannon had to be rubbed with fragrant "sea pitch" from the
bottom of the ocean until they shone like Japanese lacquer. Discipline,
therefore, not reinforced by the enthusiasm and the necessities of war,
fell considerably below its reputation, and the crews were eager to be
free when their time expired. The officers, even, had become lax after
thirty years of peace, and in too many instances their standards of
conduct had given way.[30.2]

In the administration of the navy, also, the effects of a long peace
could be seen. The control of matters had fallen, though not by
accident, into the hands of shrewd officers deeply interested in
themselves and their friends. Supernumeraries abounded. Those who drew
the most pay often rendered the least service. The pet ambition was
for a safe, quiet and easy position. Shore billets were too numerous.
No field officer of the Marines had cruised since his promotion, and
one of them had been in the service more than a generation without
going to sea. Secretary Bancroft, eager for distinction, undertook to
eliminate the abuses, but only succeeded in eliminating himself. He had
taught Greek, and was ridiculed by the naval men as undertaking to play
the pedagogue over them. Having no dominating force of character nor
even a commanding presence, he could not stand against the governing
clique. The requirements of the war, which might have assisted an
abler administrator to win the day, only increased his difficulties.
The Senate refused to confirm some of his appointees; and early in
September, 1846, he became our minister to England.[30.3]

J. Y. Mason, who succeeded him, was a fat, easy, agreeable man, quite
innocent of the desire to achieve reforms. Nobody disliked him, but
nobody felt obliged to obey him; and as late as the twentieth of
February, 1847, suddenly discovering that Scott had mentioned certain
designs of the army against Vera Cruz, he awoke to the fact that his
department had failed to give the anticipated assistance. Just what
could be expected of the navy under all these prejudicial conditions
was, therefore, in some minds, a little uncertain.[30.3]

[PRIVATEERING]

One of the most serious duties imposed upon it was to guard against
privateering, for not only our commerce but the supplies required by
our troops depended upon free lanes. About the middle of 1845 the
government issued orders that any activity of such a kind on the
part of Mexico should be considered the signal for war; and as a
deterrent it was announced by the newspapers, though incorrectly, that
privateersmen were to be regarded as pirates. Crews not predominantly
composed of Mexicans, it was often asserted, could legally be "strung
up to the yard-arm," since we were understood to have treaties that
sanctioned this principle with most countries.[30.4]

After the war actually began, a great deal of danger was apprehended.
Desperate characters were believed to be waiting at New Orleans, and
"piratical gangs" in the ports of Cuba, where Almonte seemed to be at
work. News arrived early in August, 1846, that privateering regulations
had been issued by Mexico, and suspicious craft soon appeared off Key
West. In December the Mexican minister of war openly avowed that great
hopes of injuring the United States in this manner were entertained.
Blank certificates and commissions reached Washington; information
regarding efforts to set vessels at work in various quarters arrived
there; and finally the _Carmelita_ of Bangor, Maine, was captured near
Gibraltar by a felucca named _El Unico_, fitted out at Oran, Algeria,
and run by Spanish desperadoes.[30.4]

Mexico had not in reality, after studying the subject with deep
interest, much expectation of accomplishing any large results by
issuing letters of marque, and the regulations of July, 1846, were
intended principally or wholly to annoy this country; but in September
and October she took the matter up rather seriously. A new law
provided that any foreigner entering her naval service might become a
Mexican at once, and blank naturalization papers as well as thousands
of privateering commissions, duly signed but not filled out, were
carried by agents to the West Indies, Great Britain, France and Spain.
Almonte did his best at Havana. J. N. Pareda, appointed Mexican chargé
d'affaires at Madrid, appears to have circulated the documents actively
in the Peninsular ports; and another privateer, a Spanish steamer named
_La Rosita_, put out from Oran.[30.5]

On the other hand, the representatives of the United States insisted
upon our treaties and the obligations of neutrality. Polk's annual
Message of December, 1846, denounced the Mexican plan as inviting
"all the freebooters upon earth," who felt like paying for the
privilege, to cruise against American commerce, announced that our
own courts would say whether such papers could protect them from the
pirate's doom, recommended that Congress provide at once for the
trial of Spanish subjects caught in such business, and suggested
American privateers--intended mainly to recapture vessels taken under
Mexican letters. An American force hastened to the Mediterranean,
and our squadrons were expected to seize all the rovers putting
out, as well as intercept all prizes on their way to the enemy's
ports. These precautions looked rather discouraging to enterprising
desperadoes.[30.6]

In England there was a feeling, as will appear later, that Mexico
should be allowed the utmost license against us, and the Mexican
minister at London received many applications for letters; but Great
Britain did not really wish her supplies of cotton to be endangered,
and all the seas to be filled with corsairs preying upon the trade of
the world; and in October, 1845, her minister to Mexico was instructed
to prevent that country, if he could, from issuing letters of marque
indiscriminately. Bankhead protested also, as did the Spanish minister,
against important features of the regulations. Palmerston himself,
though he acted in a languid fashion, and gave notice at Washington
that British subjects, found on Mexican privateers, could not be
treated as pirates, announced that his government would faithfully do
its duty.[30.7]

France was prompt and active in responding to our demands. Spain,
placed under stringent obligations by the treaty of October, 1795,
promised full compliance with its requirements, captured _El Unico_,
punished its crew, pursued _La Rosita_, and ordered O'Donnell, the
captain general of Cuba, to act as her obligations required; but she
accepted Pareda, the colporteur of what was piracy under her agreement,
as consul of Mexico; and the captain general, while he convinced
the American representative of his good-will and in fact would not
permit an open violation of the treaty, suggested to the Mexicans
ways--fortunately impracticable--of evading his own rules. But the
risks of privateering under so many embarrassments and the virtual
impossibility of converting a prize into cash, prevented all attempts
except the feeble ones already mentioned. In this field, consequently,
our navy, though incessantly watchful, could acquire no laurels.[30.7]

[THE BLOCKADE]

Another aspect of the situation concerned it more seriously. On the
day Congress passed the war bill (May 13, 1846) orders were issued
to blockade the ports of Mexico. Several definite aims prompted this
action. Primarily, of course, it was desired to prevent supplies of
all kinds from reaching the enemy, and to deprive them of the almost
indispensable revenues obtained in peace by taxing imports; but there
were also hopes that loss of business would induce Great Britain and
France, which had a profitable trade in that quarter, to urge upon
Mexico the acceptance of our terms. The blockade was therefore to be
enforced vigorously. At the same time neutrals were to be treated
with all reasonable indulgence. Theoretically only their war vessels
had the right of entering closed ports, but practically the intention
was to broaden that narrow door considerably. Toward itself, however,
the United States determined to be strictly faithful in observing its
declared principles. Merely those ports where the order could become
effective were in view. The announcement of blockade was to be made as
public as it could be; and in particular the government required that a
full warning should be given to neutral ships.[30.8]

For the work thus imposed upon him Conner had ample time to prepare.
As early as August, 1845, he was directed to blockade the Gulf ports
in case of war; early in 1846 he knew of Mexico's attitude regarding
Slidell; before the end of March his vessels occupied convenient
positions; and promptly on the outbreak of hostilities a blockade
was announced at the chief harbors. By July, with some assistance
from the revenue service, it extended from the Rio Grande to the
Goatzacoalcos.[30.9]

But the difficulty of making it continuously effective proved to be
extraordinary. There were not vessels enough of the proper kind;
occasionally a more or less complete concentration became necessary;
and accidents of many sorts occurred. Uncharted shoals and rocks,
currents of unknown direction and force, the frequent haze, and the
darkening of the lighthouses made extreme caution imperative. The
suddenness and violence of the storms almost surpassed belief. At
Vera Cruz the _Somers_ was blown over and sunk before Semmes, her
able commander, could take steps to avert the disaster. Even at the
anchorages one would suddenly hear on a calm afternoon the clarion
orders of the speaking trumpet; the ship would quiver and reverberate
as the cable of the heaviest anchor ran swiftly out; in a moment the
storm would burst; and for days it might be a question almost hourly of
going ashore. At such times all sailing vessels on patrol duty had to
make instantly for the open sea, and before they could return to their
stations a lurking blockade runner could perhaps enter the port. Owing
to such difficulties Alvarado and Frontera, for instance, could not be
watched continuously.[30.9]

Embarrassments also of a minor yet serious character had to be
encountered. Our vessels, unlike those of England, were designed
exclusively for war, and long confinement impaired the efficiency of
the men. The government supplies of eatables needed to be eked out from
New Orleans huckster boats and European merchant ships. Water could
not be obtained readily from a hostile shore. At the Antigua River, in
July, 1846, the boats going up with casks were fired upon, and such
affairs had to be expected. Vessels were despatched long distances
occasionally to obtain fresh provisions, but even then scurvy of a most
serious nature broke out in the summer of 1846, disabling some of the
largest and most efficient ships for several months. The _Raritan_
had more than 200 cases. Nearly all on the _Potomac_ suffered. The
_Falmouth_ had to go as far north as Boston to throw it off. Swampy
shores and kelp rotting under the torrid sun produced myriads of
poisonous as well as otherwise annoying insects. During a brief stay in
the river off Tampico nearly all the officers and men contracted ague,
and the yellow fever scourged a number of the vessels. More than two
thirds of those on the _Saratoga_ had the latter disease. In August,
1847, the _Mississippi_ left her station with some 200 men suffering
from it.[30.10]

Being strangers and enemies, the Americans labored under peculiar
disadvantages. The people gladly assisted blockade runners in every
possible way. Spanish captains in particular, having friends on shore
and pilots thoroughly familiar with the coast, could not be prevented
from reaching harbor at night or in thick weather by way of the shoals.
Sometimes it looked, for one or another of these many reasons, as
if our officers were careless or incompetent. Army observers, not
well informed regarding the conditions, felt disposed now and then
to pronounce the blockade a humbug, and naturally some foreigners
did so. This opinion had neither truth nor probability in its favor.
But naturally, in view of all the circumstances, it proved more
satisfactory to occupy the ports, and open them to commerce on the
basis of a reasonable contributory tariff.[30.11]

[OFFENSIVE NAVAL OPERATIONS]

Besides cruising to watch for privateers and hovering off the chief
harbors to maintain a blockade, our fleet was expected to share in
the general offensive. For one thing Bancroft ordered Conner to seize
all the Mexican war vessels that he could reach. But here a singular
difficulty arose: none of that sort existed. The navy of Mexico, aside
from small craft in the Pacific, included nine vessels amounting to
about 3200 tons. The most important were the steamers _Guadalupe_ and
_Moctezuma_, built in England, which made up nearly two thirds of
this meagre total; but as these had never been paid for, they were
easily transferred to a British firm, and in consequence of a calm
succeeded in escaping to Havana. The rest of the vessels--a small brig,
which changed its name too often to have one, and six even smaller
craft--took refuge early in the Alvarado River. The commander sank
three of them to obstruct the channel, and when Hunter took Alvarado
in April, 1847, the rest were burned.[30.12]

Conner's only chance for offensive work, therefore, aside from
capturing a merchant vessel occasionally, was to engage in shore
operations; and while the officers and men felt eager to get a
nearer view of the scenery, as they said, and rival the glories of
the army, they found themselves embarrassed by the same difficulties
that attended blockading and by others also. The want of tenders
and storeships proved especially serious when hostilities were in
view. Each vessel had to obtain supplies at the Pensacola navy yard;
the round trip cost a month or so; and that base lacked the needed
equipment. Once it spent about four weeks in supplying the _Potomac_
with bread for a three-months cruise, and in July, 1846, the yellow
fever broke out there. A point of capital importance was to reach the
small harbors and cut off all trade; but until the last of September,
1846, Conner had not a vessel that could cross the bars, tow boats
over, and operate in the rivers; and the first load of coal reached him
two weeks later. A shortage of officers and men hampered operations;
and Mason, besides failing to anticipate such a case, failed to be
awake when it occurred. By December, 1846, the Home Squadron included
a substantial flotilla of small craft, mounting from one to four guns
each; but the difficulty of obtaining supplies and making repairs on a
hostile coast in a season of storms almost paralyzed it.[30.13]

Another embarrassment existed. Conner was a brave, able, accomplished,
excellent man, but for a generation his business had been that of
a navigator. His duty had been to go his rounds in safety, and he
did it well. Nobody could handle a frigate better in a storm. He
looked carefully after the health of his men, too. In thoughtfulness,
prudence, judgment and fidelity he left nothing to be desired. But
his constitution had never been robust, and the effects of an old
wound, thirty years of service in a southern climate and the torture
of neuralgia had now made him a confirmed invalid, worn and wasted,
and subject at intervals to almost maddening pain. His powers both of
thought and of execution were impaired. Naturally such a man did not
wish to risk either men or ships; and, lacking the vigor for quick
decisions and powerful action, he could not wisely involve himself in
dangerous complications. On the outbreak of war he should have retired;
but he knew that he stood high in favor at Washington, Bancroft had
assured him that he could retain the command indefinitely, and no doubt
he failed to realize the situation. More or less well, however, shore
operations were carried on, and our next business will be to trace them
from the beginning.[30.14]

[THE HOME SQUADRON]

Owing to the state of our relations with Mexico the Home Squadron
concentrated at Vera Cruz in February, 1846, and later, in accordance
with instructions to coöperate with Taylor, Conner presented himself
at Point Isabel in time to safeguard that position during the battles
on the Rio Grande, and assist in occupying Burrita. When the war bill
passed, his forces consisted of the steamer _Mississippi_, which could
tow a number of small craft at full speed, the steamer _Princeton_, a
swift vessel designed by the celebrated Ericsson, the handsome frigate
_Raritan_, which flew the broad blue pennant of the Commodore at the
main, the frigates _Cumberland_ and _Potomac_, the sloops _Falmouth_,
_John Adams_ and _St. Mary's_, the brigs _Porpoise_ and _Somers_ and
the schooner _Flirt_, with probably some 2700 men. Leaving the Brazos
about the twentieth of May Conner sailed with a part of the squadron
for Pensacola, while other vessels did blockade work or scouted along
the coast as far as Yucatan. In June Captain Saunders of the _St.
Mary's_, lying off Tampico bar, opened fire twice on the Mexicans,
who seemed to be erecting works, and made a bold, well-planned effort
against three gunboats anchored inside the mouth of the Pánuco, which
only circumstances defeated. By August the composition of the squadron
and its distribution changed somewhat; three small schooner-gunboats
had arrived; but there was no material difference in strength.[30.15]

Meanwhile Conner had in mind the small, handy Mexican vessels then
lying in Alvarado River, which did nobody any good there, and were
capable of assisting in his work materially. It seemed very proper to
seize or at least destroy them. From residents of Alvarado, who traded
with the Americans, useful information was doubtless obtained; and the
master of a captured launch, well fed and well frightened, gave correct
details regarding the bar, channel and shipping. A redoubt stood near
the beach, but it contained no large guns; and, although warned by the
questioning of the launch's master, the Mexicans gathered no forces
except some 200 militia in the town and about as many more several
hours distant up the river. The situation invited a bold stroke.[30.16]

Accordingly the _Mississippi_ and _Princeton_, two frigates and the
schooner-gunboats--each of these mounting one piece--dropped anchor
in line opposite the fort at eleven o'clock in the morning, August
7, 1846, and the steamers opened a fire, to which the lightness of
the Mexican ordnance permitted no reply. The bombardment continued
more or less actively for about six hours, but without effect. Owing
to the swift current of the river, swollen by heavy rains, it seemed
hardly possible to row up to the town, and finally the gunboats were
placed within musket range of the shore some distance north of the
fort. Apparently the intention was to land under the protection of
our artillery. The Mexicans therefore opened a small-arms fire from
the sand-hills, to which our cannon and the muskets on the gunboats
replied; but in about half an hour darkness put an end to the
operations. Bad weather came on immediately; the open roadstead was
unsafe; and after nightfall, although it had been proposed to resume
the attack the next day, Conner withdrew with his disgusted men to
Antón Lizardo.[30.16]

  [Illustration: Alvarado, Mexico]

The following month one of the bureau chiefs gave him to understand
that the administration wished something done for the newspapers to
make a "noise" about, and another attempt upon the same position was
planned. By this time the enemy had improved the defences, and mounted
a heavy pivot gun on a high knoll; and a letter from one of our
sailors, picked up on the beach, gave them ample notice of the attack.
These facts did not signify materially, however, for the Americans
realized they must positively win a victory this time, and braced
themselves for whatever might occur. A little after sunrise, October
15, the _Mississippi_, the _Vixen_ (a small steamer carrying three
guns which had recently joined the squadron), the _McLane_ (a steamer
loaned by the revenue service), the three gunboats, the _Nonata_ (a
prize schooner mounting four guns), and a revenue schooner named the
_Forward_ arrived off the bar. The plan was to have the _Mississippi_
cannonade with shells, and the other steamers, towing the gunboats,
ascend the river.[30.17]

Everything went wrong, however. The _Mississippi_ produced no effect.
Owing to the strength of the current it seemed necessary to have wind,
and Conner waited in vain until about 2 o'clock for the usual sea
breeze. The bar stood higher than it ordinarily did; and although he,
aboard the _Vixen_, crossed with two gunboats, the _McLane_ grounded,
and her section--the larger section--of the force was thrown into the
utmost disorder amidst the breakers. Not only did the Mexican fire
prove serious, for a shot struck near the wheelhouse of the _Vixen_,
but up the river could be seen another fort, and also Mexican vessels
carrying more metal than Conner now had available. He therefore retired
across the bar, touching twice; and when at length his other section
found itself ready to try once more, he deemed the hour too late.
Besides, he now believed the _McLane_ would be unable to go up the
river with even one gunboat in tow. Again bad weather came on, and
again the expedition withdrew. Officers and men were angry this time
as well as disgusted; and although the Mexicans on the ground realized
that accidents had saved them, a shout of triumph and encouragement
rang through their country.[30.17]

[OPERATIONS AT THE SOUTHEAST]

The _Mississippi_ now bore the red pennant of Matthew C. Perry, who was
to have command of the squadron on Conner's retirement, and meantime,
feeling anxious to serve, contented himself with the dignity of a vice
commodore and acted as a captain; and since not only the _Vixen_ but
coal to make her effective were at last on hand, Conner despatched his
energetic lieutenant southeastward, on the next day after the second
Alvarado fiasco, with all the vessels employed in that affair except
one of the gunboats. After seizing on the way an American barque,
found in communication with Mexicans, Perry entered Tabasco River on
the twenty-third, took possession of the town (Frontera), and the next
day--transferring men from his flagship, which drew too much water for
the bar, to the captured _Petrita_, a small but swift American-built
steamer--he proceeded about seventy-five miles up the rapid and
winding stream through heavy and splendid forests, disabling the guns
of a small, deserted fort on the way, and reached San Juan Bautista,
capital of the state of Tabasco, and seat of an active commerce in
munitions and other goods, that reached as far as Mexico City. Here
five merchant vessels fell into his possession. But now, unfamiliar
with Mexican tactics, Perry blundered into peremptorily summoning the
town, which J. B. Traconis, the comandante general, refused to give
up.[30.18]

San Juan Bautista was a small, dull city of broad streets and one-story
brick houses, lying in a wide plain. In spite of scandalous desertion
Traconis probably had about 400 men supported by two small guns. These
forces he broke into a number of parties and placed in the outskirts.
Perry opened fire on the town with cannon, and after a time sent a
party ashore. A skirmish followed, but nothing decisive could be
accomplished, and after sunset, fearing the sailors would be shot down
in the streets during the night, he recalled them.[30.18]

On the following day the foreigners protested against the bombardment.
Negotiations were then tried; but the Comandante General, who cared
much for his dignity and nothing for the people, insisted on playing
out his rôle of the fearless patriot. Since it was impracticable to
garrison the town, Perry decided to retire. But as one of the prizes
grounded near the shore and a party of the Mexicans--although a white
flag could be seen on the _Vixen_ and other vessels--fired on the
Americans who were aboard, causing the death of one and injuring
two more, he resumed the cannonade. Of course the enemy gracefully
withdrew; and then Perry did the same, leaving Traconis to magnify his
triumph. The _McLane_ and _Forward_ were left at Frontera to blockade
the river and protect neutrals; and after burning four vessels and
capturing one more on the way, Perry rejoined Conner on the last day
of the month with nine prizes. In its real aim the expedition had
succeeded; but the affair at San Juan Bautista had been so indecisive
and murderous that even American soldiers, eager to claim credit and
inured to the chances of war, felt humiliated.[30.18]

The fortnight of activity and excitement cheered the men of the
squadron a great deal, however, and then followed the capture of
Tampico, which delighted Secretary Mason beyond measure, and gave the
newspapers genuine material for a "noise." When this affair, including
the trip up the Pánuco, ended, Conner despatched his lieutenant
southeastward in the _Vixen_, accompanied by two gunboats. December
21, at the town of Laguna on El Carmen Island, Yucatan, Perry seized a
couple of small forts, garrisoned by a few timid soldiers, and disabled
the guns; and after reinforcing the blockade of Tabasco River, looking
into the coastal waters, and making two prizes on his return voyage,
he joined the squadron two days after Christmas. A visit of Conner's
to the same point the following month ended important operations in
this quarter for some time. The occupation of Laguna checked a thriving
illicit commerce by the river that entered the Gulf here.[30.19]

All this while the haughty, outstanding challenge--the scalp-lock, so
to speak--of Mexico, the fortress of San Juan de Ulúa in Vera Cruz
harbor, remained secure. The capture of it, many of our citizens felt,
would wrap the Gulf in a blaze of American glory; and young Porter,
young Farragut and other possible Decaturs had plans of attack ready.
But older men thought the enterprise impracticable for the navy alone.
At the beginning of the war Bancroft expressly notified Conner that his
forces were not deemed adequate for such an undertaking. Not only had
the fortress been strongly and shrewdly constructed, but the channel
that led to it was narrow and winding, so that a mishap would have
endangered all of the attacking vessels. The French had taken it in
1838, but only by good luck and a sort of treachery, and since that
year it had been greatly strengthened. Conner and Scott agreed that
it could not be captured by the fleet. But in March, 1847, misfortune
overtook Ulúa, for Scott, supported brilliantly by the naval forces,
laid siege to Vera Cruz.[30.20]

[PERRY SUCCEEDS CONNER]

To the Home Squadron and its commander as well as to the "castle"
this event signified a great deal. In fact it brought Conner both to
the climax and to the tragedy of his professional career. It enabled
him to display in the debarkation his real abilities; and then
precipitated him on the eve of a triumph into oblivion. His regular
term as commander had expired in November, 1846, and Perry notified him
that a successor was ready. But Conner held Bancroft's promise of an
indefinite continuance in his position; he doubtless felt that after
long withholding needed means, the department owed him a chance to do
something worth while; and when he found that Scott was to move against
Vera Cruz, he saw his opportunity. Unfortunately for him the change of
secretaries, the complaints and bold proposals of young officers, and
the clamor of the public, ignorant both of what had been possible and
of what had been accomplished, had undermined his position.[30.21]

In January, 1847, Slidell informed the government that Conner had
lost not only his physical and mental vigor but the confidence of
his men. The following month Perry, whose ship had gone to Norfolk
for repairs, visited Washington frequently; and how that ambitious,
coarse-grained, wilful man talked, one can readily imagine. Besides,
while Perry's outfit of Christian graces was noticeably defective, it
could not be denied that he possessed energy and a fighting temper. The
government therefore decided that Conner had not "shown himself equal
to the crisis." March 3 a change of commanders was ordered; and when
the dénouement of the operations at Vera Cruz approached, instead of
gracefully permitting Conner to finish what he had begun, "Old Bruin,"
as the sailors called Perry, insisted upon his rights. March 21,
therefore, his broad blue pennant went up on the _Mississippi_, and in
a few days his name shone forth in the capitulation of Vera Cruz and
Ulúa. "Poor Commodore Conner," said Marcy.[30.21]

Only one important fortified place on the Gulf, Tuxpán, now flew
the tricolor, and it was a point of pride to capture the town, for
guns from the _Truxtun_--our finest brig, wrecked on the bar--had
been mounted there, and the strength of the position challenged our
squadron. The city stood on the left bank of a river bearing the same
name and about six miles from its mouth. On the lower edge of it rose
a steep eminence, Hospital Hill, with a 9-pounder not far from its
base and a 32-pound carronade pivoted at its top, both of them bearing
upon the river. Nearly a mile and a half below, at the junction of a
tributary, stood a water battery of two 18's called Palmasola; and
some distance farther down, on a bluff about sixty feet high jutting
into the stream, two 32-pound carronades and a long nine in La Peña
redoubt commanded the stream for perhaps two miles. In and near these
forts were stationed some three or four hundred Mexicans under General
Cos.[30.22]

[TUXPÁN CAPTURED]

Early on April 17 a large American force, including the "Two Pollies,"
as forecastle wit or experience had christened the _Spitfire_ and
_Vixen_, concentrated off the mouth of the river. Perry had the channel
of the bar sounded and marked with buoys, and the small steamers
lightened. The next morning at high tide--near ten o'clock--in spite of
serious misgivings the flotilla got through the surf into the placid
river. The _Spitfire_, commanded by Tattnall and carrying Perry, the
_Vixen_ and another small steamer named the _Scourge_, then took in tow
three armed schooners and some thirty rowboats, which contained four
light guns and almost 1600 men; and this fine procession, adorned with
brilliant pennants and ensigns, wound upward in admirable order between
the low and verdant banks.[30.22]

Perhaps two miles below La Peña the river, here two or three hundred
yards in width, straightened, the current became swifter, and the banks
rose into thickly wooded hills. When the flotilla reached this point,
a curl of smoke burst from the redoubt. "Go ahead fast!" signalled the
Commodore. The steamers dropped their tows. The sails of the schooners
filled, and hundreds of oars flashed in the now declining sun.[30.22]

It was a race, but more than a race. The shore artillery spoke loudly
and well. The _Spitfire_ suffered repeatedly. Tattnall was wounded.
With boom after boom steamers and gunboats replied. As the Americans
approached it, La Peña's fire died out. "Land and storm!" ordered
Perry. "Ay, ay, Sir," was the response. Amidst the thunder of cheers it
was done, but the Mexicans did not wait for their visitors. Dropping
rammers and sponges they ran, and the Stars and Stripes flew up. A
fire from the woods was quickly silenced. No less promptly yielded
the other forts; and "at a gallop" the town was captured. In all, the
casualties numbered only fourteen. A few prizes fell into Perry's net
above Tuxpán; the forts were demolished; the _Truxtun's_ guns were
shipped off, and leaving two vessels to blockade the river, he sailed
away.[30.22]

After this Perry and his officers cruised for prizes, and invited a
number of small ports to raise our flag--an invitation always accepted
with alacrity if not enthusiasm--but his attention was chiefly fixed on
the southeast. Yucatan and to a certain extent her neighbor, Tabasco,
endeavored to carry water on both shoulders. The former province,
which was more industrious and prosperous than any other part of
Mexico, had always demanded and usually been accorded under both
Spanish and Mexican rule a position of semi-independence. In recent
years difficulties had arisen between her and the government, but her
sympathies were entirely against the United States. Both from policy
and from a sense of humanity, our desire was to see her remain neutral
and to spare her the rigors of war; but Yucatan, without appreciating
either our wish or our conduct, aimed simply to preserve her export
commerce, her no less valued business of importing American flour, and
her trade--especially in foodstuffs and munitions--with Mexico, escape
all the burdens and losses of the conflict, and run no risk of later
Mexican vengeance.[30.23]

To accomplish so difficult a task her cunning and unscrupulous
politicians veered and turned, put out statements, and organized
revolutions according to the exigencies of the moment. Her two chief
cities, Mérida and Campeche, now joined hands and now seemed or were
antagonistic. Local rivalries complicated the situation further; and
on our side, owing to the distance between Washington and the Home
Squadron, there could not be perfect cöoperation. The blockade was
therefore imposed and lifted, imposed and lifted by turns. At length,
in May, 1847, Perry took possession of Laguna and El Carmen Island,
appointed a naval officer as governor, and authorized commerce under
the contributory tariff; but at the same time our efforts to prevent
all contraband trade, both there and by Tabasco River, continued.[30.23]

In June Perry decided to attack San Juan Bautista again. On the
thirteenth he reached the bar at Frontera in the _Mississippi_, and
the next day he proceeded up the river, with a flotilla of one brig,
one schooner, four small steamers, three bomb-vessels and a fleet of
rowboats. After easily silencing the fire of two breastworks on the
way, he found obstructions in the river opposite a third, and fearing
the steamers might not be able to pass them without delay, landed
quickly with ten guns and more than 1100 men, and under an almost
insupportable heat routed a hostile party. The steamers, however,
passed on, driving the enemy from the breastwork, and by the sixteenth
San Juan Bautista once more became ours. The fortifications were
destroyed, and the guns put aboard.[30.24]

[OPERATIONS ON THE PACIFIC COAST]

Perry decided to hold the place, and on retiring left there nearly two
hundred men besides four small vessels and their complements. But this
proved another mistake. The Mexicans were driven from the vicinity,
but when our force went back to the town, they immediately returned
to blockade it; and on July 22, after the climate had laid low more
than a third of the Americans, our garrison abandoned the place.
From this time on, Perry found occupation enough in watching Tuxpán
River, protecting against Mexican irregulars the ports where American
customhouses existed, and patrolling the coast.[30.24]

  [Illustration: A PART OF TABASCO RIVER From Devil's Bend to S. Juan
Bautista Showing the Landing and March of Com. Perry's Forces June 16,
1847]

During these operations of the Home Squadron significant events had
been taking place also on the other coast of Mexico. Its enormous
length made a strict blockade practically impossible; but on the
nineteenth of August, 1846, the magnificent Stockton covered it
completely--with a proclamation. It was not that he intended to declare
a paper blockade, but only that he did not, like finite creatures,
realize the necessity of adequate means. About three days later Du Pont
in the _Cyane_ and Hull in the _Warren_ left California for the south.
During their cruise fourteen or fifteen prizes were taken--including
the _Malek Adel_, an armed brig--and so all probability that our
commerce and whalers in the Pacific would be molested happily vanished.
Guaymas was cannonaded a little (October 6), and Mazatlán suffered a
rather nominal blockade of about four weeks. That period ended on the
eighth of November, and for almost three months no American vessel
appeared there.[30.25]

  [Illustration: Guaymas, Mexico]

In February and March, 1847, the _Portsmouth_ watched the port for
about five weeks, but then it was left wide open again. England
refused to recognize such a blockade. The United States admitted its
illegality; and on the sixth of March, 1847, Commodore Biddle, now
commanding the squadron, cancelled Stockton's proclamation. During
the spring of 1847 Mazatlán, which had almost a monopoly of the
commerce, was again blockaded for a time, and after May the summer
hurricanes interdicted commerce. Since Mexico had no armed vessel
of any importance in the Pacific, naval operations then became
unnecessary.[30.25]

In July, 1847, Shubrick succeeded Biddle. As the blockade of Mazatlán
had been raised, he issued on August 6 a fresh notice, covering that
port, Guaymas and San Blas, and about the middle of October sailed
from Monterey, California, in the _Independence_, accompanied by
the _Cyane_. The rest of his active squadron--which had preceded
him southward or was to join him in that quarter--consisted of the
_Congress_, _Portsmouth_, _Preble_, _Dale_ and two storeships. On the
twenty-ninth near Cape San Lucas he met Lavallette in the _Congress_,
and learned that after an hour's cannonading--caused by the disobliging
refusal of General Campusano to surrender--Guaymas had been occupied
nine days before. November 10 mountains lighted by a declining sun and
canopied by a turquoise sky rose from the Gulf of California before
him on the east; and soon, approaching a long, curving line of white
beach, he dropped anchor near the lioness-hill of Crestón Island, which
crouched, grandly recumbent, with her fore paws extended, watching over
two islet cubs that slept in front of her. Here, on the mainland, was
Mazatlán.[30.26]

[OPERATIONS ON THE PACIFIC COAST]

For nearly eighteen months the port, second only to Vera Cruz in the
value of its commerce, had been controlled by Colonel Rafael Téllez,
a happy-go-lucky insurgent of convivial tastes, oriental convictions
on the subject of seraglios, and aboriginal ideas touching honor.
In finance he succeeded, for it was only necessary to put his fist,
whenever it felt empty, into the till at the customhouse; but as a
warrior he proved hardly equal to the crisis. In short, he retired
promptly and contented himself with partially blocking the port,
which our forces occupied on the eleventh. November 20 an attempt of
the Americans to cut off an annoying Mexican party some ten miles
from the city failed; but the town was presently fortified in such a
way that it stood in no danger. Early in January, 1848, San Blas was
blockaded. Manzanillo's turn came on the seventeenth of that month; and
numerous expeditions, which scoured the coast and went short distances
inland, seized light craft, destroyed fortifications, and captured
ordnance.[30.27]

  [Illustration: PLAN OF MAZATLÁN]

In tracing all these operations in the Pacific one receives a certain
impression of tardiness and inefficiency. Acapulco, a point of slight
commercial importance but one distinctly in the view of our naval
commanders, escaped entirely; and other ports, especially San Blas,
were apparently neglected. But the American vessels had no base near at
hand. Few safe harbors could be found. Long voyages were necessary to
obtain provisions and to send or pick up despatches. The sailors often
found themselves compelled to do the work of soldiers ashore; and in
particular vexatious duties had to be performed by the navy in Lower
California.[30.28]

  [Illustration: LOWER CALIFORNIA]

January 11, 1847, J. Y. Mason informed Stockton that both Californias
were to be retained; and in the course of fifteen days, beginning
with March 30, La Paz, San Lucas and San José, the chief towns of the
peninsula, were occupied by our squadron. The authorities readily
submitted, and the people seemed to concur. An intensely hostile spirit
showed itself before long, however, and, with the aid of leaders
and resources drawn from the mainland, bitter attacks--heroically
resisted--were made upon our feeble posts at San José and La Paz
during the fall and winter. Some American troops from upper California
rendered great assistance; but Shubrick's watchful coöperation was
constantly requisite, and the spirit of resistance could not be
exorcised until the end of March, 1848.[30.28]

[REVIEW OF THE NAVAL OPERATIONS]

The naval operations on both coasts failed to win loud applause, but
there were obvious reasons. The high expectations of the public, based
upon the war of 1812, could not possibly be satisfied, for our navy
met with no enemy on its proper element. Its work had to be plodding
and monotonous. Due preparations for that had not been made, and
even the best informed landsmen understood but very imperfectly the
difficulties that were encountered. Under such circumstances to conduct
the blockade with as much efficiency as was actually shown, depriving
Mexico of revenues and to a large extent of munitions, giving general
satisfaction meanwhile to foreign interests more than willing to
complain, was no slight achievement; and to play at the same time so
effective a part on land, especially in the conquest of California,
merited far higher encomiums than were bestowed.[30.29]

The conduct of naval men in occupied territory crowned their
services. At Mazatlán, for example, Shubrick announced that he
would exert himself to benefit, not injure, the people. Religious
freedom, the protection of person and property, firm support of the
city authorities, a low tariff and unrestricted commerce--except in
munitions and with Mexican ports--were granted. Vexatious taxes that
burdened the poor disappeared, and a wise, economical fiscal system
took their place. The sale of ardent spirits to men in our service was
prohibited. The Americans mingled freely with the people and, as the
local historian admitted, "behaved like gentlemen." After six weeks of
this régime Shubrick was formally requested by the merchants to stay
there. At Guaymas a similar policy produced similar results, and the
people felt anxious to have Campusano's forces leave the vicinity.
Laguna became under our authority more prosperous than ever before. The
naval balls and parties were extremely popular; and even after peace
came, the Commodore was "most earnestly" requested by the people to let
our forces remain for a while.[30.30]




XXXI

THE AMERICANS AS CONQUERORS

1846-1848


For a considerable time large parts of Mexico were occupied by our
troops, and it is quite worth while to know something of their life and
behavior there. Conquering soldiers in a foreign land, especially when
the enemy is deemed cowardly, treacherous and cruel, are not likely to
be angels; and we may count upon meeting here with disagreeable as well
as complimentary facts. But we must face these as brave and honest men
who love the truth, believe in our country, and are not foolish enough
to expect perfection of human nature. It will be some consolation to
recall Napoleon's maxim, "The conduct of a general in a conquered
country is beset with difficulties," and to remember that no nation, if
well acquainted with its history, will think of pointing the finger at
us.

The purpose of the United States was to treat non-combatants as
friends, and protect them in all their rights of person, property
and religion.[31.1] Civilization prescribed this course, and policy
emphasized it. Both for immediate military success and for the
restoration, after the war, of mutually profitable relations, it seemed
highly desirable to strike only at the government and the army of
Mexico, and to avoid angering the great body of the citizens.[31.2]

Accordingly Taylor was promptly supplied with a proclamation, to be
distributed in both English and Spanish, which threw upon Paredes the
odium of the conflict, assured the Mexican people that a government of
"usurpers and tyrants" had involved them in its losses and miseries,
and promised that no one behaving as a neutral would be molested; the
General was instructed that his "utmost endeavors" must be put forth to
make good the pledge; and an active policy of conciliation was urged
upon him. As will be seen later, the course of the war and the attitude
of Mexico eventually suggested a programme considerably sterner in
certain respects; but such was the real desire of our government, and
it went so far that in order to prove we had no intention of attacking
the religion of the Mexicans, Roman Catholic priests were engaged to
accompany our army.[31.2]

Taylor, besides resting under a strict obligation to obey his orders,
doubtless concurred fully in this view of the matter, and for a time
good conduct on the part of our troops prevailed. The authorities of
Matamoros were respected; the people felt contented, and viewed the
war with indifference; persons of the upper classes began to show
themselves; and the town seemed on the way to being a smart little New
Orleans. But the arrival of the volunteers in force gave the situation
a new aspect.[31.3] Even men of unblemished reputations appeared to
feel that becoming soldiers exempted them from every law, both civil
and moral.[31.6]

[DISORDERS AT MATAMOROS]

When in camp below New Orleans the troops were guilty of some
"sky-larking"--that is to say, plundering; and when they entered the
enemy's country they became, said a regular officer, "the living
embodiment of a moral pestilence. Crime followed in their footsteps,
and wherever they trod, they left indelible traces of infamy." To meet
their wishes, disorderly establishments of every kind sprang up,[31.4]
and the streets were constantly filled with drunken, brawling, insolent
officers and men carrying arms. One of them drew a pistol on the
British consul because his cane was black; many depredations were
committed; and before the tenth of July at least five or six harmless
persons were shot down for amusement.[31.6]

Although it would seem as if Taylor, with some 2500 regulars at his
back, might have enforced order, he declared that he could not,
and soon gave up the effort. Unwilling to bring offenders before a
military court, he endeavored to have the Mexican judges act in some
cases, but of course they dared not; and he shipped a few of the
malefactors to New Orleans, where they could not be held a moment for
crimes perpetrated abroad. The result was practical impunity--"perfect
impunity," wrote the British consul--for the worst of crimes. At the
beginning of August, however, the General prohibited the importation
of liquor by the Rio Grande; and as the army was then moving on,
Matamoros became comparatively quiet.[31.6]

Later commanders undertook with considerable success to keep it so;
but even in January, 1847, robbery and violence were not unknown
there, and the non-commissioned officers as well as the soldiers were
forbidden to leave their quarters with arms unless on duty. Discharged
volunteers on their way down the river did great harm,[31.5] and Taylor
wrote in June, 1847, "There is scarcely a form of crime that has not
been reported to me as committed by them." Above Matamoros determined
efforts were made with partial success to keep liquor from the troops,
and the conditions were better. Here and there Americans would "muster
in" some fruit or fowls. "Soldiers who have to fight their enemy in the
enemy's country will never go hungry as long as there are any chickens
about," wrote one of them; and in fact, said an officer, it was a
patriotic duty for Uncle Sam's men to keep their souls and their bodies
together. But the rule in such cases was to compensate the owners, and
probably no serious resentment lingered.[31.6]

During the battles of Monterey there was enough shooting to satisfy
any reasonable person, and the quiet beauty of the scene should soon
have banished thoughts of carnage. The tranquil mountains that stood
about the town on three sides, receding as the clouds enveloped them
in shadow or approaching as the splendor of the sun brightened every
point, the statuesque aguacates clothed in foliage like dark green
velvet, the fan-like palmettoes, the feathery date palms, the delicious
oranges and pomegranates, the murmuring streams, and the lilies that
brightened many a pool invited to repose; yet no sooner was battle over
than murder began.[31.10]

The chief criminals were the Texans,[A] who felt that barbarities
committed by the Mexican on their soil during the revolution warranted
the crudest retaliation. At Matamoros they had been the fiercest of
the volunteers, and now--stationed for a while at the town--they found
a still better opportunity.[31.7] Other volunteers aided them. To say
nothing of robberies and minor outrages perpetrated "in the broad
light of day," it was thought, noted a regular officer in his diary,
that not less than one hundred Mexicans were slain in cold blood, and
out of about 7000 still in town, 5000, more or less, fled. A citizen
cannot take his hat off, wrote a Mexican, without some American's
saying, "That is mine"; and if the owner denies it, he gets a bullet.
Strict regulations[31.8] were soon framed, however, and under Worth's
command the volunteer learned what they meant.[31.10]

[Footnote A: These men have to be called Texans because they hailed
from that state, but it should be remembered that nearly all of them
had come from other parts of the Union.]

To a large extent, if we leave the Texans out of the account, the
Mexicans themselves were responsible for the worst outrages of Monterey
and the vicinity. They sold liquor to the troops persistently, and
retaliated indiscriminately for the excesses that resulted. The
Americans then took vengeance, and in the end some ghastly deeds
on rather a large scale occurred. Singularly enough, too, the
punctiliousness of our officers contributed to the same end. They
would not convict a Mexican without legal proof of his guilt, and when
soldiers saw a man, who was almost certainly the murderer of their
comrade, let off because a drove of Mexicans testified to an alibi,
they were likely to steal out after him or make some one else pay
his forfeit.[31.9] Still, the many injunctions to be fair and kindly
toward the people were not without effect. One soldier used to sit
cross-legged in the square of Monterey, and play his rickety accordion
for the benefit of the populace.[31.10]

[AFFAIRS AT SALTILLO]

At Saltillo strict police regulations were made. As had now become the
general rule, to provide soldiers with intoxicating beverages, except
by special permission, was forbidden, and fifty lashes were made the
penalty for disobedience. The troops had to seek their quarters at
retreat, and the Mexicans go home when the ten o'clock bell rang. But
in spite of every precaution the "lawless volunteers," as Worth called
them, were guilty of many offences, and--with the perhaps excessive
emphasis of a high-minded regular officer--he wrote to his daughter,
"The innocent blood that has been basely, cowardly and barbarously
shed in cold blood, aside from other and deeper crimes, will appeal to
Heaven for, and, I trust, receive, just retribution."[31.12]

Here, as at Monterey, Worth made an admirable governor, sitting four
hours a day to hear complaints, and administering substantial justice
without reference to legal technicalities; and his successors were
much like him.[31.11] A sergeant was discharged for treating a Mexican
unjustly. An American "doctor" was expelled for disorderly conduct.
Soldiers were not allowed to endanger the people by riding fast in the
streets. Property stolen or destroyed was paid for by the army, and
this rule was made to work the other way also. The town prospered; and
although some of the soldiers would now and then help themselves to
fruit or snatch a piece of candy from a stand, and cases of outrage
on the one hand or assassination on the other occurred at intervals,
the people--notably hostile at first--became friendly, the windows
were always full of laughing girls, and the women in their rebosas,
red petticoats and blue cloth slippers went every evening to the
fountain in the plaza with their tall earthen jars, unmolested and
unafraid.[31.12]

Tampico, to say nothing of the drills and parades, offered enough
interesting sights and amusements to keep the soldiers out of mischief,
one might have thought. The many strange and beautiful trees; the
mullard and sea-trout, schools of yellow jackfish, huge, pearly tarpon,
and many other denizens of the rivers and lagoons; the buzzards
coasting on air, the grunting ravens, and forty other kinds of birds;
the long, slender pirogues of red cedar constantly bringing luscious
fruits to the market; the many vessels coming and going: these were
only a few of the attractions. But in reality the town was a hard
problem, for its nearness to the United States and its commercial
relations made the exclusion of all undesirable visitors impossible.
So-called restaurants bearing popular American names flourished, and,
in spite of the prohibition against importing liquor, strong drink
was about all they offered except hard beef; while the existence of
gambling houses was proved by the severe and repeated orders against
them. Almost every volunteer, said a regular officer, celebrated his
arrival with a "frolic,"[31.13] and according to the Mexican accounts,
threats, insults and small depredations were not infrequent.[31.14]

[AFFAIRS AT TAMPICO]

But in Tampico as elsewhere, the people had much less to suffer, in all
probability, than from the Mexican troops who formerly had garrisoned
the town, and the big United States flag set up in the plaza near the
Pánuco represented substantial benefits. Many new kinds of manufactured
articles made their appearance, and all such things were sold at low
prices. Business became active. According to tradition the paving of
the city dates from this time. A theatre was built. Preparations were
made and presumably carried out for the extension of the mole. An
American newspaper appeared. Mexican visitors had to give an account
of themselves, and there were no riots and no dirks. Patrols marched
up and down the broad streets; sentries with fixed bayonets were on
hand at every gathering, even balls; and the very happiest of frolics
were pretty sure to end before morning with a nap on the guard house
floor.[31.14]

Some of the Mexicans thought our volunteer officers were afraid of
their men, but Gates, Shields and the other commanders do not seem
to have been. The assistance of the leading Mexicans in maintaining
order was invited; many of the citizens fraternized with our men; and
in general a high rate of mortality was probably the only serious
consequence of reckless tendencies. The residents thought the American
volunteers careless, badly dressed and poorly drilled; but some of them
admitted they had never felt so safe before.[31.14]

Clearly our troops improved in conduct as time went on, but none
the less their early excesses had serious consequences. For a long
while there had been a tendency in the northeastern parts of Mexico
to secede. The primary scheme had been to join Texas; and after our
absorption of Texas ended it, the idea of an independent republic,
with American protection or annexation to this country in view, gained
much support. Early in 1846 the authors of this project were in
communication with Taylor and the American government. Whether such
a plan could have been executed or not, there were reasons for our
wishing to have the people cherish it. In such a mood they were bound
to be our friends instead of enemies, and the paralyzing influence of
their temper would have extended into other provinces.[31.15]

Accordingly Taylor was instructed to favor the idea. But reports of
the outrages committed by our volunteers penetrated to all quarters;
the Mexican authorities, who understood the popular tendencies, were
doubtless active in spreading the reports; and the disposition to view
us with cordiality received a shock from which it never recovered.
"People near Matamoros, previously inclined to favor the Americans,"
declared the comandante general of Nuevo León in a broadside, "have
written these weighty words: 'The domination of the Grand Turk is
kinder than that of the Americans. Their motto is deceit. Their love
is like the robber's. Their goodness is usurpation; and their boasted
liberty is the grossest despotism, iniquity and insolence, disguised
under the most consummate hypocrisy.'" As an offset, the bad conduct
of Mexican officers and troops did not signify. That was a family
affair.[31.15]

The blackest shadow in the picture, however, was New Mexico. Armijo
had compensated the people for his tyranny and robbery by permitting
them every sort of license in their social relations. Virtue was
little known and less valued. Even women fought duels with dirks or
butcher-knives. Dances, at which all classes mingled in the revelry,
were the chief amusements; the church bells announced them; and at
mass one heard the same music, played by the same musicians. Gambling
and cock-fighting stood next in esteem, perhaps; and then came other
vices that seemed more precisely necessities than ornaments of
existence.[31.18]

To throw into a small and isolated community of that sort, without
books or society or proper diversions, a large number of young and
reckless frontiersmen greatly above the average in physical vigor,
was to make it a seething caldron of gross passions. The soldiers
were not willing to do what little work there was, and they scorned
regulations. "The dirtiest, rowdiest crew I have ever seen collected
together," was a responsible British traveller's description of the
American forces; and a soldier wrote in his diary, "A more drunken and
depraved set, I am sure, can never be found." To be liked, an officer
had to be lax, and to be unpopular was liable to mean--as good officers
learned--a pistol or a sabre in one's face. Half the captains, a letter
said, could be found every night in bad places. The disorder of the
governor's Christmas dinner party disturbed the whole town. There was
probably no deliberate oppression. Gross outrages appear to have been
few. But the drunken, brawling, overbearing volunteers despised the men
about them and showed it; and the latter, flouted at every turn, and
in particular robbed of their women, scowled and brooded with all the
ferocity of an indolent but passionate, jealous race, and plied the
knife when they dared.[31.18]

Kearny might perhaps have ridden the tempest, but a local politician
like Price could only be swept away. A few of the better Americans
got up a prayer-meeting, but that was just a dewdrop in Tartarus. One
began to be ashamed of one's nation, wrote a good officer. To enhance
dissatisfaction, the Indians continued their depredations as if no
treaties had been made. A well-meant code of laws was drawn up, but it
contained certain troublesome provisions about land titles; and some
taxation had to be imposed. The people took fright. "We have come for
your good; yes, for all your goods," began to be their interpretation
of Kearny's assurances.[31.18]

Naturally an insurrection occurred. Price now showed energy, and the
troops courage. In a brief campaign, January and February, 1847,
the malcontents were put down. But the people, though cowed, loved
the victors none the better, and the victors trusted and respected
the people none the more. The conditions became perhaps worse than
ever.[31.16] Supplies were uncertain. Discipline became lax again, and
the Indians were now more rapacious than for twenty years. Dissipation
resulted in much sickness and many deaths. Moreover the people felt
wronged because political privileges bestowed by Kearny in excess of
his authority had to be withdrawn. For most, if not all, of the time
it was impossible to obtain the money required for the administration
of civil affairs, and the civil authorities clashed with the
military.[31.17] Undoubtedly serious difficulties were inherent in the
situation, but nothing could excuse our government for permitting such
a state of things to continue for so long a time.[31.18]

[AMERICAN RULE IN CALIFORNIA]

Very different was the scene in California. Soon after the treaty
of Cahuenga was made Stockton returned to his naval duties, and
Frémont, appointed by him under the law of nations, assumed the
governorship.[31.19] In February, 1847, however, orders that had been
issued at Washington early in November, directing that the chief
military officer should take command, reached San Francisco, and about
the first of March Kearny became the executive. In general he was
inclined to be less indulgent than Frémont or Sloat, but he intended
to be fair and kind. "The Americans and Californians," he proclaimed
with the same exaggeration of his authority as at Santa Fe, "are now
but one people; let us cherish one wish, one hope, and let that be for
the peace and quiet of our country. Let us as a band of brothers unite
and emulate each other in our efforts to benefit and improve this our
beautiful, and which soon must be our happy and prosperous home."[31.21]

At the end of May, 1847, he returned to the east, and Colonel R. B.
Mason of the First Dragoons, whom the government had sent out for
the purpose, became governor and commander-in-chief. Mason was an
excellent executive, able, experienced, sensible, strong and faithful.
Some thought his character hard, but probably all clear-headed persons
realized that it was just. He believed in firm though kind methods,
avoided entanglements, and bore sway successfully till the close of the
war.[31.21]

The restless faction of the Los Angeles district, free from the
restraint of a large American element, still existed, and at intervals
caused considerable anxiety. Indeed it is clear from Mexican sources
that a hope of troops from the south was fondly cherished there for a
long time. The approach of the Mormon battalion, which--after suffering
many hardships on the route from Santa Fe--arrived at San Diego under
Captain Cooke in January, 1847, excited the people, for that sect was
loathed in California. A great deal of trouble about land titles arose,
for the surveying had been poorly done, the boundaries overlapped in
many instances, and few had the proper documents. Frémont's volunteers,
expecting large pay, refused to be mustered into the service under
the law of May 13, 1846, and were discharged in a very angry frame
of mind, April, 1847, with no pay at all; and very little was done
toward compensating the people for the spoliations committed by the
volunteers.[31.21]

The government, though tempered by the maintenance of the alcalde
system, was necessarily a military one; the old alcaldes, familiar
with the customs of the land, would not serve; the new ones, though
generally good men, could not always give satisfaction; and the growing
American element, disgusted with so unsystematic a system, demanded
self-government and written laws. No funds could legally be had for
the expenses of war and civil administration except those derived
from the customhouses, and the Americans were so deeply committed
by their promise of low duties that Mason felt compelled to reduce
the tariff explicitly ordered by the government. There were jealous
differences of opinion on many points between the Californians and
the Americans, between the various nationalities of the foreigners,
and between the old and the new immigrants; and finally the people
were disturbed by serious quarrels between the Stockton-Frémont party
and the Kearny-Mason party, and by the old fear that eventually the
Americans would sail away, leaving them to settle with Mexico as best
they could.[31.21]

For troops, besides Company C of the First Dragoons, Kearny's escort
from Santa Fe, there were Company F of the Third Artillery, which
arrived in February, 1847, the Mormon battalion, and a regiment of
New York volunteers under Colonel J. D. Stevenson, who came in March,
1847, and were expected to remain in California as settlers after the
close of the war.[31.20] Apparently the Mormons were to be a source
of weakness rather than strength, and the antecedents of the New York
regiment inspired little confidence. Stevenson's men did in fact begin
promptly to "sow wild oats." They were not disposed to work on the
fortifications, and they were insubordinate. But under Mason's control
they soon learned to do well, and he reported that at the close of the
war "one common cry of regret arose [from the Californians] at the
order for their disbandment; [and] the little petty causes of complaint
were forgotten in the remembrance of the more substantial advantages
they had enjoyed under the protection of the military." The conduct
of the Mormons was always exemplary and they won the esteem of the
people.[31.21]

Imported articles became cheap. Real estate and all the products of the
soil, particularly at the north, increased in value. Commerce trebled
in a year. All damages caused by men recognized as in the service
of the United States were repaired, and the offenders punished. The
return of José Castro without means or hopes at the beginning of 1848
produced an excellent effect. Gold-digging became more attractive
than conspiracies. And although a certain number of irreconcilables
cherished regrets and grievances, the official news of peace and
absorption in the United States--which came on the evening of August 6,
1848--greeted a busy and hopeful community.[31.21]

So much for the north, and we pass now to the régime of Scott.
After learning of the atrocities perpetrated on the Rio Grande,
that "scientific and visionary" officer drafted and laid before the
secretary of war a martial-law order, to be enforced in Mexico until
action should be taken by Congress. But the idea of putting constraint
on the free American voter probably struck Marcy with terror. He
started at the title, said nothing, and after a while returned the
paper without comment. Scott then sent it on to Taylor, and was
informed that the General threw it aside almost instantly, calling it
"another of Scott's lessons." The crying need of some adequate method
for punishing American soldiers in foreign parts compelled Marcy in
December to recommend that Congress authorize a military tribunal; but
that body also doubtless had an eye to votes, and took no action.[31.25]

[SCOTT'S POLICY]

Scott, however, though an aspirant for the Presidency, did not shrink
from his duty, and on arriving in Tampico he issued General Orders 20,
which threw the pale of martial law round all United States forces
operating in Mexico, and provided for the punishment, through "military
commissions," of offences committed by, in or upon them.[31.22] Orders
20, republished at Vera Cruz, Puebla and the capital and widely
circulated in Spanish, were supplemented by issuing safeguards, under
which one or more soldiers, bearing a proper document signed by a
corps or division commander, could be quartered at any place which
it was especially for the interest of the army to protect.[31.23] In
occupying towns the rule was to billet no officer or man, without
consent, upon any inhabitant, and to quarter the troops in barracks
and other public buildings already used for the purpose by the Mexican
government.[31.24] These arrangements, the practice of paying for
everything used by the army, the principle of treating non-combatant
Mexicans as fellow-citizens, and a strenuous endeavor to enlist the
coöperation of all the decent men of the army in the suppression of
outrages constituted the system of Scott.[31.25]

At Vera Cruz misdeeds were perpetrated, of course, but the culprits
who could be detected paid a price for their sport that put the fear
of the Lord--or at least of Scott--into the hearts of others. One
tipsy fellow, who nearly killed a Mexican woman with kicks and blows,
was strapped over a wagon, given twelve good lashes, and then placed
at labor in a fort with a ball-and-chain for the rest of the war. A
second ruffian, for a worse offence against a woman, was promptly and
publicly hanged.[31.26] On the other hand preventive regulations[31.27]
concerning liquor, gambling, roaming about the city and the like soon
went into force.[31.30]

But the American measures were not simply negative. Worth, who became
governor as soon as the town surrendered, distributed free rations
among the people, and prevented extortion by establishing a fair
scale of prices for eatables. A large force of laborers was employed
at liberal wages to clean the streets and the Augean castle of Ulúa.
Assured of protection the shops reopened promptly. In ten days the
general effects of the bombardment appeared hardly noticeable. Freed
from the exactions of their officials and military chiefs and rapidly
gaining confidence in our intentions, the people seemed like new men.
Commerce, favored by the low American duties, took on fresh life.
Although anti-Catholic sentiment was raging in the United States, Scott
and some of his principal officers attended mass and even marched in
the processions; and the soldiers were bidden to salute not only the
tasselled cane of the magistrate but the cassock of the priest.[31.30]

Worth soon moved on with Scott's army; but his successor was described
by the British consul as deserving "all praise." Those who followed him
did perhaps equally well;[31.28] all branches of the public service
were maintained; the good-will of the citizens was acquired and held;
and Lerdo de Tejada, one of the best statesmen and historians of
Mexico, has declared that Vera Cruz had to suffer scarcely anything
from the American occupation except the humiliation of foreign rule,
while profiting substantially in several respects.[31.30]

These results were achieved, too, under serious and almost crippling
embarrassments. In some regards the city was highly agreeable. Fish
more resplendent than gems lay always in the market. A long list of
delicious fruits and vegetables graced each its proper season. Often a
duet of the military band and the mocking-birds enchanted the ear. To
sip a sherbet at noonday--all the curtains drooping over the balconies,
the blue sky gray with excess of light, the blackbirds panting with
beaks wide open and wings partly spread, the lépero drunk with sleep
in the shadow of a wall, a hush over the docks, a stillness in the
market--had an exotic fascination; and an evening stroll round the
plaza or along the beach at Vergara, where the principal camp lay,
with the soft, languid, lingering breeze of the Gulf on one's face
and every star asking to be counted, was a delight one could not soon
forget.[31.30]

This region, however, was a favorite hunting-ground, not only of the
yellow fever, but of diseases even more fatal.[31.29] A few slices of
the fragrant Córdoba pineapple, washed down with a glass of the almost
irresistible brandy, left one hardly time to make a will. Through the
long day a huge ball of fire called the sun poured down an intense
heat, and at night the mosquitos were numberless. The story of the
invalids was long and sad; and sadder yet the tale of many a gallant
soldier-boy, full of thoughts of the loved ones, who breathed his last
sigh in the crowded wards of a hospital--_alone_.[31.30]

At Córdoba, where the lanes blazed with small red roses, the sentiment
was intensely Mexican, and the authorities ordered that on the approach
of the American forces as many of the inhabitants as possible should
leave town with everything belonging to the state that could be of
service. But the people were mostly satisfied with shutting themselves
up during the brief stay of General Bankhead, and the merchants did
not go so far as that. The legitimate rights of the conqueror were
asserted, but the American commander perhaps made full compensation
for this by requiring the city council to reduce the expenses of
administration. Care was taken to provide for the punishment of all
disorders, and in particular for all interference with religious
observances. After Bankhead left, hearing that some of the garrison
were plundering, he threatened to send an entire battalion, if
necessary, to apprehend the culprits.[31.31]

On higher ground farther west lay Orizaba, sombre yet beautiful amidst
its orchards, gardens, palm groves, orange trees and rich fields of
tobacco and sugar-cane, like a proud Spanish dowager surrounded by
her grandchildren. Here the troops helped themselves occasionally to
fruit and cane, injured trees and committed some graver offences. The
consequence was that soldiers were forbidden to leave the town except
on service and the officers commanding guards in the outskirts had
to arrest every man guilty of such acts or pay for the damages, and
in either case were held responsible for disobedience and neglect of
duty.[31.32]

[THE STATE OF THINGS AT JALAPA]

Of all the places occupied by American troops in Mexico the most
delightful was Jalapa. In fact, probably a more delightful place is
nowhere to be found. For natural attractiveness it surpasses even
Taormina, Kandy and Nikko, the beauty-spots of Sicily, Ceylon, Japan.
The abundant water was excellent, which could rarely be said of
Mexican towns, and ice from Orizaba Mountain could be had to cool the
abundant refreshments. The mercury never stood high and never low.
Spring was almost the only season. The foliage always looked new and
exuberant, and blossoms were constantly opening as if with ever fresh
surprise.[31.34]

From the plaza one gazed into a broad valley tapestried with
many-hued verdure. Here palms, live-oaks, magnolias, tamarinds and
aguacates--often enmeshed with beautiful and sometimes with aromatic
vines--gracefully sheltered the azalea, the verbena, the poppy, the
jasmine and countless varieties of geraniums and roses. Here such
exquisite plants as the vanilla, heliotrope and tree-lily exhaled
with unceasing generosity their delightful odors. Here, amid ancient
forests, gorges curtained with exotic ferns and orchids extended to
mysterious depths teeming with all manner of strange, fascinating
growths. And when, after long surveying this Eden, or descending to
wander far in its mazy paths, one's eye rose to a broad belt of pines
and firs clothing jagged sierras, and at last, above their rich green,
beheld a slender but enormous pyramid of snow, the peak of Orizaba,
heaven-high and resplendent against the deep, tropical blue, it seemed
as if nature had lavished on this chosen spot the whole diapason of
her beauty. Music hath charms to soothe; and such loveliness, grace,
perfume and grandeur, combined, were splendidly suited to still the
passions of war.[31.34]

Scott and the first American troops proved worthy of this paradise.
Nobody was molested. The officers lodged only in vacated houses.
The soldiers tried to make friends among the townsfolk. Our generals
attended the funeral of a worthy Mexican officer killed at Cerro Gordo.
Gold and silver flowed in streams--brighter than "Abana and Pharpar,
rivers of Damascus"--that reached the humblest cottage. Many of the
people wept when Scott marched away.[31.34]

But some later commands, untamed volunteers who stopped there for a
brief time, left a different impression. Lally's men seem to have been
a scourge, and Wynkoop's proved so lawless that even Lally's were glad
to see the last of them. During their stay the shops were closed, and
all business came to an end. Seven officers left their accounts unpaid
at the hotels, and some of them carried away towels or the shirts of
brother officers. In a word they were natural thieves. Other misdeeds
could be traced to the lack, for some time, of pay. But the main cause
of trouble was liquor. Against this evil, as against gambling and the
rest, adequate regulations were issued; but sometimes commissioned
officers, anxious to be popular, would force hotel keepers to let
their men have drink. At the bottom of everything lay the selling of
liquor by wholly unauthorized persons. "Let the municipal authorities
unite with me to put a stop to that _infamous traffic_," wrote one
American governor of the city to the first alcalde, "and I will answer
for it that there will be no disturbances or outrages committed by the
soldiers."[31.34]

Another feature also of the American occupation came out with
especial clearness at Jalapa. Not only were offences, extending to
robbery and murder, committed against our troops, but it was found
on scrupulous investigation that often definite stories of misdeeds
charged to our men were plausible only till the other side came out,
and that many claims for damages were deliberately invented or grossly
exaggerated.[31.34]

Against all real offenders the successive governors--particularly
Colonel George W. Hughes, who remained in office a considerable
time--were as a rule severe. Stern orders, biting rebukes, earnest
appeals to represent our country worthily, precautions like patrols
and frequent roll-calls, and at need exemplary punishments were
not lacking. One day four soldiers received thirty lashes each,
had their heads shaved, and were drummed out of camp, with the
word "ROBBER" pasted on their backs, for breaking into a
house.[31.33] But at the same time careful measures had to be taken for
the protection of our men and our government. Happily the people in
general seem to have understood that some pilfering and occasionally
other misdemeanors were unavoidable, and to have appreciated our
efforts to defend, conciliate and please them, to maintain--in
coöperation with the town officials--the municipal service, to provide
for the charities of the city, and to ensure respect for woman,
religion and civil authority. Vigne, a French traveller, says the
Americans were much liked at Jalapa, and probably they were nowhere
treated more pleasantly.[31.34]

[THE AMERICANS AT PUEBLA]

At Puebla, August 1, 1847, the Robert Anderson of Fort Sumter wrote:
"We have been now in this large City since May 15th, with a soldiery
gathered from many Nations, many of them undisciplined, and yet, I will
venture the assertion, without fear of contradiction, that, in no City
of the same size, either in our own blessed Country or in any other,
is private property, or are private rights, more secure and better
guarded than here.... Not an instance, I am certain, has been elicited,
or brought to light, of one of our soldiers killing a Mexican.... 'Tis
truly Wonderful, I cannot understand it."[31.35] The people are all
contented, said a letter to _El Republicano_, for business is good and
taxes are low; and, he might have added, an American band plays for
us in the park. It is "almost incredible," admitted a writer in _El
Nacional_, a newspaper of the state, how well the American soldiers
treat our priests and women. How are they able to wear the mask so
long? The common people, not seeing through the trick, accept their
conduct in good faith.[31.37]

After the siege ended, some of our men were arrested for plundering
houses from which they had been fired upon, and there was a little
pilfering at the fruit stands; but Fúrlong, the Mexican prefect, urged
the people to give the war no further thought, and friendly relations
very soon returned. Street lanterns were still punctured occasionally
by tipsy and facetious Americans with their bayonets, but they were
paid for. When Lane's brigade of volunteers arrived, complaints began
in earnest, and a committee laid the situation before Scott; but there
was no case of such importance that amends or even investigation was
demanded.[31.36] The city council stated to the prefect that Childs
had saved its authority, improved the condition of the town, aided
the Mexican officials, and given them willing audience in order to
concert measures for the public good. One measure in particular was the
re-establishment of the chamber of commerce, destroyed by the state
government; and, as the bishop admitted, Childs did all in his power to
prevent and remedy abuses.[31.37]

[AMERICAN RULE AT THE CAPITAL]

At Mexico City there were "some outrages naturally," reported Doyle,
chargé d'affaires of England; and emphasis can fairly be placed on
his last word, for the troops, entering the town excited by desperate
fighting and crowned with victory, were fired upon by the populace,
and found themselves hunted at every turn by robbers, assassins and
their confederates.[31.38] Doyle added that "even from the beginning
a great deal of forbearance" was displayed by the Americans; and the
correspondent of the London _Daily News_ wrote, "On the whole I must
confess that General Scott and his troops have acted with unexpected
moderation." Indeed, they "have shown an exemplary clemency," admitted
a Mexican letter printed by a Mexican paper.[31.43]

The restaurant-keeper who furnished a meal and got rather less than
he expected or the janitor who tried to keep soldiers out of their
assigned quarters and got rather more, had little reason to complain.
Indeed, both had reason to be content, for in a city full of léperos
and escaped felons property and life depended upon our protection. "We
must endure the presence of the Americans or suffer worse things," said
a Mexican. No allowances were made by Scott, however.[31.39] "Revelling
in the halls of Montezuma" means now, a soldier wrote home, that if the
patrol finds you in the street after eight o'clock in the evening you
are taken to the guardhouse, and if noisy, you are handcuffed; and for
more serious offences the punishments were extremely severe. Quitman,
the first governor of the city,[31.40] and P. F. Smith, who succeeded
him, ably seconded the commander-in-chief.[31.43]

Under such auspices the shops began to open within a week after the
capital surrendered, and business was soon brisker than ever. The
clergy were somewhat refractory, and on September 19 all the churches
were found closed; but Quitman immediately sent word that should they
remain closed, the United States flags would be removed from their
towers as a sign that our army had withdrawn its protection. No further
hint was needed, for millions in gold, silver and gems lay within their
dark walls; and soon the relations between army and church became
entirely satisfactory.[31.43]

The troops then felt at liberty to make themselves at home. The
_American Star_, "a neat and saucy little sheet," whose proprietors and
editors had followed the troops from Vera Cruz, and set up their press
wherever Scott made a stay, appeared on September 20, and later was
followed by the _North American_.[31.41] The cafés and eating places
took on strange names: New York Restaurant Eagle Hotel, Old Kentucky
House and the like. "American Dry Goods," read one sign; "Mince Pies
for sale Here," another; "Mush and Milk at All Hours," a third.
Officers formed an association called the Aztec Club. An agitation
for an American railroad to Vera Cruz began. An American sermon was
preached at the palace in the splendid Ambassadors' Hall, on the text:
"Only fear the Lord, and serve Him in truth with all your heart; for
consider how great things he hath done for you"; and other sermons
followed. American citizens, temporarily soldiers, made all the shows
prosperous, and a complimentary benefit was given to Señora Canete
at the National Theatre by "The Chiefs and Officers of the American
Army." As cold weather came on, stoves, chimneys and smoke made their
appearance to the intense astonishment of the natives, total strangers
to such abominations; and finally that proud Spanish institution, the
bull-fight, succumbed in this manner:[31.43]

     "The Publid are respectfull informed thoh the _secind Bull Fihk_
     nill take place, _this Evening, Wsdnesday_, 10te instant, cohen
     nill bi introduced á variez of new performanas, by the Compay of
     Bull Fighk, and fa which occasia has been obtaind. Some of the
     mest fusian Bulls in the Countri.

THIS WSDNESDAY. NIGHT 10 NOVEMBRE 1847."

Unfortunately, under such names as "Contreras," "Churubusco" and "Old
Chapultepec," American drinks of established fame arrived. Music halls
and dance houses, familiarly known as the Hells of Montezuma, were
crowded. Relieved now from the anxiety and tension of the campaign, the
gallant volunteers could not be still a moment. Generally they were
rather brusque and rowdyish, and to the polite Mexicans they appeared
even more so than they really were. They loved to present themselves
at a show with trousers tucked into their boots, drape their legs over
the backs of the seats, and yell for American patriotic airs; and they
seemed to be always eating except when busy with a glass.[31.43]

Gambling became a rage, and in its temples were other priestesses
besides those of Chance. Of _La Bella Unión_, the chief resort, it
was said, What is unknown "is as well as what is known." Eager for
popularity and advancement many officers would not interfere, and in
fact some of them sank almost as low as their men. One consequence
of such dissipation was illness,[31.42] and another was robberies,
quarrels and fights. The arrival of reinforcements--fresh volunteers
and recruits--quickened all riotous tendencies. So far as personal
morals went the conditions of Santa Fe were approached by not a few,
and to crown all two volunteer officers, involved in what seems to have
been a gambling-house fracas, were convicted of murder. Conqueror as
well as conquered must pay his penalty.[31.43]

Most, however, shrank from such a life, and many tried to render the
American stay a fine experience for themselves and for others. It was
not in vain. Their nobler tastes found congenial soil. The turquoise
sky, the pictured façades of the houses, the handsome gray old palaces
curiously and lavishly sculptured, and embellished with precious tiles
in blue and white, the Alameda with its grand trees and its fountain,
the amazing richness of the churches and their wondrous gilded
carvings, the embroidered gold vestments of the priests, the perfume
here and there of an ancient garden stealing out through a broken wall,
the red conflagration of sunrise behind snowy mountains, the distant,
mellow clang of a convent bell as evening shadows gathered, the
brilliant round moon turning the peaks into gigantic veiled watchmen
and setting massive domes and spires a-quiver with a mystical sort of
life--these things helped introduce our finer spirits to the heart
of the land, and fill them with sympathy and good-will. Mexico has
never been without strangers to love her, and she found such among her
conquerors.[31.43]

Here our survey of the ground ends, but a few vertical sections will
be instructive. While always having it understood that our authority
was paramount, the American local governors desired to let the alcaldes
and ayuntamientos (city councils) look after municipal affairs, and
were disposed to coöperate in a liberal fashion with them for the
good order, the efficient and economical administration and even the
improvement of the towns.[31.46]

[AMERICAN METHODS]

Naturally enough those officials, exposed to the criticism of both
sides, found their positions irksome. Usually, though not always, they
were permitted to resign if they chose to do so, and new officials
were then elected by the people or appointed by the governor. Shields
extinguished the ayuntamiento of Tampico for incompetence and
malfeasance in office, and selected their successors. At Mexico a
refractory council was dissolved by Scott, and a Puro body, friendly
to the Americans and anxious to make the city government democratic
through our aid, was chosen in a somewhat irregular way. When
provisions, mules and other such things were needed, it was usual to
call upon the town authorities to furnish them at liberal prices. A
threat that otherwise the needed supplies would be taken by force and
nothing paid, often accompanied the request; but this was in most cases
only designed to justify the authorities, in the view of the people,
for complying.[31.46]

Attention was paid by the governors to the care and lighting of the
streets, proper sanitation, the maintenance of schools, hospitals,
prisons and public works, and especially to the police. At Córdoba the
city guards were allowed to carry only clubs, but such a restriction
was not usual. Worth had regulars for policemen at one time. At Puebla
after the siege a guard of 100 volunteers patrolled the streets all
night. General Smith enlisted at Mexico a picked body of four hundred
American soldiers. Shields, while governor of Tampico, placed an
officer of the regulars at the head of this department. The police were
firmly supported by the governor, if they proved reliable; if not, a
change occurred. The Americans held that peaceable citizens lost none
of their political rights during our occupation, and on election days
our troops were kept in their quarters or marched out of town.[31.44]
So, too, Mexican tribunals were entirely free in dealing with Mexican
affairs, though no one connected with our army could be tried by them;
and their decisions were enforced by our commanders.[31.45] When
Mexicans were placed before an American military commission they were
permitted to bring counsel, but occasionally somewhat unusual methods
had to be employed, because men ready to make any sort of an oath in
defence of a fellow-countryman could always be found. Our protection
extended, of course, to the subjects of foreign powers.[31.46]

Social relations between the Mexicans and our armies were hindered by
the old impression that Americans were haughty, taciturn and insolent,
by the fear of receiving actual insults and injuries from our soldiery,
and, when this fear wore off, by a dread that any association with
Americans would later be punished by fellow-citizens--as proved to be
the result at Victoria, for example. The relations of Scott and his
officers with churchmen were generally good, but as a rule the educated
and wealthy moved away on our approach or shut themselves up. In the
case of Tampico,[31.47] however, officers were able to secure the
presence of Mexican ladies at a steamboat excursion and a ball.[31.50]

As a rule, Parras was hospitable throughout the war. At Jalapa the two
nationalities mixed somewhat freely. Governor Hughes became intimate
with the leading clergymen, and he stated that on account of the
general cordiality shown by the Franciscans the head of that order was
banished from the capital. A handsome ball was given there to Childs
when he left the city. It was at Mexico, however, that social relations
were best established.[31.48] Society decided rather promptly to appear
in public as usual. Even common soldiers were often able to make
friends of respectable persons, and officers became intimate in many
families. What was more surprising, a figure in public affairs like
Alamán opened his door.[31.50]

The women, usually so ardent in their patriotism, were noticeably
cordial. The Mexican men were as a rule essentially feminine, and the
downright virility of the northern breed made itself deeply and quickly
felt. Less than three weeks after the capture of Monterey Private
Kingsbury naïvely wrote, "The women are very kind.... I enjoy myself
much in company with the fair Señoras." Conversation was probably
somewhat limited; but a great many soldiers made a dash at Spanish, and
while some concluded the people did not understand their own language,
others achieved results that were at least interesting.[31.49] Our
officers, it hardly need be said, never lagged behind their men.[31.50]

A fandango on hard ground beside a winding river with mandolins and
guitars softly singing and moonlight sifting down through gently waving
palms, was not despised, and to go from leaky canvas to a gilded
ball-room for a whirl with a black-eyed beauty who could waltz with a
full glass of water on her head, was a strong argument for treating
Mexicans kindly. The dark señoritas of Jalapa in particular, and still
more their celestial cousins of the golden hair and blue eyes, loved
to dance, chat and intrigue, and now their wit and their fans had the
opportunity of a lifetime; at Puebla, the full name of which meant
The City of Angels, "bewitching glances" often made our officers feel
"aguish," said one of them; and the capital stood first in this as in
all other respects. Romance never had a more brilliant or a deadlier
course. Many a brave heart was thrilled by a mysterious invitation that
meant perhaps a kiss and perhaps a stab, and many a fearless gallant
made a wild ride into the night. That woman's subtle power, added
to the influence of our gentlemanly and highly educated officers in
social intercourse, had important effects on public sentiment cannot
be doubted. Still, fear of their own countrymen prevented people from
associating openly with Americans to any great extent.[31.50]

In short, as this phase of the subject is reviewed, one finds, much
that was deplorable and in the case of a foreign war should always be
guarded against. But that is not strange. War is ugly business; and
since all of us begin conscious existence as savages, and many rise
little above that stage, we should not be surprised if some of our
soldiers, deprived to such an extent of uplifting influences, reverted
more or less toward it. Besides, a grain or two of lawlessness is after
all a normal and useful ingredient in human nature.[31.52]

[AMERICAN RULE BENEFICENT]

On the whole there was a vast deal to admire and praise. Scott, a man
well versed in the history of campaigns, asserted that his troops
displayed "the highest moral deportment and discipline ever known in
an invading army." Doyle, after making careful inquiries all the way
from Vera Cruz to the capital and viewing the case as a practical man,
reported with reference to our troops that "Even from the account of
the Mexicans themselves they seem to have behaved very well." Gutiérrez
de Estrada, a Mexican of high standing, said to his people that the
Americans occupying their country ensured them security of person
and possessions and all proper satisfactions better than their own
governments had ever done.[31.52]

And when one considers also the relative fewness of serious outrages
and the comparatively small number of individuals affected, the great
sums of money paid for supplies and labor,[31.51] the reduced prices
of almost all manufactured articles, the prevention of brigandage,
insurrections, and civil as well as military extortions, tyranny and
excesses in the territory that we held, the promotion of commerce and
trade, the good ideas of municipal administration frequently exhibited
by the governors of towns, and the fine examples of subordination to
authority, both military and civil, exhibited by all grades of our
troops from the private up to General Scott himself--when these things
are considered, one may well feel that our occupation was a blessing to
the people. Yet--they would rather have had Mexican abuse than American
benefits.[31.52]




XXXII

PEACE

October, 1847-July, 1848


In the end peace came, for sooner or later it had to come; but nobody
could have imagined the extraordinary course of events that was to
bring it about, and for a long while it seemed impossible.

All the men of sense in Mexico recognized that she had neither physical
nor moral strength enough to continue the struggle, but the majority
of the nation were not sensible. The old influences operated still.
Some could not forgive the outrages perpetrated by our volunteers; some
wished so lucrative a war to continue; some dreaded the demoralizing
effect of the millions coming from the United States, of which every
politician and every military chief were sure to want as much as
possible. Incorrigible vanity still ignored failures and offered
iridescent hopes. Pride revolted against making terms while the
invader's foot pressed the sacred earth of the fatherland, and against
the inevitable surrender of territory. At least, said not a few, we
must wait until we make ourselves look formidable, so as to command
respect; and this meant indefinite postponement.[32.1]

Our army still appeared insignificant; many of our troops were
deserting, and some of the generals hated one another. Most of the
people saw an American soldier or heard a word of English seldom, if at
all. Almost everything went on as before. The people confessed their
sins to the same priests, answered for their misdemeanors in the same
courts, bribed the same officials, paid taxes to the same embezzlers,
and were bullied by the same policemen in the same uniform. Evidently
the Americans dared not use their advantage. On the other hand they
were eager for peace. Doubtless they knew the war had few apologists in
the United States, thought many, and realized that soon a change of
administration would end it.[32.1]

A large section of the Puro party--a section which may be called for
the present purpose Eventualists--felt, even though Santa Anna's fall
had removed one great objection to peace, that it was highly desirable
to have the war continue until the old army should be virtually
exterminated, or desired that at least we should hold the country until
the military, clerical, political and social reforms desired by the
Puros could be effected and public tranquillity be ensured. A larger
number than ever craved annexation to the United States as the only
guaranty of order and prosperity; and still others dared not advocate
peace, lest they should be charged with lacking patriotism or touching
"foreign gold." Besides, had not the government, since the fall of the
capital, announced that all damages resulting from hostilities would
have to be made good by the United States? That did not seem like
throwing up the sponge.[32.1]

In addition to these embarrassments many facts appeared to show that
sensible, concerted action, even if generally desired, would be
impossible. Political organization seemed to be dissolving. News of
riots and insurrections came on every wind. Even the governor of México
state was made a prisoner by malcontents. Many believed with reason
that, like the Texas war, the present conflict had been used as a
pretext for official extortion, and refused to pay taxes. The central
government was regarded not infrequently as a common enemy. Unruly,
vicious, greedy men--especially the unpaid army officers--plotted
incessantly. Signs pointed to Indian uprisings, which the presence of
the Americans encouraged. State decrees against an ignominious peace,
and state governments that had not experienced the ills of invasion,
barred the way of negotiation.[32.2]

Secessions looked highly probable. The Coalition of Lagos agitated
constantly. The legally obliterated state of Aguas Calientes threatened
to take up arms. Zacatecas made trouble about internal affairs. The
Eventualists, or a large part of them, felt ready to smash the federal
union into bits. The monarchists labored, not without success, to
prove that a European king and European troops could save the nation.
The Santannistas hoped to make the Prince of Spoilers dictator.
Many of the Puros felt ready to join them in order to regain a share
of the power, and a dull, subterranean rumbling satisfied not a few
that Santa Anna would soon be supreme. Almonte, the implacable foe of
peace, though now regarded by nearly every one as a cunning, selfish
adventurer, seemed to many a useful tool; and his Presidential hopes
found strong support.[32.2]

Among the Americans officers pessimism reigned. In point of time, wrote
the commanding general, we may not be half through the war. Bankhead
could observe no sign of peace. "Mexico is an ugly enemy. She will
not fight--and will not treat," said Webster. The venerable Albert
Gallatin, scanning the horizon from his watchtower, discovered "hardly
any hope" that peace would be concluded by Polk's administration. With
the capture of Mexico City the real difficulties of the Americans
begin, thought _Le Correspondant_ of Paris; and the London _Times_
declared that we should have to drop the war or annex a country that
would cost us more than its value.

[PEACE NEGOTIATIONS REOPENED]

The conditions threatened a long, expensive, demoralizing occupation
of Mexico, leading almost inevitably to either our absorbing millions
of undesirable aliens or our becoming involved in a general state
of irritation and hostility liable to end in a national outburst of
hatred and fury against us. To avoid these deplorable alternatives
Polk thought of practically setting up a government with which to make
peace. But such an organization--even if really feasible, which Polk
himself doubted--would have required protection for a length of time
that no one could forecast, would very likely have ended in the same
dilemma as undisguised occupation, and, if at all successful, might
have given the world a pretext for saddling Mexico's future upon us.
How to escape from the predicament Polk and his advisers discussed
anxiously but without success.[32.3]

President Peña y Peña, however, supported by his Cabinet, by a group of
true, honest patriots and by the Moderado party in general, determined
to end the war; and Trist, who understood their sentiments, reopened
the subject on the twentieth of October. Within a fortnight he was
informed that Mexico desired peace, and would appoint commissioners in
a few days. November 2 Congress met. Letters in favor of concluding
the hostilities poured in upon the members and had their effect. The
Puro-Santannista league attacked the government promptly on the ground
of remissness in conducting the war, but a resolution calling upon the
ministry to state what military steps it had taken failed by more than
two to one. Senator Otero offered a motion, forbidding the authorities
to consider the cession of any territory held without question by
Mexico before the war; but this was rejected, to the surprise of all,
by a vote of 46 to 29. Señor del Rio then summoned the administration
to state whether negotiations with Trist had been resumed, and he also
went down.[32.4]

On the eleventh came the election of an interim President, and again
the peace party triumphed. The opposition--which had found Almonte
too unpopular, especially among the Santannistas--gave their votes
to Cumplido, on the basis of an understanding that Santa Anna should
neither be reinstated nor be put on trial, but Anaya was chosen by 42
against 31. About a week later the representatives of seven states met
at Querétaro by invitation of the government, and after a desultory but
illuminating discussion of nearly ten days agreed, with the exception
of San Luis Potosí, to support a movement for peace. Even the war party
felt the strength of the current.[32.5]

Some action in that sense looked almost sure; and, as a new Congress
was expected to assemble at the beginning of the year, the present
members, partly in consequence of intrigues and partly from a fear
of responsibility, slipped away in such numbers as to conclude the
session, leaving the government a free field. The opposition then
came to a head in an insurrection at Querétaro. But Anaya brought
out artillery and some reliable troops, particularly 200 American
deserters, and announced that he would not only fight in deadly earnest
but make examples of the chief rebels. To the insurgents these ideas
were novel and shocking, and they declined to play the game out. The
road to peace then seemed to be open.[32.5]

[TRIST RECALLED]

But the marplot had been at work. Finding he could not control Scott's
policy with reference to the armistice and probably wishing to
undermine the general-in-chief, Pillow had written to the President.
Exactly what he said cannot be stated, but probably he described the
armistice as a gross blunder, and accused our peace commissioner of
acting as a tool of Scott for the injury of Polk's friends--especially
Pillow; and on October 4 Polk ordered the recall of Trist. In his
despatch Buchanan intimated that our envoy's presence might encourage
the Mexicans to insist upon insulting terms, like those tendered
by them on September 6, and--probably with a view to hardening our
conditions--announced that Mexico must sue for peace at Washington.
By the twenty-first came news that Scott had entered the capital, and
that Trist had fallen short of obedience by intimating that possibly
we might not insist upon the Rio Grande line. Polk's feelings grew hot
as he reflected, and on the twenty-fifth a special messenger set out
with a reprimand and a repetition of the order to leave Mexico. Both
despatches reached their destination on the same day, November 16.[32.6]

On receiving them Trist decided to inform the Mexican authorities of
his recall and go home at the first opportunity. Indeed it seemed to
him the best policy to return and lay before his government some of the
information it lacked. But a special escort could not be spared, and,
as no train was to go down until December 4, he could be deliberate.
By Thornton, therefore, who was temporarily in charge of the British
legation and set out for Querétaro the next day, he sent merely an
informal notice of what had occurred, with a request that some proposal
be sent on to Polk. By the day Thornton arrived (November 21) Mexican
peace commissioners had been appointed; and Peña, minister of relations
under the interim government, listened to his news with signs of
emotion painful to witness. No Mexican felt ready to sue for peace at
Washington, and Polk's demand signified the failure and political ruin
of the peace men.[32.7]

Peña took the ground that Trist's proposal to reopen the negotiations
bound his government, and implored the chargé to urge upon him the
sincerity and the difficulties of the Mexican authorities. He also
begged Thornton for an intimation, to be used against the war party,
that England could not be counted upon for assistance; and the chargé
complied promptly with both requests. Fortified also by the action of
Congress and the sentiment of the governors, and believing that in view
of Mexico's present attitude the United States would shortly cancel its
orders of recall, Peña then officially notified Trist that negotiators
had been appointed.[32.7]

Our commissioner now found himself in a most extraordinary position.
Buchanan's letters of recall proved that peace was desired and the
situation misunderstood by our Executive, but these facts could not
obliterate certain others. Trist was not merely a private citizen but
a discharged official under the frown of his government. Dealings with
Peña could be described as traitorous. A warning against confidence in
Mexican pretences and a notice that harder terms would now be exacted
by the United States had been served upon him; and what those terms
would be he could only imagine. Yet he fully believed in the sincerity
of Peña and his associates. Thornton confirmed this opinion, and
adjured him to improve the opportunity. No one on the ground could see
any other way to peace. General Scott favored negotiating and probably
expressed the opinion to Trist, as to Mexicans, that, should he make
a treaty, it would be accepted by the United States. But on him,
Nicholas P. Trist alone, it depended to say whether two nations were to
be miserable or happy, to keep on cutting at each other's throats or
enjoy the blessings of peace; and on him it rested to assume, should
he take humanity and patriotism for guides, a most arduous task at the
gravest personal risk and with no substantial profit in view. At noon
on December 4 he decided aright, and it was a truly noble act.[32.8]

Trist now had it intimated to the Mexican commissioners, that if they
were disposed to accept a boundary line traced up the Rio Grande to
thirty-two degrees of latitude and thence west, he would meet them
privately to make further arrangements. The outcome was a strong
recommendation from the Mexican commissioners, presented and urged by
Thornton, that Peña consent. Peña did so; but he pointed out that it
would be necessary to defer action until the new Senate should confirm
the nomination of the commissioners. Encouraged, however, by advices
from Thornton, Trist revoked his official notice that Polk had recalled
him, and waited, with feelings that can be imagined, for the waters to
move.[32.9]

[THE PEACE NEGOTIATIONS]

The negotiations stood in fact at a graver crisis than he thought.
News that leading Whigs talked of settling with Mexico on terms far
easier than Trist proposed caused hesitation at Querétaro, and fresh
hopes of English assistance had a still greater effect. But fortunately
Doyle arrived at this juncture to take charge of the British legation,
and promptly directed Thornton to state that nothing more than good
offices could be expected of his government. The support of these
British diplomats, one at the capital and the other at Querétaro,
proved most helpful; but then came Polk's Message, which encouraged
the Eventualists by saying that, should Mexico continue the war, our
protection might be given to any party able and willing to set up a
republican government and make peace. Trist grew more and more anxious,
and on the day after Christmas expressed his desire to proceed.
In consequence of Doyle's attitude all Mexican scruples about the
confirmation of the commissioners vanished. On January 1 their full
"powers" reached the capital; and, beginning on the second, Couto,
Cuevas and Atristain met there secretly with Trist almost every day.
Rincón, the other member of the board, did not serve.[32.9]

Trist was prepared to stimulate his colleagues with news that a
sentiment in favor of pushing the war through without delay had now
become pronounced in the United States. At the same time his letter
of September 7 provided them with a most convenient position, for it
maintained that all the districts now held by American troops were ours
by right of conquest, and that by accepting our terms Mexico, instead
of selling lands and population, would recover a large amount of both.
He gave them, too, an agreeable surprise by proposing substantially the
same terms as during the armistice.[32.10]

They for their part knew California and all of Texas were lost;
but their instructions were exacting, and they struggled for all
conceivable advantages. Foreign arbitration and a European guaranty of
the boundary were promptly demanded, and were as promptly refused. It
was proposed that on the signing of the treaty all American forces in
the country should retire to within fifty leagues of the coast; but
this and other unreasonable conditions met the same fate. Anticipating
sharp and captious criticism from opposing lawyers in Congress, the
Mexicans devoted the most wearisome care to phraseology. Cordiality
prevailed, however. Trist's good-will, self-sacrifice and courtesy
received full recognition, and he seems to have been rather intimate
with Couto, the ablest of his colleagues. Doyle and Thornton, though
always respecting the line of strict neutrality, assisted materially in
removing difficulties.[32.10]

Trist felt intensely anxious to save time, and for good reasons.
Orders might arrive any day--and eventually did arrive--making it
absolutely impossible for him to act as an American representative.
Scott was placed by his orders under a military obligation to drive the
government from Querétaro, and though he granted a _de facto_ truce,
thinly disguised by occupying a few places and intimating a desire for
new instructions, a positive despatch might at any hour end that state
of things.[32.11]

Yet day after day passed. The Mexican government and commissioners
felt obliged to stick at everything and to confer often by letter.
January 8 Anaya's term expired by limitation; and, as Congress had not
assembled, his predecessor became once more the provisional executive.
Four days later an abortive insurrection at San Luis Potosí frightened
the timid Peña nearly out of his wits, for it seemed like the prologue
of a revolution, and he demanded that before signing a treaty he should
have sufficient American funds to provide adequate support against
malcontents; but at length his commissioners, insisting that such a
proposal would be indecorous, eliminated this difficulty. Finally the
government stopped short at the financial consideration. It asked for
thirty millions, and our commissioner, in view of the expenses already
caused by the protraction of the war, would give but fifteen. On the
twenty-ninth of January, therefore, Trist, in very considerate but very
positive language, officially declared the negotiation ended.[32.11]

[A TREATY SIGNED]

By arrangement, however, Doyle informed the Mexican commissioners that
enough time to communicate once more with Querétaro would be given.
Through the same channel they received a hint from Scott, that he
would protect the authorities against the dreaded revolution, should a
treaty be signed, but would otherwise have to dislodge the government,
and thenceforth hunt it like a deer on the mountain. Doyle talked with
British directness and good sense. The commissioners brought all this
pressure to bear on their government. It yielded; and, on the second
of February, at the suburb of Guadalupe Hidalgo, seat of the most
venerated shrine in Mexico, in the profound secrecy that had shrouded
all these negotiations, the treaty was at last signed.[32.12]

By its terms Mexico appeared to sacrifice, independently of Texas,
an immense area; but she really suffered little, for she had no
grip--and deserved to have none--upon California and New Mexico.
Indeed she had found those distant regions merely embarrassing. Nor
did she really cede any territory. As Trist contended and our Supreme
Court has in effect decided, the only cession was that made by the
United States in surrendering districts then in our hands. Our real
title was conquest--conquest from those who had taken the country by
conquest from its conquerors. What Mexico granted us was peace and an
acknowledgement of our title. In return we gave her not only peace,
which meant vastly more to Mexico than to us, but extensive lands, the
renunciation of all American claims antedating the treaty, and fifteen
million dollars in money--a wealth of gold that her treasury had never
seen before. On both sides the treaty conferred benefits; on our part
it was magnanimous; and to settle the matter in this way gave the
United States a feeling of satisfaction worth all it cost.[32.13]

  [Illustration: TERRITORY ACQUIRED FROM MEXICO]

The wish of the Mexican government had been to open the peace
negotiations by making an armistice. To the Americans this could offer
little advantage, for the only enemies they now had to fear were
guerillas, and these recognized no laws. To Peña, on the other hand, it
meant security from hostile expeditions, larger revenues, diminished
expenses, Congressional elections in the territory under American
control, and hence the political support of those who felt the burdens
of war. But Scott, while ready to grant a virtual immunity from attack
during the negotiations, was neither authorized nor willing to sign an
armistice at that stage; and to have done so, indicating that peace was
contemplated, would have endangered the plans of the Mexican government
itself. In order, however, to bring about the execution of the treaty
our commissioner had to demand of Scott a pledge that he would send out
no more expeditions until new instructions, issued after the arrival
of the treaty at Washington, should reach him. In short, he requested
the General to disregard the orders of a government eager to put him
in the wrong; and Scott, placing the public weal above all personal
considerations, promptly consented.[32.14]

The second article of the treaty provided expressly for a suspension
of hostilities, and in view of its previous anxiety to obtain that
concession, the Mexican government was expected to act in the matter
at once; but it procrastinated so much as to excite suspicions of
bad faith at the American headquarters. This conduct, however, was
merely owing to its constitutional apathy; and on the twenty-second
of February, 1848, Generals Mora and Quijano opened negotiations with
Worth and Smith at the capital. True to the Mexican practice, followed
on almost every occasion since the first of our dealings with Mexico,
they began with what Doyle fairly characterized as "exorbitant"
demands. For example, they asked for the evacuation of the capital,
Puebla, Jalapa and Vera Cruz, and for concessions incompatible with the
treaty of peace itself.[32.14]

But Worth and Smith, assuming promptly a just and firm attitude, as
our civil officials ought to have done from the beginning, refused to
consider such demands, and the Mexicans then withdrew them. Everything
within reason, however, was granted. Doyle called the armistice,
indeed, "very favourable" to the weaker side, and the ratification of
it on March 4 and 5 by the Mexican and American commanders-in-chief
supplemented happily the treaty of peace. Not only that, but it
stopped for the time being every attempt at revolt, for under one
of the articles insurgents were to be opposed by the armies of both
nations. Paredes and Almonte found it wise to be quiet, and--as we have
observed--Santa Anna sailed away.[32.14]

[AMERICAN IDEAS ABOUT MEXICO]

The treaty, conveyed with extraordinary speed, reached the White
House on February the nineteenth, but whether it did well to arrive
so soon--or even to arrive at all--appeared extremely doubtful. As we
have learned, a strong appetite for territory had existed in the United
States before the war, and Mexico had looked inviting. In January,
1846, Baker of Illinois suggested in Congress the absorption of that
country. By the following July a somewhat organized annexation party
existed at New York, and later Senator Dickinson became its champion.
The wish to acquire soon became strong. Perhaps Moses Y. Beach visited
Mexico in this cause. Certainly Mrs. Storms, who accompanied him,
worked actively for it, and his paper ardently recommended annexation
as not only advantageous for the United States but sure to benefit
Mexico.[32.15]

Other papers warmly took up this idea, arguing that Providence called
upon us to regenerate her decadent population. "The Spanish have ceased
to rule in Mexico," announced the _Democratic Review_ as its watchword
in February, 1847. Secessionists like Simms of South Carolina thought
the proposed confederacy would need that country to give it bulk; and
by a different route Senator Hannegan of Indiana, representing the
strong expansionist sentiment of the West, arrived at the same point of
view in regard to annexing Mexico.[32.15]

The recall of Trist, which seemed to give the United States a free
hand, and also the plan to extend our occupation of her territory,
which logically pointed that way, strongly promoted the idea, for
besides the obvious tendency of these measures they were supposed to
mean that Polk had that end in view. The attitude of men high in the
administration circle produced a similar effect. Bancroft held that we
should "rescue a large part of Mexico from anarchy." Cass used language
that suggested rescuing the whole, and followers of his talked that way
explicitly. Apparently he thought he could win the next Presidential
election on this issue; and the war party at his back offered Mexico
as a reward for supporting its views. Buchanan, at first opposed to
the acquisition of any territory, trimmed his sails to the rising
breeze, and wrote that if Mexico did not conclude the war, it would be
necessary for us to "fulfill the destiny" assigned to us by Providence.
Walker, who knew more about the far southwest than any other man at
Washington, favored annexation strongly, and even tried to drag the
subject into his annual report. Indeed, the financial editor of the New
York _Herald_ saw in him the regenerator of Mexico; and very likely he
himself, as head of the treasury, dreamed of winning immense economic
triumphs in that field.[32.16]

Soon after 1848 came in, the annexation cause began to put on a bold
front. Naturally the younger element in the party and the country
felt inclined to take it up. Crocodile tears were shed over the "poor
foundling"--though a future heiress--placed by Divine Providence at our
threshold. The danger that England or France might ravish it away from
us came to the fore. Conquest was pronounced in the Senate a legitimate
method of expansion. Orators in both Houses pointed more plainly toward
an extension at the cost of Mexico. Declarations in the contrary
sense indicated the force of the current. Senator Niles believed that
substantially all of the Democrats among his colleagues would fall in
with the plan. Enthusiastic citizens acclaimed it. Speculators fancied
it would help their schemes in various ways. Capitalists believed that
by stimulating enterprise it would enlarge and continue the demand for
money. Manufacturers and high tariff men argued that it would increase
the national expenses and therefore the duties. Army officers could
see a wide field for them; and the opponents of slavery, led by the
_National Era_, felt that Mexican plantations would draw away the
negroes--now understood to be unprofitable--of Kentucky, Tennessee and
Virginia. Public meetings became excited on the subject. The country is
going mad for Mexico, inferred Buchanan; and Walker believed that only
a systematic newspaper agitation was needed to ensure success.[32.17]

[THE QUESTION BEFORE POLK]

Polk moved in the same direction. In September, 1847, he concluded
that, should the war continue, he might demand Tamaulipas and the
line of thirty-one degrees, and reduce the compensation to fifteen
millions; and before the end of January, 1848, he felt inclined to
throw aside entirely the terms offered through Trist. Besides, he
loathed the treaty on account of the man who made it and the man who
gave assistance. After his recall, considering himself a private
citizen, Trist reported with a free hand, criticising the President's
recent Message as encouraging the Eventualists, and expressing his
opinions on the business without much reserve. Naturally Polk the
Mediocre, guided by Pillow the Cunning, totally misconceived the spirit
of Trist and Scott. In his eyes they had contrived a wicked political
"conspiracy" against Him, His administration, His party and His Pillow.
Both had proved "utterly unworthy," and on January 25 the "arrogant,
impudent" and "very base" Trist was ordered to leave headquarters. To
accept, approve, endorse, recommend and support the work of such a
scoundrel seemed impossible.[32.18]

But Polk had professed to be considerate and forbearing toward our
erring sister, and to seek only redress, indemnity, security and
peace. His terms had been officially stated; and while his Message of
December, 1847, had suggested that a continuance of the war might be
expected to modify them, no real fighting had occurred since then,
and--although Polk had known for about six weeks that negotiations
on virtually the old basis were afoot--no modification of them had
been announced. That Message had expressly disclaimed all thought of
making "a permanent conquest" of Mexico; and on the fourth of this
very February Sevier, chairman of the committee on foreign relations,
had stated in the Senate that Polk was anxious for peace, desired only
indemnity, and wanted to preserve Mexican nationality.[32.19]

Trist had substantially embodied Polk's terms in the treaty, and had
even anticipated his thought of reducing the compensation. Congress
had voted men and money on the basis of Polk's professions and terms;
and, should he now raise his demands, all his enemies would say their
charges of greed, falsehood, injustice, o'ervaulting ambition and
bloodthirsty wickedness had been proved. Hostilities might continue,
the Whigs might carry the election, the war might end in disaster and
ignominy, and all the gains now embodied in the treaty might be lost.
Even should these perils be avoided, it seemed extremely doubtful
whether Mexico would ever accept by treaty a more encroaching boundary,
and quite possible that an endeavor to obtain it would open a long
vista of expenses, guerilla warfare, foreign complications and Heaven
only knew what. Extension toward the south was liable to kindle the
fires of an anti-slavery agitation and perhaps disrupt the Union. The
treaty and the victories that it consummated meant enough glory for any
President. Finally, Polk, now moving about with dragging steps, dry,
brown face, gray hair and sunken eyes, perhaps felt weary of battling
both abroad and at home; and at the very least, should he endorse
this paper and lay it before the Senate, his responsibility would
cease.[32.19]

Buchanan and Walker opposed the treaty; but the former, as well as
Polk himself, recognized that any personal misconduct of Trist, a mere
agent of the Executive, had no proper bearing on the question. The rest
of the Secretaries favored placing the document before the Senate.
On February 22, after full debates in the Cabinet, Polk did this,
recommending by implication the acceptance of it; and so a paper which
had been simply a memorandum drawn up by a private American citizen
and several Mexicans holding official positions, became a real treaty,
merely awaiting confirmation.[32.20]

Among the Senators the treaty met with jeers and scowls. "Great
Jehovah!" exclaimed Lieutenant W. T. Sherman on learning its terms; it
is "just such a one as Mexico would have imposed on us had she been
the conqueror"; and so thought a number of the Senators. It is a mere
piece of waste paper, cried many; the impudent, perhaps traitorous,
work of a discredited agent, whom the President had ordered out of
Mexico; and it would be undignified, ridiculous, degrading, to accept
such a thing. The war party opposed it. The annexationists opposed it.
The no-territory men opposed it. The Little Unionists, who thought
the country too big already, opposed it. Not a few hated to think of
letting Polk elude them so easily.[32.21]

But suddenly the head of John Quincy Adams, as he sat in the House,
dropped. He was borne to the Speaker's room. "This is the last of
earth; I am content," murmured the venerable statesman. For two days
he lingered, unconscious; and then he passed away. This tragic event
had a deep effect. There fell a hush, as when snow descends upon the
city pavement. The sessions of Congress were suspended. Senators were
prevented from announcing their positions hastily. And when discussion
began once more, it was resumed with a new feeling of seriousness, a
new sense of responsibility.[32.21]

[THE TREATY BEFORE THE SENATE]

If the President could put up with Trist and his work, surely the
Senate could, one began to think; and in every way Polk's virtual
endorsement gave the paper enough respectability. Politics played a
leading rôle in almost every mind, but after a little it seemed like
bad strategy to vote against the glory and the territory ensured by its
terms. The committee on foreign relations, which decided to throw the
treaty aside and send an "imposing" commission to do the work over,
dropped the scheme when Polk told them bluntly this would be "worse
than an idle ceremony." Benton, thoroughly angry at the administration
because Frémont, his son-in-law, had been condemned for insubordination
in California; Berrien, wedded to his "no-territory" idea; Corwin,
anxious perhaps to have more Americans find hospitable graves in
Mexico; Webster, who asserted that California and New Mexico were "not
worth a dollar"; and certain other Senators, committed for this or that
reason, were beyond argument; but all their hopes failed.[32.22]

The deep current set against them. "What better can we do?" became an
unanswerable argument for the treaty. The people wanted peace. They
desired no more bloodshed, no more costs. One could not be sure of
obtaining another treaty from chaotic Mexico, or sure that any treaty
differing from the present one could have as good a chance in the
American Senate. To reject the work of Trist was understood more and
more clearly to involve, perhaps, not only interminable fighting, but
a train of moral, political, industrial, commercial and financial ills
of which no one could see the end. Already enough generals had built up
reputations, thought many of the politicians. It would be of priceless
advantage, urged some of the finer men, to supplement our military
triumphs with a great act of magnanimity. By March 7 ratification,
which had been for a time extremely doubtful, appeared probable.
Houston of Texas, a leading opponent, concluded to visit New Hampshire.
And on the tenth by 38 against 14--a narrow margin, since a majority of
two-thirds was requisite--the treaty won. A transfer of four votes from
the affirmative to the negative would have defeated it.[32.22]

There were a few amendments. Article X, which might have revived
extinct Mexican claims to lands in Texas now occupied by _bona fide_
settlers, went overboard at once. The provision of security for the
Roman Catholic church in the acquired territory (Art. IX) fell out as
unnecessary, as reflecting on the good faith of the United States,
as suggesting government interference with religious affairs in this
country, and as tending to confirm the Mexican pretence that we
entertained hostile feelings toward that communion. The Senate refused
to agree that California and New Mexico should be made into states
"as soon as possible" (Art. IX), regarding that as a step to be taken
with deliberation, and only when, in the judgment of Congress, all the
prerequisites of statehood should exist. Instead of allowing Mexico
to choose between payment by instalments and payment in securities
convertible at once into cash (Art. XII) it was decided to offer
only the former method, as a veiled hint that an infraction of the
treaty would cause a suspension of the instalments. Another amendment
permitted the Indians to have firearms, which, as they lived by the
chase, had to be done. A further modification, intended to hasten
the conclusion of peace, authorized the exchange of ratifications at
Querétaro whenever Mexico should accept the amended treaty; and it was
also provided by the Senate that evacuation could then begin. Finally a
secret article, which permitted Mexico to consummate the ratification
of the agreement at any time within eight months, instead of the four
months of Article XXIII, was cancelled, because it seemed to encourage
procrastination, and allow her time to escape from the treaty, while
compelling us to bear great expenses. But none of these changes touched
the essentials.[32.23]

[THE TREATY IN MEXICO]

It now became necessary to have some one explain the amended treaty to
Mexico, bring about her acceptance of it, and, should it be confirmed,
exchange the ratifications. This gave Polk a chance to prove himself a
large man. Scott, though not without serious grounds of offence against
Hitchcock, Harney and Quitman, had forgiven and honored them, because
they deserved well of the country. Trist, the bringer of peace, the
negotiator of its terms, high in the favor of the Mexican government,
and able to exert much influence on the Mexican Congress, deserved
the appointment. If the treaty represented a great national service
and had merit enough to be accepted, its maker had merit enough to be
recognized. But the President was only Polk the Mediocre after all.
His plumage had been ruffled; and instead of giving Trist this high
and lucrative post, he relegated the peacemaker to a dishonorable
oblivion, and would not even pay him for the time actually spent in the
negotiations. To think that a President of the United States could be
so small![32.24]

Aside from this petty meanness and spite, however, Polk selected a
man worthy, both personally and officially, of the position. This was
Sevier, chairman of the Senate committee of foreign relations and
leading champion of the treaty in that body. Then, as Sevier became
suddenly though temporarily ill and no delay could be risked, Clifford,
the attorney general, was appointed associate commissioner with
equal powers; and eventually the two--both arriving at Mexico by the
fifteenth of April--acted in concert.[32.24]

Mexico now became the scene of action again. February 6 the government
announced what had been done about peace. Knowing how loud an outcry
had been raised against even considering a treaty, one can imagine what
occurred, now that a treaty had been made. The old objections were
reiterated. Trist's lack of authority was dwelt upon. Secret, despotic,
illegal, treasonable, shameful, ruinous, were a few of the everyday
epithets that bombarded the government. It had no power to alienate
Mexican territory. It should have waited for the American friends of
peace to act. Even "the sepulchral comfort" of temporary subjugation
was described as preferable to such a peace. "Approval of the treaty,"
exclaimed Rejón, "is the political death of the Republic." Another
insurrection broke out at San Luis Potosí, and all the comandantes
general were notified to expect revolts.[32.25]

The peace men, however, stood firm. Honor has been saved, they
insisted. The United States has recognized Mexico as an independent
nation. There has been no suing for terms at Washington. Territory has
been regained, not sold. To speak properly, indeed, this is a "treaty
of restitution"; fifteen millions are to be paid for injuries done
us; the territory acquired by the United States costs her more dearly
than Louisiana; and full rights have been secured for all Mexicans
adopted by another government. Whatever harshness can be found in the
conditions is due to the circumstances, not the government. War has
no respect for justice. Besides, in case of need a nation, like an
individual, may find amputation expedient, and be the stronger for it.
Above all, the administration has merely done its duty in treating
according to its best judgment. It has determined nothing, settled
nothing. The facts of the case will be laid before Congress, and the
representatives of the people shall decide.[32.25]

Here, then, came the real crisis: would Congress ratify the treaty? At
Washington, in spite of some encouraging reports, the impression gained
ground that it would not. The amendments appeared to cause little
excitement, but they were not the real issues. Opponents of peace had
the speeches of American statesmen printed, and hawked them about the
streets. Prudent Mexicans demanded an end of the uncertainty, disorder
and chaos that was paralyzing the country; but so had they always
demanded it. The government exhibited little activity, while the Puros
and the friends of Santa Anna did not sleep. The especially important
elections in the occupied territory did not end until April 23, and
by that date one could see that something else was to be feared even
more than opposition. As on every other occasion demanding a patriotic
stand, most of the decent men felt afraid to assume responsibility.
Another difficulty was that money for their travelling expenses had
customarily been advanced to the members by the government, and now
it had no money for the purpose. Finally, however, said an American
who did not precisely understand the affair, merchants at the capital
subscribed a large sum to hunt up the Congress and feed it long
enough to ratify the treaty; severer measures also were taken to
ensure attendance; and early in May a quorum of shaking legislators
convened.[32.26]

In opening Congress Peña stated the grand question ably. Honor, union,
independence and the hope of national prosperity and felicity have been
saved, he pointed out; the United States made the proposals, and Mexico
has obtained all the advantages possible under the circumstances; we
have given up some territory, but the foremost nations of the world
have done the same at one time or another; every one sees that we
should have adjusted our difficulties in 1845, but it is now possible
once more to settle them, and the opportunity to do so should not
again be lost. The ministers of war and finance presented statements
proving the impossibility of continuing the war successfully, and the
peace commissioners justified the terms of the treaty. The prospect
of recovering the Mexican customhouses and receiving the American
millions looked highly attractive. No less telling, doubtless, were
the preparations of the United States to resume hostilities with fresh
energy, and to tax Mexico rigorously. The most efficient American army
that had yet been seen in the country awaited Butler's orders, and
large reinforcements had been voted by Congress. No responsible men in
their senses could resist such arguments. The treaty, as amended by
the American Senate, was promptly ratified, and by June 9 Washington
had the news. With all speed it ran from city to city, from town to
town, from vale to vale; and everywhere it was greeted with quiet but
heartfelt rejoicings.[32.27]

By an arrangement already made, Sevier and Clifford, after learning
what had been done by the Mexican Congress, proceeded to the seat of
government. It was a tiresome journey of about 145 miles; but at last,
from the summit of a high ridge, they saw domes and spires two miles
or so distant, glittering on a low eminence in a fine valley, which
was enclosed by parallel ranges of mountains. The town was Querétaro;
and on May the twenty-sixth, in the President's rather plain reception
room, dignified with crimson curtains and with chairs of state,
Clifford presented their credentials.[32.28]

[THE TREATY RATIFIED BY MEXICO]

Peña, tall and benign though sadly worn, Rosa, the minister of
relations, rather short and swarthy but with large, thoughtful eyes
lighting up his countenance, and Anaya, the minister of war, tall and
gaunt, with high cheek bones and a face of Indian stolidity, received
them with all due courtesy. "Sister republics, may the two countries
ever maintain the most friendly relations," was the American greeting;
and Peña replied, "As the head of this nation, I desire nothing more
ardently than that our treaty may prove the immutable basis of that
constant harmony and good understanding which should prevail sincerely
between the two republics." Conversations and formalities ensued, and
on May 30 an exchange of the ratifications concluded this momentous
business.[32.28]

In the execution of the treaty a few misunderstandings arose, but none
of serious importance; and the minister of relations attested the
good faith of the United States.[32.29] Orders for the evacuation of
Mexican territory were promptly given to our commanders in the various
fields of operation, and were promptly obeyed.[32.30] Even before the
last formalities occurred, in fact, Butler called in his outposts, and
as the sun rose on the twelfth of June it shone upon the arms of his
rejoicing troops, drawn up--facing the palace--in the grand plaza of
the capital. Housetops, balconies and the near streets were full, but
perfect order and stillness prevailed except for the sharp commands of
our officers. Thirty guns saluted the American banner on the palace,
and then it was lowered. The Mexican flag took its place on the staff
and received the same honors. An American band struck up gaily. The
unconquered ranks wheeled, marched and left the city. Herrera, the new
President, returned to the chair from which Paredes had ejected him,
and the proud capital rejoiced to be free once more. But it rejoiced
soberly. "I question," said U. S. Grant, "whether the great majority
of the Mexican people did not regret our departure as much as they had
regretted our coming."[32.31]

The plan of evacuation was to let the troops wait near Jalapa until
transports could be provided and their baggage go aboard, and then
march to the unhealthy coast and sail away as quickly as possible. For
some time General Smith had now been making preparations at Vera Cruz
with his characteristic efficiency; and soon the army, the sick, the
wounded and the many who attended to their needs, took ship rapidly
for New Orleans. By the twelfth of July more than 25,000 embarked, and
on the last day of the month all the fortifications of Vera Cruz and
frowning Ulúa, the symbol of Mexican pride, were given up. Stirred by
feelings deep and strong, the departing soldiers looked round them
with a farewell gaze--at the low white walls, at the exotic vegetation
that had now come to be familiar, and at the gleaming, snowy peak of
Orizaba, towering above its belt of dark evergreens. They had trodden
the soil of that wonderful country with the stern, proud foot of the
conqueror, but they now left it full of sympathy and good wishes; and
one of the number put his feelings into terse and soldierlike rhymes:

          "The stranger parting from the shore,
          Thy glories to behold no more,
          Bids thee farewell with swelling heart
          As his swift bark leaps o'er the sea,
          And, as the truant tear-drops start,
          Prays God that thou mayst yet be free."[32.32]




XXXIII

THE FINANCES OF THE WAR

1846-1848


Mexico, as we have learned, entered upon the contest with neither money
nor revenues nor credit. From nothing, nothing comes; and many supposed
she was too poor to fight. But she did fight--or at least men fought in
her name--and one cannot help asking how they contrived to do so. In
full the question cannot be answered, but some of the facts lie within
our view, and these are not only valuable in themselves but highly
suggestive.[33.1]

Aside from loans, the income of the government in 1844 was figured
roughly as follows: import duties, seven million dollars; duties on
commerce in the interior, four and a quarter millions; profits from
the monopolies of the mints, tobacco, stamped paper, playing cards,
national lottery, post-office, etc., two and a quarter millions;
miscellaneous taxes and revenues, three millions; total, sixteen and
a half millions net. But the American blockade cut off nearly fifty
per cent of this income at one stroke; and not only our progressive
occupation of territory, but the dislike of the people for national
taxes, their growing dissatisfaction with Santa Anna's régime,
and their increasing destitution caused a rapid shrinkage of the
residue.[33.2]

It was proposed to contrive a general plan of taxation for the
emergency; but probably the interests principally threatened put a stop
to it, and at all events it mysteriously disappeared. The government
was given ample authority, but could do nothing. A war tax was laid on
house-rents, for example; but it could not be collected everywhere, and
probably its net proceeds amounted to little. In November, 1846, it was
decided to issue drafts for two millions, to be accepted by the clergy
and then purchased by designated citizens; but the scheme, though
actually decreed, proved a failure, and the famous laws of January 11
and February 4, 1847, were no more successful. June 17, 1847, a special
tax of one million was assessed upon the entire population; but only a
small fraction of this appears to have been paid. In November, 1847,
the government offered to deduct one half of the pending national taxes
levied before May 1, 1846, if citizens would pay them by February
1, 1848; and this indicates clearly how the people had been acting.
A few of the states, besides maintaining National Guards, erecting
fortifications and manufacturing cannon, remitted some cash to the
central government; but when we find the richest of them all, Mexico,
boasting that she had sent the insignificant sum of about $160,000,
we have reason to place a rather slight value upon this kind of
assistance. Moreover, accepted drafts on that state, payable in one,
two and three months, could not be sold--even at a discount.[33.3]

The clergy gave nominally a million and a half, but they appear to have
taken up indirectly, at a discount of forty per cent, the drafts of
which this donation consisted. Citizens provided a large part of the
new ordnance, but aside from this we hear of few substantial gifts.
Just after the battle of Molino del Rey, in order to obtain bread for
the army, the government requested the bakers of the capital to meet,
but only a part of them came. A "positive supreme order" then brought
them together, and they promised contributions; yet the promises were
not kept.[33.4]

Every possible effort was made to borrow. Once the treasury offered
a national loan of two and a half millions, but it fell flat in the
states that might have paid the most. Just before the battle of Cerro
Gordo there was a door-to-door canvass at Mexico; but only small sums
can have been picked up. About three months later the government
imposed a forced loan, of which more than $280,000 were assigned to
the capital; but the Mexicans had learned to evade such extortions,
and it proved hard to collect the allotted amounts. In July, 1847,
the British consul general, Mackintosh, loaned $600,000 in exchange
for the ratification of an arrangement negotiated with the British
bondholders. In four loans the clergy furnished some three millions,
all told. The President raised money, it was reported, on public and
private securities, sold bonds freely at very low rates, and borrowed
in effect by giving contracts on terms favorable enough to make the
transactions worth while as gambling propositions. The principal mint,
for example, was turned over to the British consul general for a period
of ten years in February, 1847, in exchange for some $200,000 in cash
and a promise to pay one per cent on the amount coined; and on similar
principles arms and other necessaries were sometimes obtained.[33.4]

All of these financial operations were at least ostensibly lawful, but
Santa Anna did not pause here. Wherever money could be found, he seems
to have taken it, holding that the exigency outweighed all rights and
all pledges. Funds belonging to the tobacco revenue were illegally
seized, for instance; and a large sum due the Academy of Fine Arts
fell into this voracious maw. Not only cash but everything needed
for the army went the same way. At Jalapa early in April, 1847, for
example, all the owners of horses received orders to bring them in.
Grain, forage, lead, lumber, arms, ammunition, tools, cattle, mules and
laborers were taken by force; and sometimes military officers exhibited
the burglar's predilection for a midnight hour. Here was a kind of
finance that saved the expenses of accounting, and without it even the
low cost of the Mexican soldier would not explain Santa Anna's holding
out so long.[33.5]

[THE AMERICAN FINANCIAL OUTLOOK]

The United States, happily, stood far above this level, but not so far
that probably mere good luck did not save us from grave trouble; and it
was easy to foresee many dangers--all the worse because they naturally
made capital timid--when the hostilities began. The total receipts of
the treasury for the fiscal year ending with June 30, 1845, were nearly
thirty millions and the ordinary expenditures $22,935,828. It was
estimated that during the next year the receipts would fall about three
millions, and Walker--allowing the munificent amounts of something more
than two and a half millions for the army and something less than five
for the navy--expected to reduce the total disbursements a little,
anticipating for the period ending with June, 1847, a further saving of
more than four millions. The receipts for July-September, 1845, proved
to be more than two millions below those of the corresponding months of
1844, and the customs income for the fiscal year 1845-46 was $815,445
less than for the preceding twelve-month. In a word, shrinking revenues
and curtailed outlays were the prospect.[33.6]

In this condition of things, not only had the unpredictable costs
and embarrassments of war to be faced, but those of war in a distant
land. Money was to be sent out of the country, never to return, and
the bills for supplies to be increased by the burdens of marine
transportation, insurance and losses; while risks from privateers and
European complication could be seen. Before such an outlook business
men shrank from large enterprises. People with money felt disposed to
keep it.[33.7]

Where, then, were funds to come from? The currency had been inflated
by the paper issues of many banks. Stocks were selling far below the
prices of twelve months before. Even the business men who did not
endorse the tariff of 1842 had adjusted their affairs to it, and now
everybody understood that a new scale of duties, based upon free-trade
ideas, lay on the treasury anvil. Calls for the government funds held
and used by state depositories and for the specie of all the banks
were feared. The banks cannot support a loan, and even in peace our
capitalists have never done so, remarked the financial editor of the
New York _Herald_, probably the best newspaper authority.[33.7]

The government must look abroad, concluded the editor, and in Europe
no light could be seen. By 1842 our state debts, mostly held there,
had amounted to nearly $200,000,000. Mississippi, Michigan, Arkansas
and Florida sank in the mire of repudiation. Pennsylvania, Maryland,
Indiana, Illinois and Louisiana became delinquent. The bonds of South
Carolina fell below par. Missouri passed a stay law. Sidney Smith, when
he met a Pennsylvanian at dinner, felt like dividing the man's raiment
among the British guests, most of whom, if not all, had probably
suffered by the "dishonor" of the state. Indeed, the bondholders were
disposed to throw off half of the interest rate, if our national
treasury would assume the debts; but a proposition to do this failed in
Congress.[33.8]

As early as 1841 even our six per cent national bonds would not sell in
Europe, though money commanded less than half as large a return there.
"Who will lend on American securities?" asked the London _Spectator_
the very month we began war upon Mexico. Our credit then grew worse
instead of better. The war bill precipitated a panic in Wall Street,
and soon business in the west and south was described as prostrate.
Bad as such a financial outlook was in itself, too, it involved a
consequent ill. Evidently the administration would have to pinch; and,
as Madame de Sévigné once remarked, "There is nothing so expensive as
want of money."[33.8]

The Democrats, however, were committed against the protective tariff of
1842, now in force, and Polk as a party man felt that something must
be done about it. Walker no doubt shared this opinion; and, having
gained immense prestige in the south by his brilliant advocacy of the
annexation of Texas, he very likely hoped that by now carrying into
effect the fiscal ideas prevalent in that section, he might supplant
Calhoun. Probably, too, he sincerely believed in these ideas. To him
the existing scale of duties appeared to be the cause of the shrinking
revenues; and he stated boldly that war, which had been recognized for
some time as a possibility, "would create an increased necessity for
reducing our present high duties in order to obtain sufficient revenue
to meet increased expenditures."[33.9]

[NEW FISCAL LAWS]

Soon after hostilities began, therefore, a tariff bill came before
Congress. It was bitterly and stubbornly fought. In the Senate its
defeat appeared sure; but Crittenden and Clayton, believing it could
only prove a discreditable failure, had a Whig support it in order
to gain party advantage at the expense of the nation, and by this
unworthy trick and the casting vote of the presiding officer it
passed. In company with it went a warehouse bill and the restoration
of the sub-treasury system, which divorced the government from the
banks, and required the treasury to accept and pay out only specie.
About the first of August, 1846, this entire system became law. "Our
administration seems enamoured of ruin, and woos calamity for itself,"
exclaimed the Whig _North American_; our credit is threatened by the
sub-treasury plan; our industries are deprived of protection; "while
an expensive war is eating out our vitals, our revenue is to be
diminished"; and a direct tax will have to be laid.[33.9]

The new tariff became effective on the first of December, 1846. As of
course importers waited for it, a lean period preceded that event, and
the heavy receipts that followed it, providing Walker with an apt
retort, did not prevent the total for the year ending with June, 1847,
from coming short of his estimate by more than four millions. Without
waiting to acquire this unwelcome fact, however, the government found
itself compelled in June, 1846, to revise at a sharp angle upward its
predictions of the expenditures. Over and above their calculations
of the previous December the war and navy departments now called for
$23,952,904, which Polk informed Congress was "the largest amount
which any state of the service" would require up to July 1, 1847.
The secretary of the treasury had expected to find on July 1, 1847,
a surplus (virtually that estimated for the previous year minus half
a million) of at least $4,332,441, and had confidently hoped for a
substantial gain in revenue; but he admitted that it was now requisite,
since a working capital of four millions for the treasury and the
mints had to be kept on hand, to provide $12,586,406 of additional
income.[33.10]

The proper method of handling our war finances was, in the first place,
to increase the existing taxes--not only to obtain funds promptly,
but as a firm support for the nation's credit and a basis for those
temporary loans which are a wise expedient at the beginning of a war;
and Walker expected the proposed tariff to answer this purpose. But
the question how to raise these twelve and a half millions remained.
Excise and direct taxes, the administration believed, would not be
prompt enough, and would not seem to the public warranted by the
circumstances. It was therefore recommended to Congress that both
treasury notes and a loan should be resorted to; and on July 22, 1846,
without much debate, the issue of ten millions in such obligations, to
be sold at not less than par, was authorized.[33.11]

Treasury notes could not really serve the government's purpose well,
for they were soon to be paid, the expense of handling them fell upon
the treasury, and, as they were receivable for duties, they were
sure to pour into the customhouses instead of real money whenever
they should be cheaper than specie. The treasury, bound by law to
pay out only the latter, would then have to buy coin at the market
price--presumably, as Gallatin said, with depreciated notes. These
would then fall still more, and so the process appeared certain to
continue.

[BONDS ISSUED]

But notes were the most convenient and readiest, if not the only way
of quickly anticipating revenue; they were particularly suited to the
nature of the government's expenditures; they provided an easy method
of transmitting the large sums that would be needed in the south on
the war account; and financial critics at New York approved of them.
Not all were of that opinion, however. About the middle of September
the appearance of notes for half a million was announced by one
journal under the heading, "Extensive Paper Money Manufactory"; but
the government persisted, and by the ninth of December, 1846, nearly
four millions of them were out. This with the balance--more than nine
millions--handed over by the previous fiscal year, made up for the lean
customs receipts of this period.[33.12]

Meanwhile attention was given to the more substantial resource of a
loan. At the end of September the secretary of the treasury disappeared
mysteriously from his accustomed haunts, and to Polk's acute distress
of mind wandered for more than two weeks in the perilous jungle of
Wall Street. His experiences there were in fact rather hard. The
capitalists looked with favor on the project of a loan and had plenty
of money, but--believing the government would require a large amount,
and therefore that a loan made now would be likely to depreciate, as
well as actuated by their characteristic spirit of thrift--they stood
out for six per cent. The New York and Boston banks, it was thought at
the White House, were in league against the administration. Besides,
the public had little information about the way money was being spent,
and felt apprehensive of extravagance and a huge debt. Many believed
the war had cost half a million each day. Not a few distrusted Walker.
He had engineered Mississippi into bankruptcy, and had become insolvent
personally. In the Senate his reputation had been that of a needy
adventurer, intensely ambitious, clever in debate and intrigue, but not
of solid ability, and especially not a financier. At present nobody
denied his real talents or his extreme devotion to work, but he was
charged with inaccuracy and with sophistical reasoning.[33.13]

Apparently five and two fifths per cent was all he felt ready to
offer, and special reasons could be given for halting there, since
it was feared that issuing a six per cent loan at par would injure
the United States sixes, now held at 106, and also the credit of the
government. But finally, with the approval of the President and the
Cabinet, he advertised, October 30, for bids on a five million loan for
ten years at six per cent. November 12 the tenders were opened. For a
small fraction of the amount a slight premium was offered, and for the
rest par. No doubt the rate, in comparison with European standards,
had to be regarded as high, but on the other hand this was our first
specie loan, and was said to be the only war loan ever taken without a
discount.[33.13]

Plainly, however, more needed to be done. It was already
extraordinarily difficult to pay the comparatively small expenses
of the war, wrote the British minister at this time. Congress had
not fully provided for even the minimum needs recognized by the
sanguine, if not sophistical, Walker; and early in December, 1846, his
annual report intimated that on July 1, 1848, with a due allowance
for the working capital of the treasury, there would be a deficit
of twenty-three millions. Apparently a loan was requisite, and he
advised making the term twenty years. Then, with no little anxiety,
the administration waited. At the end of December Bancroft wrote
privately, "If we can raise the ways and means," we can surmount the
other difficulties. On the eleventh of January, 1847, a bill virtually
embodying Walker's recommendations was thrown into the House, and a
long, acrimonious debate ensued. The treasury "languishes," announced
the organ of the government; needed volunteers could not be called
out; but the legislators had irrepressible things to say. At length,
however, on January 28 the bill providing $23,000,000 became a law.
Though it primarily contemplated treasury notes, it permitted the
Executive liberty of action; and a large amount of six per cent bonds
were sold.[33.14]

But Polk was by no means out of trouble now. Walker's estimate made
no mention of great outstanding purchases, for which the contractors
had not yet sent in their accounts. Not only the customs duties but
the sales of public lands were coming far short of his expectations.
No allowance appeared to be made for the effect of bounty land scrip
that was likely to reduce them still more. The Vera Cruz expedition
and a possible march to the enemy's capital were in view. Indeed, the
real war had only begun. Besides, the temper of Congress had already
threatened trouble and made it. Not only to ensure additional revenue
in general, but in particular--it would seem--to strengthen the credit
of the government by showing how the interest on its obligations would
be taken care of, the Secretary brought up again the suggestion of his
annual report, that a duty of twenty-five per cent should be placed
on tea and coffee, which--although the free list had been restricted
in the tariff of 1846--had been left untaxed. In fact it had been
intimated by him at New York, even if not actually promised, that
such a step would be taken; and a few days before Christmas, 1846, he
notified the committee on ways and means that probably without this
assistance a satisfactory loan could not be made. Yet Congress rejected
the proposition by a great majority.[33.15]

A plan of Benton's also--to grade the public lands on the basis of
their attractiveness, and reduce prices accordingly--which would have
increased the income of the government, failed to pass, though endorsed
by Polk, Walker and the general land commissioner. Pessimists were
happy. With Polk, the war, the weather, the sub-treasuries "and perhaps
the Devil" to struggle against, wrote a correspondent of Martin Van
Buren, soon not an ingot would be "left standing," and there was "no
calculating, no prophesying" what would become of the nation.[33.15]

[A TARIFF FOR MEXICAN PORTS]

Apparently to offset the failure of the tea and coffee tax, Walker's
active brain produced another scheme, designed not only to bring in
revenue and reassure the capitalists, but also to please the shipping
men of the United States and neutral countries. This was to open the
Mexican ports controlled by us, and permit merchandise to enter there
under a moderate scale of duties. During March, 1847, assisted by
Senator Benton and the attorney general, Polk satisfied himself that
under his powers as commander-in-chief he could impose and collect
the duties as military contributions, for by the right of conquest
he could either exclude commerce or admit it on his own terms, and
contributions were legitimate under the laws of war. Said Vattel, "A
nation [at war] on every opportunity lays its hands on the enemy's
goods, appropriates them to itself, and thereby, besides weakening
the adversary, strengthens itself, and at least in part, procures an
indemnification, an equivalent, either for the very cause of the war,
or for the expences and losses resulting from it"; and a low scale of
duties was an extremely mild application of this principle.[33.16]

Moreover, it was quite as legitimate under our Constitution also,
though not expressly mentioned, as to blockade or bombard Vera Cruz,
respecting which the organic law was equally silent. Indeed, to have
left the ports wide open or allowed the high Mexican tariff to remain
in force would, in addition to being harmful to us, have required
as great an exercise of authority. Finally, Scott and some of our
naval commanders, moved by the evident proprieties of the situation,
fixed duties and used the proceeds at their discretion, and it was
manifestly better to arrange the business in a uniform, well-considered
manner.[33.16]

It might have been expected that substantially either our own or the
Mexican tariff would be applied, but neither would have answered.
Mexican imports were very different from ours; specific, not _ad
valorem_, duties had been customary there; and competent appraisers
could not be found. On the other hand the unreasonable Mexican duties,
besides preventing commerce to a large extent, encouraged fraud and
smuggling. In March, 1847, therefore, a special tariff was prepared by
Walker, lowering the Mexican duties on imports more than one half, and
substituting for all port dues and charges a uniform tax of one dollar
per ton; and on March 31 Polk ordered the system to be put in force.
Mexico retorted that goods paying the American duties--especially goods
prohibited by her laws--would be confiscated, and this attitude caused
some uneasiness in France; but it seemed fairly evident that the United
States would protect neutrals accepting our policy, and not only the
foreign merchants in Mexico but the neutral governments felt highly
pleased with our course.[33.17]

The authorities at Washington, however, did not rejoice as much. The
real difficulty lay, not in landing merchandise at the ports, but in
placing it before Mexican customers, and comparatively few of the
latter could be reached. Persevering efforts were made to solve the
problem on both coasts. Sometimes, for reasons not fully understood,
the Mexican government issued licenses for the passage of goods to the
interior, and for a consideration local authorities in the northeast
did the same; but even these documents were not always valid against
officials and military men whose "patriotism" had not been "sweetened."
European merchants could see this difficulty. Up to October 20, 1847,
only one small cargo from that direction entered the harbor of Vera
Cruz, and Walker admitted privately that a very small part of the few
imports was disposed of for consumption beyond the coast. In a word,
this vaunted plan gave no substantial help on the problem of supporting
the war.[33.18]

[GOOD FORTUNE HELPS US]

But by this time the good luck which has been supposed to keep an
eye on the United States of America had intervened. In 1846 came the
great Irish famine. British provision laws were suspended. Faced with
starvation people cared little what they paid, if they could obtain
food. Our agricultural products, which had fallen heavily in market
value since October 1, 1845, rose with astonishing buoyancy. Western
grain that had scarcely been worth transporting--frequently not worth
it--became precious. A ship could earn thirty per cent of her cost in
one round trip, yet hardly enough vessels could be found. So abrupt
was the turn that a financial editor who had predicted on December 17,
1846, a speedy return to the distress of 1837, declared on January
30, 1847, "We are on the high road to an unprecedented prosperity."
The abolition of the British corn laws ensured our farmers not only
temporary relief but a permanent market. Cotton, too, and even cotton
goods were in active demand abroad; and a famine in Germany gave us
additional support.[33.19]

Every vessel from the other side brought more of the specie that had
been expected to disappear from circulation here. Between the first
of January and the middle of July, 1847, approximately twenty-four
millions came in, besides about five millions in the pockets of
immigrants. Everybody who did anything or had anything shared in the
general increase of wealth. Hoarding went out of fashion. All were
spenders. In particular, a craze for dress demanded great quantities of
European fabrics. The warehousing plan also stimulated importation. For
the quarter ending with September, 1847, the customs duties amounted
to more than eleven millions--almost half the total of the preceding
year--and for the week ending with October 1 they were nearly double
those of the corresponding week in 1846. In a word, gold rained upon
us; the languishing treasury revived; and the credit of the government
revived with it. Later, in the autumn of 1847, to be sure, the
financial downpour abated, but it had already done its work. The ship
of state rode now beyond the bar.[33.19]

Yet Polk still had to cope with difficulties. Early in December,
1847, when Congress assembled, he found it necessary to present large
estimates and to admit that a deficit of nearly sixteen millions was to
be expected by July 1, 1848; and there seemed to be little hope that
Congress would provide additional revenue. Borrowing was inevitable,
and Walker's report of December 8 proposed a loan of $18,500,000.
Nothing was done, however. The banks of New York and Boston endeavored
to force upon the government a fiscal policy more acceptable to them,
and a strong element in Congress, of which more will be heard in
the next chapter, not only entertained a similar desire, but seemed
willing to impair the credit of the administration. At length, on the
nineteenth of January, 1848, a bill was introduced, and after a further
delay another long debate opened. "How is the loan bill getting on,
Sir?" inquired a newspaper correspondent of a Representative of the
People after it had been on the tapis for about a month. "Oh, they are
spouting away, spouting away, Sir," was the careless reply. But on the
last day of March a six per cent loan of $16,000,000 was authorized on
substantially the same basis as the previous loans. The treaty of peace
had been signed on February 2, and the new bonds brought a premium
rising in some instances to $4.05 on a hundred.[33.20]

[THE MEXICANS TAXED]

In the same report (December, 1847) Walker announced, though evidently
a little chastened in spirit, that relief would soon come from
Mexico. What he chiefly counted upon at this time, however, was not
customs duties. As early as the nineteenth of September, 1846, Polk,
justly offended by the enemy's disdainful treatment of our olive
branch, decided that instead of endeavoring longer to conciliate
the Mexicans by paying liberally for supplies, we should bring them
to terms by levying contributions or taking needed articles without
compensation, and this course was promptly recommended to General
Taylor; but he replied, as we have seen, that such a policy was
impracticable. Shortly after the capture of Vera Cruz General Scott
received instructions of the same tenor, and he made a similar reply.
Early in the autumn of 1847, however, as Mexico had again rejected the
olive branch, this change of system was pressed upon Scott with fresh
urgency, and before long explicit orders to make all the revenues and
resources of Mexico available, as far as they could be, followed.[33.21]

Scott, however, knowing the laws of war and the wishes of his
government, began operations without waiting for these later
instructions. Almost immediately after entering the capital he laid
upon it an assessment of $150,000, and set on foot an examination
into the general question of drawing revenues from the country, which
eventually showed that nearly twenty-three millions a year could
theoretically be collected, should we take possession of the whole
territory. November 25, he directed that no rent should be paid
for houses and quarters except so far as contracts existed. About
three weeks later, notice was given that in the districts held by
the Americans all the taxes and dues previously paid to the Mexican
government would be required of the authorities for the support of our
army; and at the end of December an assessment equal to four times the
direct taxes paid in 1843 was laid upon the states. Scott's action
was of course taken by Wool, now commanding in the northeast, as a
pattern.[33.22]

But again Walker's hopes were disappointed. The most important of
the monopolies, tobacco, had to be given up because the American
product could not be excluded, and for administrative reasons the
other monopolies also were surrendered. Owing to the dangers of waste,
corruption, extortion and resentment, the business of collecting taxes
had to be entrusted to the state authorities, and they possessed
wonderful dexterity in the arts of evasion. State assessments were
actually made on México and Vera Cruz only. The owners of occupied
buildings were in many cases friends, and could not well be deprived
of their rents. Contracts or agreements that stood in the way had to
be respected. Gold and silver were clandestinely exported. Smuggling
across the northern border could not be stopped. Brigands exacted
their toll. The time required for investigation and planning, and in
certain instances for correspondence with our government, militated
against prompt action. We strongly desired to settle with Mexico
and evacuate the country, and hence--especially after the peace
negotiations began--it would not have been wise to run the risk of
exasperating the nation for the sake of a few dollars. In short the net
proceeds, including $106,928 turned in by naval officers, were only
$3,935,676.[33.23]

Some of this money went directly to supply needs of the army and navy,
but by far the greater part of those needs had to be met in other ways.
During the first nine months of 1847, it was figured that the United
States exported more than $12,000,000 in specie to Mexico. Many drafts
on the principal American cities were sold there, and those on the
quartermasters at New Orleans, Philadelphia, Washington and New York
amounted to nearly $8,000,000 before December, 1847. Payments were also
made in the United States on the certificates of officers acting in the
field; and about the first of August, 1847, Belmont, the New York agent
of the Rothschilds, arranged with our administration to place funds in
the hands of any paymaster or quartermaster named by Scott. In general
the large financial operations made necessary by the transfers of money
were skilfully, honestly and safely conducted. Some $24,000,000 were
distributed by the pay department through its thirty-five officers,
for instance, and nothing was lost by accident, robbery, theft or
capture.[33.24]

[THE COST OF THE WAR]

The total money cost of the war on the American side has been given
at very low and at very high amounts, and none of the estimates
inspires much confidence. The excess expenditures of the army and navy
appear to have been $63,605,621; of which $49,000,000 were raised by
selling bonds and treasury notes, and were substantially added to the
national debt. But these figures by no means answer the question. To
the apparent cost we must add twelve millions paid later to Mexico,
the American claims of which we relieved her, the war expenses of the
treasury department, bounty lands, pensions, valid claims for damages,
and other liabilities of many kinds gradually discharged after peace
returned; and from the total must be subtracted the bonds and treasury
notes then available for issue and the actual worth of ships, ordnance
and other materials required for the war and left over. Evidently it is
not feasible to reach a satisfactory conclusion, but as a very bold
guess one may suggest a hundred millions.[33.25]

Even were that a close estimate, however, it would mean little. On the
one hand lives, physical and mental sufferings, personal losses of
every description, much national obloquy and a thousand minor factors
would need to be considered, and on the other our gain in territory,
in recognized power, in military and naval efficiency, in national
self-consciousness and in particulars not so obvious. One thing,
however, is clear. The war cost far less money than its opponents had
expected. Webster solemnly predicted in December, 1846, that should
it end the following spring, our debt would be a hundred millions,
but on the first of July, 1848, the debt was less than sixty-six
millions.[33.26]




XXXIV

THE WAR IN AMERICAN POLITICS

1846-1848


In Mexico the war had far more intimate relations with politics than
it had in our own country. Here invading troops did not scatter our
civil authorities, Presidents did not rise and fall, cabinets did
not organize and melt away, revolutions and revolts did not hover
continually at the door. Every part of the country contributed to the
result. Supplies were voted, and troops assembled according to law.
We have therefore studied Mexican politics in connection with events
as these occurred, and reserved American politics to be surveyed more
comprehensively; but this does not imply any lack of significance in
the second topic.[34.1]

At first the war seemed extremely popular. The rush to volunteer
showed that. A tone of opposition prevailed in New England, but it was
quiet--hardly perceptible. May 21, 50,000 people gathered in front of
the city hall at New York and called for vigorous measures. Hostilities
appeared to be regarded by all as a just punishment for the long series
of Mexican insults, barbarities and outrages. The country called;
patriotism responded, and other considerations helped. Democratic
politicians believed their party would gain prestige and strength. A
great and common purpose would bind it firmly together. Many offices
and appointments would follow, and almost everybody would gain some
profit in a business way. Taylor's "victories" on the Rio Grande
intensified the enthusiasm. "Upon the duties which the present crisis
invoked," exclaimed the Philadelphia _North American_, "our country
has but one heart," and an invasion of the enemy's territory "will
meet the approbation of the entire American public." Accordingly the
first session of the Twenty-ninth Congress pushed its work far into the
summer of 1846--even after Senator Fairfield wrote, "All nature [is]
hissing"--and embodied the government's policy in laws.[34.2]

[THE WAR SOON UNPOPULAR]

But this mood changed surprisingly. When Congress adjourned, it was in
bad humor, and the country sympathized with it. News of the occupation
of California produced little enthusiasm, for it had been expected. The
fighting at Monterey excited interest, but it was followed at once by a
long armistice, and it had no permanent effect on the downward course
of public sentiment. Instead of glorying in the war, the Democrats now
defended it feebly, and a great many regarded it as a grave political
blunder. The fall Congressional elections went strongly against them.
Every reverse could be explained, of course--in Pennsylvania a heavy
storm, in New York the opposition of "every most pestilential and
reckless form of law-hating faction," apathy here, lack of organization
there--but the _National Intelligencer_, chief organ of the Whigs,
brushed explanations aside, and coldly remarked, "We presume that our
President and his Cabinet are by this time convinced that they have
forfeited the public confidence--the confidence, that is, of their own
party; that of the other they never possessed"; and by mid-winter the
political outlook for the war seemed extremely dark.[34.3]

The reasons for this change were complex and interesting. The
people--Democrats and Whigs alike--knew they did not want Polk for
chief executive. To the millions demanding, "Who is James K. Polk?" the
answer had been given, "He is President of the United States"; but this
excellent retort silenced instead of satisfying. Disagreeable ideas
prevailed regarding the methods of his nomination and his election.
Many viewed him as an Accident, an Unpleasant Surprise, a Surreptitious
Incumbent; and his unpopularity not only was a disadvantage in itself,
but colored the interpretation placed upon everything he did or
said.[34.4]

Besides this initial difficulty, he was not considered a large enough
man for the place, and the Cabinet seemed too much of a piece with
him in that respect. The public did not hear Polk's confidential
declaration, "I intend to be myself President of the United States."
They were not aware that he risked a great deal to avoid having Calhoun
and Flagg, a New York man of unusual ability, in his official family.
But they felt like the Washington correspondent of the Boston _Atlas_,
who said, They are "little fellows," and "were they all thrown in a bag
together, it would make little difference which came out first"; and
they suspected that Polk aimed to eliminate all possible competitors.
Many, indeed, believed it should be so. "Who would not regret," asked
Senator Mangum, "to see the choice of this great and free people thrown
into shadow by over-topping talent?" The President was inaugurated on
a cold, rainy, cheerless day, and sentiment, among those who counted,
resembled the weather.[34.4]

The policy of the administration confirmed these impressions. Polk had
no great ideas, no inspiring imagination, no kindling enthusiasm, no
moving eloquence, no contagious humor, no winning personality. He was
not exactly a "burning bush" of patriotism, hallowing the ground about
him, and forcing men to put off their grimy, everyday shoes of selfish
designs. To sway the nation or even the Democrats in any grand way lay
beyond him. He was a partisan, to be sure, but without a party. His
trumpet note--has shed "American blood upon the American soil"--came
from a newspaper. Almost his only resource, therefore, was patronage,
and the business of trading offices for support is essentially a
mean one. It makes intrigue a profession, creates many enemies while
it creates few friends and renders confidence well-nigh impossible.
Without calling the President "mendacious," one can understand how J.
K. Paulding came to say, that he possessed no honesty of purpose, no
frankness of heart. Tossing out a plump lie now and then would have
given less offence than continual secretiveness and evasion caused.
Polk described the cunning Pillow as "one of the shrewdest men you ever
knew." That gave Polk's measure, and political necessities developed
his natural disposition. "This little mole," Blair called him. Blair
was prejudiced; but for a different _bête noire_ he would have chosen a
different name.[34.5]

[POLK DISLIKED]

New York state affairs had an especially bad effect on Polk's
reputation and influence. Knowing that he had played the part of Jacob,
the Supplanter, to Van Buren's Esau at the Baltimore convention, and
not expecting to be forgiven, Polk probably felt thoroughly distrustful
of the Locofocos from the beginning. Silas Wright's declining
positively to run for the Vice Presidency on his ticket doubtless
gave offence. His bad faith in refusing to accept Flagg, apparently
to save himself from being overshadowed, after virtually agreeing to
do it, seemed inexcusable. His taking Marcy into the Cabinet at the
behest of an active but rather unscrupulous remnant of the "irregular"
Conservatives heightened the dissatisfaction of the substantial
elements. The defeat of the New York Democrats in the fall elections
of 1846, which was charged by the regulars to treachery on the part
of the Conservatives, created still further trouble. Making factional
appointments, and especially choosing for a high post at New York
City a "poor, stupid dutchman by the name of Bouck," as an extremist
called him, seemed to the faithful nothing less than party treason. In
thus alienating the ablest and best Democrats of the state, who were
trusted and admired by the party as a whole, and supporting a faction
that had no national standing, the President made a great mistake.
He "has proved himself to be a poor devil," said one of Van Buren's
correspondents; even Tyler's name was less execrated than "Jim Polk's,"
wrote one of Judge McLean's; and for thus weakening the Democrats in
the Empire State, he was naturally blamed in all quarters.[34.6]

A variety of minor yet serious complaints helped fill up the measure.
Polk was equally anxious and unable to harmonize the party, and as he
tried to satisfy clamorous malcontents, it came to be said that he was
always ready to hang an old friend for the sake of gaining two new
ones. Ranking low in ability to judge of character, enjoying but a
limited acquaintance, and placing an unreasonable value upon experience
in Congress, he too often appointed unfit men when he meant well, or
put the right men into the wrong places. Naturally office-seekers
dogged his footsteps, and numberless disappointed aspirants bore
grudges deadlier than stilettos. His wriggling out of emphatic
declarations in favor of our broad Oregon claims excited profound
wrath in the west, and made a bad impression in other sections.
Senator Hannegan proclaimed that if the President accepted the line of
forty-nine degrees, he would be consigned to "a damnation so deep that
the hand of resurrection" would never be able to "drag him forth"; and
he did accept it.[34.7]

The veto of a river and harbor bill that offered captivating
opportunities for looting the treasury brought upon him the woes of
Tyler. The government, said the aggrieved, "is fast degenerating into
a mere quadrennial elective despotism"; Polk "wants the purse of the
nation for his own schemes of presidential ambition." Finally, the
apparent hampering of Taylor and Scott, and the playing off of the
one against the other seemed to a multitude of citizens unworthy of
a President, unpatriotic and mean; and then partisans accused him of
letting Whig generals have all the glory, lest a Democratic warrior
should gain the Presidential nomination in 1848. Truly, "deep and
dismal was the ditch," as B. F. Butler said, into which Polk fell.[34.7]

Moreover a whole sheaf of arrows, not directly aimed at him, struck
his administration. The annexation of Texas rankled still in many
bosoms, and the extremists were implacable. Lowell did not shrink from
recommending secession:

          "Ef I'd _my_ way I would ruther
              We should go to work an' part,--
          They take one way, we take t'other,--
              Guess it wouldn't break my heart."

John Quincy Adams contemplated the same extreme remedy, and Giddings
went so far as to write, "Ohio is now a party to no subsisting Union."
Those opposed to the measure felt hostile to the President who had
favored and consummated it; the great number whose theory had been
that it would not lead to war felt obliged to argue now that Polk had
brought about a conflict unnecessarily; and everything in our relations
with Mexico was viewed through a fog of prejudices and animosities
rising from that gory political battlefield. Not a few appointments to
high military positions had seemed to rest on political expediency, and
the battles near the Rio Grande had been followed by a long period of
inactivity, charged by many to the government. Volunteers not accepted
for the war had remarks to make, and troops returning from the front
often used expressions hardly coherent enough to be termed remarks.
The six-months men called out by Gaines belonged in the latter class;
and although Marcy did nothing respecting them save to obey the plain
requirement of the law, citizens of Louisiana applied language to him
that might have kindled sympathy for Judas Iscariot.[34.8]

The government's fiscal system, though of course accepted by many,
excited sharp resentment. Overwhelming the country all at once with
such a combination of new laws--a warehouse act, a sub-treasury bill
and a "free-trade" tariff--was denounced as an unspeakable outrage,
and each of those measures amounted in the opinion of many to a crime.
Gideon Welles thought the idea of reducing our tariff during the war
an "insane project"; and the measure as framed, a compromise between
theory and expediency, satisfied hardly any one. Real free-traders
complained because their principles had been sacrificed, and the New
Englanders because those principles had not been sacrificed enough. The
iron and coal state raged and wept by turns: she had been betrayed, and
"her groans were music" to the arrogant low-tariff section cherished
by the government. Only corruption and intimidation could have carried
such a monstrosity through Congress; and, worse yet, "Sir Robert
Walker" had been truckling to England. "British all over," scribbled
the _American Sentinel_ on the warehousing system; and the tariff
was trailed to a British lair packed with British statesmen, British
capitalists, British manufacturers and British merchants. To please
them our wheels of production were to stop, our banks close, and the
industrious North fall in despair at the feet of an implacable South.
"'To your tents, O Israel!'" cried the _National Intelligencer_.[34.9]

[DENUNCIATIONS OF THE WAR]

In countless eyes the war itself soon lost its glamour. Imagining that
our advance to the Rio Grande had been the cause of it, many felt bound
to denounce it as unauthorized, unconstitutional, unjust, aggressive;
and not a few, in dense ignorance of the history, character and views
of the Mexicans, thought, like Professor Kent of Harvard University,
that it was "demoniacal" to make war upon those poor innocents,
as if they had not been shooting one another pretty continuously
and also aching to shoot us. Not reflecting that nations begin to
think of indemnities as soon, at least, as they begin to fight,
and that legitimate advantages might accrue from occupying Mexican
territory, people viewed suspiciously the operations of Taylor, Wool,
Kearny, Stockton and Stevenson, threw up their hands, and exclaimed,
"Conquest!" as if the ground they stood upon and half the world besides
had not been gained by the sword. "Cormorants of territory!" hissed a
Thersites. "Sages and Heroes of the Revolution, lo, the consummation
of your labors!" wailed a Cassandra; Mexico is to be absorbed, and
"the original, moving, burning stimulus" of the crime is the wish to
manufacture glory for Polk, and gratify him with a second term. To
be sure, the nation had officially endorsed the war; but multitudes
were eager to have the nation disgraced, if they could only disgrace
Polk.[34.10]

Toward the future as well as the past frowned the critics of the
administration. Territory seemed likely to be acquired, and it was
feared that slavery would plant its black hoof upon the soil. In
Massachusetts a group of young men, who doubtless believed in freedom
unselfishly, believed also that it was the coming idea, and might
carry them ahead of such conservative leaders as Webster and Winthrop.
Sumner was one of these; and he, without offering proof that slavery
stood behind the war, pushed through the legislature some bloodcurdling
resolutions against the "gigantic crime"; while Lowell, not stopping to
ascertain whether negro servitude could thrive on the Pacific, sounded
an appeal to sectional feelings:

          "They jest want this Californy
          So's to lug new slave-states in
          To abuse ye, an' to scorn ye,
          And to plunder ye like sin."[34.11]

From the increased political power of the South, northern agriculture,
commerce and manufactures would suffer. New, sparsely settled states
would have the same authority in the Senate as Massachusetts or
Pennsylvania. The augmenting of Western strength would prove an
injury to older sections. New Orleans would gain ground financially
and commercially at the expense of New York. Annexing new territory
would lessen the value of lands already in the Union. The war would
increase the power of the Executive, and bring home an army of "heroes"
to monopolize the offices. It was most likely to be interminable and
costly, for in the autumn of 1846 Mexico showed no signs of begging
for peace and Taylor no signs of accomplishing anything decisive.
Privateers might ruin our commerce, and the blockade might lead to
European interference. The nation, debased by dwelling upon scenes
of devastation and violence, and by the absorption of aliens low in
the scale of humanity, would become barbarous, cruel, rapacious,
bloodthirsty. Taxes, debt, waste of public funds, corrupt elections,
a great standing army, despotism, fanaticism, civil war, disunion,
the reprobation of mankind and the retribution of heaven would
follow.[34.11]

[POLICY OF THE WHIGS]

Under these circumstances the gyrations and contortions of Whig
politics, viewed as a whole, were curious to observe. At first the
party joined in shouting and voting for stern hostilities. "Doubt,
division, reproach will be unknown," announced the _North American_.
But the Whigs presently saw, as the New York _Tribune_ pointed out,
that a full share of the burden would be theirs, while most of the
glory and profit would fall to the other side. Moreover, these
criticisms of Polk and the war, even when not suggested by the Whigs,
seemed like yellow fields of ripening party advantage. Very soon,
therefore, they withdrew to a respectable, intrenched position: they
would support the war, but on its conclusion Polk and the Democrats
would be called to a strict account. "I have no doubt we shall make
much Capital out of it," wrote a Whig Congressman. Presently, however,
it looked as if the conclusion of the war might lie beyond the next
Presidential election, and most of the party sallied forth impatiently,
sickle in hand.[34.12]

Castigating Polk was the most obvious opportunity for the harvesters,
and they used it with due zeal. Some of the jibes were good-natured.
Playing on the powers legally his, the _National Intelligencer_ happily
exclaimed, "Here, there, everywhere at once, civil, military, judicial
and executive, dove of peace, thunderbolt of war, and a perfect serpent
of diplomacy, who was ever so various or so amazing?" Bracketing the
President of the United States with a famous dwarf of the day as "Tom
Thumb's cousin, Jim Thumb," was another merry as well as able fling.
To remark, however, when he sent in a Message, that he came "puffing
and blowing into Congress," went a trifle too far, perhaps; and other
pleasantries exposed themselves distinctly to that criticism. The
Boston _Atlas_ described the war Message as "perfectly characteristic
of its author;--weak, wheedling and sneaking," while some thought it
better to sail on the other tack, and picture "His High Mightiness,"
the arrogant, domineering tyrant of the White House, as planting "his
foot upon the charter of our liberties."[34.13]

Despatching Taylor to the Rio Grande was called "a well-nigh fatal
blunder," even though suggested by the "demon," who was commonly
thought rather shrewd. Letting Santa Anna go back to Mexico seemed to
different Whigs like treason, treachery, folly and idiocy. Polk "takes
his ease on some _sixty-eight dollars per day_," while the soldiers he
has driven to the field subsist on fare that "his very slaves would
loathe," the Whig _Almanac_ luckily discovered. Bribery, duplicity,
falsehood, imbecility, cowardice and infamy were a few of the other
good things found in the President's conduct; and the chief Whig organ
undertook to lay him finally at rest on the greensward in this elegant
fashion: "Why, the very savage of the courtyard in other times--that
most brutal of mankind, the bully of the bailiwick, who chewed up an
ear or nose, or scooped out with thumb a prostrate adversary's eye--was
generous in comparison."[34.13]

In attempting more serious criticism the Whigs met with embarrassments.
The majority of them, whose argument had been that immediate annexation
of Texas would necessarily mean war, could not with inward peace
declare that Polk had brought on the war by sending Taylor to the Rio
Grande; and the great number whose contention had been that Mexico
still owned Texas could not well deny that annexing her province by an
Act of Congress, which amounted on their theory to a constitutional
declaration of war, had created a state of things which made it
entirely proper for Polk to send Taylor there. "Swindlers of 1844, with
your 'peaceable annexation,' do not skulk! Here is the fruit of _your_
doings! Look it in the face!" exclaimed the New York _Tribune_ when
the war bill passed, but it soon appeared more tactful to ignore this
aspect of the matter.[34.14]

[EMBARRASSMENTS OF THE WHIGS]

Other embarrassments remained, however. It was very well for northern
Whigs to indulge in what Carlyle might have called a "running shriek"
against "a pro-slavery war," but they were cautioned to let no echoes
of it cross the Potomac. When a Senator greeted the war Message by
saying he would later read the documents that accompanied it, and
for the present would merely observe that Polk's course was "utterly
unjustifiable," Ritchie paraphrased Master Dogberry at him: "By
virtue of mine office I do suspect thee to be a thief." While some
papers denounced the government for not settling with Mexico by
negotiation, others admitted that Mexico had refused to treat. When
Delano announced for the sake of buncombe that he was "ready to go
shoulder to shoulder with all those who supported the honor of the
country," Thurman replied that it seemed a strange method of supporting
one's country, to declare like Delano, after war had begun, when it
existed both in law and in fact, that it was "illegal, unrighteous,
and damnable." Abraham Lincoln, wishing to distinguish himself before
the home folks, did this feat in the House by revealing, in a manner
suited to his years, that since Mexico had exercised jurisdiction on
the northern bank of the Rio Grande, the first American blood must
have been shed on Mexican, not American, soil; but unhappily the
fact remained that Connecticut had for some time exercised effective
jurisdiction over northeastern Pennsylvania, yet did not own the
territory.[34.15]

Those who raved against Polk and his "tribe" for driving the war bill
through Congress had to face Winthrop and a galaxy of other Whigs,
who admitted that war did already exist. Congressmen denouncing the
Executive for sending Taylor to the Rio Grande were unable to deny that
notice of his march from Corpus Christi had been given on the floor
of the House (March 23) long before the outbreak of hostilities, and
nothing had been done about it; that on May 12 Whigs of the Senate,
led by Crittenden, had recognized that American territory extended to
the Rio Grande; and that after the army could safely have withdrawn
from that vicinity no serious attempt had been made to bring about its
recall. Partisans of the unoffending Mexicans were startled to hear the
impeccable Boston _Atlas_ confess in a moment of candor: "The conduct
of that government towards us has been such as might have justified
the extreme resort to war"; and those eager to berate Polk for
unconstitutional aggressiveness had to digest a similar lapse on the
part of the _National Intelligencer_, which conceded that Congress had
thrown round him a mantle of indemnity by a vote "implying confidence
in the rectitude of the President in beginning this war."[34.16]

While Polk was roundly taken to task for appointing so many Democratic
generals, Whig journals boasted that most of the leading officers
belonged to their party. The military operations afforded numerous
opportunities for invectives against the administration, but ere long
a number of the invectives came home to stay. Taylor, it appeared,
had recommended the advance to the Rio Grande; he protested against
embarrassing the prosecution of the war by discussing its genesis;
and the smallness of his army at the critical time, his waiting so
long after the occupation of Matamoros, the terms given at Monterey,
his peril at Buena Vista, Kearny's off-hand annexation of New Mexico,
Scott's discharging volunteers after the battle of Cerro Gordo, and his
famous Jalapa proclamation, all brought up against the administration,
proved in every case chargeable to the Whig commanders.[34.16]

[WHIG ORATORS]

Orators caused as much pain as generals, perhaps. "Black Tom" Corwin's
brilliant advice that American soldiers in Mexico should be welcomed
to hospitable graves, though it gained high rank in the nightmare
school of literature, overshot the mark. It scandalized the nation. It
staggered patriotism. It shocked humanity. Most of all it infuriated
the troops, battling for their country in a foreign land. The speech
arrived at Buena Vista soon after the struggle with Santa Anna. A rude
effigy of Corwin was made up of the vilest materials, dressed in a
Mexican uniform and burned; and over the ashes these lines were posted
up:

          "Old Tom Corwin is dead and here he lies;
          Nobody's sorry and nobody cries;
          Where he's gone and how he fares,
          Nobody knows and nobody cares."

The soldiers had friends at home, and of course made their sentiments
known. The speech sounded the knell of its author's great political
hopes; and there is reason to believe that its reception frightened
into dumbness a number of his colleagues, who had arranged to follow
his lead.[34.17]

But other styles of oratorical attack were still feasible. Just before
Congress met in December, 1846, the Whigs hung out at the Chinese
Museum, Philadelphia, their Great Blue Light. In other words a powerful
orator, a powerful lawyer, a powerful statesman--Daniel Webster by
name--after studying on the problem for half a year, undertook, if one
may quote an admirer, to "knock the sand" from under the government.
Hour after hour he talked on, till he mortgaged fourteen columns of the
_United States Gazette_, and the reporters fled; but he came far short
of making out a case. Other efforts of his proved no more successful.
Before the Whig convention at Springfield he argued in a tedious,
prosy, court-room style. This is "a war of pretexts"--three of them,
he asserted: first, that Mexico invaded American territory; secondly,
that she would not receive Slidell; and thirdly, that she would not pay
our claims. Did Webster fail to see that a _casus belli_ recognized
almost unanimously by our Executive and Congress was for this country
at least more than a "pretext"? Did he fail to see that his other
"pretexts" had not been offered by Polk as grounds for passing the war
bill? And how could he say the pretexts were "all unfounded"? Did he
suppose that Mexico had paid our claims? Did he suppose that she had
welcomed Slidell? Of course not; but he was the attorney of New England
Whiggism, trying to make a good case out of a poor one.[34.18]

His really effective contributions to the polemics consisted, not
of arguments, but of impressive hints: "I am greatly deceived, Mr.
President, if we shall not ere long see facts coming to the light, and
circumstances found coinciding and concurring, which will fix on the
government" its alleged guilt; and a President bringing on war in the
manner charged against Polk, would commit "an impeachable offence,"
as if Polk might have been impeached after Congress had assumed the
responsibility for his acts. But unhappily Father Ritchie offered
another citation, "Well, well, we know; or there be, and if there
might; or if we list to speak."[34.18]

And not only did Webster disappoint, but he mortified Whig friends.
Texas had been an independent state as early as 1840, he said; our
annexing it gave Mexico no just ground of complaint; she was "entirely
unreasonable and senseless" in rejecting our offer to treat; if she
preferred war to peace we could but fight; and now the war must be
vigorously prosecuted. He squarely refused to call the invasion of her
territory unjust. He seemed to approve of his son's going to the field
in the "unholy" cause of his country. He admitted that Whig policy in
Massachusetts was in some respects "quite narrow." "I am tired--and
disgusted--as much as you possibly can be, with the fanaticism and
narrowness of some of our People," he wrote; and no doubt it made him
still more tired to hear Lowell's captivating but wayward muse advise
young fellows, on grounds of personal advantage, to keep out of the
army, and suggest that, should they get seduced by some "strutting"
sergeant into taking up arms for the country, insubordination and even
desertion would become them.

        "Thrash away, you'll _hev_ to rattle
          On them kittle-drums o' yourn,--
        'Taint a knowin' kind o' cattle
          That is ketched with mouldy corn."[34.19]

While such were the troubles of waking hours, the bedchamber, too,
of many Whigs had its troubled moments. Ghosts walked. John Jay,
a sincere opponent of our second war against England, came back,
holding out a scroll that bore these words of his, "As the war has
been _constitutionally_ declared, the people are evidently bound
to support it." Came back the Rev. David Osgood, D.D., of Medford,
Massachusetts, with his sermon of June 27, 1812: "My mind has been in
a constant agony, not so much at the inevitable loss of our temporal
prosperity and happiness, and the complicated miseries of war, as at
its guilt, its outrage against heaven, against all truth, honesty,
justice, goodness, against all the principles of social happiness."
Came back another Federalist, the Rev. Elijah Parish, D.D., with a
sermon recommending treason as a pious duty: "New England, if invaded,
would be obliged to defend herself. Do you not then owe it to your
children, and owe it to your God, to make peace for yourselves?" Unlike
Jay, these men appeared to be unhappy; and then certain patriots of the
Hartford Convention filed by with averted eyes, each dragging after him
a blasted reputation.[34.20]

In one thing, however, the opponents of the war succeeded. Going far
beyond the limits of reasonable criticism and helpful suggestions,
and indulging in language calculated to dishearten and hamper the
administration, they encouraged the enemy. It is merely Polk's war,
announced the Boston _Atlas_, quoted in the _Monitor Republicano_.
Mexico would have disgraced herself by receiving Slidell, declared the
same journal. Her spirit, proclaimed the _National Intelligencer_, was
fitted to "command the admiration of all men capable of appreciating
the virtue of courage and fortitude under the most disastrous
circumstances." Severance, a member of Congress, openly applauded her
resistance. We cannot beat her without ruining our finances, maintained
Waddy Thompson. The destruction of her national independence was "the
true issue," one sheet falsely assured her, as if to whet her sword. It
was entirely uncertain, proclaimed Calhoun in February, 1847, whether
our army could reach Mexico City or dictate a peace if it should. She
cannot be conquered, it was often said.[34.21]

Magazines of epithets and arguments, that became gunpowder the moment
they crossed the Rio Grande, poured from the Whig presses. Leading
papers invoked foreign intervention. The official journal of the
Mexican government offered the thanks of the nation to Webster for
threatening our President with impeachment. "If there is in the United
States a heart worthy of American liberty, its impulse is to join the
Mexicans," exclaimed a Boston journal; "It would be a sad and woeful
joy, but a joy nevertheless, to hear that the hordes under Scott and
Taylor were, _every man of them, swept into the next world_." No
wonder that Polk dropped a hint about aiding and abetting the enemy.
It was proper. In 1813-14 the _National Intelligencer_ had stigmatized
those who denounced the country's war after its own present fashion as
"traitors in thought and purpose."[34.21]

[THE DEMOCRATS IN CONGRESS]

Early in December, 1846, amidst feelings of depression, dissatisfaction
with the government and opposition to the war, the second session of
the Twenty-ninth Congress opened. The Democrats of that body found
themselves in a general state of dissension. At the beginning of the
year Marcy had written privately, "Our noble party [is] on the brink of
ruin," and there it still hung.[34.22]

Van Buren's implacable followers nursed a grudge against Polk for the
intrigues that had led to his nomination; and the partisans of Cass
nursed one against them for their votes at the Baltimore convention.
New York Barnburners and Old Hunkers glared at one another. Calhoun's
friends were sour because of his exclusion from the Cabinet. The
old free-traders cursed Walker in their hearts for stealing their
tariff hobby. The westerners had no thought of forgiving the South
for dropping Oregon, and the South refused to be scared by those
"Big Braggarts" of the west, who seemed to want all the funds in the
treasury for their internal improvements. Many wore crape and hatchets,
one might say, for the river and harbor bill. Everybody wished to blame
somebody for the recent election returns. Some were quite ready to
break openly with the administration. The partisans of Buchanan and
those of Dallas marched with daggers drawn. "All around is dissension
and distrust. Gloom overspreads the party," wrote G. W. Thompson of
Wheeling.[34.22]

The best of leadership was needed, and it could not be found. If a
person did not understand the situation, he wondered; if he did, he
wondered more. Nobody credited Polk with possessing the rod of Moses.
Many disliked the man too much to respect the official. He could
inspire neither love nor fear. While at one end of the avenue sat a
party without a President, at the other sat a President without a
party. With a large Democratic margin in each chamber, he admitted that
he was practically in the minority; and at first sight this appeared
the more surprising because Polk, knowing Congress and not knowing the
country, labored with his eye on the former. But the explanation could
easily be found. The people were not believed to be standing behind
him. Within a month he was to be rebuffed three times in the House on
important matters during as many days. One of his favorite measures
was to go down amid shouts of laughter without a single friendly vote.
The Cabinet enjoyed no greater respect. Walker seemed to be regarded
as its leading spirit, but men distrusted his character as much as
they admired his talents and energy. Moreover, in spite of Polk's
determination to shut Presidential aspirants from his council, both
Walker and Buchanan probably felt less interest in the war than in
personal schemes.[34.23]

These circumstances left the party to find such leadership as it
could in Congress, and the leadership it found was a triangular
fight--Benton, Cass and Calhoun. Benton had remarkable powers and
seldom failed to be a Democrat, a Senator and a patriot, but he was
egotistical, moody, overbearing, passionate; he despised Cass, he more
than hated Calhoun, and he treated his fellow-Democrats in general as
minions. Cass, a courtier and somewhat a scholar, lacked parliamentary
experience, drew more timidity than courage from his Presidential
hopes, and possessed no political convictions to reinforce his talents.
Calhoun's high character, rare intellectual strength and frank, affable
manners made him personally the most influential man at the capital;
but his judgment was erratic, and he aimed to stand aloof, with a
following of about four Senators, as a balance-of-power faction.
He was intensely narrow, too. For him there seemed to be only one
region in the world; only one state in the south, and only one public
man there. Cass was loyal to the administration, Benton helpful but
domineering, and Calhoun unfriendly. Not a very firm tripod, this, to
support a government engaged in war. With almost all the Democrats,
politics--that is to say, offices--held the stage, and country occupied
the background. Dissatisfaction with Polk's appointments increased the
confusion. Indeed, a "passion" for getting jobs invaded the sacred
halls of legislation, and the President found not less than twenty men
voting against his measures to avenge personal disappointments.[34.24]

[THE WHIGS IN CONGRESS]

Whig harmony and efficiency were happily not impaired by these
allurements of the fleshpots, for the Executive did not belong to their
party; but their numberless inconsistencies proved most embarrassing,
and the necessity of satisfying public sentiment, and throwing the
responsibility upon the administration, by voting supplies for
hostilities they denounced, weakened them. No absurdities, however,
were too glaring, no contradictions too thorny for what they termed
their "patriotic sublimity" to ignore or surmount. They denounced the
war enough to incriminate themselves when they supported it, and they
supported it enough to stultify themselves when they condemned it.
Combining the views of several groups, one discovered a line of policy
truly remarkable: the attack upon Mexico was unconstitutional and
wicked, but it should be carried on; so let us halt, send an embassy,
and proffer again the negotiations that Mexico has repeatedly and
recently spurned.[34.25]

The success of the government's military and fiscal policies in
comparison with what had been predicted, and the freedom of our
commerce from Mexican and European molestation were troublesome facts;
but hopes of disaster could still be entertained, and prophecies of woe
still be chanted. Constructive statesmanship, they held, was not their
affair. The country's difficulties occasioned them but slight concern.
On that score their detachment was charming.

          "I heard a lion in the lobby roar;
          Say, Mr. Speaker, shall we shut the door
          And keep him out, or shall we let him in
          And see if we can get him out again?"

In fact they found it most agreeable to hear savage growls and roars,
and proclaim that all responsibility belonged to the Democrats. To
heighten the turmoil Taylor and Scott were in politics, where they
should not have been, and they had active and hopeful friends in
Congress. Many of the Whigs, indeed, felt quite ready to put up "Old
Zack" for President and "Old Whitey" for Vice President, if only they
could injure Polk and whip the Democrats thereby; and their opponents,
understanding the game, fended off with no more scruple.[34.25]

The speeches, which ran on almost interminably, were often able,
sometimes eloquent, almost always prejudiced, and quite always
deficient in information. Indeed, a multitude of essential or important
data were wholly unknown. The same facts, the same errors, the same
arguments, the same epithets, the same laudable sentiments and the same
ignoble aims presented themselves over and over again. Assertions and
denials, proofs and refutations, accusations and answers, flings and
retorts pursued and were pursued. There was what the _Public Ledger_
called "an everlasting begging of the question"--taking premises
for granted and reaching conclusions that any one could accept, if
he pleased. "How glad I shall be when I escape from the region of
speeches--and get into the region of [undisguised] pigs and calves,"
Senator Fairfield had exclaimed a few months earlier; and no doubt many
felt in the same way now.[34.26]

Naturally the genesis of the conflict proved to be a favorite object of
contemplation, and almost every complaint against the administration
that wit could invent or stupidity fall into was brought forward.
The fact that the action of the same Congress at its first session
had turned the leaf upon that subject made no difference. The fact
that Polk's newspaper organ challenged in his name "the most rigorous
investigation--not at any future time, but _now_"--into the Executive's
"whole conduct of our Mexican relations" did not signify. No such
investigation was attempted, but invective continued. The opposition
merely cocked its eye suspiciously at everything, and found everything
iniquitous.

          "He must have optics sharp, I ween,
          Who sees what is not to be seen,"

but the feat was now accomplished.[34.27]

[OPPOSITION SCHEMES]

For example, Congress had scarcely assembled when attacks began on the
establishment of civil governments in California and New Mexico. With
such unusual strength of vision it could readily be seen that Polk had
been indulging in some villainy there. For a week or so excitement
raged. But after a while several things appeared. Our only aim had been
to mitigate the harshness of military rule, about which the kindly
Whigs had felt much exercised. The action complained of had been taken
under a military sanction, and was proper legally as well as by common
sense, for the Executive, as commander-in-chief, possessed the fullest
military authority in regions occupied by our arms. Harrison, a Whig,
had proceeded after a similar fashion in Canada during the War of 1812;
and our Supreme Court had even endorsed the view of a Whig lawyer,
Daniel Webster by name, that British occupation of Castine, Maine,
during the same war gave England rights of sovereignty there for the
time being. So far as Kearny, a Whig officer, had gone wrong, the fault
had been his own; and, finally, the unholy word "conquest," which had
made the Whigs most unhappy when applied by Polk to the occupation of
New Mexico, was found to have been applied to the British occupation of
Castine by our own Supreme Court.[34.28]

Behind idealistic declamation lay schemes that were distinctly
practical. It was thought, for example, that if the war could be made
odious, and the government's measures be hindered in Congress, Polk
would have to placate the Whigs by restoring the protective tariff.
This came out beautifully in the treatment of the proposal to lay
a duty on tea and coffee, which even the _National Intelligencer_
endorsed. A Democrat, "Long John" Wentworth of Illinois, fully as noted
for corporeal as for spiritual grandeur, and wrathful over Polk's
course in the Oregon and river and harbor affairs, moved the rejection
of the plan, and the Whigs fell into line.[34.29]

It was a noble scene. Regard for the poor man filled the mouths of the
orators. Though his cottons, his sugar and his salt had been cheerfully
made to pay, this duty would be "inhuman," a "tax on poverty," a tax
"against the fireside and against woman," a tax "against the wages of
weary labor" to support the "extravagance" of the "Tiberius" in the
White House. But almost in the same breath came the hint, "If the
administration needs money, let it re-enact the [protective] tariff of
1842." "The first condition [of Whig support] is," explained the Boston
_Atlas_, "repeal the _British Bill_. Repeal the bantling of the House
of Lords. Repeal the offspring of British paternity and precedent."
"Should they be in want of money," proclaimed Webster, "I would say to
them--restore what you have destroyed." A fairly definite understanding
to this effect seems to have existed among the Whigs; malcontents on
the other side gave them help; and the proposed duty was rejected in
the House by a vote of 115 to 48. Partly for the same reason troops
were not promptly voted. If the government does not need money, it does
not need men, said the opposition. Thus the "patriotic sublimity" of
the Whigs again commanded admiration, and some of the Democrats now had
a share in it. [34.29]

Another illustration of sublimity was the "Wilmot Proviso," that
"firebell in the night," as Alexander H. Stephens called it, which no
doubt some Congressmen accepted at its face value, and a multitude of
honest citizens regarded as a New Commandment revealed on a new Sinai.
The introduction of this measure, which prohibited slavery in territory
acquired from Mexico, was both unnecessary and unwise. It blocked
needed war legislation, added to the prevailing discord, and weakened
the government in the face of the enemy.[34.30]

But reasons of state outweighed all such trifling considerations.
The northern Whigs, to hurt their opponents and gain recruits, had
for some time been taunting the northern Democrats with subserviency
to the slave power, and it seemed to the latter that a declaration
of independence would help their electioneering. Van Buren men,
especially in the state of New York, desired to annoy Polk in return
for his beating their favorite, and taking an Old Hunker instead of a
Barnburner into the Cabinet. Wilmot, the only Pennsylvania Democrat
that had voted for the new tariff, did not feel precisely happy about
his action, and was anxious to repel the charge of truckling. His great
state and New England considered the "Southern" tariff an abomination,
and longed to retaliate. Many felt that Walker and Tyler had used sharp
practice in the annexation of Texas for the advantage of their section.
The West believed the South had actually broken a bargain by getting
its help in that matter and then dropping the Oregon issue. A general
sense that southern politicians had been overbearing prevailed above
the line. The fear that southern domination would blight interests dear
to the North exerted its usual strength; and as a final merit, the
Proviso helped to make the war odious by suggesting that it aimed to
extend slavery.[34.30]

So without regard to the logic of the situation, the welfare of the
country or the needs of our armies it was urged; and then Calhoun made
a profit in his turn by bringing in a series of pro-slavery dogmas
to rally the southerners under his banner. The northern Whigs, for
reasons just mentioned, and particularly to save themselves at home,
took up the Proviso, and it fared well; but after a time the party
discovered that favoring it might cost them several states in the next
Presidential contest, and so the New Commandment was quietly filed
away.[34.30]

[BERRIEN'S PLAN]

To replace it, however, calm the "Proviso men," and avert a party
split by preventing the emergence of a slavery issue, the "patriotic
sublimity" of the Whigs evolved another idea. This was the proposition
of Senator Berrien that no territory should be taken from Mexico, and
that while it would be "desirable" to have the Texas boundary settled
and our claims paid, we should always be ready to make terms that
would leave Mexican honor "inviolate." Here was truly a remarkable
proposition. By voting three millions to facilitate a settlement with
Mexico, in full view of Polk's grounds for proposing that measure,
Congress had already committed itself to the principle of acquiring
territory.[34.31]

But other objections to Berrien's plan far outweighed the point of
consistency. If the United States was to decide what would satisfy
Mexican honor, the plan could only have proved futile--even insulting;
and if Mexico herself, it was ludicrous. Nothing would have satisfied
Mexico's ideas of honor except the evacuation of her territory and the
surrender of Texas. When convinced by the passage of this resolution
that she had nothing to lose in the end, she would have felt still
less anxiety to sacrifice her daily golden egg--the money that our
armies paid out--by ending the war. Implying that she had done nothing
worthy of stripes, Berrien turned the war Message and the war bill into
falsehoods, and accused the United States of a horrible crime--the
crime of warring upon an innocent neighbor merely to do havoc. He
reduced the minima of our solemn demands to mere desiderata. He
represented our expenditures, our dead and our victories as elements of
a senseless farce, and left us no respectable excuse for having troops
in Mexico, except that we sent them down to scatter silver dollars
and study the fandango. He proposed to make this nation unique in
history as combining the villain, the ruffian, the simpleton and the
comedian. He attempted to revive the unendurable _status quo ante_,
leave the United States without indemnity for the past or security
for the future, stimulate Mexican vanity and self-confidence, and
weaken the prestige of our arms in Europe. In order to preserve Whig
solidarity he aimed to deprive us, not merely of California, but of
self-respect.[34.31]

All this Berrien proposed. Yet Webster, dreaming still of the
Presidency, endorsed the plan. He was put up as a candidate by the
Massachusetts Whigs on that basis; and his party, hoping to win spoils
in the approaching national election by this device, quite generally
accepted it. Said a correspondent of the _National Intelligencer_,
vouched for by the editor as a Whig statesman, "_No Mexican territory_.
Let this be the issue. Let this be the motto inscribed on the Whig
banner, and victory is certain."[34.31]

All these manoeuvres of the Whigs, aided by the Democratic
underworking, resulted, of course, in the protraction of a war which
they posed as hating. The first seven weeks of the session were almost
thrown away. The opposition hung back from granting needed troops for
reasons already suggested, and also lest the administration should
turn the appointments to party account. Democratic dissensions and
probably a wish to annoy Whig generals had a similar effect. Grudges on
account of the tariff and the river and harbor veto played their part
against war legislation. Men stooped so low as to argue that Polk, the
President of the United States, could not be trusted with $3,000,000,
when customhouse officials had larger sums in their keeping. And then
his "imbecile" administration was charged with permitting the war to
drag, "when by a few vigorous blows it could have been ended long
since." Its course exhibited "unsurpassed inefficiency," declared the
Boston _Atlas_, as well as "one unrelieved picture of wrongdoing,
corruption, weakness and blunders." Indeed, the government, "rolling
this war, as a sweet morsel, under its tongue," was detected in
wilfully doing "everything in its power to prevent" the energetic
operations upon which, as any one could see, its financial, political
and personal credit vitally depended.[34.32]

[CLAY'S LEADERSHIP]

In November, 1847, Henry Clay, the plumed leader of the national Whig
party, celebrated also as the man who elected Polk, after taking even
a longer time than others to consult the omens, gave out a speech and
a set of resolutions. These were intended as a chart for the party to
be guided by under the pilotage of that distinguished though unlucky
navigator. The author forgot having said in 1813, "an honorable peace
is attainable only by an efficient war," but he remembered to condole
with suffering Ireland. He forgot that a country engaged in hostilities
of uncertain duration and cost cannot wisely bind itself to specific
terms of peace, but reiterated the favorite Whig taunt that it was a
blind war, without known aim. Historically too, he wandered a little,
for he charged the President with ordering Taylor to plant cannon
opposite Matamoros "at the very time" when Slidell was "bending his
way" to Mexico; but Polk was unpopular, and few thought it necessary
to speak the truth about him. We oppose the annexation of Mexico,
Clay proclaimed, which, on the other hand was perhaps too true to be
interesting; and we demand only a proper boundary for Texas, which bore
him a long distance toward Berrien.[34.33]

But here was the master stroke: We desire to acquire no foreign
territory "for the purpose" of extending slavery to it. This had
the threefold merit of completely "dodging" the great question of
principle, giving the northern Whigs a graven image to worship, and
conceding to their southern brethren a full privilege to do anything
possible in the acquired territory, after it should be ours. But
unfortunately for his party the Navigator admitted that Congress had
made the conflict a national war, that a long series of "glorious"
victories had been won, and that since Congress had formulated no
declaration regarding the objects in view, Polk--frequently accused by
Whigs of carrying on the war for diabolical purposes both abhorrent and
fatal to the Constitution--had been free to use his judgment. In Mexico
Clay's speech was widely circulated, and a competent observer thought
it might delay peace one or two years. Such was the highest Whig
leadership in what Webster called a "dark and troubled night."[34.33]

One idea in the minds of not a few who endorsed the "no territory"
plan was that its adoption would render the prosecution of the war
aimless, and so check it abruptly. Others favored gaining the same
end by stopping supplies. Ex-Senator Rives, a leader of prominence,
advised Crittenden to concert measures for this purpose with Democratic
"patriots"; and in fact an understanding on the point seems to have
been reached. "Be prompt, when you are wrong, to back straight out,"
urged the New York _Tribune_, demanding the recall of our troops.
Other Whigs, after doing all they could to make the war aimless,
argued, We are fighting for nothing, why persist? "Let us call home our
armies," insisted Corwin. "Stop the war. Withdraw our forces," cried
Sumner; and Corwin believed, early in February, 1847, that only two
more votes would commit the Senate for this plan of complete national
stultification, and for bringing back in a keenly aggravated state all
our Mexican difficulties. Practically nobody dreamed of offering to
Mexico the reparation that such an idea of dropping the war implied.
The proposition was therefore hollow and insincere; little more than
politics weakly flavored with sentimentality.[34.34]

The month after Clay's chart appeared, the first session of the
Thirtieth Congress assembled. About half the Representatives were new
men, a majority belonged to the Whig party, and all had been chosen
during the gloomy autumn of the previous year. By the Navigator and
by other party leaders their work had been mapped out for them. The
objects of the war were to be defined as at most a settlement of the
Texas boundary at the Rio Grande, or a little farther north, and
payment of the old American claims; supplies were to be qualified
and limited accordingly, or entirely cut off; and in this manner
hostilities would be ended.[34.35]

But politics, not principle, still dominated most of the Whigs. They
viewed everything with reference to the impending election of a
President; and public sentiment regarding the war had now changed. The
battle of Buena Vista had aroused extraordinary enthusiasm; Scott's
victories, refuting the charges of inefficiency and silencing the
prophets of calamity, had been decisive as well as brilliant; the
expenses of the war were far less burdensome than its opponents had
prophesied; Mexico had proved stubborn and unreasonable; the sort of
opposition that had been practised was seen to be aiding the enemy, and
hence fell somewhat into disfavor; and the people, believing peace and
a reward for their sacrifices within reach, had made up their minds
to carry the business through. Besides, many of the Whigs themselves
were too proud to "back out," and many at the north--high-tariff
men--wished the war to continue. By a rather small vote and a very
narrow margin--85 to 81--it was duly branded as unnecessary and
unconstitutional, and Webster, now an out-an-out opposition candidate
for the Presidency, approved of this little black "blister-plaster";
but in view of national sentiment "patriotic sublimity" of a practical
sort now looked expensive, and a motion contemplating the withdrawal of
our troops perished in the House under a vote of 41 to 137.[34.35]

[THE OPPOSITION FAILS]

It was perfectly feasible, however, to snarl, nag, procrastinate
and work for personal aims; and few opportunities passed unheeded.
"Tiger hunts"--ambitious members attacking rivals--used up much time.
Cliques locked horns over pressing military needs. Webster seemed to
forget everything except his ambition. Benton raged over the fate of
the Lieutenant General bill and the censure of Frémont for disobeying
Kearny. Calhoun, having allowed his hair to grow, resembled a porcupine
less than before, but felt no less anxious to prove himself the sole
hope of the South. Polk, instead of gaining popularity from the
success of his administration, was looked upon as intoxicated by its
fumes, and a section of his party advised throwing him openly to the
sharks. Congressional resolutions were aimed at him. All the dying
embers of controversy were solicitously fanned. The causes of the
war, the conduct of the war, the instructions to Slidell, the return
of Santa Anna, the occupation of New Mexico, the tariff in Mexican
ports and the treatment of Taylor and Scott furnished themes for stale
speeches. To chill the growing popularity of the war, direct taxes
were suggested; and the chairman of the ways and means committee piled
up the prospective costs far above the estimates of the government.
After some two months of it Marcy gave up hope. But the Whigs knew they
must do nothing serious against the war, and before long it happily
ended.[34.36]

The results of all this personal, designing or factious opposition to
the government and the war proved most unfortunate. The administration
could never be sure what action Congress would take, nor when; and
therefore its course was necessarily timid, weak and hesitating. Time
and strength had to be consumed in foreseeing and in meeting captious
objections, and in battling against public prejudices that hampered
both military and financial efficiency. "We shall have three months of
turmoil--our errors exposed, our good deeds perverted," wrote Marcy to
a friend at the beginning of December, 1846; and such an expectation
did not conduce to satisfactory work. Bold, rapid strokes could not be
ventured; caution and cheese-paring had to be the rule. In the field
all this bore fruit in vexation, delay, expense and loss of life. "In
the name of God," exclaimed a man at the front, "will the politicians
of our country never cease gambling for the Presidency upon the blood
of their countrymen?"[34.37]

And the uproar had another consequence. When the treaty was ratified
the government organ referred to the conflict with Mexico as "one of
the most brilliant wars that ever adorned the annals of any nation";
and the chief Whig journal placed these words without criticism in its
own editorial column. The trial was over, and the fiercely contesting
lawyers walked off, arm in arm, to dine. The inefficient and shameless
war was now brilliant and most creditable. Indeed, the Whigs chose
for standard-bearer a man who represented professionally the military
spirit they had raised pious hands against, who belonged to the
slaveholding order so plainly viewed askance by the New Commandment,
who had recommended the advance to the Rio Grande, who had aimed the
cannon at Matamoros, who had advised appropriating Mexican territory
by force of arms, and who owed in fact all his prominence to playing a
leading rôle in the "illegal, unrighteous, and damnable" war. Nobody
thought of impeaching Polk, or of bringing home to him the guilt that
was to have sunk him to the bottom of the bottomless pit.[34.38]

[RESULTS OF THE OPPOSITION}

Yet all the Whig journalism and oratory stood in the record. Hosea
Biglow became an immortal.[34.39] New Englanders gained the ear of
reading people. Keen young radicals of the northeast, where the muse of
history chiefly dwelt, dominated to a great extent the public thought.
Polk retired from power and from life, and nobody cared to defend,
or even to hear defended, a creature so unpopular and so generally
denounced. Declamation that well-informed men of the day had rated at
its true value came to be taken seriously. One side of the case faded
from sight, the other was engraved on bronze. And so the patriotic
habit of eagerly throwing stones at the Mexican War and its backers
became traditional.[34.40]

This has been a mistake. No doubt, as we have seen, errors and
misdeeds enough must be charged to the administration. All the actors
were vessels of clay, like the rest of us. But in reality the least
creditable phase of our proceedings was the conduct of the opposition.




XXXV

THE FOREIGN RELATIONS OF THE WAR

1846-1848


At the time our difficulties with Mexico approached their climax,
the popularity and prestige of the United States abroad were not the
highest possible. England, our gentle mother, showed a particular want
of regard for us.[35.1] Herself recently weaned from slavery, she
viewed with a convert's intolerance our adhering to that institution.
Having just cured her most outrageous electoral abuses, she enjoyed
hearing the London _Times_ describe our government as "a polity
corrupted in all its channels with the foulest venality." Ever
scrupulous and self-denying when a question of gaining territory was
concerned, she felt shocked by American "rapacity"; and the _Times_,
while infinitely proud that England's banner waved in every quarter
of the globe, ridiculed American "imperial pretensions" as echoed and
re-echoed "in a nasal jargon, compounded at once of bad grammar and
worse principle."[35.3]

[THE UNITED STATES CRITICIZED ABROAD}

The disposition of certain states to repudiate bonds held in Great
Britain, and their tardiness in paying interest, excited all the
righteous indignation of the creditor. The descriptions of this country
put forth by honored guests like Dickens and Mrs. Trollope, who made
themselves merry and popular at our expense, furnished excuses for
countless jibes; and in September, 1845, the _Times_ discovered "great
danger" that the nightmare of an old English writer would come true in
the United States: "No arts, no letters, no society, and, what is worst
of all, continual feare and danger of violent death, and the life of
man solitary, poore, nasty, brutish, and short."[35.3]

If one aspect of our civilization appeared more laughable than all
the rest, it was the military side. The title of General, observed
the _Times_, was "legitimately common to the greater part of the
respectable male population," and _Britannia_ outdid this excellent
jest by telling of "majors who serve out beer, and colonels who rub
down the heels of one's horse." Literary men were angered by our
failure to amend the copyright law as they desired; and our pronounced
republicanism, trumpeted by Polk in his annual Message of 1845,
irritated almost everybody. The plain intimation of the same Message
that European monarchies were not expected to interfere in America
seemed even worse; and the President was represented as meaning that
we intended to get Mexico into a dark alley alone, and rob her. The
annexation of Texas, which England had exerted all her diplomatic
strength to prevent, could not be forgiven, and the Oregon difficulty
threatened war.[35.3]

Even Englishmen who believed in the rights of the people, said the
_Times_, turned from us with "indignant scorn;" and in another of
its many outbursts, which would have been terrible had they not been
ludicrous, that paper warned us that, as we followed the example, we
invited the punishment of self-willed Corcyra. "The most impudent,
bullying, boasting nation of mankind," was _Britannia's_ genial
description of us; and she loved to parade "our national scorn of
America and her statesmanship." In short, McLane, the American minister
at London, reported privately--with some exaggeration, one desires to
believe--that a deep-seated dislike, "amounting almost to hate, of our
people, of our country and of our Institutions," prevailed universally
in England.[35.3]

On the continent these opinions were more or less distinctly reflected.
In France the heart of the people beat warmly for us and against
their neighbors across the Channel; but the court and the government,
regarding a close alliance with Great Britain as of cardinal
importance, and the newspapers which, like the _Journal des Débats_,
represented them with more or less fidelity, exerted a strong influence
the other way. At the end of 1845 Polk deepened this, for his Message
referred in cutting terms to the interference of that country on the
side of Great Britain[35.2] in our business of absorbing Texas.[35.3]

The French government occupied a weak position in reference to that
affair, for Guizot, the chief minister, believing that Henry Clay
would be elected President and shelve it, had thought he could safely
gratify England. Thiers, ardent and eloquent, now attacked his course
in Parliament, insisting that an ally had been sacrificed to an enemy.
Guizot, pale, scholarly and calculating, said in reply, Thiers has
appealed to your instincts, I will appeal to your judgment; and pressed
his theory of an American balance of power. But good-will for the
United States and hatred for England were too strong for him. "What
empty vocalization!" exclaimed _Le National_; "What unhappy exertions!
What reverberating accents, like echoes in the desert! It was poor.
It was cold. It was null." Yet no doubt the sting of Polk's rebuke
lingered, though Guizot intimated in bitterly sweet language that it
should not be resented, since he knew no better; and many Frenchmen who
condemned their government's policy, condemned the United States for
publicly recalling it.[35.3]

Mexico, however, stood in a much worse position abroad than we. For
many years, it is true, she had been representing herself as Andromeda,
shivering at the American crocodile or what-not that was approaching
to devour her; and at the end of July, 1845, in announcing to foreign
governments that hostilities were shortly to begin, she repeated
that while she had done everything honorable to preserve peace, the
United States had exhibited "no rule of conduct toward Mexico except
a disloyal and perfidious policy, and no purpose except to seize
successively every part of her territory that it could obtain."[35.4]

By such reiterated protestations considerable sympathy was aroused
at London and Paris. Englishmen holding Mexican bonds naturally had
tender feelings on the subject. British capitalists involved in
Mexican silver mines and other investments, and British merchants and
manufacturers, who enjoyed the lion's pre-eminence in Mexican commerce,
felt deeply interested. British finances required silver bullion, and
British statesmen dreaded a further extension of our boundary toward
the southwest. But the politics of Mexico excited such contempt, her
financial conduct such disgust, her restrictions upon foreign trade
such irritation, and her treatment of foreign powers such resentment
that she could not be viewed with cordiality, confidence or even
respect.[35.4]

[MEXICO UNPOPULAR IN EUROPE]

Disraeli spoke of every government of Mexico as "born in a revolution
and expiring in a riot." The chargé d'affaires of Spain told Santa
Anna that, on account of the instability of chiefs and systems, it
was impossible to have a settled policy toward his country. In twenty
years British imports did not increase, and the number of British
houses engaged in Mexican business diminished. The treaty made with
France after the war of 1838 was not carried out by Mexico; and at
the beginning of 1846, owing to a long-standing quarrel, which France
would have settled on reasonable terms, that country was represented
by the Spanish minister. Mexico has "wilfully incurred the odium of
foreign Nations," declared the British Foreign Office; and the Mexican
correspondent of the _Times_ was permitted to say in its columns that
an American absorption of Mexico would be greatly for the advantage of
humanity. The London _Athenæum_ expressed the same opinion. Even _Le
Journal des Débats_, besides complaining that every nation in Europe
had been treated outrageously by Mexico, admitted that she had "sunk
to the lowest point of weakness and folly." The country "is destitute
of intelligence, of energy, of principle," said that paper; "it is a
government of barbarians, but of barbarians enervated by the corrupting
vices of civilization."[35.4]

To conciliate public opinion abroad, our state department on May 14,
1846, one day after Congress authorized war, issued a circular to
the American ministers and consuls.[35.5] "It is our interest, as it
has ever been our inclination," said Buchanan, "that Mexico should
be an independent and powerful Republic, and that our relations with
her should be of the most friendly character"; but "the avaricious
and unprincipled men who have placed themselves at the head of her
Government" have prevented her from acting the part of a stable and
orderly nation. "For some years, in our intercourse with her, we have
incurred much of the expense, and suffered many of the inconveniences
of war whilst nominally at peace. This state of things had, at last,
become intolerable. We go to war with Mexico solely for the purpose
of conquering an honorable and permanent peace. Whilst we intend to
prosecute the war with vigor, both by land and by sea, we shall bear
the olive branch in one hand, and the sword in the other; and whenever
she will accept the former, we shall sheathe the latter." This
despatch and the President's recent Message[35.6] were to guide our
foreign representatives in conversation about the war.[35.7]

By the Spanish-Americans the outbreak of hostilities was received
with surprising calmness. Mexico endeavored to make them feel
that a conflict of races had begun, and that she was leading the
van in a common cause; but whether dissatisfied with her course
in the past--especially with reference to preferential trade
relations--thankful to the United States for the shelter of the "Monroe
Doctrine," or simply indifferent to outside concerns, they held aloof.
Guatemala alone displayed a strong sympathy. The official gazette
of New Granada printed Polk's war Message in full without a word of
criticism.[35.9]

The mother-country, Spain, would naturally have been expected to take
a deep interest in the contest; but Mexico had been a rebellious
daughter, had treated the Spanish subjects within her borders with
cruel unfriendliness, and had recently shown a fierce aversion to the
scheme of subjecting her to a Spanish prince. For commercial reasons
that power desired an early termination of the hostilities, and
signified as much to our government;[35.8] but at the same time she
pledged herself to "the strictest neutrality," and she refrained from
even offering mediation. Her minister at Mexico, Bermúdez de Castro,
assisted the authorities there with advice, but before the war ended he
turned over the legation to a chargé, and went home. A band of Carlist
officers talked of going to the scene of action in May, 1847; but if
their plan was carried out, they successfully avoided publicity. About
the same time _El Heraldo_ of Madrid asked whether Europe would permit
the United States to absorb, little by little, all of America; but this
was academic, and the journal admitted that Mexico was then practically
beyond relief.[35.9]

Baron von Canitz, the Prussian minister of foreign relations, when
officially notified of the war, said it must be far from easy to live
on amicable terms with a country like Mexico, "where anarchy reigns
and where the Supreme power was constantly contested by a succession
of military chieftains, who were compelled to maintain their usurped
authority by the same unworthy means by which they had obtained
it." Aided by Alexander von Humboldt, who had lived in Mexico, King
Frederick William followed the operations of the war attentively; but,
happy enough that we were not his own neighbors, he felt no concern
about a possible enlargement of our territory at the expense of Mexico.
Indeed, he looked upon our success as in the interest of civilization,
and at a distinguished public meeting one of the ministers referred
to our future power on the shores of the Pacific with hope and
approbation. For the rest, as the Zollverein had little direct
commercial business with the region blockaded, Prussia busied herself
with her own affairs.[35.10]

[SENTIMENT IN ENGLAND]

At London the announcement of hostilities was both unexpected and
unwelcome. Ostensibly they grew out of the annexation of Texas, and
for that reason were a disagreeable reminder. They took place in spite
of earnest efforts to prevent Mexico from challenging the United
States, and hence recalled another diplomatic failure. They seemed
almost certain to injure British interests, and increase the territory
and prestige of the United States. There was a notion, voiced in
Parliament by Disraeli, that success might be followed by an attack
upon Canada or the British West Indies. It seemed highly probable that
had England postponed for a few days the offer which finally settled
the Oregon dispute, better terms might have been extorted from the
United States. Her policy had been to have our difficulties with Mexico
kept alive until after an adjustment of that affair, and now it was
thought possible that we might bring Mexico to terms at once, and use
in some other unpleasant way our military preparations. The war, so
much regretted by her, was seen to be largely, if not mainly or wholly,
due to this policy and that of the British newspapers, which had urged
Mexico to despise our military power, and to rely upon the difficulty
of invading her territory successfully; and finally an uncomfortable
fear prevailed that in some way the peace of the world might be
imperilled.[35.11]

Hence disappointment and irritation were felt at the British Foreign
Office. Aberdeen warned our minister that dangers of collision would be
involved in a blockade and in any project of acquiring territory; and
he said frankly that he could not be expected to contemplate with any
pleasure the disastrous injuries the war might very probably inflict
upon the Mexican government and people. Only one cause of satisfaction
could be seen by the British Cabinet. An apprehension had been felt
that France might be induced--through her friendship for the United
States or the idea that American control of Mexico would be for her
diplomatic and commercial advantage--to join us; and the French king,
confirming an anticipatory declaration already made by Guizot, took
position at once for strict neutrality.[35.11]

In the press and the commercial circles of London sympathy with Mexico
was general, said our minister; and the news that Americans were
fighting aroused no sentiment in our favor. Of course little could be
expected of "that Napoleon of the backwoods," as _Britannia_ called
our President. The defeat of Taylor on the Rio Grande was hoped for
and counted upon; and even after his overthrow of Arista the _Times_,
which had already predicted that our operations, in the case of
hostilities, would be "utterly uninteresting and inglorious"--even
"disgusting"--concluded that we should probably fail. "Bluster does not
win battles, though it may begin brawls," the editor moralized. All
Europe must consider the war "an insulting and illegal aggression,"
said the _Chronicle_; and the _Post_ attributed our course to "the
angry passions of the untamed democracy of the States," which Polk was
ready to gratify at any cost.[35.11]

The press of France, on the other hand, was in general friendly.
Let the Americans have Mexico, and a prodigious development of the
country will follow, urged _Le National_; would not that be preferable
to seeing the English get it? To support the United States is to
strengthen an ally against Great Britain, it added. _Le Correspondant_
said, "The Anglo-Saxon race will flow unchecked over the fair provinces
where the people, descendants of the conquering Spaniards, have allowed
themselves to slumber in corruption"; and it argued that such a change
would benefit the Roman Catholic church in Mexico by purifying and
energizing it. Even _Le Journal des Débats_ admitted that our invasion
"would be something which humanity would have to applaud, in spite of
the just reprobation attached to a spirit of conquest." In view of
such public sentiment W. R. King, our minister at Paris, had reason to
predict, that no trouble was to be apprehended from the government,
since the country would restrain it.[35.12] Even Guizot, when bitterest
at heart, found it necessary to profess high respect for that "great
nation," the United States.[35.13]

[ENGLAND DISPOSED TO INTERVENE]

June 6, 1846--that is to say, without loss of time--Aberdeen, the
British minister of foreign affairs, intimated to McLane in a private
conversation, unofficially, and upon his personal responsibility, that
should Polk desire it, "he would be happy, in a more formal way, to
propose a mediation."[35.14] This proposal, received by McLane in his
private capacity only, was duly made known to our government, but it
elicited no reply. Our silence did not please Palmerston, who succeeded
Aberdeen about the beginning of July; and that young "fop with grey
hair," as _Le Journal des Débats_ described him, resolved to propose
mediation in such terms as to require an answer.[35.17]

Soon after the middle of August, therefore, he instructed Pakenham to
ascertain whether a formal offer of mediation would be acceptable, and
if so to make it in "the form which might be agreed upon" by Pakenham
and Buchanan.[35.15] The only result, however, was a memorandum
received from our government on September 11, which said that it
duly appreciated the friendly spirit of the British Cabinet, that it
desired to make peace upon just and honorable terms and had therefore
made an overture to Mexico on July 27, and that it thought the formal
mediation of a foreign power unnecessary and inexpedient, but would
regard with favor any influence used to induce Mexico to accept this
overture.[35.16] Later Pakenham improved every opportunity to remind
Buchanan of the British government's "anxious desire ... to be useful
in bringing about a reconciliation between the two Republicks," but he
found himself unable to accomplish anything in this direction.[35.17]

The real question, however, was whether Great Britain would forcibly
interpose. Such a policy she forbade Mexico to count on, saying
that she could not be expected to assume the chief burden of a war
which had resulted from the failure of that country to act upon her
advice;[35.18] but this did not bind her own hands, and no doubt
the government felt a pressure, if not a leaning, in the direction
of interference. Both certain interests and certain passions
demanded such a course. The _Times_ and other newspapers pointed that
way,[35.19] and in the House of Commons Disraeli and Bentinck spoke on
that side. "A pretence only is wanting," wrote McLane. This, however,
was not precisely correct. Aberdeen told Murphy, the Mexican minister,
that it would be Quixotic to take up arms on the simple ground that
Mexico had been wronged; and in view of England's own course, it would
also have been ridiculous. "Scinde is ours," exclaimed _Britannia_
at about this time, thus announcing one more step in the conquest
of India, "and we pay the penalty of the treachery by which it was
acquired in the curse of possession." What Great Britain wanted was a
substantial advantage in prospect.[35.20]

For a time it looked as if California might provide this. Peel himself
was rather dazzled by the idea of gaining San Francisco, and Aberdeen
viewed with "the utmost repugnance," wrote Murphy, the likelihood that
we should acquire the province. During the last three months of 1845
the subject was thoroughly discussed by Murphy and Aberdeen, and the
latter's mind appeared to be "tormented" for a solution of the problem.
The method of interposition followed in the war between Buenos Aires
and Montevideo appealed to him, but he felt that France could not
easily be drawn into it. The Mackintosh plan of British colonization
received careful attention as possibly the means of creating a British
interest in California; but Aberdeen thought it would be unbecoming,
and would give the United States a just ground of offence, to put
the plan in operation at so late a day, evidently for the purpose of
blocking us (_á propósito para las circunstancias_), and he feared it
would not be effective after all against American immigration. The
Mexican decree of April, 1837, which mortgaged a certain quantity of
lands (for instance, in California) to the bondholders appeared to
promise better, and on that basis a scheme was actually drawn up at
London in October, 1845, for submission to the government of Mexico.
But at this juncture Herrera was overthrown, the British Cabinet felt
profoundly disgusted, and Murphy's position became uncertain.[35.21]

After Aberdeen retired from the Foreign Office in 1846, the suggestion
of Paredes that Great Britain take military possession of California
seems to have tempted Palmerston; but, aside from other objections,
he shrewdly suspected that Mexico had by this time lost control of the
territory. In December, 1847, Dr. Mora, who succeeded Murphy, proposed
on his own responsibility a sale of California to England, arguing that
by our endeavor to purchase it the United States had confessed we had
no claim there; but Palmerston, though evidently tempted again, merely
decided that any authorized communication on the subject should receive
the attention justly due to its importance, and soon the treaty of
peace put an end to the matter. No "substantial advantage" had seemed
to come within reach.[35.21]

Nor had even a satisfactory pretext for intervention been found. McLane
had urged our government to give none, and in particular to avoid all
infringement upon the rights of neutrals.[35.22] The policy of our
blockade was extremely liberal. British mail packets were exempt from
its restrictions, and they were permitted to embark specie and land
quicksilver at Vera Cruz and Tampico. During the blockade of Mazatlán
British subjects were treated with such consideration that our courtesy
was formally acknowledged, and it was admitted that Scott "invariably"
guarded their interests in the sphere of his operations. Our opening
the ports to all nations, establishing a low tariff, and endeavoring
to protect commercial relations with the interior were boons that
foreign powers had no reason to expect, and British traders appreciated
our attitude.[35.23] By December, 1847, the merchants of London were
distinctly opposed to intervention; and when the Duc de Broglie
demanded in astonishment why England had viewed our military operations
with such indifference, he was told that Mexico in the hands of the
United States would be of far more value in regard to commerce and
investments than ever before. At the same time persons of less narrow
views hoped to see that country regenerated through us.[35.24]

[BRITISH INTERVENTION NOT FEASIBLE]

On the other hand embarrassments of the most serious character stood
in the way of interposition. As the _Globe_ said, the project of
annexing Texas had afforded better grounds, yet England had looked
aghast before the prospect of losses and risks involved in a collision
with this country. So had she done in the case of Oregon; and the
advantages of remaining at peace with the United States were still
obvious. There were other considerations also. She wanted time to
readjust her business under the régime of free trade, and _Le National_
thought she desired to develop her India cotton fields before severing
her relations with us. The political situation in Ireland and the
Irish famine were grave embarrassments, and the generous aid given by
the United States to the starving population of that island excited
gratitude. British mercantile finances proved to be unsound, and a bad
panic occurred; and manufacturing interests awoke to the fact that
many rivals threatened them. The profound unrest which precipitated
Europe into the revolutionary convulsions of 1848 could already be
felt;[35.25] and finally the relations of England to France occasioned
a grave sense of uncertainty.[35.26]

With the support of that power, said Murphy, Aberdeen would have been
willing to fight.[35.27] Her military assistance did not particularly
matter, but he was afraid that popular unfriendliness toward the
government--already shown by a violent opposition in the press and the
parliament--and the scarcely slumbering hatred of England might drive
the country into active support of the United States, and bring on a
general conflagration.[35.28] Such was the situation when Peel, whom
Louis Philippe leaned heavily upon, stood at the head of the British
government; and after he resigned at the end of June, 1846, it became
far more difficult. For the new administration Louis entertained no
such regard. The marriage of the Duc de Montpensier, his son, to a
Spanish princess destroyed the _entente cordiale_. Harsh language was
exchanged. Guizot and Palmerston endeavored to overthrow each other,
and the British ambassador at Paris had a personal difficulty with
Guizot.[35.29]

As for France herself, the premier's loud advocacy of an American
balance of power compelled him logically to prevent the United States,
if he could, from acquiring new territory. Influential writers--Gabriel
Ferry, for example--insisted that French interests, principles and
prestige in Mexico demanded protection. _L'Epoque_, which many
regarded as Guizot's personal organ, took that ground firmly in a long
and studied article, and called for joint intervention. _Le Journal
des Débats_, our persistent enemy, suggested the same view. But the
diplomatic journal, _La Portefeuille_, was resolute for neutrality,
and the other leading papers reiterated the familiar objections against
playing the British game; and hence, while it appeared reasonable to
expect that Guizot would aid England more or less in a diplomatic way
to limit the extension of our boundaries, no other sort of French
intervention seemed at all probable.[35.30]

[EFFECTS OF AMERICAN SUCCESS]

The success of our armies clinched the argument. From the first,
McLane urged that a vigorous campaign should be waged. That, he said,
would be the best way to prevent interference, and he predicted that
victories would overcome sympathy with Mexico. Had Taylor been defeated
on the Rio Grande, as Londoners expected, those ill-disposed toward us
in Europe, wrote our minister at Paris, "might have been emboldened
to unfriendly or offensive demonstrations"; but as it was, reported
McLane, the conduct of the American army and the magnanimity of the
American general served to "inspire a respect for our country and our
cause which was not felt before, and which nothing less could have
produced." The failure of Ulúa to detain Scott until the yellow fever
should force him to decamp had no slight effect; and the victories at
Vera Cruz and Cerro Gordo, reported Bancroft, who succeeded McLane at
the court of St. James, totally changed the complexion of sentiment
in Europe regarding the United States. After the battles of Contreras
and Churubusco the same minister said to a friend, "You should be here
to see how our successes have opened the eyes of the Old World to our
great destinies." In England racial sympathy, too, could not wholly be
suppressed. Scott received very handsome compliments from the commander
of the British fleet at Vera Cruz and from a son of Sir Robert Peel,
who was aboard one of the vessels; and Robert Anderson remarked in his
diary: When our arms do something glorious, "jealousy, for the moment,
is conquered by pride." Indeed Lord Palmerston himself spoke most
warmly to Bancroft of our victories as illustrating the superiority of
the Anglo-Saxon.[35.31]

King believed they "secured a perhaps doubtful neutrality." "Let
Mexico show the determination and the power to resist," remarked
_Le Journal des Débats_ significantly, and a way to aid her will
doubtless be found, but "Europe cannot intervene effectively in behalf
of a people who throw themselves away." It is impossible to help
those who will not help themselves, admitted the London _Times_; and
Palmerston--disgusted, no doubt, like every one else, with Mexico's
failure to achieve anything except fresh revolutions--admitted to
Bankhead that it would be very imprudent to break with the United
States for the sake of a country which did nothing effectual to defend
itself.[35.31]

Some things, however, it was possible to do against us. At the
beginning of the conflict our minister observed in London a systematic
endeavor to break down American credit, and so embarrass our military
operations. Viscount Ranelagh proposed to bring over enough British
officers for some four or five thousand men, and it was not their
fault nor his that Murphy said the Mexicans would not serve under
foreigners. A captain employed by the highly favored company of English
mail packets landed Paredes, an avowed enemy of the United States,
at Vera Cruz. Mexico is "the very country for the guerilla," hinted
_Britannia_; it "has ready-made guerillas by the ten thousand or the
hundred thousand; it has hills and hollows where ten men might stop the
march of 50,000." And the same journal went still farther. In the case
of an invasion, it proclaimed, "the soldier is a soldier no more; he
is a burglar, a robber, a murderer"; and should foreign troops invade
England, "No quarter!" ought rightfully to be the cry.[35.32]

But the special delight of unfriendly journals was to misrepresent our
military operations.[35.33] Apparently Taylor's battles on the Rio
Grande surprised the editorial mind so much that few comments were
ready, but after a while the _Times_ remarked, "No hostile army has
been really beaten"; and it described our success at Monterey as merely
occupying "a town of log-huts." That paper long professed to regard the
war as "a border squabble," "ridiculous and contemptible," "justified
by hypocrisy," "carried on with impotence," and sure to end "in some
compromise more humiliating to the United States than to Mexico." "The
Americans who have to conduct this most wearisome of wars," it assured
its gratified readers, "are least of all nations competent to the task.
They have no army, and have constitutional objections to raising one.
They have no money, and are resolutely determined to find none. They
have no General, and have just agreed [by rejecting the plan of a
lieutenant general] never to have one."[35.34]

[VIEWS OF OUR MILITARY OPERATIONS]

"The military tactics of the Americans," remarked the _Examiner_ at the
same stage, "have displayed an equal want of talent and of purpose";
while its fair colleague, _Britannia_, exclaimed: The hostilities
against Mexico are "at once wretched and ridiculous.... So much for
the boasting of Jonathan!" With unwinking and unsuspecting humor the
_Times_ commented thus on the fight at Buena Vista: "Beyond the fact
that the Americans undoubtedly beat off, though from a strong position,
a force nearly quadrupling their own, they seem to have no great
grounds for triumph." In fact they were now "worse off than ever"; they
had actually lost prestige; and all the Mexicans needed to do was "to
sit still and be sulky."[35.34]

Scott fared no better than Taylor. His bombarding Vera Cruz was
characterized as "revolting," as an "infamy," as "one of the most
atrocious and barbarous acts committed in modern times by the forces
of a civilized nation," as "degrading to mankind." Somehow the _Times_
was repentant enough to publish a reply, which said: "The first
broadside of Lord Exmouth's guns at Algiers destroyed a greater number
of unoffending, unarmed people, than the bombardment of Vera Cruz,"
and pointed out that Scott was under some obligation to treat with
humanity his own troops, whom delay would have exposed to the yellow
fever. Compassionate John Bull! exclaimed the _American Review_; "Is
it true that the English bombarded Copenhagen? Is Hindostan more than
a fiction? Had Clive and Hastings any substantial bodily existence?
Is not Ireland a _mythe_" and of course it might have added that an
assault would have caused immensely more loss of life at Vera Cruz than
did the bombardment.[35.35]

According to the _Times_ our contemplated advance against Mexico
City was "the mere dream of an ignorant populace"; while the more
prudent _Morning Chronicle_ termed it "about as visionary as that of
Napoleon upon Moscow." "There is but one thing we know of," added the
_Chronicle_, "that is more difficult than for the United States army to
get to Mexico, and that would be to get back again to Vera Cruz." When
the Americans triumphed at Cerro Gordo over both nature and man, the
_Chronicle_ itself had to admit that our courage was "unquestionable,"
but it consoled itself by placing the American and Mexican armies on
the same level as partaking "pretty considerably of the nature of
mobs." The victories of Contreras and Churubusco were viewed by the
_Times_ as calculated "to raise the confidence" of our enemy, and the
editor announced that Scott, after these disastrous triumphs, was
"much more likely to capitulate" than to capture Mexico. Naturally
_Britannia_ pronounced our invasion of the country "a great mistake,"
and asked in deep concern, How are the Americans going to get out of
it?[35.36]

The occupation of the capital was regarded as only one misfortune
more. "The Americans have played out their last card," roared the
Thunderer, "and are still as far as ever from the game." Worse yet, it
foresaw, we were now going to crown our outrages. The churches would
be robbed, and "when churches are ransacked will houses be spared?
When saints are despoiled will citizens be spared?" The war never can
end, added the same paper, for "the invaders of Mexico ... are not
the men to build the temple of peace"; and retribution is inevitable,
since the passion for conquest, which has already "extinguished" the
political morality of the United States, will eventually impair their
political institutions, and the annexed provinces will be an American
Ireland.[35.36]

The treaty of peace caused no serious trouble. As early as January,
1846, _Le Journal des Débats_ said the Americans would soon have
California, and thus prepared its readers for the main feature of our
terms. The United States will obtain California, for Mexico cannot pay
an indemnity, echoed _Le National_. In reply to Aberdeen's hint on the
opening of hostilities, that it would be imprudent for this country
to appropriate any Mexican territory, McLane remarked that "it was at
present not easy to foresee all the consequences of a war which Mexico
had so wantonly provoked, and in which the United States had so much
injustice and so many wrongs to redress"; and no British statesman
could have failed to understand what this meant.[35.37]

When Polk's Message of December, 1846, clearly showed that we expected
to retain California, the British newspapers set up an incoherent,
savage growl; but the triumphs at Vera Cruz and Cerro Gordo made
it plain that we had earned--or were likely to earn--the rights of
a conqueror, and must be taken seriously. Bancroft soon wrote that
England was "preparing to hear of our negotiating for half, or two
thirds, or even the whole of Mexico"; and Palmerston himself said we
might as well take it all. "You are the Lords of Mexico," exclaimed
Lord Ashburton to our minister. After the occupation of the capital
even _Le Journal des Débats_ admitted that the only possible indemnity
would be a province or two, and _Britannia_ remarked, "From this time
the whole country must be considered as part of the territory of the
United States." "It is becoming a fashion, rather, to expect the
absorption of all Mexico," reported Bancroft.[35.37]

[OUR PEACE TERMS ACCEPTABLE TO EUROPE]

When the treaty arrived in Europe, the convulsions of widespread
revolution had begun there, people on the continent were too busy to
think much about our gains, and the British did not wish to think of
them; but the general sentiment of those who considered the matter
appears to have been surprise at our moderation. Humboldt, though
a citizen of Mexico, conceded that our terms were proper; and the
critical _Journal des Débats_ remarked, "Assuredly this is sparing a
foe who lies in the dust." Such a characterization of our behavior was
for us a legitimate source of pride; and, as the respect universally
paid to valor and success accompanied it all over Europe, we had ample
reason to feel gratified.[35.37]




XXXVI

CONCLUSION

1825-1848


The conflict with Mexico came to pass as logically as a thunderstorm.
At the beginning of her independent existence our people felt earnestly
and enthusiastically anxious to maintain cordial relations with our
sister republic, and many crossed the line of absurd sentimentality
in that cause. Friction was inevitable, however. The Americans were
direct, positive, brusque, angular and pushing; and they could not
understand their neighbors on the south. The Mexicans were equally
unable to fathom our good-will, sincerity, patriotism, resoluteness and
courage; and certain features of their character and national condition
made it far from easy to get on with them.[36.1]

Though generally amiable and often brilliant or charming, they lacked
common sense, principle, steadiness and knowledge of the world. They
were passionate, suspicious, over-subtle, self-confident and fond of
gamblers' risks. They regarded firmness on our part as arrogance,
and kindness as debility. Their policy was defined by the Mexico
correspondent of the London _Times_ as a compound of Spanish intrigue
and Indian cunning, dominated--it might have been added--by provincial
vanity and sensitiveness. They scarcely possessed the character of a
nation. The whole period from 1822 to 1848 has been classified by their
National Museum as a period of anarchy. Their international duties
were not recognized. Unscrupulous factions and usurpers used foreign
relations as the shuttlecocks of selfish schemes. Pride, said their
own statesman, J. F. Ramírez, forbade them to treat on the necessary
basis of mutual consideration and concession, and insisted upon either
complete victory or the consolation of having yielded to irresistible
force, while procrastination put off the settlement of issues until the
proper time for adjusting them had passed.[36.2]

[WHY MEXICO WAS DEFEATED]

Then between us and this difficult people arose the extraordinarily
complicated question of Texas. It was characteristic of Mexico to deny
the justice of the Texan revolt on the ground that settlers in her
territory were bound to accept the political will of the country; but
it was futile. "Nobody will be argued into slavery," said Burke; and
this was peculiarly true when the proffered slavery did not in truth
represent the will of the country, and was more capricious, cruel
and injurious than the régime against which the Mexicans themselves
had rebelled. Our recognition of Texas not only was founded on just
reasons, but was concurred in by the leading powers of Europe. The
annexation of that republic meant the wise and unforced incorporation
of a free people, independent both by right and in fact, after Mexico
had practically abandoned all expectation of its becoming once more
a part of that nation, and entertained little hope save to gratify a
stubborn pride at the expense of Texas and the rest of the world.[36.3]

Her treatment of Texans and Americans violated the laws of justice and
humanity, and--since there was no tribunal to punish it--laid upon
the United States, both as her nearest neighbor and as an injured
community, the duty of retribution. In almost every way possible,
indeed, she forced us to take a stand. She would neither reason
nor hearken to reason, would not understand, would not negotiate.
Compensation for the loss of territory, in excess of its value to
her, she knew she could have. Peace and harmony with this country
she knew might be hers. But prejudice, vanity, passion and wretched
politics inclined her toward war; her overrated military advantages,
her expectations of European aid, the unpreparedness of the United
States, and in particular the supposed inferiority of Taylor and his
army encouraged her; and she deliberately launched the attack so long
threatened.

As was just and natural, Mexico primarily owed her failure in the war
to the characteristics that led her into it. From a strictly military
point of view her case was not precisely hopeless. Intrinsically the
rank and file of her armies, though not by nature warlike, had courage
enough, and possessed an extraordinary degree of that willingness
to endure fatigue and hardship, which Napoleon deemed still more
important. They were more frugal and obedient than our men; and while
the lack of moral and physical strength, discipline and confidence
in one another and their officers made them shrink from the American
bayonet and the fixed American eye behind it, they bore infantry and
artillery fire as well as we did, if not better. Many engineers proved
themselves excellent; many artillery officers were brave and efficient;
and hence there was no reason why the infantry and cavalry might not
have been well handled.

But the military point of view was by no means the only one to be
considered. The want of public virtue had filled the army with
miserable officers, the legislative halls with dishonest, scheming,
clashing politicians, and the whole nation with quarreling factions
and wrathful, disheartened people, secretly thankful to find their
oppressors, whom they could not punish themselves, punished by the
Americans. The hungry and beaten conscript went into battle sure that
if wounded he would starve, if killed he would be devoured by the
birds, and should neither accident occur he would simply drudge on as
before; and the industrious, useful citizen understood, that if he
should help the leaders of the nation by paying contributions, he would
then have to fatten them by paying again. "We are saved by hope," wrote
the great Apostle, and the nation saw no hope. Primarily Mexico was
defeated because she did not fight; and she did not fight because she
had nothing to fight for. The military class, who had long pretended
to be the nation, was given a chance to prove its claim, and the poor
wretches who could be forced into the ranks had to support it; but the
people in general, holding aloof to a great extent, said in effect,
"Thou who hast consumed all the revenues without giving anything in
return, thou for whom we have sacrificed so much, thou who hast used
our own blood to make thyself master instead of servant--may the woe
thou hast so long inflicted on us fall now on thee!"[36.4]

Santa Anna, the logical hero of such a nation, was also its logical
scourge--a statesman unable to guide, a general unfitted to command, a
leader qualified only to win revolutions, lose battles, and alternate
between dictatorship and exile. Some observers--even American
officers--impressed by the imposing front that he reared time after
time, felt that he was a great man. Unquestionably he gathered troops
and resources as no other Mexican of the time could have done. No
doubt his lunge into the north and his defence of the capital were
remarkable; and one could not complain of him, as did Tacitus of a
Roman commander, that he was unable to harangue his army. He certainly
did many things.[36.5]

But he did few things well. His achievements were the temporary
triumphs of autocratic will-power. He suffered always from an
essential want of capacity. He did not understand the Americans, and
fancied that one defeat would cow us. He did not even understand
his fellow-citizens, and could not realize that his long course of
misconduct, and finally his negotiations with Mackenzie, had cut the
root of confidence. A proclamation that sounded eloquent, he felt must
be convincing. The impossibility of controlling the factional politics
of such a country and also managing a war without the support of the
nation--of riding two such horses at the same time--lay beyond his
comprehension. Often his policy was like that of the man who ruins his
constitution with drugs in order to cure a local ailment. Even his
apparently noble decisions grew out of selfishness and rang hollow.

To his mind a collection of men was an army. Personal aims and
feelings, instead of sound policy and the demands of discipline,
controlled mostly his relations with officers. Because a revolutionary
band could be held together by the hope of plunder, he imagined that
a campaign could be waged on that basis. Because he thought it would
be natural for the enemy to attack him in a certain way, he concluded
positively that no other attack would be made. Strategy he did not
attempt. And when it came to the direction of a battle, owing to
ignorance and intellectual disqualifications, he lacked the quickness
of perception and rapidity of combination that were essential to
success. For the same reasons his total strength was never focused at
the vital time and place, and a defeat became a rout.[36.6]

This is what a final glance at the Mexicans reveals; and now, to
conclude the whole investigation, we should take a summary view of our
own side.

[THE AMERICAN CONGRESS]

While the Congress of the United States did not approach that of Mexico
in badness, there was too much resemblance. One should always remember
that among the people who really make up the world and keep it going
perfection is, and is likely to be, somewhat rare; but for an elect
body our Congress fell below all reasonable expectations. The comedy of
its political manoeuvres was only surpassed by the tragedy of them.
Amos Kendall said, after the hostilities began, "There can be no peace
with that people [the Mexicans] but through victory or with dishonor,"
and any person of judgment could see this; yet prejudices, passions and
interests prevented many from honestly supporting a national war, and
turned not a few into virtual enemies of their country. Markoe wrote
from Vera Cruz with reference to Clay, Webster, Gallatin and others
of their school, "These great men have by their speeches done more
to prevent peace than though they had each of them severally arrayed
10,000 Mexicans against Scott"; and when one recalls the expense and
bloodshed that would almost certainly have been spared this country
and Mexico had our government felt at liberty to spend with decent
liberality in meeting Scott's requisitions promptly, patience itself
takes fire.[36.7]

To think of giving him so small an army that the Mexicans felt
positively ashamed to yield! And then to reflect how politics went into
the army itself, endangering the lives of men and the fortunes of the
country through unfit appointments. "How we have been gulled and led
about," exclaimed a soldier, "by a set of political demagogues, who,
regardless of the fearful responsibility, have forced themselves into
positions they possess no qualifications to fill, with a hope thereby
to promote their future political aggrandizement!" We recall, even
though we do not endorse, the Frenchman who observed, "The more I see
of the representatives of the people, the more I love my dogs"; and we
also recall the opinion of a British king: "Politics are a trade for a
rascal, not for a gentleman."[36.8]

The President showed himself a small man, but the saying of La
Rochefoucauld comes to mind: "We may appear great in an employment
beneath our merit, but we often appear little in ones too great for
us." The situation in which Polk, essentially a local politician from
Tennessee, found himself--called upon to re-make the fiscal system of
the country, to dispose of long-standing and now critical issues with
Great Britain and Mexico, to cope with a factious and unscrupulous
opposition in Congress, and to face a war in a foreign land, almost
unknown to us, with a handful of regulars commanded by Whigs--was
extremely difficult; but he steered his course firmly to the end, set
an example of honest, faithful administration, established a fiscal
system under which the country enjoyed a period of great prosperity,
effected with England an adjustment that in essence had been refused,
enjoyed a series of uniform triumphs in the field, and obtained from
our enemy the peace and the territory he desired.[36.9]

Indeed, he achieved a still more surprising triumph, for he disproved
the favorite American axiom: "Nothing succeeds like success." His lack
of commanding qualities, his inability to win admiration and sympathy,
and his resorting to small methods because he lacked the power to wield
great ones, made him seem legitimate prey. He became the dog with a
bad name, for which any stick or stone was good enough. Other men in
public life could misrepresent the facts--as many were doing all the
time--and still be honored; but if Polk "put the best foot forward,"
if he allowed men to draw inferences from their wishes, if--wittingly
or not--he colored things, if--even by accident--he made an incorrect
statement, he was promptly denounced as a villain.

And when he had supported his tremendous burden loyally, if not
with éclat; when denunciations had failed, threats crumbled, taunts
miscarried, hostile predictions fallen to the ground; when our people
had not risen up against the war, our treasury had not collapsed, our
armies had not withered away; when our sword had been wielded with
honor, our territory and commercial field been extended far to the
west, our international status been elevated--after all these triumphs
the bitter tongue of a partisan spit out on the floor of our national
House the famous nickname, "Polk the Mendacious," the President left
office under a leaden cloud of disparagement and contempt, and later
authors delighted to dip their pens in the gall of his enemies. Truly,
however little we feel inclined to go into raptures over Polk, we can
admire his traducers even less.

[GENERAL TAYLOR]

Next, in view of the civil as well as military fame gained from the
war by Taylor, one thinks of him. In reviewing his operations we must
beware of judging him by mere professional standards, for he was
more, as well as less, than a technical soldier. The most essential
qualities for a general, says the Baron de Jomini, are physical and
moral courage; and in these respects the head of our army of occupation
was flawless. Indeed almost all the moral qualifications of an eminent
commander were his. He was a born fighter and born leader. He could
think best in danger and excitement. He could inspire confidence and
win devotion. The fact that one so plain could be a paladin made even
the ordinary feel capable of heroism. Like all undisciplined men of
great force he possessed large reserves of strength, and when an
emergency stimulated these, he displayed a power that compelled those
on the ground to imitate and those at a distance to admire him.[36.10]

On the other hand, most of the intellectual qualifications of the
commander were largely wanting. To be sure he possessed a great
deal of practical shrewdness, and he used moral force with a broad
sort of calculation that enabled him to produce effects which a
mere educated soldier could scarcely have obtained. But he did not
understand the aims or the art of war, lacked initiative, failed in
prevision, neglected preparation, ignored details, took little care
to gather information, misunderstood the intentions of the enemy, and
underestimated their strength. He preferred swinging an axe at a door
to conducting the battle sagaciously from a distance. He would chat
with soldiers about home, and then sacrifice their lives.

His "victories" made him famous, but the true test of generalship,
observes Henderson, is "the number of mistakes"; and every stage of
Taylor's progress was marked with grave errors. Besides, "however
brilliant an action may be," remarks La Rochefoucauld, "it ought not
to pass for great when it is not the result of a great design"; and
not only were none of Taylor's exploits deliberately planned, but he
never understood the risks he was braving. Some ironical but loving god
seemed to attend him. The life he carelessly, improvidently ventured
was guarded; and insubordination, both toward the President and toward
the general-in-chief, made him the successor of the first and the
superior of the second. "Old Zack is the most lucky man alive," said
Colonel Campbell.[36.11]

[GENERAL SCOTT]

Scott, however, was of course the pre-eminent commander. In war he
felt at home. He "is a Soldier and a General from the ground up,"
wrote Consul Parrott after watching his operations. With the possible
exception of Molino del Rey, the petulant indiscretion that he
sometimes exhibited in civil affairs did not affect his conduct in the
field. To appreciate him, "to _know_ him at all," said Trist, one had
to see him in the military sphere. Karl von Grone, who observed him
at work, wrote: "He is quiet, reserved, reflective. When, after mature
consideration of the circumstances, he has formed his decision, he
goes with strong, sure steps to his goal. He can manage with scanty
resources, is adroit in deceiving the enemy, and where feints are not
possible, deals a heavy, straight blow. When main force must break the
way, he demands much from his troops; but, as he possesses their full
confidence, and is recognized as a fighter of dauntless courage, he can
do this."[36.12]

"He sees everything, and calculates the cost of every measure," said
Robert E. Lee. He could be "quick as guncotton when neccessary," wrote
Parrott, yet deliberate and cautious under the utmost pressure. His
initiative and self-reliance never failed; yet, as even the prejudiced
Semmes admitted, he made full use of all the talents, as well as
all the valor, of his army. Though his plans were laid with extreme
care in view of all the information that could be obtained, he never
permitted them to shackle him, and promptly adapted himself, whether in
campaign or in battle, to a change of circumstances. Both great things
and little things were given his attention, but with due reference to
their comparative importance. He knew the rules of his art, and also
knew when to disregard them. He could both rouse troops to the highest
pitch of enthusiasm, and surpass the calculations of the expert. Says
Hamley, it is "impracticable" to "conceive how sustained operations can
be conducted in the face of an enemy without a secure starting-point."
Scott accomplished this.[36.12]

Characteristics of a more personal kind supported his professional
ability. The General, Trist assured his wife, was "the soul of honour
and probity, and full of the most sterling qualities of heart and head;
affectionate, generous, forgiving and a _lover of justice_." Though
few made allowances for his imperfections, he was always ready to do
this for others; and his magnanimity would have been remarkable, even
had he not been a natural fighting man. Such traits enabled him to get
on excellently with reasonable officers, while his ability, prudence,
vigilance, good cheer, steadiness, courage, sympathy, and trust in
his army, and his anxiety to avoid wasting the labor and lives of the
men, gave him the entire confidence of the privates. A soldier who
loved peace instead of war, a general who valued the lives of his
troops more than glory, a conqueror who became in the hour of triumph
a friend, and a citizen who placed his country above self-interest, he
was the ideal commander of a republican army.[36.13]

To speak broadly and leaving genius out of the account, he possessed
all the military qualities of Taylor, and all Taylor lacked. Taylor
could fight splendidly, Scott could also avail himself of the
advantages that knowledge and skill were able to supply. The soldiers
of the one believed their leader was going to win, those of the other
could give reasons for their faith. The army of occupation was ready
to follow its commander with eyes shut, the army of conquest with
eyes open. Both were kind at heart, but Scott's humanity was made
systematically effective. Both faced perils with unwavering courage,
but Scott did all he could to understand what lay before him. Both
complained of the government, but Scott had reason to do so. Both
disregarded instructions; but while Taylor aimed to gratify himself,
Scott's aim was to benefit his country.[36.14]

The advantages were not all on one side, however. Taylor had excellent
control of his temper and the everyday, personal shrewdness that
Scott needed. His unsophistication bore the winning appearance of
ingenuousness, while Scott's reflective and studious ways gave him
the reputation of a schemer. Each needed to be supplemented, but only
Taylor had a Bliss. Scott's men felt they were serving under a strong
leader, Taylor's that they were serving with one; while to Great Demos,
always undiscriminating, the one represented head, the other heart; the
one science, the other heroism.[36.14]

Both were remarkable. Taylor was a distinguished plebeian, Scott a
distinguished patrician; the first a superb captain, the second a
superb general; and each a great man.

[THE AMERICAN ARMY]

The soldiers, of course, did not equal their chief commanders in point
of interest, but certain facts concerning them deserve attention. The
total number of regulars in the war service down to July 5, 1848, was
about 31,000. Of these, to use round numbers, 1600 were discharged
because their term expired, 2550 for disability, and 500 for other
causes; 2850 deserted; 530 were killed and 2100 wounded in battle;
400 died of their wounds; and there were 4900 ordinary or accidental
deaths. Of the volunteers 59,000 actually served; 7200 were discharged
for disability, and 2000 for other reasons before the expiration of
their term; 3900 deserted; 1350 were wounded; 600 were killed or died
of their wounds; and there were 6400 ordinary or accidental deaths.
So it appears that out of some 90,000 officers and men serving, 6750
deserted, 12,250 had to be discharged before their term expired, 11,300
met with ordinary or accidental deaths, and only 1550 were accounted
for by the enemy. The difference between the number mustered in and
the number available at the front, and also between the number who
lost their lives by fighting and the number who dropped out from other
causes, was most instructive. The Americans captured seem to have
numbered less than 1100. Of the volunteers, a very disproportionate
percentage went from the southwest; the northwest did well, and the
northeast lagged.[36.15]

From these figures it appears that approximately three out of one
hundred regulars were killed or died in consequence of wounds and eight
were discharged for disability, whereas the numbers for the volunteers
were one and twelve; and in fact the showing of the regulars was still
better, since the "new" regulars, officered with inferior men chosen
largely for political reasons, did not equal the record of the old
establishment. In many other respects also the volunteers ranked low.
Not only was there a greater percentage of sickness among them, but
the invalids required attendants. The volunteers wasted clothing,
provisions and ammunition both heedlessly and through ignorance of
administrative business; and their arms were not properly cared
for.[36.16]

They had no intention of submitting to the discipline and routine labor
of campaigning, and even at the close of the war could not be called
real troops. The volunteers, wrote one of them, "will not be treated as
regular soldiers."

      "Sergeant, buck him and gag him, our officers cry,
      For each trifling offence which they happen to spy,
      Till with bucking and gagging of Dick, Pat and Bill,
      Faith, the Mexican's ranks they have helped to fill,"

so another, an exceptionally good man, testified. "Soldiers will take
their merry frolics," an officer admitted. The camp slogan of a sturdy
North Carolina company was: "Soldier, will you work?" "Sell my shirt
first." "Soldier, will you fight?" "Twell I die." But even their
fighting did not prove entirely satisfactory. Individually they were
braver than the regulars; but the soldier's business is to fight when
the time comes, and the volunteers to a considerable extent wanted
to fight when they pleased. They might do splendidly and they might
not, their general knew. In a word, they were unreliable; and they
even imperilled their own cause by exasperating the people. Marcy
confessed that he felt disappointed. Yet there were offsets. Their
patriotism and enthusiasm stimulated their officers and the regulars;
and at their best--silent, grim, patient, with a look of kingship in
their faces--they glorified hardships, perils, wounds, disease and
death.[36.16]

A common idea of the regulars was expressed in the House by Tilden
of Ohio, who described them as "a set of puppets ... shut up without
exercise and in barracks, from year's end to year's end"; and the
"sausage democracy" looked with contempt upon West Pointers as both
puppets and aristocrats. The regulars, however, were preferable not
only in camp and on the march, but on the field. In addition to being
steady themselves, they helped immensely to steady the volunteers; and
the regular officers furnished volunteer generals with knowledge, skill
and sometimes resolution. As for their own commands, West Pointers
might curse their men, but they took splendid care of them; and it was
far better that men should fear their officers than that officers, like
many in the volunteer army, should fear their men. General Scott said
that without the science of the Military Academy his army, multiplied
by four, could not have set foot in the capital; and Patterson, like
him not a graduate of the school, concurred in this opinion.[36.17]

Our horse was to a large extent little more than mounted infantry;
and our real cavalry, besides riding like the French and therefore
badly, showed no mastery in sword practice. On the other hand our field
artillery was excellent in personnel and material; and the engineers,
though not fully trained according to the most exacting standards,
earned abundant praise. More than once they made the very strength
of the Mexican position help our men while they were preparing to
attack; and the report of General Smith upon certain officers--"Nothing
seemed to them too bold to be undertaken, or too difficult to be
executed"--might have been applied to the corps as a body.[36.18]

In organization our armies were inferior to the best European models;
but, said Gabriel Ferry in the _Revue des Deux Mondes_, the soldiers
made up for this defect by displaying an energy adequate for every
need. The infantry were criticised by foreign observers for a lack of
correctness and snap in their movements. "What is called the American
army," wrote the minister of Spain, to imply that we had no real
troops. But they husbanded their strength in this way; it was therefore
ready for emergencies; and they had the initiative, ingenuity,
independence and self-reliance that have been cultivated of late years
abroad in place of conventional precision.[36.19]

Despite all technical defects, the faults of the volunteers and the
admixture of mere immigrants among the regulars, we had soldiers to
remember with pride. So many of the officers were superior men that
almost all caught the inspiration more or less, and the privates felt
ready to obey and follow them. The troops as a body acquired a sense
of invincibility. "We may be killed, but we can't be whipped," was a
favorite watch-word; and they fully meant it, said Karl von Grone.
Dangers and hardships were bravely faced, as a rule, and often were
faced with gayety. "Oh, this is a glorious life of mine," exclaimed
Lieutenant Hamilton; "a life in a land of fruits and flowers, of
dark-eyed maidens and sunny skies, of snow-capped mountains and of
flowering valleys; a life of adventure, of calm and storm, of bivouac
and battle."[36.20]

No doubt the political and social conditions of Mexico helped our
troops greatly, but in addition to routing every time an enemy who was
by no means intrinsically contemptible, outnumbered us and knew the
ground, they had to war against deserts, war against mountains, war
against fearful storms, war against a strange climate, war against a
devouring pestilence; and in spite of every difficulty Scott, after
capturing more than a thousand officers and more than six hundred
cannon, occupied the capital of Mexico with less than six thousand men.
The troops themselves, instead of boasting, pronounced it a "miracle";
but the critical and unfriendly _Journal des Débats_ declared: "The new
conquerors have equalled by their exploits the great Cortez himself, if
they have not eclipsed him."[36.20]

Yet after all it was "a war of conquest," we have long been told.
Popularly "conquest" is in truth an odious word, for it has commonly
been associated with odious deeds: aggression and cruel tyranny; but
"circumstances alter cases," and when the facts are unobjectionable, so
is the term. Legally, the idea has prevailed that conquest is robbery;
but this idea seems to have grown from the old conception that the
government owned the country, and such is not our opinion to-day.[36.21]

Forcible acquisitions may indeed be commendable. In that way Rome
civilized Europe, England gave peace, order and comparative happiness
to India, and our own country came into being; and none of us would
undo these results. The welfare of humanity is the true principle.
Life has the right of way over death; enlightenment and energy over
ignorance and torpor. Possession means use; power and opportunities
mean service. The primary law is that all shall move forward and
coöperate in achieving the general destiny. Like individuals, every
nation must run its course to the best of its ability, and if it
grossly flags, pay the penalty. In the absence of any other tribunal,
war must enforce this penalty. "Whosoever hath [in use], to him shall
be given, ... but whosoever hath not, from him shall be taken away even
that which he hath." Such is eternal right; not the justice of the law
schools, but the justice of the Supreme Power.[36.21]

Of all conquerors we were perhaps the most excusable, the most
reasonable, the most beneficent. The Mexicans had come far short of
their duty to the world. Being what they were, they had forfeited a
large share of their national rights. Even Humboldt said that Mexico
"ought not to expect to withhold, from the uses of civilization and
improvement," such neglected territories as New Mexico and California.
A philosopher like Josiah Royce, a moralist like Francis Lieber and
an unsympathetic historian like Dr. von Holst agree substantially
that our duty called upon us to occupy the Golden Gate. Not merely an
administration or a party, but the nation believed that our destiny
called us there, and felt ready to assume the high responsibility of
taking possession.[36.22]

Besides, while ours could perhaps be called a war _of_ conquest, it
was not a war _for_ conquest--the really vital point. We found it
necessary to require territory, for otherwise our claims and indemnity
could not be paid. The conflict was forced upon us; yet we refused to
take advantage of our opportunity. "It is almost impossible," says
Bryce, "for a feeble State, full of natural wealth which her people
do not use, not to crumble under the impact of a stronger and more
enterprising race." But we gave back much that we took, and paid for
the rest more than it was worth to Mexico. "All deserve praise, who ...
have been more just than their actual power made it necessary to be,"
said Thucydides; and we were not only just but liberal. Finally, we
gave proof, in the prosperity and usefulness of our new territories,
that our responsibility was amply met.[36.22]

So the account was fairly adjusted and more. But something still
remains to say. A closer acquaintance with us and with real national
life taught Mexico some of her mistakes, confirmed the political
relations of her states, and helped greatly to liberalize her ideas and
institutions. "The sad part of it is that our chastisement is merited,"
preached Ramírez. "He that reflects how useful are the lessons of
suffering and misfortune," declared the minister of relations, "will
admit that no one could show more clearly the deformity of our errors
than the foreign invader [has done], and that there could have been
no more efficacious means of elevating our reason above the bastard
interests of political passion."[36.23]

[THE WAR LEAVES MEXICO FRIENDLY]

Still warmer sentiments prevailed. One of the chief obstacles in the
way of making a treaty was the desire of not a few Mexicans to have
the United States annex their country; and after that plan failed,
the American general-in-chief was actually invited to become dictator
for a term of years, backed by American troops. With reference to
Trist, our commissioner, Couto and Cuevas remarked on presenting the
treaty to Congress, "Of him there remain in Mexico none but grateful
and honoring recollections"; and when bidding Clifford good-by, the
President expressed--in no perfunctory way--a sincere desire for the
most "sisterly" relations between the two countries, as essential to
the welfare of Mexico. Indeed, that nation had not felt so cordial
toward the United States for many years as it did immediately after the
war.[36.23]

In Europe, too, fairer views and feelings regarding us began to be
entertained. "If nothing occur to tarnish what has been so well
begun," wrote our minister at the court of St. James in June, 1846,
"the moral influence produced here and in Europe generally will be
worth all the expenses of the war." "It was a hard lesson for England
to learn, but she has learned it," reported Bancroft, who succeeded
him; "that America means to go on her own way, and that Europe ... must
give up the thought of swaying her destiny." Our triumphs over Mexico,
remarked C. J. Ingersoll in the House, "have been admirable lessons
... to the world, that the [wise] policy of all nations is peace with
these United States." Only on respect and appreciation can peace and
mutual helpfulness be founded, and both our victories and the manner
in which they were used promoted harmony between us and the powers of
Europe.[36.23]

Humanity and moderation--such humanity and moderation as are
practicable amid hostilities--gilded our arms. "The elevated and
kindly character of Taylor and Scott," said the Mexican historian,
Roa Bárcena, "lessened as far as was possible the evils of war." The
Americans always treated us during the conflict with "the most noble
courtesy," wrote Ceballos. "We shall certainly consider it as an
unprecedented event if this enormous booty [the wealth of the Mexican
churches] escapes from pillage," proclaimed the London _Times_; and it
did escape. We have beaten the enemy, felt Robert E. Lee, the knightly
soldier, "in a manner no man might be ashamed of." Even Theodore
Parker, though opposed to the war, made this public acknowledgment: "It
has been conducted with as much gentleness as a war of invasion can
be." And a brave officer of rare intelligence uttered on the floor of
our Senate these words: "We have cause to be proud of the record this
war will leave behind it--a monument more lasting than brass. We, the
actors of to-day, must soon crumble to dust; the institutions we now
maintain, and hope will be perpetual, may pass away; the Republic may
sink in the ocean of time, and the tide of human affairs roll unbroken
over its grave; but the events of this war will live in the history of
our country and our race, affording in all ages to come, proof of the
high state of civilization amongst the people who conducted it."[36.24]




NOTES


XXI. BEHIND THE SCENES AT MEXICO

21.1. This is a good illustration of Santa Anna's political ability.

21.2. Farías appears to have had no share in this quarrel with Salas
(México á través, iv, 593).

21.3. _The course of Mexican politics_. _Federalista Puro_, No. 3,
supplmt.; No. 6, supplmt. London _Times_, Feb. 9, 1847. Apuntes, 71-3,
76, 124-6. =13=Bankhead, Nos. 120, 136, 140, 146, 153, 157, 160, 169,
180, 1846. =52=Consul Campbell, Nov. 10, 1846. =52=Consul Black, Aug.
22, 27; Sept. 17, 22, 26, 1846. Comunícación Circular de ... Peña y
Peña. García, Revol. de Ayutla, 18, 20, 27. Ultimas Comunicaciones
habidas entre ... Salas y ... Rejón. Lerdo de Tejada, Apuntes, ii,
538. Prieto, Memorias, ii, 195, 199. =13=Thornton to Addington, June
29, 1847. =13=Gutiérrez de Estrada to Palmerston, Mar. 1, 1847. Méx.
en 1847, 12-4. Ramírez, México, 12, 142-4, 149, 152-4, 156, 165, 172,
176. =83=Rejón to Berdusco, Dec. 23. _Eco_, Nov. 4, 7, 11, 14, 1846.
Escudero, Mems., 8, 13, 14. Dublán, Legisl., v, 171, 238-9. Memoria
de ... Relaciones, Dec, 1846. =73=Bermúdez de Castro, nos. 332,
res.; 343, res.; 345, res.; 346; 368. Bustamante, Nuevo Bernal, ii,
100-1, 118, 120, 124, 126-8. =83=Gov. Querétaro to Farías, Oct. 20.
Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 144. Rivera, Los Gobernantes, ii, 310. Lara,
Resumen, 65, note. Mora, Papeles Ineditos, 64-5. =162=Conner, Dec. 31,
1846. =164=_Id._ Jan. 5, 1847. Bustamante, Campaña, 7. Ho. 60; 30, 1,
p. 1125 (S. Anna). Baz, Juárez, 43. México á través, iv, 576-7, 589,
591-2, 600-1, 698. _Republicano_, Sept. 28; Oct. 20, 28; Nov. 17; Dec.
24, 1846; Jan. 1, 22-3; Feb. 3, 1847. _Monitor Repub._, Sept. 25-6,
30; Oct. 19-23, 26; Dec. 25, 1846. _Diario_, Sept. 23, 25, 29; Oct.
9, 12, 14, 16, 31; Nov. 24; Dec. 18-9, 22, 28, 29, 1846. And from
=76= the following Procl. gov. S. L. P., Oct. 22, 1846. J. Alvarez,
Oct. 22. Comte. gen. Mex., Oct. 16. Canalizo to comte. gen. Mex.,
Oct. 18. Comte. gen. Oaxaca, Oct. 24. Salas, procl., Oct. 25. Guerra,
circulars, Oct. 14, 19, 22; Dec. 23. Relaciones to gov. Fed. Dist.,
Dec. 23. Relaciones circular, Oct. 19. Comte. gen. Chiapas, Nov. 3.
Also others of minor importance. Otero was associated with Pedraza in
the leadership of the Moderados.

21.4. So far as possible, revenue was anticipated, even at a great
loss. _E.g._, if a merchant expected a cargo to arrive at Vera Cruz,
he sent a broker (_agiotista_) to the minister of the treasury, and by
paying a sum in advance he obtained drafts on the Vera Cruz customhouse
that were receivable at par for the duties. Of course the merchant,
the broker and the minister made profits, and the treasury lost (N.
Y. _Herald_, Jan. 18, 1845). Another way in which the minister could
make money was to accept at face value as part of a loan or payment
government paper that had cost the one who tendered it only a trifle,
and take a share of the net proceeds. "Agiotista" became an odious
term. It was given out that Santa Anna would accept no pay, but the
treasury books showed that he drew his salary for even the time
while he was at Havana (=335=Worrall to Trist, Nov. 28, 1847). They
apparently showed also that in 1846 millions were distributed among
generals, brokers and others. The British minister said that Iturbe
was the ninth finance minister whom he had seen devoting "his peculiar
attention to the augmentation, of his private means while in office"
(=13=Bankhead, no. 104, 1846). Another great evil was that, in spite
of express prohibitions, state officials drew upon the proceeds of the
tobacco monopoly. The following table illustrates the state of the
treasury (1846):

                  _Oct. 12_   _Oct. 16_   _Dec. 26_   _Dec. 29_
      On hand      $8510       $3410         --        $1148
      Rec'd           --        3500       $7162        3700
      Paid          1402        3628        5713        4367

A poll tax was thought of by Rejón, but evidently the government dared
not propose it (=73=Bermúdez de Castro, nos. 332, res., 346, 1846).

21.5. _Mexican financial history_ (see also the first part of chap.
xxxiii). Comunicación Circular de ... Peña y Peña. Memoria de ...
Relaciones, Mar., 1845; Dec., 1846. Rivera, Jalapa, iii, 368, 716.
_Ilustrador Católico_, no. 239. Hacienda, series of Memorias.
Hacienda, Manifiesto de la Admin. y Progresos. London _Times_, July
6, 1846. Breve Resumen. Casasus, Hist. de la Deuda contraida, etc.,
_passim_. Paredes, address to Cong., June 6, 1846 (_Diario_). Alamán,
Liquidación. Esposición del Cong. Gen. =11=Martin, Apr. 30, 1827; July
4; Aug. 25, 1828. =11=Series of Mémoires on the Spanish Colonies.
Sierra, Evolution, i, 178, 218. Zamacois, Méx., xii, 254. =52=Consul
Jones, Aug. 1, 1839. =56=W. S. Parrott, Oct. 4, 11, 1845. =58=Howland &
Aspinwall, Mar. 1, 1847. _Republicano_, Feb. 2, 1847. =13=Ashburnham,
nos. 39, 51, 1837; 3, 97, 1838. =13=Pakenham, nos. 28, 1833; 6, 1836;
44, 62, 1839. =13=Bankhead, nos. 81, 1844; 6, 38, 70, 106, 1845; 21,
104, 127, 146, 169, 1846. =52=Poinsett, Jan. 4; Aug. 5, 1825; July
16, 1828. =52=Butler, July 16, 1832. _Revista Econ._, Dec. 14, 1843;
Feb. 5, 1844. Tornel, Reseña, 9, 171. Macgregor, Progress, i, 674-83.
Thompson, Recolls., 12, 27-8, 87. =52=D. Green, Oct. 28; Nov. 12, 29,
1844. N. Y. _Herald_, Jan. 18, 1845. _Siglo XIX_, June 14, 1844; Dec.
2, 1845. _Patriota Mexicano_, Dec. 9, 1845. _Reforma_, Jan. 23, 1846.
London _Times_, Mar. 29; May 15; Sept. 9; Nov. 11; Dec. 6, 1845; Mar.
2, 1846. _Revue Indep._, Apr. 25, 1845. =52=Consul Black, Aug. 23,
1845. =52=Consul Dimond, no. 338, May 7, 1846. =73=Bermúdez de Castro,
no. 346, 1846. =52=Consul McCall, no. 65, Sept. 26, 1845. Balbontín,
Estado, 66. Wash. _Union_, Feb. 2, 1848 (Poinsett). N. Y. _Globe_, June
3, 1846. _Diario_, Sept. 18, 1846. _Monitor Repub._, Nov. 27, 1846;
Jan. 9, 1847. Ward, Mexico, i., 331-7. =76=To S. Anna, Nov. 25. Vicario
Capitular, Contestación. Priestley, José de Gálvez, Chap. x.

21.6. _The present financial problem._ Dublán, Legislación, v.,
172, 211-6, 235-7, 240. =77=Relaciones circular, Nov. 27, 1846.
=13=Bankhead, no. 6, 1845; nos. 21, 127, 153, 167, 169, 1846.
=52=Consul Black, Dec. 29, 1846. Apuntes, 76, 124-6. Ramírez,
México, 171. =335=Worrall to Trist, Nov. 28, 1847. Rivera, Jalapa,
iii, 716. _Ilustrador Católico_, i., 281. Méx. en 1847, 14-19, 24.
_Don Simplicio_, Feb. 13, 1847. =86=Relaciones, Oct. 26, 1846.
_Zempoalteca_, Nov. 27, 1846. Escudero, Mems., 8, =92=Gov. Fed.
Dist., procl., Jan. 16. =82=Gov. Durango to legisl., Nov. 8, 1846.
_Columna de la Libertad_, Jan. 8, 1847. Sierra, Evolution, i, 178,
217-8. =52=McLane, no. 5, 1845. =56=W. S. Parrott, Oct. 4, 11, 1845.
=11=Mémoire, 1828. D. Green to Calhoun, Oct. 28; Nov. 12 in Jameson,
Calh. Corresp., 976-80, 991. _Siglo XIX_, Jan. 14, 1844. London
_Times_, Sept. 9; Dec. 6, 1845; Oct. 8, 1846; Jan. 8, 1847. Memoria de
... Relaciones, Dec., 1846 (Lafragua). =73=Bermúdez de Castro, nos.
316, res., 346, 371, res., 445. Bustamante, Nuevo Bernal, ii, 128.
=75=Relaciones, circulars to govs., Oct. 9; Dec. 17, 1846; circs. nos.
233, 238, 255, 1846. =75a=Hacienda, circulars, Oct. 10; Nov. 9; Dec.
5, 31, 1846. =86=V. Cruz state treas. to gov., Jan. 11; Feb. 4, 1847.
_Constitutionnel_, Dec. 18, 1846. Wash. _Union_, Jan. 18, 29; May
11, 1847. _Monitor_, Oct. 12. =166=Pommarès to Conner, Oct. 7, 1846.
_Republicano_, Oct. 22; Nov. 5, 13, 24; Dec. 8, 1846; Jan. 23, 1847.
_Monitor Repub._, Sept. 25, 30; Oct. 18; Nov. 19, 30; Dec. 19, 1846.
_Diario_, Sept. 23, 25, 29; Oct. 2, 3; Nov. 21, 23; Dec. 4, 13, 15, 21,
29, 30, 1846; Jan. 1, 7-9, 1847. México á través, iv, 589, 600, 628-9.
=76=S. Anna, Nov. 7, 9, 19; Dec. 3, 4, 7, 30, 1846; Jan. 1, 2, 4, 7,
1847. =76=J. Alvarez, Sept. 30, 1846. =76=Circ. to comtes. gen., Sept.
28, 1846.

21.7. The law was a compromise (Apuntes, 124). Rejón, as he frankly
told the Spanish minister (note 21.6), was for nationalizing--_i.e._,
confiscating--the property of the Church. Santa Anna preferred to let
the clergy keep the title to their wealth, and require a loan from them
now and then--a process termed "milking" (Jameson, Calhoun Corresp.,
992). The essential basis on which the law passed was the practical
necessity of raising money for the war; but many who recognized this
necessity and even the desirability of reducing the wealth and power of
the Church could not bring themselves to act.

21.8. The law, if fully enforced, would no doubt have done much injury,
however great its benefits. _E.g._, a great amount of land had been
hypothecated to the Church with no expectation on either side that
the loan which it secured would ever be paid; but the government, in
order to obtain cash, intended that the loan should be paid or the land
sold. Many individuals would thus have been ruined and the agricultural
interests partially crippled, while on account of the small amount of
money in circulation, only very low prices would have been realized
for the land (=13=Bankhead, no. 7, 1847). Moreover, land with a Church
curse upon it was sure to sell slowly, and many believed that titles
obtained in this way would not hold good very long. As the clergy would
give no information about their property, some exempted property was
seized, and these mistakes caused trouble (México á través, iv, 631).
Many objected to the law because they presumed that the proceeds of
sales would reach private pockets. The principal arguments against
it were summed up by the =88=ayuntamiento of Córdoba as follows: "It
attacks property, invades the rights of the states, contravenes the
sovereignty of the Church and is anti-religious, for there can be no
religion without worship, no worship without priests and no priests
without Church property." On the other hand the Puro =92=ayuntamiento
of the capital described the law as "A law to save our independence
and religion, in which nothing is done except that one class of
society is to loan its property to society as a whole," adding, "How
unfortunate would be our faith, if the religion of the Savior could be
supported only with money ... charity and poverty were the example of
his mission." The metropolitan chapter of Mexico took the ground that
property once consecrated to God was sacred, and that to take it would
be an act of sacrilege sure to bring upon the country the wrath and
punishment of heaven (=92=Representación). The bishop of Puebla said
to his flock: "Far from us is the idea of disturbing public order,
but we must notify our very dear lambs that the pasturage offered
thorn is poisonous; and if for so doing we incur the wrath of men,
we will strengthen our weakness with the words of the chief of the
Apostles at the council of the Jews: 'We must obey God rather than
men'" (=82=Manifiesto). This was a clear and official incitement to
insurrection.

21.9. _The law of Jan. 11 and the struggle over it._ Apuntes, 124-32.
=13=Bankhead, nos. 180, 1846; 6, 7, 10, 14, 17, 1847. Gaxiola,
Invasión, 118. =52=J. Parrott, Feb. 6. =56=Beach, report, June 4.
London _Times_, Sept. 9; Oct. 7, 1846; Mar. 11; May 12, 1847. Oil
portrait of Farías, city hall, Mex. =52=Consul Black, Feb. 24. _Revue
Indep._, Apr. 25, 1845. Rivera, Jalapa, iii, 822, 825-6. _Católico_,
iii, 553. Conducta Admin, de Berdusco. _Ilustrador Católico_, no.
239. =88=Córdoba ayunt., Feb. 4. =92=Mex. ayunt. to chapter, Jan. 14.
=92=Ayunt., procl., Jan. 14. =92=Representación of metrop. chapter to
Cong. =92=Segunda Protesta; Tercera Protesta del Ven. C bildo Metrop.
=92=Exposición que el Sr. Vicario Capit. =92=Expos. del Cabildo Metrop.
=92=Procl. of gov. Fed. Dist., Jan. 16. =95=Querét. cong., Jan. 12.
=95=Puebla ayunt. to gov., Jan. 16. =95=Sánchez to Puebla ayunt.,
Feb. 16. =82=Bish. Puebla, manif., Jan. 27. =82=Gov. Puebla, procl.,
Jan. 27; Mar. 5, 15. Lamentos de los Mex. =73=Bermúdez de Castro,
nos. 332, res., 346, 445. Dublan, Legislación, v., 246, 255, 261-2.
_Registro Oficial de Durango_, Jan. 26. =80=Guanajuato cong., Jan. 29.
_Locomotor_, Jan. 18. Mora, Papeles, 74-6. Negrete, Invasión iv, app.,
412-4. Ramírez, México, 172, 184, 188, 190, 193, 198. _Diario_, Dec.
21, 1846; Jan. 7-9, 11-16, 18, 19, 26, 30; Feb. 4, 1847. _Republicano_,
Dec. 9, 12, 1846; Jan. 8, 11, 23-4, 27, 29; Feb. 6, 11, 12; May 14,
1847. México á través, iv, 601-8, 628, 630-1, 638. And the following
from =76=. Comte. gen. Querét., Jan. 19, 20, 22. _Id._, procl., Jan.
20. Comte gen. Puebla, Jan. 12, 28; Feb. 17. Guerra, order, Jan. 24.
Min. eccles. affairs to metropol. chapter, Jan. 14. Comte. gen. Mex.,
Jan. 15. Comte. gen. Jalisco, Feb. 2. J. Alvarez, Feb. 2. Comte. gen.
Oaxaca, Feb. 11, 15. Comte. gen. Guanaj., Jan. 29; Feb. 15, res. To
comte. gen. Puebla, Feb. 24. Decrees, Jan. 15, 27; Feb. 4, 7, 10. To S.
Anna, Jan. 30. S. Anna, Jan. 7, 13, 22, 26, 29; Feb. 9.

21.10. _Beach's mission and escape._ =56=Special Missions, p. 257.
=56=Beach report, June 4, 1847. Polk, Diary, Apr. 14, 1847. =108=Mrs.
Storms to Bancroft, July 23, 1846, and Marcy's endorsement. Griffis,
Perry, 224. =52=Consul Black, Jan. 28, 1847. N. Y. _Sun_, Apr. 15;
Aug. 16, 24, 1847. =166=Dimond to Conner, Jan. --, 1847. _Scribner's
Monthly_, xvii, 300. Appleton, Amer. Biog. (article on M. Y. B.).
Kenly, Md. Vol., 269. =76=To comte. gen. V. Cruz, Jan. 14. =76=Landero,
Jan. 14. =76=S. Anna, Jan. 22.

21.11. Apuntes, 126. =13=Bankhead, no. 14, 1847. =56=Beach, report,
June 4, 1847. Ramírez, México, 193-4, 198-9. México á través, iv, 608,
631. =199=Anon. MS. of go-between.

21.12. The monarchists, who were closely associated with the Church,
shared in the insurrection (Apuntes, 119), and no doubt many of the
Moderados took part in it (London _Times_, May 10, 1847), though
Pedraza denied positively that he drew up the plan (Apuntes, 131).

21.13. _The insurrection._ =56=Beach, report, June 4, 1847. Apuntes,
126, 128-37. =13=Bankhead, no. 17, 1847. Consideraciones, 37. Méx.
en 1847, 14, 19. León, Hist. Gen., 475. =52=J. Parrott, Feb. 6.
Bustamante, Campaña sin, etc., 5, 8, 10, 11, 13. =52=Black, Mar.
6. London _Times_, May 10, 12. Salas, pamphlet, Mar. 3. =13=Peña
y Barragán, procl., Mar. 8. Séptimo Disengaño. _Boletín de la
Democracia_, Mar. 2, 7, 13. Farías, Address. Ramírez, México, 190,
193, 198-9, 201, 204, 209. México á través, iv, 631-5. Rivera,
Jalapa, iii, 841-9. _Arco Iris_, Nov. 24, 1847. Escudero, Mems., 14,
19, 20. =82=Zacatecas cong., Mar. 5. =82=Jalísco legisl., Mar. 12.
=77=Relaciones, circular, Mar. 13. =80=Méx. state legisl., Mar. 18.
Balbontín, Invasión, 104. =80=Lt. gov. Méx. state procl., Mar. 23.
=199=Anon. MS. =76=Farías, procl. =83=Gov. Querét. to Peña y Barragán,
Mar. 2, 20. Rivera, Los Gobernantes, ii., 318. N. Y. _Sun_, Apr. 15;
Aug. 24. _Díario_, Feb. 20, 21. _Monitor Repub._, Dec. 27, 1846;
Feb. 13; Mar. 23. Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1125 (S. Anna). Lerdo de Tejada,
Apuntes, ii, 539. And from =76= the following, besides others of minor
importance. Comte. gen. Querét., Jan. 20. Canalizo to Anaya, Feb. 26.
J. Alvarez, Mar. 10. L. Carrión, Mar. 10. Gov. Puebla, Feb. 17; reply,
Feb. 24. Plan of Puebla insurgents, Feb. 27. Govt. bulletins, Mar. 2,
5. Morales, Mar. 1. Aguascalientes legisl., Mar. 4. Gov. Zacat. to
Relac., Mar. 5. Gov. Querét. to Relac., Mar. 9. Provis. gov. Jalisco to
Relac., Mar. 3. Comte. gen. Jalisco to garrison, Mar. 7. Gov. Puebla to
Relac., Mar. 5. Lt. Col. Indep. battal. to mistress, Mar. 15. Comte.
gen. Oaxaca, Feb. 17. Gov. Méx. state to Relac., Mar. 19. _Id._,
procl., Mar. 18. Decrees, Mar. 1, 8, 12, 15.

On this subject Beach reported in substance as follows: When the
government resolved to raise money on the Church property, I urged the
clericals to an organized resistance. They consented, and at the moment
of General Scott's debarkation at Vera Cruz they made a most important
diversion in his favor by raising the standard of civil war at the
capital, at Puebla and in a degree at Michoacán. This occupied 5000 men
and all the arms, munitions of war and means of the government in the
city of Mexico for twenty-three days; effectually preventing them from
aiding Vera Cruz, or strengthening Puebla or the strongholds nearer
the coast. On the tenth day of this rebellion or _pronunciamiento_, I
was informed that $40,000 would be required of the clergy to carry it
on another week, and that it would be paid if the importance of the
crisis justified the outlay. As General Scott had but just landed his
artillery at Vera Cruz, and might be detained there for some time. I
deemed that almost any outlay would be justified. The rebellion was
therefore kept up, until the sudden appearance of General Santa Anna
closed the affair. [One must remember, in passing judgment on the
conduct of the clergy, how much they had suffered at the hands of Santa
Anna and how much reason they had to fear him.]

Beach had arranged to visit Mexico on private business, and he
persuaded Buchanan that he could, through Almonte and others, bring
about peace. Hence he was appointed "confidential agent to the Republic
of Mexico" to accomplish what he could; and, on learning the state of
things at Mexico, he saw that Scott's operations could be materially
assisted by inaugurating and continuing the clerical insurrection. His
report may be found in the state department archives at Washington.

21.14. Santa Anna left San Luis Potosí March 15 with more than 5000 men
and ten guns.

21.15. Rejón wrote to Santa Anna, March 7, 1847, urging him to stand
firmly by his manifesto of August 16, 1846,--_i.e._ by the Puros, and
detailing a series of Moderado intrigues intended (he said) to annoy
and humiliate Santa Anna until he should inaugurate a revolution, with
a view to then having him shot.

21.16. Beach was watched for several days before he left the city.
He escaped by paying for his lodgings for some time to come, leaving
a trunk there, taking a carriage late at night without baggage, and
choosing an unusual route (N. Y. _Sun_, Aug. 16, 1847). A reward of
$1000 was offered for him dead or alive (_ibid._, Aug. 24). Notices
were put up denouncing as a traitor anyone possessing a copy of the New
York _Sun_. He was accused of having tried to bring about a clerical
revolution and also to induce the states of Guanajuato, Querétaro, San
Luis Potosí and Jalisco to secede and declare for the United States.
See also N. Y. _Sun_, May 27, 1847; Polk, Diary, May 11, 1847; Kenly,
Md. Vol., 269. We shall hear again of Beach's operations.

21.17. Santa Anna received news of the insurrection near Cedral.

21.18. Santa Anna may very possibly have hoped now to combine the
military class, the conservatives and the clericals into a solid
phalanx behind him, and he may have commended the movement against
Church property for the very purpose of making the clergy feel the need
of his assistance. See Tributo á la Verdad, 76.

21.19. His overthrow was not really due to the law of January 11, but
resulted from his radical ideas and unpractical methods, the odium
of his former administration, his consequent inability to secure the
coöperation of influential men, and the general state of unrest and
dissension.

21.20. _Outcome of the insurrection._ Apuntes, 111, 115-8, 133, 136-8.
=13=Bankhead, nos. 33, 34, 1847. Méx. en 1847, 14-18. =69=S. Anna,
order, Mar. 14. _Anglo-Saxon_, Mar. 13. =56=Beach, report, June 4,
1847. Bustamante, Campaña, 30. London _Times_, May 10. _Britannia_,
May 15. México á través, iv, 577, 635-40. Ramírez, México, 184, 198-9,
205, 207, 209-12, 215-8. =82=Gov. Puebla, boletín No. 4 (S. Anna to
Farías, Mar. 6; Gil to Ruano, Mar. 6). =77=Relaciones, circulars,
Mar. 22; Apr. 1. Tributo á la Verdad, 76. =75=Rejón to S. Anna, Mar.
7. =84=Palacios to Gov. S. L. P., Mar. 17. _Republicano_, Mar. 24.
=75a=Hacienda, circular, Mar. 29. Puga y Acal, Docs., 62-3. Escudero,
Mems., 19. Bustamante, Nuevo Bernal, ii, 146-7. Dublán, Legisl., v,
262-5. _Locomotor_, Jan. 18. Baz, Juárez, 47. _Diario_, Mar. 29,
1847 (Baz). The twenty-millions law had very little effect, if any.
_Le Constitutionnel_, June 17, 1847 (The clergy have kept none of
the promises by the aid of which they obtained the repeal of the
confiscation of their property).


XXII. VERA CRUZ

22.1. "New volunteers," those called out in November. For the ten
transports see chap. xviii, note 18.28. Jan. 18 Conner wrote to Scott
that Santa Anna had moved, about January 1, against Taylor, but that
from all accounts presumably Taylor had probably retired to Monterey
(Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 893). It was therefore natural for Scott to feel
satisfied that Santa Anna, learning of the expedition against Vera
Cruz, would retrace his steps and reach that place in season. At
Scott's instance a spy, selected by Consul Campbell with the aid of
Consul Dimond (who visited Cuba for the purpose), was to have set out
from Havana in January for Mexico City and San Luis Potosí (=166=Dimond
to Conner, Jan. 15); but the author found no further trace of him.

22.2. Some transports reached Antón Lizardo Feb. 27 and notified
Conner that Scott was coming (=162=Conner, Feb. 27). Certain troops,
leaving Tampico March 1, arrived at that rendezvous in advance of Scott
(=139=W. B. Campbell to wife, Mar. 6). By sunset on March 5 about
seventy sail had appeared there.

22.3. _To Antón Lizardo._ Macgregor, Progress, i, 677. =47=Conner, Dec.
1 1846; Feb. 17; Mar. 7, 10, 1847. =159=Collins narrative. =298=Porter,
diary. =66=Remarks in margin of chart of V. Cruz harbor. Le Clercq,
Voyage, 401, 418. Robertson, Remins., 214-6. Campos, Recuerdos, 31.
Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 238. Grant, Mems., i, 125. Hartman, Journal,
6. Taylor, Broad Pennant, 123. _Picayune_, Mar. 26. _Delta_, Oct.
16. Meade, Letters, i, 187. =65=Scott, gen. orders 28, 33, 34, 37.
=313=Saunders to Conner, Mar. 5. Oswandel, Notes, 63. Semmes, Service,
106, 109, 111. Kenly, Md. Volunteer, 266. Lawton, Artillery Officer,
65-6, 68. =146=Caswell, diary. =322=Smith, diary. Kitchen, Record,
21-2. =270=Moore, diary. =327=Sutherland, letter. Ballentine, English
Soldier, i, 257, 261. =254=McClellan to sister, Feb. 23. Moore,
Scott's Campaign, 1-4. Parker, Recolls., 49, 82. Washington _Union_,
Apr. 6. _Monitor Repub._, Mar. 16. =164=Scott to Conner, Feb. 22, 26.
=162=Conner to wife, Aug. 10, 1846; Feb. 26, 27, 1847. Ho. 60; 30,
1, pp. 879, 892 (Conner); 896 (Hetzel); 893, 896, 899 (Scott); 568
(Jesup). Nebel and Kendall, 17. Diccionario Univ. (_Antón Lizardo_).
_Niles_, Mar. 13, 1847, p. 21. =332=Tennery, diary. Sedgwick, Corresp.,
i, 65. =254=McClellan, diary. =165=Conner to Scott, Jan. 18; to Breese
and to Aulick, Feb. 28. Hammersly, Naval Encyclop., 94. =139=W. B.
Campbell to wife, Mar. 6. Smith, To Mexico, 108-10. =76=Garay, Mar. 5.
=76=Cos, Feb. 19, 21. =76=Soto, Mar. 7. =76=Watchman at Ulúa, Mar. 5.

22.4. For additional information regarding San Juan de Ulúa the reader
may consult chapters xviii and xxx.

21.5. New York letters received in Cuba and made known at Mexico gave
notice that Scott planned to capture Vera Cruz before attacking Ulúa
(=76=Relaciones, Jan. 26); some Mexicans believed he would enter the
Antigua River (which emptied a short distance to the north) with boats,
and strike at once into the interior; some thought he would land at
Tuxpán, and march south along the coast; and some ridiculed the idea of
an attack upon Vera Cruz on the ground that, since the Americans could
not possibly reach the capital by that route, it would be useless to
capture the city (_Monitor Repub._, Mar. 28). Many argued that in any
case Ulúa would protect Vera Cruz.

22.6. Besides fine old Spanish guns, there were new and heavy English
pieces (_Nacional_, July 12, 1846) and twenty recently cast in the
United States (Davis, Autobiog., 131). A battery of sixteen bronze long
24-pdrs., made in England in 1840, was pronounced by American artillery
officers "far superior" to anything of the sort they had seen elsewhere
(=213= Hatch to father, Apr. 2). It was in the city. As to the amount
of ordnance in the city and castle accounts differed. Scott made it 400
pieces; Hitchcock, upwards of 350; Balbontín, 113 mounted, 46 unmounted
at Ulúa, 83 and 57 respectively at Vera Cruz; G. T. M. Davis, 390
effective pieces. The statement of the Mexican government, December,
1846 (based of course on earlier reports), was as follows: Vera Cruz,
mounted, bronze, eleven 24's, twenty 16's, six 12's, four 8's, four
4's, four mountain 4's, five 12-inch mortars, seven 8-inch howitzers,
and of iron, mounted, three 42-lb. mortars, three 24-lb. cannon, five
12's, nine 8's, six 13-inch mortars, two 9-inch mortars; Ulúa, bronze,
mounted, thirty-six 24's, four 16's, four 8's, two 14-inch mortars,
and of iron, mounted, ten 84-lb. mortars, ten 68-lb. mortars, sixteen
42-lb. mortars, fifty-one 24-lb. cannon, two 16's,--a total of 224
besides a considerable number of unmounted pieces in both places, some
of which were doubtless mounted later (Memoria de ... Guerra). Still
other guns were sent from the interior. Possibly some unserviceable
ordnance may have been included in the highest American figures.
Balbontín gives the number of firearms as 7369--half of the total
number belonging to the government. Ripley (War with Mex., ii, 19) and
Wilcox (Mex. War, 251) state that there was no ditch, but the weight of
evidence seems to be against them. Perhaps the drifting sand filled the
ditch before the Americans took the city.

22.7. It was not easy to believe that the factions at Mexico would
not agree to turn their arms against the Americans on learning they
had landed. March 9 the state of Vera Cruz issued a strong appeal to
them and to the nation. Neutrals and valuable neutral property were
taken aboard foreign war-vessels (=12=Matson to Giffard, Mar. 5). The
American blockade had greatly impaired the resources of the state and
city. A forced loan was imposed by the former, but no large receipts
could be expected.

22.8. The accepted (not official) Mexican figures were 1030 for Ulúa
and 3360 for Vera Cruz, but the authorities did not consider it
obligatory to publish the correct number. =13=March 11 the British
consul, Giffard, reported the garrisons as about 1500 and 4000
respectively, and later (according to Mexican accounts that were
probably rather flattering) more than 1000 threw themselves into the
city. Santa Anna stated in April that Morales had 5000 in the town
(=76=S. Anna, Apr. 29), but he was unfriendly to that officer. Scott's
figures were 5000 besides those who perished or escaped during the
siege; but before the surrender he heard the city alone had that number
(Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 221). British naval officers stated there were about
6000 in city and castle (Meade, Letters, i, 188), and Col. Campbell was
told there were 5-6000 (=139=to wife, Mar. 6). The Mexicans complained
of a lack of gunners, but their own figures were 680. No doubt the
troops were poorly cared for, but such was the custom. Robles counted
for not a little. In the autumn of 1846 Landero, personally liked but
considered wanting in ability and regarded as a tool of Santa Anna, was
made comte. gen. because Morales was strenuously denounced by Santa
Anna as politically unsafe (=76=S. Anna, Oct. 14); but on the approach
of the crisis the people forced a change, and the confidence inspired
by Morales enabled him (Landero admitted in his =76=report, Apr. 3,
1847) to accomplish more than the latter could have done. Particular
resentment was felt against Santa Anna for taking away in August, 1846,
the best regiment (the Eleventh Infantry). For the names of corps at
Vera Cruz and Ulúa see Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 158.

22.9. _The situation at Vera Cruz and Ulúa._ =13=Consul Giffard,
Nov. 1; Dec. 1, 1846; Feb. 28; Mar. 11, 1847. =52=Consul Dimond, no.
336, May 2, 1846. Engineer School, U. S. Army, Occasional Papers,
no. 16. =218=Henshaw narrative. =280=Nunelee, diary. =159=Collins,
diary. =6=Bravo to Tola, Apr. 18, 1846. =224=Hitchcock, diary,
Mar. 13. =13=Pakenham, no. 25, 1842. _National_, July 12, 1846.
_Constitutionnel_, May 8, 1847. W. S. Parrott, Feb. 6, 1847. =80=México
state legislature to people. Memoria de ... Guerra, Dec., 1846, p.
22. (Cisterns, etc.) Lyon, Journal, ii, 221. Orbigny, Voyage, 407-8.
Robertson, Visit, i, 232, 239. Ruxton, Adventures (London, 1847),
12-15. Robertson, Remins., 225-6, 235, 237. Lerdo de Tejada, Apuntes,
ii, 541-50, 552, 569. Naredo, Orizaba, i, 107-8. Scott. Mems., ii, 422.
Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 248. Ballentine, English Soldier, i, 288-9.
Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 239. Balbontín, Estado, 49-55. Tributo á la Verdad,
17-26, 29, 88. Apuntes, 152-5. S. Anna, Apelación, 33. _Delta_, Oct.
16, 1847. =350=Weber, recolls. =12=Matson to Giffard, Mar. 5, 1847;
to Fischer, Mar. 8; to commodore, Mar. 10, 25. Oswandel, Notes, 102.
Semmes, Service, 102, 104-6. =139=W. B. Campbell to D. C, Mar. 20.
Rivera, Jalapa, iii, 56, 865. Otero, Comunicación, 11. _Diario_, Apr.
8. _Republicano_, Dec. 8, 1846. =86=Relaciones to gov., Jan. 27, 1847;
reply, Feb. 1. =86=State treas. to gov., Jan. 15. =86=Morales to gov.,
Feb. 8. =90=Soto, proclam., Mar. 2. =90=_Id._ to state congress, Dec.
1, 1846. =100=V. Cruz ayunt. to prefect, June 4, 1846. =100=Bravo to
ayunt., June 9, 1846. =100=Ayunt. to jefe of dept, Oct. 26, 1846.
=100=Soto, proclam., Feb. 6, 1847. =88=_Id._, proclam., Feb. 15, 1847.
_Regenerador Repub._ Puebla, Mar. 13; Apr. 7, 1847. =82=Noticias
de V. Cruz. Kenly, Md. Volunteer, 267. México á través, iv, 600.
Lawton, Artillery Officer, 67, 105-7. El Estado de Veracruz a Todos.
Memoria de ... Guerra, Dec, 1846. =146=Caswell, diary. =270=Moore,
diary. =73=Bermúdez de Castro, nos. 441, 445, Feb. 28; Mar. 2, 1847.
Bustamante, Nuevo Bernal, ii, 67. Valois, Mexique, 40-43. =271=Morales
to commander of Ulúa, Oct. 20, 1846. Moore, Scott's Campaign, 12.
Conner, Castle of S. Juan de Ulloa, 13. Parker, Recolls., 79. (Learned)
_Monitor Repub._, Nov. 13, 30, 1846; Mar. 28, 1847. Negrete, Invasión,
iv, app., 413-4. =166=Campbell to Conner, Jan. 9, 1847. =166=Pommarès
to Conner, Oct. 15, 1846. Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 911, 1169 (Scott). Meade,
Letters, i, 188. Diccionario Univ. (_Ulúa_). =47=Conner, Oct. 4,
1846. =165=_Id._ to Scott, Jan. 18; Feb. 5, 1847. =100=Soto to jefe,
V. Cr. dept., Sept. 17, 1846. =100=Jefe to V. Cr. ayunt., Dec. 21,
1846. Bishop, Journal, 29. _Niles_, May 9, 1846, p. 160. _So. Quart.
Rev._, July, 1851. =86=V. Cruz congress, manifiesto, Mar. 9. And from
=76= the following. A large amount of correspondence between the
dept. and successive commanders at Vera Cruz, particularly in March,
April, Sept. and Oct., 1846, Jan. and Feb., 1847, relating to the
fortifications, garrison, supplies and dangers of the city and Ulúa. S.
Anna, Oct. 12, 14, 20, 1846; Jan. 14, 18; Apr. 29, 1847. Morales, Jan.
20, 1847. Tampico letter to Garay, Jan. 25. Soto, Feb. 7, 15; Mar. 7,
etc. Morales, Feb. 9, 15; Mar. 4, 5, etc. _Boletín de la Democracia_,
Mar. 2, 1847 (N. Y. letter, Jan. 8). To S. Anna, Oct. 17, 1846; Jan.
30, 1847. To Morales, Mar. 6, 7. Morales, proclam., Mar. 5. Landero,
report, Apr. 3. Jalapa letter, Mar. 16. Canalizo to Hacienda, Jan. 11.
Landero, Jan. 25, 1847. J. Alvarez, Oct. 21, 1846. Memo., Feb. 9, 1847.
Tampico letter, Dec. 30, 1846. Morales to Marín, Mar. 11.

22.10. What Scott called his "little cabinet" consisted of Col.
Totten (chief engineer), Lieut. Col. Hitchcock (acting inspector
general), Capt. Robert E. Lee (engineer) and H. L. Scott (acting as
military secretary). Col. James Bankhead was chief artillery officer,
Capt. Huger was acting chief of ordnance, and Maj. Turnbull was
the chief topographical engineer (Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 239-40). Col.
Harney commanded the regular cavalry, and Capt. Edson commanded three
companies of marines loaned by Conner, and temporarily attached to the
Third Artillery. At this time the engineers, artillery and cavalry were
kept by Scott under his immediate orders. While at Lobos Islands he
laid down the rule (=65=gen. orders 33) that every project of siege or
bombardment should first be discussed between the senior engineer and
artillery officers and then reported to him for approval or amendment.
Hence the detailed plan for the operations at Vera Cruz came formally
from Totten, and he has been credited with originating it.

22.11. Simms wrote to Gov. Hammond of South Carolina that Scott's
operations at Vera Cruz lacked brilliancy.

22.12. Conner had reckoned upon the starvation method; but (1) the
amount of supplies in the town and castle was not certainly known and,
as we shall find, was too large for this method; (2) fishing was a
resource of unmeasured value (even from the mole great quantities of
fish were caught: _Delta_, Oct. 16, 1847); (3) it was possible that on
some night the American line might be temporarily broken, and thousands
of cattle be run into the city; (4) as British observers agreed, the
Mexicans were capable of bearing privations for a long while; (5) Scott
rested under an imperative obligation to remove his army from the coast
in time to save it from the vómito; and (6) he had to count on reducing
Ulúa after capturing the city.

22.13. =13=Giffard, Mar. 11. Scott, Mems., ii, 422-5. Ballentine,
English Soldier, ii, 3-6. Davis, Autobiog., 140-1. Sen. 1; 30, 1,
pp. 223, 239. Balbontín, Estado, 53, 55. =65=Scott, gen. orders 33.
=12=Matson to commodore, Mar. 11, 25. Steele, Amer. Campaigns, i, 120.
N. Y. _Sun_, Aug. 16, 1847 (Scott should have left 5000 to reduce
V. Cruz). _So. Quart. Rev._, July, 1851. Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 47-9.
Oswandel, Notes, 101. Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 892 (Conner). McCall, Letters,
483. Moore, Scott's Camp., 12.

22.14. This seems like a foolhardy performance; but other boats had
gone as near without being fired upon, and the _Petrita_ was supposed
to be out of range (_Mag. Am. Hist._, xiv, 567). The engineers intended
of course to get as near as they could with safety, and it is possible
that Scott wished to set an example of fearlessness. McCall, who was on
board, wrote that this occurred on Mar. 6; other accounts place it on
the seventh.

22.15. Just as the fleet was leaving Antón Lizardo, 800 Louisiana
volunteers arrived. These, with a shipload who came some hours later,
gave Scott upwards of 11,000 men. His =62=return of Mar. 25 included
13,470.

22.16. With some light guns, which would probably have been lost, a
thousand Americans might have been accounted for. It has been suggested
that until the boats moved toward the shore the Mexicans did not know
where the blow would fall; but their own explanation was that they had
no suitable troops to spare for the purpose (Tributo á la Verdad, 28).
Morales had, however, what he called an Extra-muros section, _i.e._,
militia. A lack of intelligence, enterprise or nerve was doubtless
the real cause of his remissness. The one shot mentioned in the text
probably came from a gun found later among the dunes (=69=Backus to
Brady, Sept. 22, 1848). A company of sappers and miners and an iron
boat loaded with entrenching tools and sand-bags accompanied Worth's
brigade. Less than half the surf-boats ordered by Scott had arrived.

22.17. _The landing._ Bullock, Six Months (1825), i, 10. Sen. 1; 30, 1,
pp. 216-8, 220, 222 (Scott); 239-40 (gen. orders 80). Ho. 1; 30, 2. pp.
1177-9. Apuntes, 153. Engineer School, U. S. Army, Occasional Papers,
no. 16. =218=Henshaw narrative. =280=Nunelee, diary. =216=Heiman, First
Regt. of Tenn. =159=Collins, diary. =298=Porter, diary. =69=Backus to
Brady, Sept. 22, 1848. Robertson, Remins., 216-9. Lerdo de Tejada,
Apuntes, ii, 540, 551. Scott, Mems., ii, 413-4, 418-9, 421. Ballentine,
English Soldier, i, 292-303. Davis, Autobiog., 125. Tributo á la
Verdad, 28, etc. McCall, Letters, 475. Taylor, Broad Pennant, 125.
_Picayune_, Mar. 25. Meade, Letters, 187-8. =65=Scott, gen. orders
28, 33, 34, 42, 45. =12=Matson to commodore, Mar. 11. Oswandel,
Notes, 67-70, 83. Semmes, Service, 111, 125-7. Ramírez, México, 234.
Lawton, Artillery Officer, 74, 79, 167. =270=Moore, diary. _Journ.
Milit. Serv. Instit._, v, 37; xxiv, 422-8. Moore, Scott's Campaign, 5.
_Revue des Deux Mondes_, Aug. 1, 1847, p. 418. Conner, Home Squadron,
18-20, 60-70. Smith, To Mexico, 113-4. Nebel and Kendall, 17. Parker,
Recolls., 49, 83, 85-6. =162=Conner to wife, Jan. 11; Mar. 10, _United
Service_, July, 1895, p. 37; Dec., 1896, pp. 492-517. Stevens, I. I.
Stevens, i, 108. Jones, Tattnall, 58. Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 847, 1169
(Scott); 892 (Conner). Sedgwick, Corresp., i, 71-2. =254=McClellan,
diary. =165=Conner, Mar. 11; order, Mar. 7; to Forrest, Mar. 7.
=316=Judd to Sherman, Feb. 26, 1848. _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, xiv
(Scammon). _So. Quart. Rev._, July, 1851. =139=W. B. Campbell to wife,
Mar. 13. =76=Morales, Mar. 9, 10. =76=Landero, report, Apr. 3.

22.18. The consuls were in close touch with one another and with
the Mexicans, and hence the charge that Scott gave no warning of a
bombardment falls to the ground. He could not be expected to state
positively and precisely what he intended to do. By Mar. 13 Morales
reached the conclusion that he would not assault (=82=M. to gov.
Puebla, Mar. 13), and by Mar. 20 that a bombardment was to be expected
(=76=M. to Guerra y Marina, Mar. 20). Intercourse with neutral vessels
was allowed to remain open until the morning of Mar. 23 (=12=Matson
to commodore, Mar. 25), mainly as a way of escape for neutrals (Sen.
1; 30, 1, p. 230) (closed then--except under a flag of truce--because
affording moral aid and comfort _ibid._, p. 228); and Matson, the
British naval commander, warned the British residents with his
utmost energy that they would not be safe during "an assault or a
Bombardment" (=12=M. to commodore, Apr. 2). He was notified in advance
that intercourse with neutral vessels would shortly be cut off, and
so informed Giffard officially on March 18 for the benefit of British
residents (=12=M. to commodore, March 25). Scott's warning note to
the Spanish consul (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 219) referred to the city, not
to Ulúa, for the consuls resided in the city; yet Matson and Giffard
had the face to assert that on the authority of Conner they understood
that only Ulúa would be bombarded. Matson admitted that he did this for
effect on Perry (=12=to commodore, Apr. 2); and he did not question
Scott's right to act as he did (=12=to Perry, Mar. 27). Again, Scott's
summons stated that batteries adequate to reduce the city were in
readiness, and this was further notice of a bombardment. Everything
compatible with the military necessities of the United States was thus
done for neutrals and non-combatants. Moreover Morales replied that
Scott might attack in the way he thought most advantageous (Sen. 1; 30,
1, p. 227). The truth is that the people were full of fighting spirit,
did not know what real war meant, and felt not a little confidence.
Giffard certainly (=12=Matson to commodore, Mar. 25) and (as Perry
reported, =47=Oct. 22) the other consuls probably took under their
protection large quantities of property belonging to Mexicans. By means
of kites the Mexicans distributed addresses to the "honest" Americans,
defying their prowess but inviting them to accept lands, as friends and
brethren, in the country of perpetual spring.

22.19. The Americans admitted the skill of the Mexican gunners.
Twenty-eight balls were put through a wall five feet high and 150 feet
long, more than a mile distant. Americans were supposed to be lying
behind the wall (Kenly, Md. Volunteer, 267).

22.20. Scott still supposed Ulúa would have to be reduced after the
capture of Vera Cruz, and felt greatly troubled by the non-arrival of
the larger part of the heavy ordnance, etc., that had been duly called
for (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 222). He was annoyed also by his lack of enough
cavalry for thorough reconnoitring, and by the passing and repassing
of small boats between the city and the north shore. Owing to the
treacherous weather none of the American vessels could lie close enough
to the coast to stop this intercourse entirely. A sortie against the
batteries was to be anticipated, but access to them was made so easy
and secure that such an attack could have been repulsed. The squadron
endeavored to divert the attention of the enemy while the mortars were
being placed.

22.21. _Scott's preliminary operations._ =13=Giffard, Feb. 28, 1847.
Engineer School, U. S. A., Occas. Papers, no. 16. =218=Henshaw
narrative. Charleston _Mercury_, Apr. 6, 1847. =280=Nunelee, diary.
Trans. Ills. State Hist. Soc., 1906, p. 179. =159=Collins, diary. Sen.
1; 30, 1, pp. 216-25, 244-9 (reports of Scott and his officers). Ho.
1; 30, 2, p. 1177 (Conner). =298=Porter, diary. =61=Bankhead to Scott,
Mar. 26. =60=Pickett to ----, Mar. 10. Robertson, Remins., 220-27.
Lerdo de Tejada, Apuntes, ii, 552. Scott, Mems., ii, 426. Hitchcock,
Fifty Years, 240-5. Grant, Mems., i, 127. Ballentine, English Soldier,
i, 304-6; ii, 18-9. Davis, Autobiog., 126. Tributo á la Verdad, 29.
McCall, Letters, 477. Hartman, Journal, 7-8. _Picayune_, Mar. 26, 30,
31; Apr. 2, 4. Meade, Letters, i, 191. =350=Weber, recolls. =65=Scott,
gen. orders, nos. 33, 53. McCabe, Lee, 17. =12=Matson to commodore,
Mar. 11. Oswandel, Notes, 71-85. Semmes, Service, 129. =139=W. B.
Campbell to D. C., Mar. 20. =210=Simms to Hammond, May 1. Lawton,
Artillery Officer, 73, 78, 81, 84, 89. =124=Blocklenger, letter.
=270=Moore, diary. Steele, Amer. Campaigns, i, 106. Nebel and Kendall,
18-9. =164=Scott to Conner, Mar. 16. Griffis, Perry, 216. Conner,
Home Squadron, 68. _Monitor Repub._, Mar. 16. =164=Scott to Conner,
Mar. 17, 18, 19, 20. _Spirit of the Times_, Apr. 17. =166=Dimond to
Conner, Jan. 15. =166=Campbell to Conner, Jan. 9. _United Service_,
July, 1895, p. 37. Jones, Tattnall, 57. Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1169 (Scott).
=254=McClellan, diary. =165=Conner to Scott, Mar. 19. Bishop, Journal,
29. _So. Quart. Rev._, July, 1851. =76=Morales, Mar. 10, 16. =76=Cano,
Mar. 26. _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, xiv, 567.

22.22. The mosquito fleet consisted of the steamers _Spitfire_ and
_Vixen_ under Commanders J. Tattnall and J. R. Sands, and the gunboats
_Bonita_, _Reefer_, _Petrel_, _Falcon_ and _Tampico_ under Lieuts.
Commanding F. G. Benham, J. S. Sterett, T. D. Shaw, J. J. Glasson and
W. P. Griffin (Ho. 1; 30, 2, p. 1182). Each had a 32-pounder or 8-inch
Paixhan. Additional information may be found in chap. xxx.

22.23. The parapet of the naval battery (known as No. 5) was of
sandbags. Each of the guns weighed 6300 pounds, and was mounted on a
ship-carriage, so that transportation on land was extremely laborious.
They were taken ashore March 23, and some 1500 men were employed in
dragging them nearly two and a half miles through the sand. Scott did
not value the shell guns highly. They were 8-inch Paixhans. Captains
Aulick and Mayo commanded the battery alternately. According to Robert
Anderson the orders for the battery were issued by Conner (Lawton,
Artill. Officer, 101) who had repeatedly offered it before Scott gave
up the hope of receiving adequate army ordnance in time (Conner, Home
Squad., 47, note 3). Early on the morning of March 23 Perry (who had
withdrawn the mosquito fleet the previous evening) had Tattnall launch
a sharp though brief attack, presumably to divert attention from the
naval battery, then under construction. An officer who gained fame
later as Commodore Porter was Tattnall's pilot. The opening of Battery
No. 4 (24-pounders, etc.) was delayed by a norther, and one of the
howitzers was not ready as soon as the other pieces. Only about half
of the siege-train and ordnance stores called for in November arrived
before Vera Cruz surrendered (see chap. xviii, note 18.11).

22.24. _Summons and bombardment._ Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 222-44 (reports
of Scott and his officers; summons and reply; etc.); 230 (Scott
to consuls, Mar. 25). Ho. 1; 30, 2, pp. 1175-83 (naval reports).
=13=Morales, circular, Apr. 4. =13=Giffard, nos. 7, 8, Mar. 22, 29.
=12=Matson to commodore, Mar. 25, 28; Apr. 2; to Perry, Mar. 27.
=47=Perry, Mar. 26; Oct. 22. Henshaw narrative. Nunelee, diary.
=216=Heiman, First Regt. Trans. Ill. State Hist. Soc., 1906, pp.
179-80. Collins, diary. =224=Hitchcock to Lizzie, Mar. 27. =60=Perry
to Mason, Mar. 25. =60=Scott to Perry and reply, Mar. 25. =61=Bankhead
to Scott, Mar. 26. =60=Pickett to ----, Mar. 10. Robertson, Remins.,
227-32, 278. Lerdo de Tejada, Apuntes, ii, 555. Scott, Mems., ii,
426-7. Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 244-7. Ballentine, English Soldier,
ii, 24. Davis, Autobiog., 127. A Soldier's Honor, 24. Apuntes, 155-8.
Tributo á la Verdad, 30-1, 109. McCall, Letters, 480. Nebel and
Kendall, 19-21. Hartman, Journal, 9-10. _Picayune_, Apr. 4. Meade,
Letters, i, 192. F. Lee, Lee, 36-7. McClay, Navy, ii, 180-1, 183.
Oswandel, Notes, 90-5. Semmes, Service, 130-42. =139=W. B. Campbell
to D. C., Mar. 28. _Diario_, Mar. 29; Apr. 10. _Regenerador Repub._,
Apr. 7. Kenly, Md. Volunteer, 267. Lawton, Artillery Off., 91-7, 101,
104. Caswell, diary. =322=Smith, diary. Moore, diary. =358=Williams to
father, Mar. 25, 28. Judah, diary. Moore, Scott's Campaign, 15. Arnold,
Jackson, 84. Conner, Home Squadron, 47, note 3. Wash. _Union_, Sept.
11. N. Y. _Sun_, Apr. 16. =162=Conner to wife, Mar. 31. Soley, Porter,
67-9. Jones, Tattnall, 57. Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 913, 1220 (Scott).
=180=Scott to Stribling, Mar. 25. Ramsey, Other Side, 190, note.
Bishop, Journal. _So. Quart. Rev._, July, 1851. Weekly _Courier and N.
Y. Enquirer_, Mar. 2, 1848 (letter probably by Hitchcock). Griffis,
Perry, 221-3. Furber, Twelve Months Vol., 519-40 =76=G. Gómez, Mar. 25.
=76=Soto, Mar. 28. =76=Morales, Mar. 24. =76=Vega Mar. 25.

22.25. March 24 the consuls requested Scott to grant a truce and allow
the women and children to leave town (=12=Matson to commodore, Apr.
2). With perfect propriety he declined to do so (Scott, Mems., ii,
427), unless Morales should ask for a truce with a view to surrender
(Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 226), pointing out that due warnings had been given
(note 22.18). He could not afford to suspend his operations or let
the number of mouths be diminished; and doubtless he was counting on
the moral effect of the presence of women and children. Time pressed;
there were well-founded reports that a Mexican army was approaching;
and cases of yellow fever had occurred (Scott, Mems., ii, 427, and see
Davis, Autobiog., 141). Scott's action looks hard, but it was humane to
force an immediate surrender. Roa Bárcena (Recuerdos, 178) fully admits
that the American policy was just. This move of the consuls tended to
shake the confidence of the Mexicans, and led to dissensions among the
officers.

March 25 Harney was sent against a force posted at a bridge near
Medellín, about ten miles from Vera Cruz (Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 250-2).
Including reinforcements, his detachment consisted of about 500 men
with artillery. The independent reports of the two principal Mexican
officers give their number as 140-50 with scarcely any ammunition.
Harney thought there were 2000 of them, and claimed great credit for
carrying the day. His orders were to reconnoitre only. There were other
insignificant affairs (Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 249-55; Ho. 60; 30, 1, p.
915; Reavis, Harney, 186).

22.26. _On the Mexican side._ =13=Giffard, Mar. 11, 29. =12=Matson to
commodore, Mar. 25; Apr. 2. Papeles Varios, no. 10. Henshaw narrative.
Nunelee, diary. Collins, diary. Robertson, Remins., 222. Lerdo de
Tejada, Apuntes, ii, 552-3, etc. Ballentine, English Soldier, ii, 32-3.
Davis, Autobiog., 138. Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 220-38 (reports, etc.).
Tributo á la Verdad, 29, 30, 109 (Ult. Boletín). Apuntes, 157-60.
_Picayune_, Apr. 9. (Fish) _Delta_, Oct. 16. =312=Morales, Apr. 3.
_Revue de Paris_, Dec., 1844. Semmes, Service, 149. =82=Noticias de
Veracruz. =86=Relaciones to gov., Jan. 27. =86=Treasurer to gov., Jan.
15. =86=Many letters regarding inability to pay the tax. =100=Morales
to ayunt., Mar. 12, 17, 20; reply, Mar. 14. =95=Ibarra, proclam., Mar.
23. _Regenerador Repub._, Apr. 7. =82=Gov. to legislature of Puebla,
Mar. 9. =82=Ibarra, proclam., Mar. 17. =82=Morales to gov. Puebla, Mar.
13. =86=_Id._ to Soto, Mar. 8. Lawton, Artillery Off., 106-7. Caswell,
diary. Moore, diary. =375=Morales to Soto, Mar. 14. _Monitor Repub._,
Apr. 4. _Spirit of the Times_, Apr. 17. =80=Legislature of Méx. state,
address. =165=Conner to Scott, Mar. 19. Bishop, Journal. And from =76=
the following. Comte. gen. Puebla, proclam., Mar. 16. Arrieta, Mar.
15. Cano, Mar. 26. S. Anna, Apr. 29. Memo., Feb. 9. F. Vázquez, Mar.
26. Soto, Jan. 23, 26; Mar. 7, 9, 19, 24, 25 (two). G. Gómez, Mar.
18, 19, 20 (two). Vega, Mar. 24, 25 (two). Canalizo, Apr. 1. Morales,
Mar. 5, 10, 16, 20, 24. Landero, Jan. 30, Apr. 3. Hacienda, Mar. 15.
To G. Gómez, Mar. 16. To Soto, Mar. 28. And many documents of minor
importance.

22.27. Morales, probably in view of Santa Anna's enmity, would not
surrender though he believed he ought to do so (=76=Landero, Apr.
3), but he turned the command over to Landero when capitulation was
seen to be inevitable, and left the city in a boat during the night
of March 25-6. He induced Gen. José Durán, who commanded at Ulúa,
to regard himself as under Landero's orders, it was stated by Santa
Anna (=76=Apr. 29), and so brought about the surrender of the castle.
This apparently singular move was doubtless made to save Vera Cruz
from being bombarded by Ulúa. (Recognizing this danger to the city,
Scott intimated, when summoning the town, that no batteries would be
established in it against Ulúa, unless Ulúa should open fire upon it.)
There was considerable dissatisfaction among the Americans because
the prisoners were set free, for their parole was justly deemed of
slight value; but it would have been costly, and perhaps not easy, to
hold them at Vera Cruz or send them to the United States, and they
did good service by spreading tales of American prowess. Mar. 26 the
consuls went to Scott's camp under a white flag, but he would not see
them (=12=Matson to commodore, Apr. 2). On the morning of March 27
two boat-loads of neutrals under the French flag attempted to reach
the neutral vessels at Sacrificios, but Perry would not allow them to
proceed (=12=Matson to commodore, Apr. 2). (Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos,
178, admits that Perry's course was proper.) At about the same time the
consuls and the second alcalde threatened that unless the military
chiefs would promptly bring hostilities to an end, they would lead the
non-combatants toward the American lines at the risk of being fired
upon. This was said to have had great effect in town, but the chiefs
had already decided to give up. Owing to bad weather the navy was not
represented at all the deliberations. Some of the American military men
felt that the share of the navy did not entitle its representative to
sign the capitulation. It was stated by Sedgwick that, aside from the
investment, only about 600 Americans took part in the operations.

22.28. Next to Matson's figures our best evidence regarding the
casualties is the statement of Giffard, that hundreds of women and
children, harbored at the consulates, escaped from harm though the
buildings suffered (=13=Mar. 29). Many other buildings were no
doubt equally solid and equally distant from the principal scene of
destruction. Vera Cruz was a great importing city, where large stocks
of goods needed to be securely housed. Mercantile establishments had
strong vaults, in which families now took refuge. Many found safety on
the long mole. Scott asserted that most of the people were sheltered
in the basements. Consequently one can hardly believe that more than
500 persons out of a civilian population probably not exceeding 3000
were injured. Lieut. Mackall believed that perhaps thirty or forty
soldiers were killed or wounded (=252=Apr. 30). Kendall, editor of the
New Orleans _Picayune_, who was on the ground, represented 150 as a
mean estimate of the total number that perished (_Picayune_, Apr. 9).
Landero reported 750 killed and 200 wounded (=76=Apr. 3), evidently an
absurd statement, for a greater number must have been hurt than killed.
Other Mexican estimates rose as high as 600 civilians killed, which
would imply on a reasonable calculation that almost every civilian was
hit. One of the best Mexican authorities (_Apuntes_, 165) states that
600 or more soldiers were wounded, and 400 of these lost their lives.
This is far too large a percentage of fatalities. How accurate this
authority is may be judged also from the fact that the Americans are
said to have thrown 6700 projectiles into the town, whereas (Sen. 1;
30, 1, p. 244) the number was actually about 2500 (possibly besides
those from the naval battery, which may have thrown 800). It is worth
while to add that Scott was persistently represented (partly to exalt
the Mexicans and partly to injure the Americans) as having destroyed a
great number of non-combatants, but Morales wrote on March 24 that most
of the killed and wounded had been soldiers.

Next let us inquire as to the provisions. Giffard stated (=13=Mar.
29) that when the Mexicans surrendered, the city had food enough for
three days and the castle for ten; but probably he had reference only
to the provisions belonging to the authorities, and perhaps, as he had
objected strongly to the destruction of property and tried to stop
the bombardment by sending word to Scott that hunger would force the
Mexicans to yield in a few days, he felt compelled to support that
representation. March 10 Conner thought the enemy had subsistence
enough for about four or five weeks (Ho. 1; 30, 2, p. 1179). =76=April
29, after having talked with officers from Vera Cruz, Santa Anna
assured the minister of war that Morales could have held out until he
(Santa Anna) could have arrived with regular forces. Gov. Soto, who
went down to the coast, where he was in communication with the city
by means of boats and doubtless knew whether stocks of foodstuffs
(belonging perhaps to neutrals) existed there, placed drafts for
$30,000, payable at Vera Cruz, in the hands of Morales on March 24
(=76=Soto, March 25). This money must have been intended solely or
principally for provisions, for on the fourteenth Morales had written
to Soto that nothing else was needed. On the same day $2000 from
Oaxaca were delivered. These sums would have purchased enough food to
last beyond April 15. About March 17 a French barque ran in during a
norther, which shows that supplies from the outside could be hoped
for. The property loss due to the bombardment was estimated at five to
six million dollars (_Monitor Repub._, Apr. 4). The southwest quarter
of the town was demolished. It was ordered that not only Morales, but
Landero and Durán should be tried. Besides disliking Morales, Santa
Anna felt resentment against Vera Cruz for receiving him so coldly in
August, 1846.

22.29. _The surrender_; _losses_ (note 22.28). Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp.
224-6 (Scott); 228 (consuls); 229-38 (Scott, etc.); 239 (gen. orders
80). Apuntes, 159-66. McCall, Letters, 483-4. _Picayune_, Apr. 9.
=252=Mackall to father, Mar. 30. =312=Morales, Apr. 3. =12=Matson to
commodore, Mar. 25; Apr. 2; to Perry, Mar. 27; reply, Mar. 27. Semmes,
Service, 141. _Diario_, Mar. 27; Apr. 4, 8. _Regenerador Repub._, Apr.
7. Lawton, Artillery Off., 98, 100, 106. Hiney, diary. =358=Williams
to father, Mar. 28. Bustamante, Nuevo Bernal, ii, 160. =375=Morales
to Soto, Mar. 14. _Monitor Repub._, Apr. 4, 5. N. Y. _Sun_, Aug. 16.
=166=Kirby to Conner, Mar. 27. Ho. 1; 30, 2, p. 1186. _Mag. of Amer.
Hist._, xiv, 570. Bishop, Journal. =13=Giffard, nos. 7, 8, Mar. 22, 29.
Henshaw narrative. Collins, diary. =95=Puebla ayunt., address, Apr.
7 (V. Cruz yielded because of "the lamentations of innocent families
expecting every instant to die"). Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 177-9.
Tributo á la Verdad, 109 (Ult. Bol.). Nebel and Kendall, 21. Robertson,
Remins., 232. Lerdo de Tejada, Apuntes, ii, 558-69. Scott, Mems., ii,
427-9. Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 243-8. =76=Landero, Apr. 3. =76=_Id._
to Canalizo, Mar. 31. =76=Canalizo, Apr. 1. =76=S. Anna, Apr. 4, 29.
=76=To S. Anna, May 4. =76=Terms of capitulation. The date Of the
capitulation was Mar. 27.

Had Vera Cruz held out until April 15, perhaps 5000 regulars would have
been in Scott's rear (chap. xxiii, note 23.12). With this backing,
3-4000 irregulars could probably have been embodied. By means of
signals and boat communication operations in concert with the garrison
of Vera Cruz could have been arranged for, and the prospect would have
encouraged the city to hold out to the uttermost. Very likely Scott's
line could have been broken, and provisions introduced. He could not,
then, before the advent of the yellow fever, have reduced Ulúa and
Vera Cruz, and have made the preparations necessary for advancing
into a hostile region in the face of a numerous enemy. When the fever
became active, Santa Anna's upper country troops could have retired
quickly, leaving the Americans to be annoyed by the coast forces.
Other diseases quite as fatal as the vómito prevailed in that district
(Thompson, Recolls., 4). Lieut. Hatch (to father, Apr. 2) wrote that
all attributed the surrender to the effect of Scott's artillery upon
the civilians, and the circumstances prove as much.

22.30. The northers, though in themselves a scourge, drove the
mosquitoes away, and so prevented the yellow fever. They subsided about
the middle of April, and then the fever was due.

22.31. _Hardships and consolations._ (Losses) Ho. 24; 31, 1; Sen. 1;
30, 1, pp. 253-5; Ho. 1; 30, 2, p. 1185 (naval). Henshaw narrative.
Charleston _Mercury_, Apr. 6. Nunelee, diary. Collins, diary. _American
Eagle_, V. Cruz, Apr. 8. =60=Pickett to ----, Mar. 10. Vigne, Travels,
i, 8. Robertson, Remins., 223, 226-7. Campos, Recuerdos, 31. Scott.
Mems., ii, 430. Ballentine, English Soldier, ii, 8, 15. Sen. 1; 30, 1,
p. 221 (gen. orders 54); 224-6 (Scott, Mar. 23). _Picayune_, Apr. 4.
=350=Weber, recolls. Maury, Recolls., 34. =12=Matson to commodore, Mar.
11, 25. Oswandel, Notes, 71-4, 79-81. Semmes, Service, 107-8. Lawton,
Artillery Off., 79, 88, 96. Gilliam, Travels, 40. =361=Woods, recolls.
Caswell, diary. =327=Sutherland to father, July 15. Moore, diary.
=136=Butterfield, recolls. _Spirit of the Times_, Apr. 17. Stevens, I.
I. Stevens, i, 115. Tennery, diary. Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 879 (Conner).
Bruell, Sea Memories, 57. Lancaster Co. Hist. Soc. Mag., Mar. 6, 1908
(Nauman). Our army loss was nine killed and fifty-one wounded (Ho. 24;
31, 1).

22.32. _Occupation of city and "castle."_ _American Eagle_, V. Cruz,
Apr. 6. Nunelee, diary. Collins, diary. Polk, Diary, May 15. Robertson,
Remins., 232. Lerdo de Tejada, Apuntes, ii, 567-8. Naredo, Orizaba,
108. Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 247. Davis, Autobiog., 129-30. Sen. 1;
30, 1, pp. 229, 235 (Scott); 237-8. Ho. 1; 30, 2, p. 1185 (Perry).
Apuntes, 166-7. _Picayune_, Apr. 9, 10, 14. Lawton, Artillery Off.,
110, =252=Mackall to father, Mar. 30. =12=Matson to commodore, Apr.
2. Oswandel, Notes, 98. Semmes, Service, 145-6. _Regenerador Repub._,
Apr. 7. Lawton, Artillery Off., 102-3. =222=Hiney, diary. =146=Caswell,
diary. =322=Smith, diary. =270=Moore, diary. _Id._, Scott's Campaign,
23. Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 907 (Marcy); 911 (Scott). Tennery, diary.
Sedgwick, Corresp., i, 79-80. Bishop, Journal. _Littell_, no. 157, p.
326 (Hine). =139=W. B. Campbell to wife, Mar. 31. _Britannia_, May 15
(V. Cruz letter, Apr. 1). =76=Landero, gen. orders, Mar. 29-30. =76=S.
Anna, Apr. 29. Nebel and Kendall, 21.

Some of the National Guards broke up and took flight in order to avoid
surrendering. As fast as the arms were stacked American sentries
mounted guard over them. When the Mexican soldiers found the victors
offering to divide rations with them, their sentiments became friendly,
and most of those belonging at Vera Cruz went back to town that day.


XXIII. CERRO GORDO

23.1. According to a memo. furnished by the adjutant general to the
ordnance bureau, Mar. 24, Scott's forces were as follows. I. REGULARS.
1 Dragoons, Co. F. 2 Dragoons, Cos. A, B, C, F, I, K. *Mounted Riflemen
(on foot). 1 Art., Co. K. 2 Art., Co. A. 3 Art., Co. H. (These three
companies had field batteries.) Artillery serving as infantry: *1 Art.,
Cos. B, F, G, H, I; _2 Art., Cos. B, C, D, F, G, H, I, K_; _3 Art.,
Cos. A, B, D, G, K_; *4 Art., Cos. A, D, E, F, G, H. 1 Inf., Cos. C,
E, F, G, H, K. *2 Inf., Cos. A, B, D, E, F, G, H, I, K. *3 Inf., Cos.
C, D, F, G, H, I, K. _4 Inf., Cos. A, B, C, D, E, I._ _5 Inf., Cos. E,
F, G, H, I, K._ _6 Inf., Cos. A, C, D, E, F, H._ *7 Inf., Cos. C, D,
E, F, I, K. _8 Inf., Cos. A, B, D, E, H, I, K._ (Italics indicate the
division of Bvt. Maj. Gen. Worth; asterisks that of Brig. Gen. Twiggs.)
II. VOLUNTEERS. (Maj. Gen. Patterson.) Tenn. Mounted regt. Infantry:
Baltimore and Wash. battal.; Ga. regt.; Ala. regt.; two Tenn. regts.;
two Ill. regts.; Ky. co.; La. co.; La. regt.; two Pa. regts.; N. Y.
regt.; S. C. regt. This list includes troops not mentioned by Scott
(Mems., ii, 460-5). As Worth was now serving with his brevet rank his
command was called a division. The same change was made in Twiggs's
case. A letter of Mar. 13 from Marcy, due to a suggestion from Polk
of the day before, urged Scott to make the protection of the troops
against yellow fever his prime consideration (Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 904;
Polk, Diary, Mar. 12, 20). At the same time it gave a slanting assent
to the movement against the capital by discussing the question of
roads. This was Scott's first authorization to proceed (_So. Quart.
Rev_., Apr., 1852), and the Cabinet had not decided to have him do so,
though he had assumed that Benton's plan, endorsed by himself, was the
basis of his expedition (Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 913). The hesitation of the
government is illustrated by the fact that Marcy first wrote merely,
"If you should occupy an interior position," which he changed to, "If
you should move into the interior" (Marcy papers).

23.2. This proclamation has been censured on the ground that it
exasperated the Mexicans by mentioning their domestic dissensions and
bad government. If so, the blame rested primarily on the American
government, which had ordered Taylor to circulate a proclamation
embodying such ideas (p. 1 of chap. xxxi). The word "unnatural" has
been thought unfortunate as suggesting (since ordinary war seemed
to Mexico perfectly normal, and Scott could not be supposed to be
reflecting upon himself and his government) that the Mexicans were
acting in an inhuman and indecent way; but the author does not recall
seeing any such point made by them.

23.3. Many wagons were lost in wrecked vessels. It had been supposed
that about two thirds of the animals would be obtained locally, but it
was found by April 5 that not one tenth of them could be reckoned upon.

23.4. Harney proceeded to La Antigua on April 2 with two squadrons of
dragoons, a section of artillery and two infantry companies, drove
lancers from the village, captured about thirty-five horses and
obtained Mexican promises of assistance from the people (Ho. 60; 30, 1,
pp. 915-6). He returned the next day. The Alvarado expedition set out
on March 30. It was a joint affair designed not only (like Harney's) to
obtain draft animals and beef cattle and open up permanent markets for
these desiderata, but to impress and "neutralize" the people of that
section, acquire a harbor for Perry's small vessels, provide a regular
supply of water for the squadron, and perhaps capture the Mexican
vessels lying there. Perry himself commanded the naval contingent, and
Quitman commanded the land force, which consisted of three volunteer
regiments (Ga., Ala. and S. Car.), a squadron of dragoons and a section
of artillery (Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 917-8). The march of about fifty miles
(about 44 by the present railroad) was at times difficult and always
hot. Late on April 1 Perry and Quitman reached Alvarado, a fishing
town of 1200-1500 persons; and the land forces arrived the next day.
They found it occupied by an American midshipman and five sailors.
Lieut. Hunter, commanding a one-gun propeller, the _Scourge_, sent down
to assist in blockading the town, had violated his orders (probably
to show what the naval men were capable of doing, if given a chance
to act) by opening fire, upon which the town (though it endeavored
later to rescind its action) had offered to surrender. Learning that
public property had been taken up the Alvarado River, here a wide,
clear, deep stream, he pursued it and, to take advantage of the panic
resulting from the fall of Vera Cruz, captured the industrious town of
Tlacotálpam. Quitman accepted this turn of events genially, but Perry
was furious, and to the disgust of many naval officers and the general
public Hunter was tried and cashiered.

To Scott the results of Hunter's error were serious (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p.
547). The intention had been to grant capitulations to the towns on
terms that would have provided the Americans with a large number of the
needed animals (Wash. _Union_, Sept. 11) or to obtain the same result
in some other way; but Hunter's action, though only one day in advance,
gave time for the removal of the livestock. Quitman did, however,
arrange with the authorities of Tlacotálpam for at least 500 horses,
and opened negotiations for more and for beef cattle. How fruitful
these arrangements proved cannot be stated. April 8 about 300 of the
Fifth Infantry sailed from Vera Cruz for the same district (Ho. 60; 30,
1, p. 928), and about April 14 they brought back some wild mustangs.

On retiring from Alvarado the Mexicans burned the few small vessels
that constituted the national navy, and spiked or buried the ordnance
of the forts. The buried guns were, however, discovered. In all they
numbered about sixty, but a large part were valueless carronades. For
Quitman's troops the expedition was unfortunate. A number died and
almost all were prostrated. He was back at Vera Cruz April 6. The
affair amused the American public hugely. One evidence of this is
afforded by the following lines (N. Y. _Sun_, May 7, 1847):

          "On came each gay and gallant ship,
            On came the troops like mad, oh!
          But not a soul was there to whip,
            Unless they fought a shadow;

          "Five sailors sat within a fort,
            In leading of a lad, oh!
          And thus was spoiled the pretty sport
            Of taking Alvarado."

23.5. _Scott's preparations for advancing (including the Alvarado
expedition)._ Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 903 (Marcy); 908, 912-3, 920, 928,
937, 1221, 1271 (Scott); 915 (Harney); 917 (Quitman); 918 (Mason); 939
(gen. orders). =60=Scott to Marcy, Apr. 5. _Courrier Français_, Apr.
17. =61=Harney, report, Apr. 4. Negrete, Invasion, iii, app., 435.
Scott, Mems., ii, 431. Robertson, Remins., 238. Velasco, Geografía,
iii, 203. Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 230 (Scott); 547 (Jesup). Davis,
Autobiog., 140. _Delta_, May 19. Diccionario Universal (_Alvarado_).
=164=Scott to Conner, Mar. 20. =60= Mason to J. L. Smith, Apr. 9.
Semmes, Service, 148, 211. =73=Bermúdez de Castro, no. 445, Mar. 2,
1847. Nebel and Kendall, 23. Ho. 1; 30, 2, p. 1190. Lawton, Artill.
Officer, 121. =270=Moore, diary. _Id._, Scott's Camp., 44-9, 52.
Griffis, Perry, 239. Parker, Recolls., 103-4. =12=Captain of _Alarm_ to
commodore, Apr. 13. Bennett, Steam Navy, 94, 97. Maclay, Navy, ii, 185.
=358=Williams to father, Apr. 5. =62=Adj. gen. to ordnance dept., Mar.
24. =65=Scott, gen. orders 87, 91, 105. =65=_Id_., proclam., Apr. 11.
=13=Giffard, no. 12, Apr. 13. Polk, Diary, Mar. 12-14. =13=Pakenham,
no. 7, Jan. 28. _Metropol. Mag._, Jan., 1908, p. 441. Soley, Porter,
71. Wash. _Union_, Sept. 11. N. Y. _Sun_, May 7, 21. _Niles_, May
1, pp. 131, 141; 22, p. 189. _Southwest. Hist. Qtrly._, xviii, 216.
Steele, Am. Campaigns, i, 120. =76=Marin, Jan. 2; Apr. 26. =76=López,
Jan. 15. =60=Plan of Alvarado. Ho. 1; 30, 2, p. 1200 (Mackenzie).

Worth, although he had been given the most prominent place in the
operations against Vera Cruz, demanded the leading position in the
advance, and felt deeply offended when Scott, mindful of the rights
of the Second Division, replied that he would not, even to please his
best friend, do an injustice (_Mag. Am. Hist._, xiv, 573-4). There
was a route to the interior _via_ Orizaba, but it was not available
for artillery. In reply to Marcy's despatch of March 13, which
suggested that the advance be made from Tuxpán, Scott pointed out the
impracticability of that plan (Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 909).

23.6. In January Gen. R. D. de La Vega was made chief of the Division
of the East and provided with an army--mostly of paper. The same month
Alonzo Wenghieri offered to furnish 50,000 muskets, 25,000 tercerolas
(carbines of a certain kind) and 50,000 swords at reasonable prices,
but it is not certain that his offer, though endorsed by the war
department, was accepted (=76=to Hacienda, Jan. 14). By March 12, four
16-pounders from Vera Cruz arrived at the national bridge. March 18
orders proper for the situation were despatched to La Vega, but they
sound as if issued mainly for form's sake. In February the government
attempted to take control of 25,000 National Guards for the purposes of
the war (=76=circular Feb. 3); but it soon rescinded that unpalatable
assumption of authority, and confined itself to asking state governors
for them (=76=circular, Apr. 8).

23.7. March 24 the northern brigades were at Querétaro on their way
south (=76=acuerdo,[1] Mar. 24). Rangel's brigade and some artillery
left the capital March 28. March 30, 1400 National Guards, who had been
turned over to the national government by the governor of the state
(=82=Guerra to gov., Apr. 1), left Puebla to join 700 of the same class
already at Jalapa, and some 12-pounders were despatched from the former
city. These forces were primarily designed to aid in the defence of
Vera Cruz by attacking Scott's rear. There was great need of money,
especially as the attitude of the clergy was now so dubious that even
drafts accepted by them were distrusted (_Diario_, June 8).

  [1] "Acuerdo," frequently to be mentioned hereafter in the Mexican
      citations, meant the decision of an executive conference, and was
      applied also to the memorandum embodying the decision. The
      conferences referred to will usually be those in which the
      President or at least the Cabinet was concerned.]

23.8. One method of rousing the public was to excite religious
fanaticism. A pamphlet, _Clamor de las Ovejas_, declared that some
of the Vera Cruz churches were to be sold to Protestants, others to
Mohammedans, others to pigs, others to worshippers of Venus.

23.9. _Mexican preparations before Santa Anna arrived on the ground._
_Courrier Français_, Apr. 3, 10, 17. =52=Consul Black, Apr. 25. Davis,
Autobiog., 142. =13=Bankhead, no. 34, 1847. Apuntes, 120-2, 168.
_Revue Indep._, Apr. 25, 1845. Memoria de ... Guerra, Dec., 1846.
Lerdo de Tejada, Apuntes, ii, 574. _Diario_, Mar. 29; June 8. _Monitor
Repub._, Mar. 31. Rivera, Jalapa, iii, 888. Balbontín, Invasión, 105.
=94=Canalizo, proclams., Apr. 2, 4. =94=Soto, proclams., Jan. 22;
Feb. 5. _Regenerador Repub._, Mar. 31. =84=Guerra, decree, Feb. 13.
=84=Relaciones, circular, Feb. 16. _Republicano_, Mar. 31. Ramsey,
Other Side, 221, note. And from =76= the following (out of a great
number). To Rincón, Oct. 10, 11, 1846. To La Vega, Jan. 25; Mar. 18,
20, 27, 1847. Acuerdos, Mar. 24, 25, 28, 29, 30, 31; Apr. 1. To Gaona,
Apr. 1. To Canalizo, Mar. 28, 31; Apr. 1. Gaona, Mar. 18; Apr. 1. Soto,
Mar. 7, 22, 26; Apr. 3. G. Gómez, Mar. 18, 19, 25, 26. La Vega, Mar.
22, 24. Canalizo, Mar. 30; Apr. 1, 3. To Soto, Apr. 1. Soto to V. Cruz
cong., Dec. 1, 1846. Morales, Oct. 15, 1846; Feb. 2, 6, 1847. Canalizo
to his troops, Mar. 29. Guerra, circulars, Feb. 3, 13; Mar. 31; Apr.
8. To comte. gen. Mex., Mar. 25. Canalizo, proclam., Mar. 29. To gov.
Puebla, Apr. 1. Gov. Puebla, Mar. 28. A little later Santa Anna had
the spiked cannon drawn to Cerro Gordo by cattle.

23.10. The northern wall of the cañon is much more nearly vertical than
the southern. The author went down one side and up the other by rough
mule paths.

23.11. Accounts differ as to the number of men and guns on each tongue
but agree that _B_ was much more strongly guarded than _A_ and _C_. It
had supporting works. After the battle R. E. Lee wrote that the highway
was commanded by thirty-five Mexican guns (F. Lee, Gen. Lee, 38).
Allowing four for El Telégrafo, five for the battery at the camp, and
seven for _D_, we should have nineteen left for the tongues. In all,
according to the chief Mexican artillery officer, there were forty-one
pieces, so that Santa Anna was able to send additional guns to his
left. There seems to have been a 12-pounder at _A_, but most of the
guns were light. The four 16-pounders were at _D_, and commanded the
highway.

23.12. After the battle Santa Anna reduced his numbers to about 6000
infantry (only about half of them permanent) and 1500 or 2000 cavalry
(=76=May 7; Negrete, Invasión, iii, app., 112); but on March 20 (=76=to
La Vega) he had placed the troops from La Angostura at 6000 (Roa
Bárcena, Recuerdos, 194, says 5650) to which must be added at least
2000 from the capital (_ibid._), 2000 (besides a brigade that arrived
just before the battle) from Puebla (note 23.7), and contingents from
Jalapa, Coatepec and other places. Mexican accounts run from Santa
Anna's figures up to 15,000 (_Republicano_, June 1, correspondent).
Canalizo, April 3, proclaimed that more than 12,000 were coming, and
the troops to whom he referred did not include all who were present.
=13=Bankhead placed the number from Mexico at 2500. Roa Bárcena
(Recuerdos, 195) specifies 3, 4, 5, 6 and 11 Line regiments, 1, 2, 3,
4 Ligero regiments, 5 and 9 cavalry, and 12 smaller corps of foot and
horse. Canalizo's demand that all citizens rally to the colors does not
seem to have been very effective; but many who had given their parole
at Vera Cruz were forced to take up arms (Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos,
189). It appears safe to estimate that Santa Anna had at least 10,000,
probably 11,000, and quite possibly 12,000 men besides the Puebla
brigade under Arteaga, which arrived after the fight had begun. The
brigade from Mexico arrived April 11, and the three brigades from
the north April 12. After the battle Santa Anna and others attempted
to represent the troops as of wretched quality. But certainly he
had picked the corps brought from the north, and there is no reason
to suppose that the other troops were below the average. Santa Anna
pretended that he lacked ammunition, but great quantities were found
in the camp after the battle (Oswandel, Notes, 139). The distribution
of it was very likely defective, however. It was asserted also that
some of the cannon cartridges contained no powder. They should have
been inspected. Twenty-nine Irishmen served in the hospital force
(=76=acuerdo, Mar. 30). The army was fairly well supplied with money.
April 10 38,000 pesos went from the capital, and the bishop of Puebla
sent 10,000.

23.13. Santa Anna had water brought from El Encero by a ditch, but it
only began to run just as the battle opened.

23.14. _Mexican preparations, Apr. 4-16._ _Delta_, May 1. _Picayune_,
May 2. =312=Anaya to S. Anna, Apr. 9. =312=Guerra to gov. Puebla,
Apr. 9. =312=Pablo to S. Anna, Apr. 8. =312=Guerra to S. Anna,
Apr. 9. =312=Baranda to S. Anna, Apr. 8. _Courrier Français_, Apr.
17. _Repub._, Apr. 22; June 1, 9. Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 261. Negrete,
Invasión, iii, app., 49. Grant, Mems., i, 134. Apuntes, 121, 169-75.
Tributo á la Verdad, 41. S. Anna, Apelación, 33-7. Suárez y Navarro,
Causas, 68. Steele, Amer. Campaigns, i, 121. _Diario_, Mar. 29; Apr.
3, 9, 30; June 10. Gamboa, Impug., 29-32. Ramírez, México, 214, 229.
Bustamante, Nuevo Bernal, ii, 157, 189. Lerdo de Tejada, Apuntes, ii,
574. Dublán, Legislación, v, 264-5. _Monitor Repub._, Apr. 24, 27, 28;
May 3; Oct. 24. =13=Bankhead, no. 34, Apr. 1. Oswandel, Notes, 139.
=82=Pavón, Apr. 29. Sedgwick, Corres., i, 86. =76=Gaona, Apr. 8. =76=To
Canalizo, Apr. 2. =76=To S. Anna, Apr. 9. =76=Canalizo, Mar. 29; Apr.
3, 24. =76=S. Anna, Apr. 6, 7, 11, 13, 17, 29; May 7. =76=Uraga, May 1.
=76=Memorias by heads of war dept., Nov., 1847. =76=Decrees, Apr. 8,
10. =76=A great number of less important papers.

No doubt, as Willisen ("Higher Theory of War") and others have said,
combining strategical defensive with tactical defensive is as a rule to
be condemned; but here the circumstances were peculiar. The Americans
were pursued by the yellow fever, and only a decisive victory could
save them from ruin. Hence Santa Anna's policy cannot be censured
unceremoniously. Ripley (War with Mexico) gives the name El Telégrafo
to La Atalaya, an error that of course leads to much confusion. Robles
had a series of objections to the Cerro Gordo position. It could be
turned; the rough and woody country made it possible for the enemy
to get near; cavalry could not be used; the line was too long; a
threatened point could not be easily reinforced; water was lacking;
retreat, especially with artillery, would be difficult (Roa Bárcena,
Recuerdos, 197-8).

23.15. One of the field batteries was Taylor's; the other was Talcott's
howitzer and rocket battery (R. Jones to ordnance dept., Dec. 3,
1846). Steptoe's field battery and a squadron of dragoons accompanied
Patterson later. The statement regarding the artillery outfit is from
Lieut. Hatch (=213=to father, Apr. 7), who went with Twiggs.

23.16. Scott has been called rash for sending his army forward and
exposing it to attack piecemeal. But (1) had it all formed one column
it would have been no safer against a raid from some crossroad; (2)
had it been attacked in front, numbers would not have signified, and
the individual superiority of the Americans as well as their superior
artillery would have given them the advantage; and (3) Santa Anna,
having possession of such fine defensive positions, was not likely to
make a venturesome attack, especially as the battle of Buena Vista had
shown how tenaciously the Americans could defend themselves. The two
last points bear also upon the criticism that Santa Anna ought to have
attacked Twiggs before the arrival of Pillow and Shields (see remark
at the end of note 23.14). The volunteer division left Vera Cruz April
9 under Patterson. It consisted of two brigades, for Quitman's men had
not sufficient transportation, and probably needed time to recover from
the effects of the Alvarado expedition. Capt. Loch, a British naval
officer off Vera Cruz, was as much surprised as Scott when it was found
that Santa Anna had a large force at Cerro Gordo (=12=to commodore,
Apr. 9).

23.17. From the national bridge to Cerro Gordo the pavement was not in
very good condition. Above the latter point stone blocks took the place
of cement. In places, where these had never been laid, or had been
taken up by revolutionists, or had been overlaid with stones by floods,
the highway was extremely bad.

23.18. The position looked impregnable but was not, for a besieging
force could easily deprive the garrison of provisions and water.

23.19. _The march from Vera Cruz to Plan del Rio._ Ho. 60; 30, 1,
pp. 920-2, 928 (Scott); 921 (gen. orders 94). Hartman, Journal, 10.
_Picayune_, Dec. 9. _Delta_, May 15. =312=Gutiérrez to gov. Puebla,
Apr. 9. Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 274 (Twiggs). =217=Henshaw papers. Stapp,
Prisoners of Perote, 159-60. Raleigh _Star_, May 5. =280=Nunelee,
diary. =159=Narrative based on papers of F. Collins. =220=Higgins to
Clutter, Apr. 1, 1851. Ballentine, Eng. Soldier, ii, 36-48. Davis,
Autobiog., 142-4. Apuntes, 169. Ward, Mexico, i, 12; ii, 177-88.
Robertson, Visit, i, 269. Ruxton, Adventures (1849), 22-5. Tudor,
Tour, ii, 171-5. Bullock, Six Months (1825), i, 32-42. Orbigny,
Voyage, 409-10. Robertson, Remins., 238-40, 242. Latrobe, Rambler,
297. Velasco, Geografía, iii, 28, 37, 54, 64. Lawton, Artillery
Officer, 123, 132. Engineer School, U. S. Army, Occas. Papers, no. 16.
=291=Pierce, diary. _Journal Milit. Service Instit._, v, 38 (Coppée).
Bishop, Journal. =60=G. W. Smith to Stevens, Apr. 23. Hawthorne,
Pierce, 78-85. Steele, Amer. Campaigns, i, 121. =185=Memo. on the
route. =356=Whitcomb, diary. Carleton, address. Löwenstern, Le Mexique,
32. =236=Judah, diary. Wash. _Union_, May 1. _Vedette_, viii, no. 5.
=322=Smith, diary. Norton, Life. =270=Moore, diary. =358=Williams
to father, Apr. 21. =152=Claiborne, memoirs. =136=Butterfield,
recolls. _Revue de Paris_, Dec., 1844. =66=Stevens to J. L. Smith,
May 7. =66=G. W. Smith to Stevens, May 1. =65=Scott, gen. orders 91.
Thompson, recolls., 11-12. Poinsett, Notes, 25-9. =335=Calendario
de Ontiveros. =12=Loch to Lambert, Apr. 9. Oswandel, Notes, 108-10,
119. Semmes, Service, 162-75. =256=J. Parrott to Marcy, Apr. 19.
=254=McClellan, diary. _Mag. Amer. Hist._, xiv, 575. _Littell_, no.
162, p. 546. =139=W. B. Campbell to wife, Apr. 8. Moore, Scott's Camp.
=71=Diccionario Universal (_Puente Nacional_).

23.20. _Twiggs and his operations, Apr. 11-13._ Maury, Recolls., 29.
Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 274 (Twiggs). =217=Henshaw papers. Trans. Ills.
State Hist. Soc., 1906, p. 181. =159=Narrative based on the papers
of Francis Collins. Polk, Diary, Apr. 30. =66=Tower to Twiggs, Apr.
16. =60=Scott (on Twiggs), remarks on a letter from Worth. _Id._,
Mems., ii, 432. Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 250. Grant, Mems., i, 131.
Ballentine, Eng. Soldier, ii, 25-6, 51-4. Brackett, U. S. Cavalry,
141. Davis, Autobiog., 143-6. Apuntes, 173-5. Robertson, Remins.,
240. =270=Moore, diary. Lancaster Co. Hist. Soc. Mag., Mar. 6, 1908
(Nauman). Bishop, Journal. =210=Bragg to Hammond, Dec. 20, 1847; May 4,
1848. =327=Sutherland to father, Aug. --; Nov. 28, 1847. =358=Williams
to father, Apr. 21. =152=Claiborne, mems. =112=Beauregard to Patterson,
Apr. 20. =204=Gouverneur, diary. =66=Tower to Maj. Smith, undated.
=273=Mullan, diary. Lee, Lee, 38. =139=W. B. to D. Campbell, Apr. 13.
_Hist. Teacher's Mag._, Apr., 1912, p. 75. Ho. 60; 30, 1; pp. 921 (gen.
orders 94); 928 (Scott). _So. Qtrly. Rev._, Jan., 1852. =170=Crooker
to father, Apr. 27. Henry, Camp. Sketches, 268. Furber, Twelve Months
Vol., 331. Some may ask why Scott put a general like Twiggs forward.
Twiggs had a rank and a position that had to be recognized, and his
officers and men had their right to see honorable service and win
distinction.

23.21. Major J. L. Smith commanded the engineer company of fifty-one
men. Lee had ten of the men, and under his direction Lieut. Foster with
eight had charge of building the road "located" by Lee. Lieut. Mason
also worked on the road. McClellan with ten was assigned to Pillow's
command, and G. W. Smith with ten to Harney's (=66=G. W. Smith to I. I.
Stevens, Apr. 23). Tower had charge of the reconnoitring on the Mexican
right.

23.22. I. I. Stevens, one of the engineer officers, =66=reporting on
May 7, stated in the most distinct manner that according to this plan
El Telégrafo was not to be attacked before the highway in its rear
should have been occupied in strength, and that insistence upon this
point constituted the essential difference between this plan and the
operations previously suggested by Beauregard. Scott wrote to Marcy
(Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 261) that he had intended to turn the Mexican
position and attack in the rear. He clearly indicated as much in his
Memoirs (ii, 432), and his orders for the battle were that Twiggs's
division, supposed to be already near the highway, should move before
daybreak to occupy it, while the orders only contemplated an attack in
front as likely to be made before 10 o'clock. It was well understood
in the army that his plan was to bag Santa Anna's army, and this
implied--since some of the Mexicans were likely to retire early--that
the way of escape must be cut off before a frontal attack should be
launched. Stevens tried to reach the highway via the Mexican right, but
was taken ill and had to return (Stevens, Stevens, i, 124).

23.23. _Scott's operations, Apr. 12-16._ Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 261 (Scott).
_Picayune_, May 1, 2. =217=Henshaw papers. A Soldier's Honor, 24.
Trans. Ills. State Hist. Soc., 1906, p. 181. =159=Narrative based on
the papers of F. Collins. Scott, Mems., ii, 432. Hitchcock, Fifty
Years, 250. Ballentine, Eng. Soldier, ii, 56-8. Davis, Autobiog.,
144-8. Bishop, Journal. =322=Smith, diary. =112=Beauregard to
Patterson, Apr. 20. =111=Stevens to J. L. Smith, May 7. =111=G.
W. Smith to Stevens, Apr. 23. =111=Tower to J. L. Smith, undated.
=111=Mason to J. L. Smith, Apr. 24. =65=Scott, gen. orders 105, 111.
=332=Tennery, diary. McCabe, Lee, 19, note. =12=Loch to Lambert, Apr.
9. Oswandel, Notes, 113-5. Stevens, I. I. Stevens, i, 122-4. Ho. 60;
30, 1, pp. 929 (Scott); 939 (Twiggs); 940 (Pillow).

23.24. The range had to be estimated (=322=W. B. Smith, diary), and
perhaps it was not easy to rectify the estimate by seeing where the
shot struck. Many of them flew much too high.

23.25. Scott's orders for the battle gave no directions for such a
charge. His plan was to place Twiggs's division and Shields's brigade,
supported by Worth's command, on the highway in Santa Anna's rear and
attack from that quarter. From one of his reports it appears that he
made some suggestion to Twiggs about the possibility of a frontal
attack on El Telégrafo--presumably in the case of some unlooked-for
turn of events; but he did not expect that officer to create the
turn. The charge seems to have been ordered by Scott during the night
(=213=Hatch to father, Apr. 21). To be sure, Scott's orders spoke of a
frontal attack, but evidently the reference was to Pillow's movement.

The officers of the Rifles were taken by Polk from civil life. Scott
offset this by having Major Sumner of the Second Dragoons, a veteran
and able soldier, command the corps; but as Sumner had been disabled on
Saturday, Major Loring was now at its head. When moving from shelter
he exposed his men to being enfiladed by the enemy's cannon, and
the other troops actually cried out, "That's the way to murder men"
(=218=Henshaw). This illustrates how political appointments are likely
to work on the firing line. The Rifles were expected to join in the
attack on El Telégrafo after repulsing the enemy on the left, but a
part of them were unable to do so (p. 352).

23.26. _Events of Apr. 17-18 {except Pillow's operations)._ Sen. 1; 30,
1, pp. 255-95, 298 (Scott's orders; reports of himself and officers).
Maury, Recolls., 37, 44. Hartman, Journal, 11. M'Sherry, El Puchero,
221-3. _Picayune_, May 1, 6, 9, 19. _Delta_, May 1, 15; June 18.
=252=Mackall to father, Apr. 18. =335=Trist, May 7, 25. =217=Henshaw
papers. Trans. Ills. State Hist. Soc., 1905, p. 213; 1906, pp. 182-3.
=159=Narrative based on F. Collins papers. =6=Riley court of inquiry.
=60=Plympton to Scott, July 27. =60=E. K. Smith to Plympton, July 23.
=60=J. R. Smith to Polk, Nov. 30, 1848. =60=Twiggs to J. R. Smith, Nov.
9, 1848. =60=Morris to J. R. Smith, Nov. 15, 1848. =66=Russell court of
inquiry: orders 155. =223=Hirschorn, recolls. Negrete, Invasión, iii,
app., 46-52, 98-114. Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 251-2. Grant, Mems., i,
132. Ballentine, Eng. Soldier, ii, 59-84, 88, 90-1. Davis, Autobiog.,
148-52, 155-8. Apuntes, 175-83. Tributo á la Verdad, 42, 49, 62, 136.
S. Anna, Apelación, 34-41. _Id._, Manifiesto, 1847, 7. Eye witness,
Complete History, 79-80. Robertson, Remins., 248-52. Lawton, Artill.
Officer, 137-40, 267. Engineer School, U. S. Army, Occas. Papers, no.
16. N. Y. _Times_, July 16, 1916 (Worth). Bishop, Journal. Nebel and
Kendall, 24-5. S. Anna, Mi Historia, 67-8. =66=G. W. Smith to Stevens,
Apr. 23. Mansfield, Mex. War, 195. =210=Bragg to Hammond, May 4, 1848.
=254=McClellan, diary; to sister, Apr. 22. _Diario_, Apr. 28, 30; May
20; June 10, 23, 30. _Republicano_, Apr. 21, 23, 27; June 9; July 10.
=84=Ampudia to gov. S. L. Potosí, Oct. 10. Gamboa, Impug., 30. Kenly,
Md. Vol., 337. Ramírez, México, 227-9, 231, 261. =298=Porter, diary.
London _Times_, June 15. Wash. _Union_, May 10, 11; Oct. 23. _Monitor
Repub._, Apr. 20, 23, 24, 27; May 3, 6; Nov. 1, 30. _Spirit of the
Times_, May 29; June 5. =124=Blocklenger, recolls. =327=Sutherland to
father, Aug. --. _Vedette_, ii, no. 2. =322=Smith, diary. =307=Roberts
to wife, Apr. 21. =178=Davis, diary. =270=Moore, diary. =358=Williams
to father, Apr. 21. =152=Claiborne, memoirs. =112=Beauregard to
Patterson, Apr. 20. =66=Stevens to J. L. Smith, May 7. =66=Tower to
J. L. Smith, undated. =66=Mason to J. L. Smith, Apr. 24. Arnold,
Jackson, 87. =66=G. W. Smith to Lee, Apr. 20. =66=Lee to Twiggs,
undated. =65=Scott, gen. orders 249. =60=Riley to Westcott, Nov. 30.
=332=Tennery, diary. Giménez, Apología. Ho. 85; 30, 1. _Journal U. S.
Artill._, 1892, pp. 419-20. Lee, Gen. Lee, 38. Oswandel, Notes, 116,
122-8. Semmes, Service, 178-81, 183. Rivera, Jalapa, iii, 887-94.
=82=Soto to gov. Puebla, Apr. 18. =82=Pavón to Puebla sec. state, Apr.
29. Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1089 (Hitchcock). _Niles_, May 22, pp. 183, 188.
=148=Chamberlain, recolls. Elderkin, Biog. Sketches, 66. _Journ. Mil.
Serv. Instit._, xlii, 128. Henderson, Science of War, 215. Stevens, I.
I. Stevens, i, 126. Smithwick, Evolution, 286. =76=S. Anna, Apr. 17,
21; May 7. =76=Canalizo, Apr. 18, 21. =76=Carrera, May 1. =76=Circular,
Apr. 20. =76=Ampudia, Apr. 25. =76=To Brito, May 25. =76=Alvarez,
Oct. 28. =76=Canalizo to Villaba & Co., Apr. 24; to son, Apr. 24.
=76=Memorias by heads of depts., Nov., 1847.

REMARKS on the battle (April 18). The perfect confidence displayed in
Scott's orders for the battle is noteworthy. No doubt it had a great
effect on the troops. The orders to Worth were rather vague. Probably
this was because the course of the battle was expected to indicate
how his division could be used to the best advantage, but possibly on
account of his intense jealousy of Twiggs it was not deemed wise to
say clearly that he was to support Twiggs. In fact he followed Twiggs,
ascended El Telégrafo, saw the white flag at the tongues, and sent
Harney and Childs (Ripley, War with Mexico, ii, 74) to accept the
surrender of the Mexican right wing. The movement assigned to Twiggs
was hazardous, but the military quality of Santa Anna and the Mexican
troops was now well understood.

General Shields was struck by a grape shot that passed through the
upper part of his body; and his recovery, due to high surgical skill
and the most devoted nursing, seemed almost miraculous. When Shields
fell, Col. E. D. Baker took command. Canalizo was ordered to charge
Shields's brigade; but the ground was only partly cleared, and Santa
Anna reported that a charge was not practicable. Canalizo was, however,
accused by many of causing the Mexican defeat by letting the Americans
reach the highway. He could have dismounted all his cavalry, as he
did his cuirassiers, and 2000 fresh troops--especially if aided by
those at the tongues--might have done a good deal; but probably he
believed that the battle had already been lost. When Shields's men
approached the highway they came upon a party of Mexican surgeons, and
on learning their business became instantly, according to the surgeons,
their friends and protectors (_Diario_, Apr. 30). The chief Mexican
surgeon stated that the Americans made no distinction between the two
nationalities in bringing wounded men to the hospitals (_Courrier
Français_, May 5). Worth's command, deprived of its expected share in
the battle through Twiggs's departure from Scott's plan, played the
part of a reserve. Harney's charge may have been launched just when
it was because a thinning out of the summit of El Telégrafo (probably
due to sending troops against Riley) led to the belief that the La
Atalaya guns were doing great execution (Ballentine, Eng. Sold., ii,
81). Harney placed the Seventh Infantry on his right, deploying some
of the men as skirmishers to guard that flank, and the Third on his
left, protected by the Rifles. (In consequence of Loring's incompetence
(=213=Hatch to father, Apr. 21) the Rifles did not charge in a body or
effectively.) This line was supported by the First Artillery. Some of
Harney's men joined with Riley's in capturing the minor crest. The La
Atalaya battery fired over the heads of the charging Americans as long
as this appeared to be safe. Vázquez died bravely at his post, whereas
a number of high Mexican officers proved recreant. After the fighting
began near the summit of El Telégrafo the Mexican cannon placed there
could not be used, for they would have injured Mexicans as well as
Americans. Santa Anna appears to have done all in his power to stem the
tide of defeat. About 1000 Puebla men under Gen. Arteaga arrived during
the battle. They were placed at the headquarters battery, but took
flight early. S. Anna's line was about a mile and a half long.

23.27. It has been argued that Pillow's attack should have been a
"mere feint," _i.e._ threat. But (1) Scott had reason to fear that
the purpose of a "mere feint" would be detected as soon as the grand
battle should begin, and that the feint would fail of its purpose
(see Donaldson and Becke, 387); and (2) Pillow had troops of superior
mettle, who probably would not have been satisfied to make a mere
threat (Nebel and Kendall, 25, note). In ordering this attack Scott
violated Napoleon's principle, which was to turn the enemy's flank
without dividing his own army (Johnston, Foundations, 180), but the
circumstances warranted doing so. In particular Santa Anna had shown
that he did not wish to be aggressive, and Scott intended to keep him
busy (see Hamley, Operations, 160).

23.28. Pillow had also a few Tennessee horse and (attached to Haskell's
regiment) a Kentucky company--in all about 2000 men (Robertson,
Remins., 244).

23.29. The text is based primarily on the full and minute account
given in the diary of George B. McClellan (who accompanied Pillow and
whose integrity and technical ability will not be questioned) and the
following documents: reports of Engineers Stevens (=66=May 7) and
Tower (=66=undated); Haskell and sixteen officers (_Picayune_, May
29); Haskell (_ib._, June 28); Pillow, reply (_ib._, June 9); _Id._,
=61=substitute report, May 29 (to take the place of his published
report, which he admitted was not correct); =139=letters of Col.
Campbell, an able and fair man (who said privately the affair was most
badly managed; also that Pillow was no general, and on the field had
no judgment or decision); =224=Williams to Hitchcock, June 4, 1849;
Wynkoop, July 16, in _Picayune_, Sept. 19; Stevens, I. I. Stevens, i,
125 (Stevens says, _e.g._, that Pillow's attack failed because "made
prematurely, with great precipitation, without order in the assaulting
columns, and before the supporting columns were in position, and at the
wrong point," and that it, "both as to time and as to direction, was
earnestly remonstrated against by the engineer officer directing the
attack, by the personal staff of the general, and by Col. Campbell,
second in command"). Of course Ripley, who wrote his history of the war
in consultation with Pillow, gives a misleading account of this affair
as of others.

The author used also the following sources: Sen. 51; 32, 1. Sen. 1; 30,
1, pp. 257 (Scott); 258 (orders 111); 294 (Patterson); 296 (Pillow).
=217=Henshaw papers. Taylor, Letters (Bixby), 109. =69=Pillow to adj.
gen., June 25, 1848. =69=Ripley to adj. gen., June 25, 1848. =66=Tower
to Twiggs, Apr. 16. Negrete, Invasión, iii, app., 50. Hitchcock, Fifty
Years, 251. Furber, Twelve Months Vol., 593. Grant, Mems., i, 133.
Davis, Autobiog., 146. Apuntes, 173, 181. _Weekly Courier and N. Y.
Enquirer_, Mar. 2, 1848. Robertson, Remins., 244-8. Lawton, Artill.
Officer, 139. =293=Pillow to wife, June 9. =293=Rains to Mrs. Pillow,
Apr. 18. _Republicano_, June 9, 24. _Picayune_, May 9; Sept. 11. México
á través, iv, 654. Hillard, McClellan, 18, 19. _Nat. Intelligencer_,
June 11. _Monitor Repub._, June 24. =358=Williams to father, Apr.
21. _Vedette_, viii, no. 5. Oswandel, Notes, 110-1, 122-35. Semmes,
Service, 182-3. Hitchcock in semi-weekly _Courier and Enquirer_, Mar.
1, 1848. =100=Mata, Apr. 18. =82=Pavón to Puebla sec. state, Apr. 29.
=288=Tapper to wife, May 3. _Niles_, June 5, p. 219; Oct. 2, p. 75.
Boston _Atlas_, Dec. 13. Griepenkerl, Applied Tactics, 116. =316=Judd
to Sherman, Feb. 26, 1848. Johnstone, Foundations, 180. _So. Qtrly.
Rev._, Jan., 1852. =181=Armstrong to Donelson, July 4. =139=Cummings to
Campbell, May 12; June 13. =76=Carrera, May 1. =76=S. Anna, May 7. The
reason why reversing the regiments caused trouble seems to have been
that infantry were accustomed to man[oe]uvre and fight in a certain
formation, and felt awkward if the right was unexpectedly brought out
on the left. As Wynkoop had farther to march than Haskell and did not
wish to attack before his support was in position, placing Campbell
third in the line of march involved a delay. One derives a lesson on
the value of official reports from Patterson's representation that
Pillow was wounded while gallantly leading his brigade (Sen. 1; 30, 1,
p. 295).

23.30. The American soldiers were not pleased with this policy. The
American government expressed itself against it and, placing an
undeserved value on Mexican officers, ordered that no more of them
should be paroled except for special reasons. It is probably enough to
say that Scott was in the best position to judge; but one may remark
that Santa Anna's difficulty was not so much to obtain men as to obtain
arms. Further grounds for releasing them are mentioned in Sen. 1; 30,
1, p. 257. According to Gen. Pavón, Gen. La Vega and twenty-four other
officers were not paroled. Some six declined to give their paroles.
Among the spoils were a large amount of ammunition, $11,791.19 in cash
(Sen. 34; 34, 3, p. 24), and a wooden leg (supposed to have belonged to
Santa Anna) now preserved in the capitol at Springfield, Ill.

23.31. _Pursuit, losses, prisoners, spoils._ Ho. 60; 30, 1, 948, 1012,
1221 (Scott); 1089 (Hitchcock); 1233 (Marcy). Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 258
(gen. orders 111); 262 (Scott); 276, 278, 283, etc. Scott, Mems., ii,
443. Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 253. Ballentine, Eng. Soldier, 86-7,
106-7. Tributo á la Verdad, 62. Bustamante, N. Bernal, ii, 189. S.
Anna, Apelación, 40. Lawton, Artill. Officer, 140, 179. Ho. 24; 31,
1. Sen. 34; 34, 3, p. 37. _Republicano_, Apr. 27.; June 9. Sen. 52;
30, 1, pp. 122, 136. _Courrier Français_, May 5. México á través, iv,
655. _Monitor Repub._, Apr. 24; May 6. =322=Smith, diary. Williams to
father, Apr. 21. =152=Claiborne, mems. =332=Tennery, diary. =82=Pavón
to Puebla sec. state, Apr. 29. N. Y. _Sun_, Aug. 16. _Niles_, May
15, p. 164; May 29, p. 201. McClellan, diary. Nebel and Kendall, 25.
Robertson, Remins., 249, 253. =76=Carrera, Apr. 27; May 1. =76=Ampudia,
Apr. 25. =76=Canalizo, Apr. 18. =76=_Id._, undated. =76=S. Anna, May
7. =76=Junta directiva, May 3. =76=G. Gómez to Gaona, Apr. 18. The
cavalry appear to have been late in beginning the pursuit. Ripley (War,
etc., ii, 75) says Scott was so busy that he forgot to send for the
cavalry, but Scott's orders for the battle put the responsibility on
the commander of that corps, which was placed in reserve on the highway
with a field battery (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 259). In places, too, they
found the highway cut or blocked.

23.32. A deputation of the ayuntamiento met Patterson (Sen. 1; 30,
1, p. 296), and were promised protection on condition that no liquor
should be sold to the troops. The term "nondescript costumes" applies
primarily to the volunteers, but probably some of the regulars had lost
parts of their outfits.

23.33. Scott's report was a model in concealing facts; and Worth,
writing to a member of his family, called it "a lie from beginning to
end." Gen. U. S. Grant, doubtless recording without investigation his
early impressions, wrote in his Personal Memoirs (i, 132): "Perhaps
there was not a battle of the Mexican war, or of any other, where
orders issued before an engagement were nearer being a correct report
of what afterwards took place," and such has been the accepted opinion,
though a thoughtful comparison of the orders with Scott's own report
(Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 258, 261) is enough to disprove this view. For
example, Scott in his orders, intending to attack from the enemy's
rear, assigned no troops to the frontal attack on El Telégrafo, which
was the main feature of the actual battle. Unpublished documents of
a wholly unbiassed character disprove it still further. As two more
illustrations, the artillery, for which infinite trouble was taken
to make a passable road, did not figure at all in the battle (though
a section of Taylor's battery went that way in season to join in
the pursuit), and a court of inquiry declared that Riley's brigade,
which played a most important rôle, was diverted from its original
destination--a finding approved by Scott (=65=gen. orders 249). Robert
Anderson said that if Scott's orders had been carried out, not a
Mexican would have escaped (Lawton, Artillery Officer, 137); and Davis,
Shields's aide, stated that Twiggs failed to execute Scott's orders
and disappointed Scott's expectations (Autobiography, 148). See also
notes 22 and 25. It is possible that one reason why Scott in his
report commended Twiggs's course was that, even if satisfied as to the
practicability of his own plan, he did not care to raise an issue on
that question. Obviously it would have been impossible to prove now
that the plan was practicable, and a bitter, harmful controversy would
have resulted. That on general principles such an exposure of the
American flank was very hazardous could not be denied.

23.34. Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 296 (Patterson). =217=Henshaw papers.
=159=Narrative based on F. Collins papers. Robertson, Remins.,
253-7. Ruxton, Adventures (1847), 16. (King Death) Griffis, Perry,
217. =298=Porter, diary. _Monitor Repub._, Apr. 24, 27. =322=Smith,
diary. =66=G. W. Smith to Stevens, May 1. Oswandel, Notes, 140.
=256=J. Parrott to Marcy, Apr. 19. Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 948 (Scott).
=254=McClellan, diary. Ramírez, México, 260.


XXIV. PUEBLA

24.1. _Worth's advance._ Henshaw narrative. Hitchcock, Fifty Years,
255. Ballentine, Eng. Soldier, ii, 154. Davis, Autobiog., 173. _Delta_,
July 8. _Picayune_, May 19. =159=Collins papers, Apr. 21; June 19.
México á través, iv, 655. Tornel, Breve Reseña, 345. Robertson, Visit,
i, 303. Orbigny, Voyage, 411. Lyon, Journal, ii, 181. Balbontín,
Estado, 22. Velasco, Geografía, iii, 97, 99. Lawton, Artill. Officer,
141-4. Robertson, Remins., 276. =68=Scott to Worth, May 6. Colección
de Itinerarios. _Revue de Paris_, Dec., 1844. Oswandel, Notes, 162.
Semmes, Service, 217-22. =139=W. B. to D. Campbell, Apr. 25. =185=Memo.
Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 261 (Scott); 300 (Worth). Ramírez, México, 228-9.
Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 236-9. =254=McClellan to sister, Apr. 22.
=236=Judah, diary. Moore, Scott's Campaign, 10-2. Norton, Life.
Diccionario Universal (_Las Vigas_ and _Perote_). =327=Sutherland
to father, undated. Ward, Mexico, ii, 193-5. Green, Journal, 238.
Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 944-6, 948 (Scott). =364=Worth to daughter, Apr.
30. Negrete, Invasión, iii, app., 58, 60, 110. Tributo á la Verdad,
43-6. =76=Gaona, Mar. 4, 8, 15; Apr. 8, 19. =76=To _Id._, Apr. 17.
=76=Canalizo, Apr. 21, 24, etc. =76=Baneneli, Apr. 24. =76=Bravo, Apr.
23. =76=S. Anna, Apr. 27. The distance from Jalapa to Perote was called
about thirty miles.

24.2. "Convoy" will be used to signify a line of wagons or pack-mules
or both transporting merchandise or supplies under escort. Among the
difficulties in getting articles from the coast were the sandy road,
the heat, the weakness and insufficient number of animals, the shortage
of wagons, and above all the want of good drivers and conductors (Sen.
52; 30, 1, p. 127). Scott had supposed that successive bodies of new
troops would escort the convoys up, but the diversion of these to the
Rio Grande for some time (in consequence of S. Anna's advance against
Taylor) made it necessary to weaken his forces by sending escorts from
Jalapa (=61=Scott to Wilson, Apr. 26). The policy of treating the
Mexicans kindly required more self-support and therefore larger trains
than would otherwise have been necessary. Moreover, in order to avoid
a reverse, which would have had consequences of peculiar gravity in
Mexico, Scott had to avoid risks.

24.3. It has been argued (_e.g._ by Semmes) that Scott was in fact able
to obtain subsistence from the country all the spring and summer, and
therefore the matter involved no difficulties (Service, 208); but Scott
had to ascertain beforehand through agents (_Delta_, May 18) both that
subsistence existed and that it could be obtained; and to make the
success of his precautions a basis for asserting that he should not
have waited to take them, is unreasonable. Scott said later that he
might have rushed ahead by depending upon the provisions near at hand,
but that within a week the army would have had to scatter and fight
for supplies (Mems., ii, 553). The resources of the country were found
to be mostly at a distance from the line of march (Ho. 60; 30, 1, p.
949). Time was required to select intelligent, reliable agents, and
they needed time to go and come. A particular reason for deliberation
lay in the fact that the new crops would not be ready before about the
middle of June. It should be added that some statements of Semmes and
others regarding material elements of the situation are contradicted by
Scott's reports written at the time. Semmes was probably influenced by
Worth, whose aide he was.

24.4. Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 904. Marcy forgot this when he severely
censured Scott for dismissing the men before their time was out
(_ibid._, 1245).

24.5. By the =61=field return of May 7 Scott had: Engineer Co. (Smith),
43; Ordnance Co. (Huger), 60; First Div. (Worth), 2331; Second Div.
(Twiggs), 2216; Dragoons (Harney), 433; volunteers (Quitman), 2030.
The disparity between Scott's numbers as figured at Washington and his
numbers as counted at the front is suggested by the fact that on April
26 his volunteers (aside from those now discharged) were estimated by
the adjutant general as 4994 (Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 928). The regiments
that went home were the Georgia, the Alabama, the Third and Fourth
Illinois, and the First, Second and Third Tennessee.

24.6. _Scott at Jalapa (except his proclamation, etc.: Note 8._ Ho.
60; 30, 1, pp. 910, 944-8, 954-8, 1221 (Scott); 983-92; 950 (H. L.
Scott); 904, 953, 1241 (Marcy); 967 (Worth). =61=Scott to Wilson, Apr.
26. =68=Worth court of inquiry, proceedings. Ballentine, Eng. Soldier,
i, 278; ii, 118-23, 126-7, 129-30, 143-4. =66=Beauregard to Smith, May
10. =52=Trist to Buchanan, May 7. Davis, Autobiog., 164-6. Hartman,
Journal, 13. =330=Scott to Cadwalader, Apr. 25. =304=Patterson, orders
10, May 1. (The district) Robertson, Visit, i, 278; Ruxton, Adventures
(1915), 56; Kendall, Narrative (N. Y., 1844), ii, 398; Orbigny, Voyage,
410; Lyon, Journal, ii, 186; Velasco, Geografía, iii, 99. =362=G. A.
Worth to Van Buren, May 20. Robertson, Remins, 261, 275. _Revue de
Paris_, Dec., 1844. =218=Henshaw narrative. Löwenstern, Le Mexique,
26. =68=Scott to Worth, May 6. =65=Scott, gen. orders 128, 129, 135-6,
Apr. 30, 30; May 4, 5. =332=Tennery, diary. Thompson, Recolls., 13.
Oswandel, Notes, 142, 149, 152. Sen. 14; 30, 1, p. 6 (Scott). Semmes
Service, 189-90, 207-10. Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 528 (Hitchcock). =139=W.
B. to D. Campbell, Nov. 2, 1846. Sen. 52; 30, 1, pp. 124, 129 (Scott).
_Picayune_, May 4, 7, 11; Nov. 14. Steele, Amer. Campaigns, i, 110.
=335=Scott to Trist, July 21, 1848. =61=Field report, May 7, 1847.
=61=Scott to Wilson, May 2. Moore, Scott's Camp., 68. Roa Bárcena,
Recuerdos, 236. =322=Smith, diary. =270=Moore, diary. =73=Bermúdez de
Castro, no. 517, June 29. Polk, Message, Feb. 13 (Richardson, iv, 515).
Scott, Mems., ii, 452, 466, 553. London _Times_, Aug. 6. _Diario_, Aug.
5. N. Y. _Sun_, Aug. 16. Stevens, I. I. Stevens, i, 133, 135. (Bounty)
U. S. Statutes at Large, ix, 184. Upton, Mil. Policy, 215. _So. Qtrly.
Review_, Apr., 1852, 376-85. =6l=Scott, memo., Nov. 29, 1846 (12 new
regts.). Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 45-6. =364=Worth to daughter, Apr. 30.
Bishop, Journal. =112=Beauregard to Smith, May 2. Negrete, Invasion,
iii, app., 60. =60=Scott to Marcy, Apr. 5. Stevens, Campaigns, 16.
=139=Five colonels to Scott, May 1. =62=Adj. gen. to Brooke, May 29.
(Govt. will move) =76=To S. Anna, Apr. 21.

The Spanish minister reported that if Scott had been prepared to
attack the capital immediately after April 18, he could have taken it
without a shot (no. 517, June 29). Patterson left the army at this time
because the return of so many volunteers destroyed his command, and
Pillow left because he had been appointed a major general and wished
to bring on his division. Ripley (War with Mexico, ii, 514) says Scott
could have established a garrison of 4000 at Mexico and held the city.
But assassinations and sickness would soon have reduced his numbers.
Parties sent out for provisions and forage would have been cut off. The
Mexicans, not yet thoroughly beaten, would have been encouraged by the
isolation of so weak a force, as they had been by the size of Taylor's
army. They might have been able to starve out the garrison. The result
would probably have been at best that a rescue-army would have had
to fight its way to the capital without the assistance of Scott, his
regular officers and his veteran troops. He had no right to take such
a risk, especially when it seemed very doubtful whether success in
holding the capital would signify much.

24.7. This agent, whose name has been given as Campos and (probably
correctly) as Campomanes, appears to have been the parish priest of
Jalapa (Baz, Juárez, 47, note). The paper, which was printed first in
Spanish and then in English (=76=Hitchcock to Worth, May 12), may be
summarized as follows: It is my duty, Mexicans, to make known certain
facts that are purposely concealed from you. For the sake not only
of ourselves but of the whole American continent and of republican
institutions, we of the United States made every effort consistent with
honor to adjust our difficulties with Mexico, but the patriotic Herrera
was thrown from power, and the new government, ignoring your interests
in order to further its monarchical designs, compelled my nation to
take up arms. Like you, we hoped that good would result from the
overthrow of Paredes, and therefore we permitted Santa Anna to return;
but, again like you perhaps, we were mistaken as to his intentions.
What has followed, you know. Your troops, whose devotion and valor we
admire, have been badly led, and even betrayed or deceived; and he has
not only rewarded those who waged civil war at Mexico, but insulted the
brave defenders of Vera Cruz. Recently the battle at Cerro Gordo showed
what you may expect from him. Everywhere generals long supported in
idleness by the nation have exhibited a lack of honor or skill, while
the dead or wounded soldiers, abandoned on the field, have not been
given by their leaders even the poor recompense of a grave. The clergy
and all other peaceable and useful citizens have been, and still are,
taxed, menaced and sacrificed, whereas criminals go unpunished. Can
this be called liberty? The Mexicans, I am sure, have the courage to
admit mistakes that involve no dishonor, and to adopt for the future a
policy of peace, of liberty and of harmony with their brethren of the
United States. My troops, as your bishops and priests will testify,
have not committed the outrages alleged against us for the purpose of
exciting your anger. We adore the same God as you, and many of our
people and of our army are Roman Catholics. We punish crime and reward
merit; we respect property--especially that of the Church--and we seek
your friendship. Abandon prejudice, then; cease to be victims of the
ambitious; act as a great American nation. If, however, the war must
go on, my country will send--should they be needed--100,000 men, and
settle the pending difficulties in a decisive manner. Guerilla warfare,
should it be persisted in, would lead to reprisals, and you could not
blame us for your sufferings. I have set out for Puebla and Mexico, and
shall certainly reach those places; but my desire is peace, friendship,
union. It is for you to choose between these and war (Tributo á la
Verdad, doc. 18).

It has been said that this proclamation, by opening old political
sores and insulting the Mexicans, did more harm than good (_Southern
Quarterly Review_, April, 1852, p. 394); but (1) even the formal reply
made to it admitted its truth, and the facts outlasted any temporary
resentment that may have been produced in some minds; (2) it was
intended for the common people, with whom plain, solid interests had
more influence than high-flown sentiments of pride; (3) the clericals,
who suggested the contents of the proclamation, were shrewd men; (4)
the fury of Santa Anna against it (=76=May 18) is sufficient evidence
that he saw it would injure him; and (5) we have direct proof that it
was received eagerly by the Mexicans. See, for example, Roa Bárcena,
Recuerdos, 240-1.

Closely allied with the clerical party were the monarchists, who,
though comparatively few, wielded much influence on account of their
wealth and social position. They had good reason to fear the United
States but they hated Santa Anna; and it was suspected that they wished
the people to realize that without European aid they were helpless.

Among minor matters attended to by Scott at Jalapa were the
establishment of a battery commanding the city, and the creation of the
military department of Jalapa (Plan del Río to La Hoya, inclusive).

24.8. _The understanding with the clericals, etc._ (Beach) =56=Report,
June 4; N. Y. _Sun_, May 19, 22. (Agent) Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 255-6;
=68=_Id._ to Worth, May 10; Baz, Juárez, 47, note; Apuntes, 192; Sen.
52; 30, 1, p. 125 (Scott). Tributo á la Verdad, 49, 54, 56 and doc.
no. 18 (proclam. of May 11). S. Anna, Apelación, 41-3. Claiborne,
Quitman, i, 311. Consideraciones, 3, 7, 22-3. (Priests tolerant)
Kendall, Narrative (N. Y., 1844), ii, 341-3; Consideraciones, 32, 37;
Lawton, Artill. Officer, 160-1, 175. (True) =13=Bankhead, no. 57, May
29; Impug. del Manif. London _Times_, July 15. Apuntes, 193. Sen. 52;
30, 1, p. 127 (Marcy). Ramírez, México, 239, 256-7, 263, 272. México
á través, iv, 661. =236=Judah, diary, May 2, 6, 17, 26. =95=Protest,
Apr. 12. _Monitor del Pueblo_, Apr. 29. =95=Sánchez, proclam., Apr.
29. =95=Orders, May 8. =95=Ayunt., proceedings. _Picayune_, June
30. =82=Otero, proclam., Apr. 26. =82=Baranda to gov., Apr. 24 and
reply (draft). =82=Isunza, proclam., May 13. (Crowning) Scott, Mems.,
ii, 549. (Proclam. of May 11) Wash. _Union_, June 12. _Courrier des
Etats Unis_, May 22. Mata, Reflecciones. Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 967, 995
(Worth); 968 (proclam.) Bustamante, Nuevo Bernal, ii, 190. =76=Winette,
statement, May 2. =76=To S. Anna, May 14. =76=S. Anna, May 18.
=76=Hitchcock to Worth, May 12 (intercepted). =76=Fúrlong, May 17.

24.9. His intellectual plane is suggested by the fact that after the
battle he promptly sent instructions to his mistress but not to his
second in command (=76=Canalizo, Apr. 24).

24.10. At this juncture appeals were again made to the Roman Catholics,
particularly the Irish, of the American army, and apparently 2-300
deserted while at Jalapa (Ballentine, English Soldier, ii, 144). One
appeal said, "Are Catholic Irishmen to be the destroyers of Catholic
temples, the murderers of Catholic priests, and the founders of
heretical rites i this pious country?" A large amount of money seems
to have been collected by Santa Anna at this time. The Manifiesto of
Vera Cruz State (_Monitor Republicano_, Dec. 19, 1847) asserted that in
fifteen days he obtained 120,000 pesos, though he said (May 9) he had
received less than 25,000 (Gamboa, Impug., 35).

24.11. Santa Anna's flank position was even more favorable than
Washington's at Morristown. While he lingered near Vera Cruz, Scott
could not feel safe, and his trains were in imminent danger. Had he
remained there, Scott, whose small numbers would not have permitted him
to send an adequate detachment to Orizaba, might have felt compelled
to go there with his whole army, and much embarrassment might have
resulted (Steele, American Campaigns, i, 125-6. W. B. Lane, _The United
Service_, June, 1896, p. 485. Stevens, I. I. Stevens, 146).

24.12. _Santa Anna's operations till he reached Puebla._ Only the
principal documents can be cited here. Tributo á la Verdad, 48-9, 54,
136. _Picayune_, May 6. _Diario_ Sept. 10. =312=Guerra to S. Anna,
Apr. 8. Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 265-7, 570, 634. S. Anna, Apelación,
app., 72-3, 76. =366=_Id._, Address to Amer. soldiers, Apr. --. _Id._,
Detall, 8. Defensa de ... Estrada. S. Anna, Manifiesto, Mar. 24, 1848.
=12=Loch to admiralty, Apr. 20, 1847. Apuntes, 183-91. Gamboa, Impug.,
36. Negrete, Invasión, iv, app., 274. =13=Bankhead, no. 42, 1847.
_Courrier Français_, May 5. Ramírez, México, 261. México á través, iv,
660-1. =88=Córdoba ayunt., proceedings, Apr. 26-9. =82=Official docs.,
Apr. 20-30. =82=Prefect of Matamoros, Apr. 26. (Indians) =82=Prefect
Tlapa, May 13. _Republicano_, May 4. =73=Bermúdez de Castro, no. 517,
June 29. _Nat. Intelligencer_, June 2. _Monitor Repub._, May 4, 23.
(Tlacotálpam) Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 547. Bustamante, Nuevo Bernal, ii, 190.
S. Anna, Comunic. Oficial. Carreño, Jefes, cclxx. Lerdo de Tejada,
Apuntes, ii, 260. =76=Carrera, Apr. 27. (Chiquihuite.) =76=Acuerdo,
Mar. 29; =76=Soto, Apr. 3; =76=to Soto, Apr. 1. =76=Canalizo, Apr.
21, 24, 28. =76=To S. Anna, Apr. 21. =76=To Canalizo, Apr. 21. =76=To
Bravo, Apr. 21. =76=Fúrlong, May 9. =76=Gov. to comte. gen. Oaxaca, May
4. =76=S. Anna, Apr. 27. =76=_Id._ to Rosa, Feb. 5, 1848.

24.13. _Santa Anna's operations after he reached Puebla (except the
Amozoc fight)._ Negrete, Invasión, iv, app., 250-2, 255, Tributo á
la Verdad, 49-53, 56-7. S. Anna, Apelación, 41-3. _Id._, Detall, 8.
=166=Pommarès to Conner, Aug. 29, 1846, confid. Donnavan, Adventures,
99. Dos Palabras. London _Times_, July 9. Apuntes, 192-3. Gamboa,
Impug., 33-5. Ramírez, México, 260, 282. México á través, iv, 661.
=95=Protest, Apr. 12. _Monitor del Pueblo_, Apr. 29. =82=Comte. gen.
to gov., May 10. =82=Letter to secy., May 11. =95=Puebla ayunt.,
proceedings, May 10-15. =82=Isunza, proclam., May 12. =199=S. Anna
to Giménez, May 15. _Diario_, May 10. _Monitor Repub._, May 13, 23;
Dec. 12. Baz, Juárez, 47, note. Bustamante, Nuevo Bernal, ii, 190.
=312=Bishop Puebla to S. Anna, Apr. 8. =76=S. Anna, Apr. 27, 29; May
11, 15. =76=To S. Anna, Apr. 20, 30. =76=To Bravo, Apr. 21. =76=To
Gaona, Apr. 21. =76=Carrera, Apr. 23. =76=Fúrlong, May 9. =76=S. Anna
to Rea, May 12.

24.14. _The American advance to Puebla (including the Amozoc fight)._
Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 944-8, 957 (Scott); 967, 994 (Worth). =61=Scott
to Wilson, Apr. 23. =218=Henshaw narrative. Tributo á la Verdad, 50.
Scott, Mems., ii, 460. Grant, Mems., i, 135. Ballentine, Eng. Soldier,
ii, 159, 161, 175-6. S. Anna, Apelación, 41-2. =303=Worth to Quitman,
May 10. =159=Collins papers, May 20; July 3-8. Robertson, Visit, i,
312. Orbigny, Voyage, 412. Lawton, Artillery Officer, 145, 156, 162,
170-4, 207-8. _Journal Milit. Serv. Instit._, xvii (Van Deusen).
Löwenstern, Le Méxique, 31. Smith, To Mexico, 153, 163, 165 (nothing in
U. S. equal to Puebla), 166. Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 527. Brackett, Lane's
Brigade, 191, 276. =213=Hatch to father, June 3. =68=Scott to Worth,
May 6. Colección de Itinerarios. _Revue de Paris_, Dec., 1844. Semmes,
Service, 225-6, 230-7. Apuntes, 193-6. Sen. 52; 30, 1, p. 125 (Scott).
Gamboa, Impug., 36. México á través, iv, 662. =236=Judah, diary. Moore,
Scott's Camp., 84-96. Rosa, Impresiones, _passim_. =270=Moore, diary.
Steele, Amer. Camps., i, 107, 110. _Diario_, May 16. Ward, Mexico,
ii, 201. Stevens, I. I. Stevens, i, 140, 142. =364=Worth to daughter,
Apr. 30. =76=Prefect of S. J. de los Llanos, May 11. =76=Comte.
milit. Huamantla, Apr. 29. =76=To Bravo, Apr. 26. =76=Fúrlong, May 5.
=76=Bravo, Apr. 23. =76=S. Anna, May 13, 15. =76=To S. Anna, May 14.
=76=S. Anna to Rea, May 12. And others.

Santa Anna, to justify his course, said he felt compelled to leave
Puebla on account of the unfavorable local conditions and the approach
of the Americans (Detall, 8). Worth did not have outposts and scouts on
the alert, as he should have had, at Amozoc, and knew nothing about the
roads (Stevens, Stevens, i, 142). Scott's delay showed that he did not
feel strong enough to advance to the capital. That city was therefore
in no danger from his army. If Santa Anna, instead of going there, had
now gathered all the Mexican strength between Puebla and Vera Cruz and
prevented reinforcements from reaching Scott, the latter would have
been in a hard position.

24.15. The Puebla ayuntamiento archives contain the agreement signed
at Chachapa by Worth. Later he sought to modify this (=68=orders 31),
calling it merely a memorandum (=68=to H. L. Scott, June 16), and on
May 20 he signed a new =95=version. Naturally the Pueblans held to the
former (=68=Dorán to Scott, June 17). For general orders 20 see p. 455.

24.16. Semmes represents Worth's régime as entirely satisfactory to
the civil authorities (Service, 275). This illustrates the fact that
caution is necessary in reading what he says when Worth is concerned,
for the records of the ayuntamiento give a different impression.
For Worth's characteristics see chap. xii, note 12.8. The _Southern
Quarterly Review_, April, 1852, 406, note, said Worth "was quite
superficial, had no solid or profound attainments, nor was he gifted
with grasp of mind requisite to high combinations and extended
operations." Robert Anderson remarked once that he hoped Worth would
not, "from a fit of passion, alter his opinions" (Anderson Artill.
Officer, 32). Hitchcock in N. Y. _Courier and Enquirer_ (semi-weekly),
Mar. 1, 1848: Worth has striking manners and great felicity in
conversation, but is utterly destitute of stability and judgment.

24.17. _Worth's operations at Puebla._ =68=Worth court of inquiry,
proceedings, documents. Weekly _Courier and Enquirer_, Mar. 2, 1848.
Tributo á la Verdad, 12, 48, 51-2. =224=H. L. Scott to Worth, June 20.
=61=Scott to Wilson, Apr. 26. Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 257. (Alarms)
Grant, Mems., i, 136; _Delta_, July 8; =218=Henshaw narrative;
=307=Roberts, diary; Sen. 65; 30, 1, pp. 527-8. =303=Gen. orders 128.
Collins papers. Robertson, Visit, i, 314. Ruxton, Adventures (1847),
30. Bullock, Six Months (1825), i, 83. León, Hist. Gen., 477. Lawton,
Artill. Officer, 169, 174-5, 226. _Journal des Débats_, July 6, 1847.
Semmes, Service, 210, 254, 264, 275. Rivera, Jalapa, iii, 912. Apuntes,
193-5. Sen. 52; 30, 1, p. 125 (Scott). Gamboa, Impug., 33-4. Ramírez,
México, 261, 267-8, 272. México á través, iv, 662. =236=Judah, diary.
_Monitor del Pueblo_, Apr. 29. =95=Ayunt., orders, May 8. =95=Ayunt.,
proceedings and corresp. with Worth. =95=W. to first alcalde, May 18.
=82=Bravo, proclam., Apr. 28. =82=Isunza, proclam., May 13. =270=Moore,
diary. Davis, Autobiog., 274. Negrete, Invasión, iii, app., 61, 86-7.
_Monitor Repub._, May 2, 21; June 5. Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 994 (Worth).
_Niles_ Jan. 15, 1848, p. 311. =364=Worth to Sprague, July 29, 1847.
=76=S. Anna, May 13, 16. =76=Fúrlong, May 13. =76=Worth, May 12.
=76=Bravo, Apr. 30. =76=Worth to Furlong, May 17. =76=To Fúrlong, May
20.

Ripley (War with Mexico, ii, 115) points out very pertinently that
Worth placed his troops injudiciously at Puebla. Worth's errors bore
most unfortunate fruit. Scott, before knowing or suspecting what had
been conceded to Mexican laws, made sharp comments on the attitude of
the Puebla authorities. Naturally he felt seriously troubled. Worth
even allowed them to try citizens who had killed American soldiers,
and of course the culprits were acquitted (Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 527;
=95=ayunt. to Worth, May 22). Scott thought seriously of evacuating
the city and recapturing it in order to wipe out that concession; but,
concluding that such a course would be rather farcical, he simply
overrode the concession by republishing general orders 20 (chap.
xxxi, note 31.22). This action and the comments angered Worth. Scott
angered him further by requesting him to withdraw the =68=circular of
June 16, which was impolitic, implied that Worth held an independent
command, and if entitled to credence (Lawton, Artill. Officer, 227)
should have been given to headquarters, so that all the troops could be
warned (=224=H. L. Scott to Worth, June 20). Worth therefore demanded
a court of inquiry (=65=gen. orders 196). Quitman, Twiggs and P. F.
Smith formed the court and sat on June 30. Their =68=conclusions
strongly condemned the circular, the terms granted to Puebla and
Worth's complaints against Scott; and they pronounced him worthy of a
severe rebuke, as certainly he was. Scott could not avoid approving the
verdict and publishing it in orders (=65=no. 196), but these orders
were made known only to chiefs of the general staff and commanders of
divisions and brigades. From this time Worth was no doubt in his heart
a mortal enemy of Scott. Unhappily, more will be heard of this matter.
As for criticising Scott, Worth wrote on July 29 (=364=to S.) that
Scott might have entered Mexico city by May 20, in which case (it was
Worth's "firm belief") "peace would have immediately resulted"--a very
superficial judgment. Worth added: "We gain victories and halt until
all the moral advantages are lost." Hitchcock well said that Worth
looked only at his ability to march troops to a certain place, while
Scott had to see also how the advance could be supported and supplied
(Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 528). (Other references for this note. =68=Scott
to Worth, June 16. =68=Worth to Scott, June 20. =68=_Id._, order 61,
June 20. Lawton, Artill. Officer, 226-8. =68=Worth to H. L. Scott, June
16. =68=Scott to Worth, May 6. _Nacional_ (Atlixco), May 16. Davis,
Autobiog., 270-1, 274.)

24.18. At Jalapa he left Brev. Col. Childs with the First Artillery
(five companies), the Second Pennsylvania and three companies of the
First Pennsylvania; at Perote seven companies of the First Pennsylvania
with some artillerists; and at each place a troop of dragoons (Sen. 52;
30, 1, p. 125). The stock of ammunition was still inadequate, and the
paymaster had only half of his estimate for January-April (_ibid._,
124-5).

24.19. Domínguez, leader of the Spy Company, had been an honest weaver,
it was said, but on being robbed by a Mexican officer, took to the
road and became a brigand chief. When the Americans reached Puebla he
was living there quietly with his family; but, knowing the insecurity
of his position, he accepted Hitchcock's offer to become a scout. His
band consisted at first of five men but rose to about 100, and probably
might have been increased to 2000 (Lawton, Artill. Officer, 266). He
and men of his even entered the capital in disguise. While he was at
the head of the company, the actual captain was a Virginian named
Spooner, who had been a member of his band; and the two lieutenants
also were foreigners. The men seem to have served and obeyed orders
faithfully, and their leader refused very advantageous terms offered by
Santa Anna. (For the Spy Co. see Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 259, 263-4,
330, 335-41, 344-5. Brackett, Lane's Brigade, 187. Lawton, Artill.
Officer, 266. Henshaw narrative, Aug. 8. =69=Domínguez to Polk [Sept.,
1848].)

24.20. Hargous, an American merchant of Vera Cruz, was Scott's
financial agent (_Picayune_, June 30). Without him one hardly sees what
the Americans could have done. An intercepted letter from the wife of
Brev. Col. Childs, abusing Polk roundly, gave considerable comfort to
the enemy. Another letter imparted much information about military
matters. One is again surprised that our war department did not use a
cipher.

24.21. Scott instructed the commander at Vera Cruz what to do in case of
attack, and gave the commander at Jalapa full directions with reference
to the sick and wounded (about 1000) lying there (Ho. 60; 30, 1, p.
997). There were also about 1000 sick at Vera Cruz and 200 at Perote
(Sen. 52; 30, 1, p. 129). The people at home did not understand Scott's
situation. Regiments nominally 800-1000 strong had actually less than
300 (=185=-- to Duncan, July 20).

Owing to the state of public sentiment in Mexico, cutting loose
from Vera Cruz was much less hazardous than it seemed. Besides, the
smallness of the American army made the problem of subsistence and
forage comparatively simple. Marcy was candid enough to admit that
Scott understood the advantages of holding Jalapa, and was the best
judge as to the advisability of giving it up (Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp.
1003-4). The British consul at Vera Cruz reported it as the unanimous
opinion of the merchants of that place that with five times his actual
force Scott could not have kept the line to the interior open (=13=no.
19).

24.22. _Scott at Puebla._ Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 954, 957, 993, 997, 1012-3
(Scott); 967 (Worth); 998, 1002-4 (Marcy); 1021-7 (Scott and Quitman).
Sen. 52; 30, 1, pp. 124, 129, 135 (Scott); 242 (Trist). Rivera, Jalapa,
iii, 912, 925. Henshaw narrative. Haynes, Scott's Guide. Tributo á la
Verdad, 56. Scott, Mems., ii, 453-4, 460, 466. Hitchcock, Fifty Years,
256-9, 261, 266, 270, 341-4. Grant, Mems., i, 136. Ballentine, Eng.
Soldier, ii, 135-6. Davis, Autobiog., 169. _Picayune_, May 19; June
30; Aug. 20; Nov. 14. _Delta_, June 12; July 9. _Republicano_, June 6,
7, 14. (Sickness) =223=Hirschorn, recolls.; _Delta_, July 9; Lawton,
Artill. Officer, 145, 154, 242; =291=Pierce, diary; Scott, June 4
(Sen. 52; 30, 1, p. 129); Moore, Scott's Camp., 119; =73=Bermúdez de
Castro, no. 517, June 29; =316=Judd to Sherman, Feb. 26, 1848. Polk,
Diary, Apr. 2, 10, 12; July 9, 13, 15. =159=Collins papers, May 22.
León, Hist. Gen., 477-8. Lawton, Artill. Officer, 153, 177-8, 189, 203,
206, 211-6, 228, 233-4, 242-6, 256, 265, 272, 274. =68=Worth court of
inquiry, docs. =68=Scott to Worth, May 6. =65=Gen. orders 206, 211,
238; July 9 12, 28. (4000 available) Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 257.
Simples Observaciones (written by Hitchcock). =60=Wilson to Marcy,
Aug. 1. =335=Trist to wife, Aug. 6. Oswandel, Notes, 223, 240. Semmes,
Service, 210, 239, 247, 263, 275-6, 278-81. Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 524.
=224=L. V. to M. O., Aug. 21 (intercepted Mex. letter). =185=[Duncan]
to Lewis, July 20. =307=Roberts, diary. =236=Judah, diary. =95=Ayunt.
to Bravo, Apr. 29. =95=Amable to prefect, Aug. 18. =270=Moore, diary.
=327=Sutherland to father, Aug. --. =73=Bermúdez de Castro, no. 517,
June 29. _Kennebec Journal_, May 21. _Repub. Banner_, May 19. _Nat.
Intelligencer_, June 1. _Monitor Repub._, May 2; June 5, 8. Sedgwick,
Corres., i, 101. =132=Atocha to Buchanan, Aug. 1. Baz, Juárez, 47,
note. Negrete, Invasión, iii, app., 87-9. =364=Worth to S., July 29;
to daughter, Apr. 30. _Ohio Arch. and Hist. Qtrly._, Apr.-July, 1912,
p. 292. =61=Scott to Wilson, May 2. Steele, Amer. Camps., i, 122.
And from =76= the following and others. R. Rueda, statement [June
18]. Acuerdo, July 13. Soto, July 3. Soldier from Puebla, statement,
July 17. Alvarez, June 16; July 28. Isunza to Canalizo, July 20.
Bravo, proclam., Apr. 28. Fúrlong, May 17. To Fúrlong, May 20. "Ein
Deuttcher," circular to Germans. To Alvarez, June 19. Worth to first
alcalde, May 17; to ayunt., May 18.

Alvarez stated that he had an organized party at Puebla preparing for
an insurrection, and meanwhile was systematically promoting desertion.

The alarm caused by Santa Anna's advance against Taylor led to the
temporary diversion of troops (intended for Scott) to the Rio Grande,
but on April 30 Marcy sent Scott statements showing that about 3500
new regulars were expected to land at Vera Cruz before June 1 and that
some 5500 volunteers also had been ordered to him. Unfortunately the
despatch was captured by the enemy, and Scott did not receive another
copy of it until June 6 (Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 922-5, 1012). (Expected)
Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 994. The official counting of the votes was deferred
until Jan., 1848.

24.23. Richardson, Messages, iv, 508. Benton wanted full powers to
negotiate (Polk, Diary, Mar. 8, 1847), and was willing to take the
position mainly with a view to its diplomatic functions (_Cong. Globe_,
29, 2, pp. 246-7).

24.24. The new regiments (which brought the regular army up to 1356
officers and 29,534 men) were to serve during the war and then be
disbanded. One of them was the Third Dragoons. Another consisted
of "voltigeurs," theoretically an equal number of infantry and of
mounted men (the former to be taken up on the horses of the latter,
when celerity of movement should be desired) with a battery of small
guns that could be taken apart and transported on mules (_Niles_, May
15, 1847, p. 161); but practically the Voltigeurs were foot-riflemen
(Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 924). The regiments destined for Scott were the
following: (Brig. Gen. Pierce's brig.) 9 Inf. from N. Eng. under Col.
Ransom, 12 Inf. from N. and S. Car., Mo., Ark. and Texas under Lieut.
Col. Bonham in the absence of Col. Wilson, and 15 Inf. from Ohio,
Mich., Wis. and Iowa under Lt. Col. Howard in the absence of Col.
Morgan; (Brig. Gen. Cadwalader's brig.) 11 Inf. from Pa., Del. and
Md., under Col. Ramsey, 14 Inf. from Ill., Tenn. and La. under Col.
Trousdale, Voltigeurs from Pa., Md., Va., Ga., Ky. and Miss. under
Col. Andrews (Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 924). Each regiment was theoretically
to consist of 851 men including 47 officers (_ibid._), but the two
brigades going to Scott were not expected to muster quite 3500. Scott
was authorized to change the organization should the exigencies of the
campaign require (Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 922). Each private serving a year
or more was to receive 100 acres of government land or $100 in treasury
scrip as a bounty. The law of March 3 provided also that (in view of
the deficiency in field officers caused by the lack of a retirement
law) an additional major might be appointed in each regiment, that
individuals might be accepted to fill vacancies in volunteer corps,
that non-commissioned officers might be brevetted to the lowest
commissioned rank, that distinguished privates might be given
certificates of merit and $2.00 extra per month, that two companies
might be added to each artillery regiment, that one more company in
each artillery regiment might be equipped as field artillery, that
unfilled regular or volunteer regiments should be consolidated and
the supernumerary officers discharged, etc. (These laws were quite
elaborate and cannot be given in full here; see U. S. Statutes at
Large, ix, 123, 184.) After receiving Scott's report on the battle of
Cerro Gordo, Polk ordered five companies of the Third Dragoons to him.

24.25. _Reinforcements provided._ Upton, Milit. Policy, 206-7.
=62=Adj. gen. to Scott, May 10. =65=_Id._, gen. orders 57, Dec. 22; 2,
Jan. 8; 8, Mar. 4; 17, Apr. 15. Semmes, Service, 314-5. =354=Welles
papers. Polk, Messages, Dec. 29 (Jan. 4, 1847), 1846; Feb. 13, 1847
(Richardson, Messages, iv, 508, 513. =108=Polk to Bancroft, Jan. 30.
Wash. _Union_, Jan. 4, 7, 11, 12, 14, 21, etc. _Nat. Intelligencer_,
May 26. _Cong. Globe_, Sen. and Ho., Dec. 28 to Mar. 3 (One needs
to examine the proceedings and speeches considerably in detail).
(Voltigeurs) _Niles_, May 15, p. 161. _Amer. Review_, Sept., 1847, p.
223. Statutes at Large, ix, 117, 123, 184. Boston _Atlas_, Jan. 14.
=316=Bragg to Sherman, Mar. 1, 1848. =61=Ransom, Apr. 12; May 9, 21;
June 26. =61=Scott to Wilson, Apr. 26. =330=H. L. Scott to Cadwalader,
Apr. 25. =61=Adj. gen. to Scott, Dec. 17, 1846; Jan. 23; Mar. 20; May
6, 10, 22, 1847; to Cadwalader, Apr. 28; to qtr. mr. gen., Apr. 21.
Ho. 42; 29, 2: adj. gen., Jan. 13. =256=Marcy to Wetmore, Jan. 6, 10;
July 16. Sen. 52; 30, 1, p. 121 (Marcy). Senex, Myth. Ho. 48; 29, 2
(adj. gen.). Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 45, 50. =62=Marcy to Brooke, Mar. 22;
to Pierce, Mar. 22; to govs. Ala., Miss., La., Mar. 22. =61=Adj. gen.
to Cadwalader, Mar. 26. Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 866, 944, 948, 1221 (Scott);
873, 905-6, 922, 953, 1241 (Marcy); 924, 926 (statements). =69=Scott,
mems. for adj. gen., Nov. 29, 1846. Polk, Diary.

The principal references for the attempt to give Benton the chief
command are the following. =345=Benton to Polk, Mar. 6; to Van Buren,
Jan. 26. Polk, Diary, Nov. 10, 11, 18; Dec. 3, 9, 11, 12, 14, 15,
18-21, 24, 25, 1846; Jan. 2, 4, 16, 19, 22-3; Feb. 4-Mar. 12; Mar.
19-20, 22; Apr. 6, 14, 28; May 10-4; July 17, 1847. =210=Simms to
Hammond, May 1. =354=Welles papers. =345=Blair to Van Buren, Dec. 26,
1846; Mar. 13, 1847. Jameson, Calhoun Corres., 727. Dix, Speeches,
i, 166. London _Times_, Feb. 18; Mar. 17; Apr. 17. Meigs, Benton,
364-7. Benton, View, ii, 698. _Id._, speech: _Niles_, June 5, 1847,
p. 223. Scott, Mems., ii, 401. _Public Ledger_, Jan. 8, 27; Mar. 1.
_Cong. Globe_, 29, 2, Senate, Jan. 11, 14, 15 (Badger's speech the
most important one made on the subject), 25 (Benton); House, _passim_.
Blaine, Twenty Years, i, 76. Buchanan, Works, viii, 365, 367. _Mag.
of Amer. Hist._, xiv, 575. Wash. _Union_, Mar. 11. =61=Benton to adj.
gen., Mar. 9.

This call of Apr. 19 included (infantry) a regiment, each, from Ills.,
Oh., Ind.; a battalion (5 cos.), each, from N. J., Mo., Ga., Ala., La.;
three cos. from the Dist. of Columbia; two cos., each, from Pa., Md.,
Va.; and one co. from Fla.; also (horse) two cos. from La. and one co.,
each, from Oh., Ills., Ga., Ala., Ark. A regt. consisted of ten cos.
Each co. included a capt., a first lieut., two second lieuts., four
sergts., four corps., two musicians and eighty privates. A co. of horse
had also one farrier and blacksmith (=62=memo., Apr. 21). Of vols.
Scott was now to have two brigades: I, *one N. Y. and *two Pa. regts.
and two Pa. cos.; II, *one S. Car. and *one La. regt., one La. and one
Ga. battal., two cos. La. horse and one co. Ga. horse (asterisks mean,
"already in Mexico"). There were certain exceptions as to the dates of
calls which it seems unnecessary to specify.

After the lieutenant general plan failed, Benton was nominated as
a major general, and was promptly confirmed by the Senate, and a
bill authorizing Polk to place him in supreme command was urged upon
Congress (Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1219); but as it appeared doubtful whether
the chief authority could be conferred upon him, Benton declined the
position abruptly (=345=letters dated Mar. 9). This episode caused no
material delay in war legislation.

24.26. One unfortunate result of giving up the line of communication
was that new troops had to wait at Vera Cruz until assembled in
sufficient force to defy the enemy, and some of them fell sick in
consequence; but this was not fairly chargeable to the evacuation of
Jalapa, for the irregulars did their worst below that city. It was
the intention of the government that Quitman should go to Taylor, but
Scott retained him because his services were valued and he could not be
sent away without a heavy detachment (Sen. 52; 30, 1, p. 137). Having
only two full regiments, though a major general, Quitman naturally
felt aggrieved (Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1024). To illustrate once more the
difference between paper figures and real ones, the Washington _Union_
stated on July 20 that more than 15,000 reinforcements had marched
from Vera Cruz. The text shows how many did go. July 19 Marcy wrote
that 1900 men were en route to Vera Cruz (Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1003). The
fact was that on August 2 or 3 about 850 men left that place for the
interior under Col. L. D. Wilson of the Twelfth Infantry (=60=Wilson,
July 31).

24.27. _Reinforcements arrive._ (Other references will be given when
the guerillas are studied: chap. xxix.) Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 1002, 1241
(Marcy); 1012, 1221 (Scott). Sen. 1; 30, 1, app., 4, 13, 16, 18, 20-25
(McIntosh _et al._). Scott, Mems., ii, 453, etc. =65=_Id._, gen.
orders 250, 1847. Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 265, 269. Davis, Autobiog.,
174-5. =69=Marcy to Pillow and Quitman, Apr. 14. Hartman, Journal,
15. _Picayune_, Aug. 20. _Delta_, Oct. 1. Upton, Milit. Policy,
213-4. Polk, Diary, May 10. =159=Collins papers. =291=Pierce, diary.
=61=Cadwalader to Wilson, June 13. =62=Adj. gen. to Scott, May 10, 22.
=287=Parrish, diary. =60=H. Wilson to Marcy, Aug. 1. =60=L. D. Wilson
to Marcy, July 31. Mansfield, Mex. War, 224. Sen. 52; 30, 1, p. 136.
=236=Judah, diary. _Monitor del Pueblo_, Apr. 29. =178=Davis, diary.
=335=Dimond to Trist, July 14. Semmes, Service, 314. Wash. _Union_,
July 20. =180=Pillow to wife, June 14. =61=H. Wilson to adj. gen., June
7, 14. =61=Pillow to adj. gen. [June 19]. Henshaw narrative. Lawton,
Artill. Officer, 215, 238-41, 272-4. =61=Jones to Wilson, Apr. 29.
=76=Soto, July 17, 21, 23, 25, 31; Aug. 3, 11. =76=Canalizo, July 8.
=76=Alvarez, July 5. =76=Hitchcock to Worth, May 12. =76=Many other
documents.

24.28. Under general orders 218, July 16, 1847, the following artillery
companies were ordered to be equipped (_i.e._, were recognized) as
light (field) artillery in accordance with the law of March 3, 1847:
First Regiment, Co. I, Capt. J. B. Magruder; Second, Co. M, J. F.
Roland; Third, Co. E, T. W. Sherman; Fourth, Co. G, S. H. Drum. Co.
M was not organized in time to serve during the war; the others were
already in the service.

24.29. Scott, Mems., ii, 460-5. Grone, Briefe, 84. =60=Marcy to
Quitman, Apr. 14. Upton, Milit. Policy, 214. =159=Collins papers, June
18. =236=Judah, diary, Apr. 26. Lawton, Artill. Officer, 274. Aldrich,
Marine Corps, 104. Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1002 (Marcy); 1012 (Scott).
=62=Adj. gen. to Scott, May 22. _Journ. Milit. Serv. Instit._, iii, 415.

The general staff (as given by Scott in his Mems., ii, 460-3) included
at this time: Lt. Col. Hitchcock, asst. inspect. gen.; Capt. H. L.
Scott (not related to the General) actg. adj. gen.; First Lt. T.
Williams, Bvt. First Lieut. G. W. Lay and Second Lieut. Schuyler
Hamilton, aides; Maj. J. P. Gaines (one of the Encarnacion prisoners,
who had escaped) vol. aide; Maj. J. L. Smith, Capt. R. E. Lee, and
Lieuts. P. G. T. Beauregard, I. I. Stevens, Z. B. Tower, G. W. Smith,
G. B. McClellan and J. G. Foster, engineer officers; Maj. Wm. Turnbull,
Capt. J. McClellan, Second Lieut. George Thom and Bvt. Second Lieut. E.
L. F. Hardcastle, topog. engs.; Capt. Benjamin Huger, First Lieut. P.
V. Hagner and Second Lieut. C. P. Stone, ordnance officers; Capt. J. R.
Irwin, chief quartermaster; Capt. J. B. Grayson, chief of subsistence
dept.; Maj. E. Kirby, chief paymaster; Surgeon Gen., Thomas Lawson. The
Marine Corps, which had no regimental organization, included, Mar. 2,
1847, 1283 privates. On that day Congress raised the number to 2293,
and added twelve "commanding officers" (Sen. 66; 30, 1). In May, 1847,
the secretary of the navy, in order to help strengthen Scott, offered a
part of this corps (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 957). Perry did not think it wise
to detach all of the men whom the department proposed to contribute
(=47=July 4), but a battalion under Lieut. Col. Watson and Maj. Twiggs
marched to Puebla with Pierce.

24.30. _Picayune_, Aug. 20; Nov. 14. Lawton, Artill. Officer, 244, 246,
274-5. Sen. 52; 30, 1, p. 135 (Scott). =65=Scott, gen. orders 246, Aug.
5. Collins Papers. Smith, To Mexico, 178. Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 271.


XXV. ON TO THE CAPITAL

25.1. This chapter is amply supported. About 1400 documents were used
in writing it. As, however, any investigator consulting on this subject
the =76=archives would easily find the pertinent papers, only the most
important ones belonging to that collection will be cited.

25.2. _Affairs at Mexico to Apr. 20._ Sen. 19; 30, 2 (M. L. Smith).
=341=Black, memorial, Dec. 20. =312=Anaya to S. Anna, Apr. 9.
=312=Baranda to S. Anna, Apr. 9. _Monitor Repub._, Apr. 11. _Picayune_,
May 12. Semmes, Service, 328. =92=Gov. Federal Dist. to Mex ayunt.,
Apr. 10. =92=Mex. ayunt., proclam., Apr. 27. Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1088.
_Niles_, May 15, p. 168 (Gamboa). Kenly, Md. Vol., 338. N. Y. _Sun_,
May 19. Apuntes, 198-9. Otero, Comunicación. Negrete, Invasión, iii,
app., 483. From =76= the following. Memo., Apr. 10. Salas, Apr. 12.
Ords. to generals, Apr. 2. Ords. to Liceaga, Apr. 10. Relaciones to
gov. Fed. Dist., Apr. 11. Almonte, May 14. To comte. gen. Guanajuato,
Apr. 16. To J. P. Gálvez, Apr. 9. Measures recommended, Apr. 6, 14.
Relaciones, Apr. 12. Berrospe to Monterede, Jan. 20, 1846.

25.3. This specimen may be quoted: "The cunning dissimulator, Ibarra [a
member of the Cabinet], venomous as a serpent, crawls forth obscurely
from his lurking-place to-day in order that he may set his malignant
teeth to-morrow in the vitals of the republic.... Off with the heads
of the vile traitors!" One ingenious writer said: If Santa Anna will
not sacrifice his vanity by admitting he is incompetent, why should
we sacrifice our lives and property? April 21 a general amnesty for
political offences was declared in the vain hope of producing harmony
(=76=to Bustamante, Apr. 21).

25.4. This important law provided (México á través, iv, 656): 1, The
government is authorized to take all steps necessary to carry on
the war and preserve the republican system; 2, but it must not make
peace with the United States, cede territory, conclude negotiations
[particularly with reference to a monarchical régime] with foreign
powers; 3, make colonization contracts, impose punishments or confer
civil or military appointments except those placed within its authority
by the Constitution; 4, any arrangement between the United States and
authorities superseding the present government shall be void; 5, any
person, whatever his status, who treats with the United States is
hereby declared a traitor; 6, should Congress be unable to meet, its
place shall be taken by a council of government, consisting of the
senior member present of each state delegation.

25.5. _Affairs at Mexico, Apr. 20 to May 18._ S. Anna, Apelación,
44-5; app., 76. _Id._, Detall, 8. Dublán, Legislación, v, 267 (Apr.
20). Giménez, Mems., 107-9. Méx. en 1847, 20. _Picayune_, May 6,
20. Defensa de ... Estrada. =312=Basadre to S. Anna, Apr. 9, very
private. =73=Bermúdez de Castro, no. 517, June 29. Manifiesto del Supr.
Tribunal. Molina, El Asalto. Memoria de ... Relaciones, Jan., 1849.
_Boletin de Noticias_, May 14. _Republicano_, May 10, 22. _Courrier
Français_, May 5. London _Times_, June 15; July 9. Bustamante, Nuevo
Bernal, ii, 196-8. Encarnacion Prisoners, 67. =52=Trist, no. 7, June
13. =92=Donations, Mex., May 1-6. =92=Bravo, proclam., May 6. Roa
Bárcena, Recuerdos, 570. =92=Ayunt., call for volunteers, May 20.
Consideraciones. Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 967 (Worth). =80=Olaguíbel to
Relac., Aug. 15. Lara, Resumen, 66, note. México á través, iv, 655-6,
661, 704. Prieto, Memorias, ii, 210-2. Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 255.
Ramírez, México, 229, 233-4, 239, 241, 246-7, 250-1, 256, 272-7,
284. =88=Metropol. dean, May 8. _Monitor Repub._, Apr. 22; May 3,
8, 10-11. S. Anna, manifiesto, Mar. 24, 1848. Apuntes, 199, 200-1,
203-4. =80=Guerra to gov., Mar. 11; Apr. 22. =80=Gov. to Bravo, May 5.
_Diario_, Apr. 25, 28; May 3, 4, 6, 12, 15. From =76= the following.
Decrees, Apr. 26; May 1. Junta directiva, May 1, 3. Acuerdo, Apr. 20,
25. Circular, Apr. 30. Garrison, estado, May 13. To generals, Apr. 25.
To Brito, May 25. J. J. Miñón, Apr. 24. Deserters, May 15. Circular,
May 4. Basadre, May 16, res. To Alvarez, Apr. 26. To Monterde, May
18. To S. Anna, Apr. 20-2. To Bravo, Apr. 24. To Bustamante, Apr. 21.
Almonte, Apr. 28, 30; May 8, 12, 15, 18. Monterde, May 9. Bravo, May
11, 16. Rincón, May 17. S. Anna, May 16.

25.6. _Affairs at Mexico, May 18 to June 2._ Negrete, Invasion, iii,
app., 61-72, 81-3; iv, app., 261-8, 273-4. Tributo á la Verdad,
56, 74-6. Giménez, Memorias, 109-11. S. Anna to Congress, May 28
(Biblioteca Nac.). _Id._, Apelación, app., 83-8. _Id._, Detall, 8.
Defensa de ... Estrada. Sen. 52; 30, 1, p. 177-8. Portrait of Anaya:
city hall, Mex. _Picayune_, July 15; Aug. 7, 8. _Monitor Repub._, May
20; June 3, 4, 14; Dec. 12 (S. Anna, Nov. 19). _Republicano_, May
10; June 5, 10, 15, 26. México á través, iv, 662, 664-7. Ramírez,
México, 229-30, 233, 284-6. =13=Bankhead, nos. 59, 60, May 29. London
_Times_, July 9, 16; Aug. 6. =73=Bermúdez de Castro, no. 517, June
29. Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 290-3. Bustamante, Nuevo Bernal, ii, 157,
196-204. Encarnacion Prisoners, 67. =80=Guerra to gov. Méx., May 20.
_Diario_, May 19, 21, 23-4; June 8. _Boletín de la Democracia_, May 25.
Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 260. Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 967. Apuntes, 201, 204.
Otero, Réplica. Dublán, Legislación, v, 264. =76=Bravo, May 15, 16,
24, 30. =76=S. Anna to Rosa, Feb. 5, 1848. =76=Valencia, June 7, 1847.
=76=Mora, June 5. =76=To Brito, May 25. =60=Bravo, proclam., May 6.
=76=S. Anna, May 21.

The statesmen who met S. Anna were Manuel Baranda, Ignacio Trigueros
and J. F. Ramírez.

25.7. A signal illustration of the incompetence of the Mexican
government, particularly Congress, was afforded by its treatment
of Great Britain. At the end of August, 1846, Bankhead, under the
instructions of the Foreign Office (=13=to Bankhead, no. 20), proposed
mediation to Mexico, but the offer was not welcomed. Santa Anna and
Rejón believed that it proceeded wholly from self-interest, and that,
in order to prevent her commerce from suffering longer from the war
and other interests from becoming imperilled, England was ready to
sacrifice the honor and welfare of their country (=73=Bermúdez de
Castro, nos. 332, res., 343, res., Sept. 24, 27, 1846); and, moreover,
the Mexicans still felt quite able to cope with the United States
(=13=Bankhead, no. 130, Sept. 7, 1846). In October, under renewed
instructions (=13=no. 11), Bankhead again submitted the proposal
(=13=nos. 162, 180), and later he returned to the charge (Apuntes,
202). The subject was unwisely referred by the Mexican Executive to
Congress, but nothing was done (_ibid._). After the battle of Cerro
Gordo, however, the administration thought negotiations might be
used to delay the American advance (_ibid._; Ramírez, México, 246)
and the Puros hoped the subject might be made embarrassing to the
government (Ramírez, México, 224). Violent, acrimonious and dangerous
debates followed in Congress and, in order to embarrass the Executive
(=13=Bankhead, no. 45, 1847), enough Puros remained away (at the time
set for voting) to destroy the quorum (_ibid._). The matter was then
dropped (Ramírez, México, 246, 274). The general feeling was that
British mediation would signify British control and a dishonorable,
disadvantageous peace (London _Times_, June 15; _Monitor Repub._,
May 18). But, even if this view contained some elements of justice,
trifling with a great power and throwing the vital interests of Mexico
into the cockpit of party politics could not be excused.

25.8. _The political situation after June 2._ S. Anna, Apelación,
app., pp. 3, 6, 8, 10, etc. _Id._, Detall, 8. =87=Coalition junta,
July 7; Aug. 8; etc. _Republicano_, June 4, 5, 9, 15, 16, 20, 22,
26. =312=Baranda to S. Anna, Apr. 8. México á través, iv, 667, 704.
Iniciativa que el Hon. Cong. del Estado de Zacat. Otero, Réplica.
=13=Bankhead, nos. 60, May 29; 64, 65, 70, June 29. _Id._, no. 125,
Dec. 30, 1845 (Tornel has no reputation for honesty). London _Times_,
Aug. 6. =77=Gov. S. Luis Potosí, June 19. =13=Thornton to Bankhead,
June 14. =52=Consul Black, no. 389, Sept. 12, 1846. Encarnacion
Prisoners, 68, 77-8, 86. =73=Bermúdez de Castro, no. 517, June 29.
=77=Letter from Coatepec, June 26. =82=Treas. to sec. state of Puebla,
June 14; reply, June 15. =82=Guerra to gov. Puebla, Aug. 2; reply, Aug.
7. =80=Legisl. of Méx. state, Mar. 26; June 12. =80=_Id._, address,
Apr. 26. =80=Coalition, address, Aug. 4. _Verdadero Liberal_, Aug.
12. =80=Coal. junta to gov. Méx., June 17. =80=_Id._, dictamen, July
4. =80=Oaxaca state, exposición, June 26. =83=Gov. Querétaro to gov.
S. Luis Potosí, Apr. 9. _Diario_, June 7, 8, 11, 24, 30; July 3, 9,
18. _Monitor Repub._, May 3, 4, 26-7; June 3, 7, 11, 13, 14-16, 18,
19, 24, 30; July 6, 7, 9; Dec. 12 (S. Anna, Nov. 19). _Niles_, Oct.
30, p. 141. =83=Gov. Querétaro to Farías, Oct. 20, 1846; to Anaya,
May 4; to all govs., May 7. =82=Gov. Jalisco to gov. Puebla, Apr. 13.
=82=Gov. Méx. to gov. Puebla, Apr. 12. Ramírez, México, 237, 244-6,
254, 263, 272, 288-90. =80=Gov. Méx. to Bravo, May 5. =76=To Alvarez,
June 29. =76=Extracto _re_ Guanajuato. =76=J. J. de Echeverría, June 6.
=76=Arellano, July 9. =76=Olaguíbel to Relac., Apr. 19. =76=Hacienda to
Basadre, Aug. 9. =76=Reyes, June 1, 22. =76=Basadre, Aug. 9. =76=Yáñez,
June 15. =76=Mora, Apr. 28.

In February, 1847, a revolutionary government satisfactory to the
people was set up in Oaxaca state, and this supported the national
cause to the full extent of its ability. A factional combination
made up in Congress, however, took the side (May 8) of the deposed
authorities. This action naturally caused great dissatisfaction in
Oaxaca (=76=exposición de la cong. de Oaxaca, June 26), and it was
particularly imprudent because Gen. Antonio de León and his officers
were partisans of the revolutionary party (Ramírez, México, 255).

25.9. July 9 the Mexican Army of the East included, according to a
document published by Santa Anna, 17,548 officers and men. A. López
(Décimo Calendario, 57) placed the army, including the National Guards,
at 30,000 on Aug. 9. The only official Mexican accounts of the forces
present in and near the capital early in August was made up during the
following November, and are far from complete; but they were stated
to have been five times as large as those existing in November, which
were 8109 total, 6785 available (=75=report at meeting of govs.; México
á través, iv, 701). The unofficial statements cannot be harmonized
with these accounts nor (except when drawn from the same source) with
one another. It does not help us to know what corps were present (see
Roa Bárcena), for we have not the number of men in each of them.
The commanders of brigades in the Army of the East were Generals
Terrés, Martínez, Rangel, Pérez, León and Anaya and Col. Zerecero.
The three sections of Valencia's army were commanded respectively by
Mejía, Parrodi and Salas. A portion of Alvarez's force consisted of
semi-savage "pintos"--men from the hot region, who were marked with
spots (=11=Mémoire). They lay flat when charged upon, and hewed the
enemy down with heavy knives (_machetes_), and they were expected to
fill the Americans with terror.

25.10. The hill (El Peñón Viejo) was about 1000 yards in length at the
base, and the higher of its two summits reached an elevation of about
400-450 feet (=66=reports of Lee, Stevens and Mason, Aug. 12, 26).
The work of fortifying it was skilfully as well as thoroughly done.
Engineer I. I. Stevens made out nearly forty guns. Topog. Engineer M.
L. Smith thought there were about sixty (Sen. 19; 30, 2, p. 4). A large
stock of rations was placed here (=76=acuerdo, Aug. 5).

25.11. _Santa Anna's preparations (see note 25.1)._ =66=Stevens to J.
L. Smith, Aug. 12, 26. =66=R. E. Lee, J. L. Mason to J. L. Smith, Aug.
12. S. Anna, Apelación, 44-7. _Id._, Detall, 8-11. =60=Patterson to
Marcy, Oct. 26. _Picayune_, June 30; Aug. 8. Donnavan, Adventures, 29.
Pacheco, Exposíción. Negrete, Invasión, iii, app., 91-4, 123-5. Scott,
Mems., ii, 466. Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 274. =224=Intercepted Letters
(ed. by Hitchcock). (Embezzlement) Consideraciones, 25; Apuntes, 207.
Sen. 19; 30, 2 (M. L. Smith, E. L. F. Hardcastle). Apuntes, 205-10,
223-8. Molina, El Asalto. Raleigh _Star_, Sept. 1. =13=Thornton, June
29. =178=Davis, diary. Portrait of Lombardini: city hall, Mexico.
=350=Weber, recolls. N. Orl. _Delta_, July 18. _Verdadero Liberal_,
May 20. (San Patricio cos.) Dublán, Legislación, v, 290; _Diario_,
July 15. México á través, iv, 668-71. =70="Guerra," no. 1120. London
_Times_, May 10; Sept. 6. Semmes, Service, 348-9. Dublán, Legislación,
v, 280, 284, 289, 294. =73=Bermúdez de Castro, nos. 517, June 29;
534, res., July 28. =73=Lozano, No. 2, Aug. 24. Gamboa, Impug., 51.
Bustamante, Nuevo Bernal, ii, 205-6. =335=Thornton to N. P. Trist,
July 29. Encarnacion Prisoners, 69. =60=Wilson to Marcy, Aug. 1. N.
Y. _Sun_, Aug. 23. _Diario_, May 24; June 5-10, 14-6, 18, 20, etc.
_Monitor Repub._, May 31 (Eleventh Inf.); June 13-5, 18, etc.; Dec. 12
(S. Anna, Nov. 19). _Niles_, June 19, p. 251. =13=Bankhead, no. 74,
1846. (Honduras) =60=Patterson to Marcy, Oct. 26, 1847. (Powder from N.
Orl.) =166=Consul McFaul to ----, Nov. 12, 1846. Ramírez, México, 268.
The following from =76= are cited for particular reasons. Valencia,
proclam., May 14. Estado of garrison, May 13. Ayunt., Mexico, June 3.
Recommended measures, Apr. 6, 14. Circulars, June 12; July 24. S. Anna
to Alcorta, June 12; Aug. 3. Valencia, July 19. Statement, lines of
defence, June 29. J. Terrés, report on cavalry [Nov.]. J. de D. Peza,
report on infantry, Nov. 29. Acuerdos, May 21, 23-4; June 5, 6, 8, 19,
25; July 17, 18, 19, 28, 30; Aug. 2, 3, 5, 6. To Alvarez, June 3, 30,
etc. To Mora, June 26; July 2, 20, 23, etc. To Lombardini, June 26;
July 2, 5, 7, 11, 22, 31, etc. Alvarez. May 29; June 9, 16; July 5,
etc. Mora, July 9, 19, 20, 22, etc. Lombardini, July 6, 7, 10, 12, 14,
15, etc. Olaguíbel, Aug. 20. Decrees, June 5, 8; July 10, 12; Aug. 8,
etc.

Among other preparations were the following: information about the
defence not to be published, and no communication to be had with points
occupied by the Americans; the troops to be trained in firing (June 6);
the state of siege to be rigorous (June 28); as much wheat as possible
to be ground and stored in the city, and the rest to be removed from
the Valley; all Americans, even if naturalized, to leave the city
(July 12); the American prisoners (_e.g._, from La Encarnación) to
go to Toluca; prices of provisions fixed; no persons to be tried for
acts not injurious to a third party. Naturally there was much evasion
of these edicts. A Council of Defence composed of the heads of the
executive departments most concerned in the work began to meet on July
2 (=76=acuerdo, June 29; Lombardini, July 6). After the near approach
of the enemy the shops (excepting those selling provisions and those
of the Plaza del Mercado) were to close, civilian horses and carriages
to keep off the streets, and no civilian to leave the city [without
a pass] except those who had brought in coal and provisions [but on
August 13 permission was given old men, women and children to go out].
By August 24 nearly all civilians [of any importance] left the city
(=73=Lozano, no. 2). After the Americans came within easy reach the
usual efforts to cause desertion among them were made by the Mexican
government. The Paixhan guns cast by the Mexicans were believed by them
to equal the American ordnance (Apuntes, 207).

25.12. _Diario_, Aug. 10-13. =77=Relaciones, circular, Aug. 9.
=73=Lozano, no. 2, Aug. 24. Apuntes, 206-8, 210-20. México á
través, iv, 671-2. Ramírez, México, 296. =76=To Basadre, Aug. 10.
=76=To Alvarez, Aug. 12. =76=Relaciones to gov. Zacat., Aug. 11.
=76=Olaguíbel, Aug. 11. =76=Decree, Aug. 8.

25.13. April 30 Marcy had promised that by the end of June, Scott
should have about 20,000 men (Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 922). Scott felt he
needed that number in addition to the garrison of Puebla (Sedgwick,
Corres., i, 141). He has been criticised for having his small army
march in four divisions a day apart. Twiggs and Quitman together had
only about 4000 men and it has been represented that, even had they and
the cavalry combined, Santa Anna could have crushed them before Worth
could have reached the scene (Semmes, Service, 326); but, as a day's
march was only 12-15 miles (Hardcastle in Sen. 19; 30, 2, p. 10), Worth
was but five hours (in case of emergency much less) behind Quitman, and
an attack strong enough to crush Harney, Twiggs and Quitman, provided
as they were with heavy ordnance, could not have taken place in a
moment nor without warning. Scott expected to be attacked on the march
(Scott, Mems., ii, 466). He might have avoided the high mountains by
taking the route _via_ Tlaxcala and Apam; but this route was long and
unsuitable for his trains. There were nearly 1000 wagons (=335=Trist to
Buchanan, Aug. 22).

25.14. These works were abandoned because not in keeping with Santa
Anna's plan. Very likely the fact that it would not have been easy to
subsist a large force here counted also. Many of the Americans believed
Santa Anna had built the works in the expectation of using them to cut
Scott off after defeating him in the Valley, and set their teeth the
harder. All felt that they must conquer or die.

25.15. _Scott's march to Ayotla._ Scott, Mems., ii, 465-7. Hitchcock,
Fifty Years, 266, 271. Grant, Mems., i, 164-5. Ballentine, Eng.
Soldier, ii, 190-3. Davis, Autobiog., 192. _Missouri Republican_, Nov.
3, 1857 (Hitchcock). =217=Henshaw papers. =218=Henshaw narrative.
Haynes, Gen. Scott's Guide. =183=Drum, recolls. =376=Nicholson,
recolls. Donnavan, Adventures, 98. =159=Collins papers. (Route) Lyon,
Journal, ii, 106; Thompson, Recolls., 33; Velasco, Geografía, i,
25; Cardona, Méx. y sus Capitales, 129; Robertson, Visit, i, 321;
Ruxton, Adventures (1847), 33-4; Tudor, Tour, ii, 211; LeClercq,
Voyage, 178-9; Mason, Pictures, ii, 6; Bullock, Across Mex., 67-8.
Lawton, Artillery Officer, 274, 281-7. =65=Gen. orders 246, Aug.
5. =291=Pierce papers. Sen. 11; 31, 1 (map). Sen. 19; 30, 2 (M. L.
Smith, E. L. F. Hardcastle). G. W. Smith, Co. A. Carleton, Address.
=178=Davis, diary. Sen. 52; 30, 1, pp. 124 (Scott); 186-8. Sen. 1; 30,
1, pp. 303 (Scott). app., 37. Kenly, Md. Vol., 344. Rosa, Impresiones
Nebel and Kendall, 27. Brackett, Lane's Brigade, 280-1. Colección de
Itinerarios. Oswandel, Notes, 242, 245. Semmes, Service, 235, 286-9,
325-8, 452-3. =73=Bermúdez de Castro, nos. 534, res., July 28; 550,
Aug. 21. =73=Lozano, no. 2, Aug. 24. =335=Trist, statement, July 25,
1849. =236=Judah, diary. _Diario_, July 2. Sedgwick, Corres., i, 108,
141. Smith, To Mexico, 188-93. Wilson, Mexico, 168. _Niles_, Oct.
30, p. 138. Sen. 1; 30, 1, app., 37. Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1032 (Scott).
=132=Atocha to Buchanan, Aug. 1. Ripley, War with Mexico, ii, 187.
Michigan Pioneer Soc. Colls., vii (Toll). _So. Qtrly. Rev._, Apr.,
1852, pp. 406-7. =316=Judd to Sherman, Feb. 26, 1848. Ramírez, México,
239. _Monitor Repub._, Oct. 1 (Gamboa). Manifiesto que dirige ...
Alvarez.

25.16. S. Anna, Apelación, 44; app., 146-50, 157-61. Sen. 52; 30, 1,
pp. 186-7. =73=Bermúdez de Castro, no. 534, res., July 28. _Monitor
Repub._, Dec. 12 (S. Anna, Nov. 19). And from =76= the following. To
Canalizo, June 30. To Alvarez, June 29, 30; July 13, 28; Aug. 6, 9,
12, 14, 21. To Valencia, Aug. 9, 11, 13, 14, 15. Canalizo, June 23;
July 19; Aug. 9, 10, 11. Alvarez, July 5, 8; Aug. 6, 8, 8, 9, 9, 10,
10, 11, 12, 12, 25. Valencia, Aug. 7, 9, 10, 11, 12, 14. Expediente
against Valencia. Acuerdo, Aug. 13.

25.17. _The choice of approaches._ Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 272-4.
Grant, Mems., 164-5. _Mo. Republican_, Nov. 3, 1857 (Hitchcock).
Weekly _Courier and N. Y. Enquirer_, Mar. 2, 1848 (letter from
Hitchcock). =217=Henshaw to wife, Aug. 21. Haynes, Gen. Scott's Guide.
=61=Hamilton to Scott, Oct. 17, 1850. =66=R. E. Lee, I. I. Stevens,
J. L. Mason to J. L. Smith, Aug. 12, 26. Chase, Polk Admin., 225.
Claiborne, Quitman, i, 333-7. =221=Hill, diary. =159=Collins papers.
Lawton, Artill. Officer, 289. Sen. 11; 31, 1 (M. L. Smith). Sen.
19; 30, 2 (M. L. Smith, E. L. F. Hardcastle). =178=Davis, diary.
=136=Butterfield, recolls. S. Anna, Detall, 11. =52=Trist nos. 11, 12,
Aug. 14, 22. =185=Letters from Worth, Duncan and others. =335=H. L.
Scott to Worth, Aug. 13. _Picayune_, Oct. 8. Nebel and Kendall, 27.
Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 303, app., 27. Apuntes, 208, 225. Semmes, Service,
348-52, 355-8. Ramírez, México, 293. Sen. 65; 30, 1, pp. 461-2 (Lee);
522-7 (Hitchcock). =68=Charges against Duncan (Scott). =236=Judah,
diary. Wash. _Union_, Nov. 3. _Nat. Intelligencer_, Nov. 12. _Diario_,
Aug. 18. =377=Capt. Willing (paper published by Engineer School,
Washington). Stevens, I. I. Stevens, i, 148-9, 190. _So. Qtrly. Rev._,
Apr., 1852, p. 412. =76=Order to Lombardini, June 19. =76=To Mora, July
2. =76=Acuerdos, Aug. 5, 8. =76=Mora, Aug. 2. =76=Gugerson to Alvarez,
Aug. 10. =76=(Spies) Alvarez, Aug. 12; Valencia, Aug. 13, 14; Becerril,
Aug. 13; spy, Aug. 12; etc. =76=Bravo, Aug. 13. =76=To Bravo, Aug. 13.

The Mexicaltzingo plan was said to be, that while the rest of the
troops should force their way between Lakes Chalco and Xochimilco by
a broken causeway commanded by five batteries on a hill, Worth should
pass round or across the latter lake and coöperate with them wherever
he could do so to the best advantage (Davis, Autobiog., 193; etc.).
Under orders from Scott (Hitchcock in _Mo. Republican_, Nov. 3, 1857;
=377=paper; =335=H. L. Scott to Worth, Aug. 13; =68=charges against
Duncan) to examine the Chalco route, Worth (at Duncan's suggestion)
had Duncan, supported by strong detachments, reconnoitre that route
on August 14 under the pretence of obtaining provisions. Duncan, who
reported (=305=Aug. 14) favorably, was sent to Scott late that day to
give an account of the reconnaissance and deliver a =305=letter from
Worth, which argued against dividing the army. Not receiving credit in
Scott's report Duncan published (_Picayune_, Oct. 8; Dec. 18) a letter
claiming in effect to have caused the change of plan (chap. xxix, p.
187). But the letter proved that he knew less about the matter than
he supposed (=68=charges); it did not prove that the change of orders
resulted from his report; and there is no proof that Scott intended to
divide the army--though he collected boats enough for about 2000 men
with a view to crossing or to making the Mexicans believe (Claiborne,
Quitman, i, 335) he intended to cross the lake and it was thought
that as many more could be obtained--or definitely decided to attack
Mexicaltzingo. On the other hand Scott stated (=68=charges) that he was
himself investigating (=305=Mackall to ----, May 10, 1848) the Chalco
route while Duncan was doing so, and that a spy sent from headquarters
reported favorably upon it (=68=charges); and he denied squarely that
he gave up the Mexicaltzingo for the Chalco route in consequence
of Duncan's report (=68=charges). Extreme secrecy and all possible
mystification of the enemy were necessary, and on account of Worth's
unfriendliness Scott had special reasons for not opening his mind fully
to him. Other generals have purposely kept their subordinates in the
dark (see Henderson, Jackson, i, 421, 441; _Id._, Science of War, 42).
Instead of proving that Worth was the better general, Worth and Duncan
proved the opposite, for they showed that Worth committed himself to
the Chalco route on very incomplete data, whereas Scott studied three
routes and reserved his decision until, as far as was possible, he
had full information before him. As usual, when Worth's relations
with Scott were concerned, we find Semmes inaccurate and biassed
here. Ripley uses the incident against Scott at great length and very
unfairly. Facts regarding the Mexicaltzingo route are brought forward,
though not known to the Americans at the time (Ripley, War with Mexico,
194). We are told (p. 191) that Scott ordered Duncan to study the
Chalco route after Duncan had proposed to do so, as if Scott had not
previously ordered Worth, Duncan's commander, to investigate the route.
It is alleged that the case did not warrant "a departure from the
rules of the [military] art to so great a degree" [as was proposed by
the Mexicaltzingo plan]; yet Ripley shows that the Texcoco route was
impracticable (pp. 179, 186), that El Peñón was virtually "impregnable"
(p. 188), and that the Chalco route was considered out of the question
(p. 190). This was a situation clearly warranting extraordinary
measures. On p. 202 Ripley seems to argue that the orders to attack
Mexicaltzingo cannot have been given to conceal the movement that Scott
actually made, since any movement against that point would have caused
Santa Anna to place troops in that vicinity, detect promptly Scott's
real intention, and defend the southern line, and so the ruse would
have defeated itself. But (1) the question concerns orders, not--as
Ripley assumes--an actual movement toward Mexicaltzingo; (2) Santa
Anna had troops in the vicinity of Mexicaltzingo, but the results
anticipated by Ripley did not follow; (3) indeed, though Ripley was
not aware of the fact, Santa Anna concluded Aug. 14 (=76=to Valencia)
that Scott was going to S. Agustín, and merely had the reserves at S.
Antonio garita go with five 4-pounders to S. Antonio hacienda (=76=to
Valencia, Aug. 14), for he was relying on his fortified points; and
(4) since the same troops could not defend at the same time the works
near Mexicaltzingo and also the road to S. Agustín, orders involving
a threat against the former would have tended, without costing Scott
anything, to keep the latter clear.

The vulnerable point of El Peñón Viejo was that owing to its steepness
the cannon could have little action on the slopes (=66=Stevens to
Smith, Aug. 26). A particular disadvantage in attacking Mexicaltzingo
would have been that (Santa Anna said) such a movement could have been
detected in good season, and reinforcements could have been placed
there promptly (=76=to Bravo, Aug. 13). As the American generals needed
information that could only be obtained from Mexicans, they were
peculiarly exposed to the artifices of spies, and some of these gained
a confidential footing with Worth and even with Scott.

25.18. _To S. Agustín._ =218=Henshaw narrative. S. Anna, Apelación,
47, 50; app., 146-51. _Id._, Detall, 12. Ballentine, Eng. Soldier, ii,
195. Davis, Autobiog., 192-5. =217=Henshaw to wife, Aug. 21. =221=Hill,
diary. =159=Collins papers. Latrobe, Rambler, 121. Lawton, Artill.
Officer, 290, 293. Sen. 34; 34, 3, p. 37. Sen. 11; 31, 1 (map). Sen.
19; 30, 2 (M. L. Smith, E. L. F. Hardcastle). G. W. Smith, Co. A.
=204=Gouverneur, diary. =178=Davis, diary. Gamboa, Impug., 38-9. México
á través, iv, 672. Apuntes, 220, 229. Arróniz, Manual, i, 243. Semmes,
Service, 352-5, 370-5. Nebel and Kendall, 28. =12=Caryton to Lambert,
Sept. 1. Steele, Campaigns, i, 123. =236=Judah, diary. Hitchcock,
Fifty Years, 275. Moore, Scott's Camp., 129. Wash. _Union_, Nov. 3.
Stevens, I. I. Stevens, 168. _Niles_, Oct. 30, p. 139. Sen. 1; 30,
1, pp. 303 (Scott); app., 28 (Twiggs); 37 (Sumner); 39 (McKinstry).
=76=To Alvarez, Aug. 11, 21. =76=To Valencia, Aug. 14, 15. =76=To
Lombardini, Aug. 14. =76=Acuerdos, Aug. 15, 16. =76=To Herrera, Aug.
15. =76=Becerril, Aug. 15. =76=Valencia, Aug. 14, 15. =76=Alvarez,
Aug. 16, 17, 19, 22, 25. =76=To Alvarez, Aug. 14, 15. Ripley, War with
Mexico, ii, 647 (Lee to Mason).

Santa Anna's policy seems to have been wise. Any detachments that he
could have thrown hastily in front of Worth must have consisted of
inferior troops, and would no doubt have been routed. The last portion
of the Chalco route was over ground which, though in part hilly,
was firm (T. F. Davis, diary). The brush with Twiggs was greatly
exaggerated by the Americans, some of whom estimated the enemy as
12,000 strong, and felt that a victory was gained, whereas Alvarez had
no intention of fighting, and did not come within musket range. It has
been said (Ripley, War with Mexico, ii, 289) that Scott should have had
the cavalry, Worth and Pillow advance without heavy baggage, and reach
S. Agustín in twelve hours. But (1) there was a distinct advantage in
keeping Worth's division intact, (2) Scott's van was less likely to be
attacked than his rear, (3) Scott probably understood that Santa Anna
intended to rely on his fortified positions, for he was well posted
about affairs at the capital (=13=Thornton to Bankhead, June 14),
nothing could be kept secret there, and Santa Anna's Plan was known to
many, (4) Scott's judgment on the point was likely, especially in view
of his fuller knowledge of the facts, to be better than Ripley's, and
(5) it was justified by the event. The Chalco route was the one taken
by Cortez (Gamboa, Impug., 38). In leaving Peñón Viejo Santa Anna had
money and provisions remain there for a prospective "distant march"
(=76=to Herrera, Aug. 15). Whether this referred to a pursuit of the
Americans or his own flight can only be guessed, but as the order was
addressed to Herrera, one inclines to the former view.

25.19. =52=Trist, no. 11, Aug. 14. México á través, iv, 672-3. Apuntes,
220-2, 230. S. Anna, Detall, 11-2. =95=Notice to first alcalde, Aug.
19. _So. Qtrly. Rev._, Apr., 1852. Negrete, Invasión, iii, app., 446.
=73=Bermúdez de Castro, no. 445, Mar. 2. =76=To Valencia, Aug. 14,
15, 16. =76=To Lombardini, Aug. 14. =76=Valencia, Aug. 15, 16. =76=To
Alvarez, Aug. 16. =76=Acuerdo, Aug. 16.


XXVI. CONTRERAS, CHURUBUSCO

26.1. The basis for distances is Smith and Hardcastle's map of the
Valley (Sen. 11; 31, 1). A garita had to be a somewhat formal place,
for municipal duties were levied and collected there, and some
accommodations for the officials and the guards were necessary. The
last word of "S. Antonio Abad" was commonly omitted. For the sake of
distinction the Acapulco road will be called the "highway" and the road
_via_ Tacubaya, San Angel and Ansaldo the "turnpike" (Trist's word for
it). The name Contreras was applied by Americans to three places, to
none of which it belonged. Contreras was a village on the turnpike
some distance south of Padierna. San Agustín was also known as Tlálpam.

26.2. August 14 Valencia's =76=return (_estado_) included 486 officers,
5078 rank and file, 1447 horses, one siege 16-pounder, three siege
12-pounders, five 8-inch (68-pound) howitzers and fifteen smaller guns.
One of the guns was assigned to Torrejón and he saved it. Another small
one disappeared. The name of the rounded hill where Valencia took post
was Peloncoahutitlán.

26.3. Valencia had one excuse, for very possibly he believed (in view
of Santa Anna's delay at San Luis Potosí, abandonment of Tampico,
apparent neglect of Vera Cruz, etc.) that the President traitorously
intended to leave open a door by which Scott could reach the capital;
but none the less he was a conscienceless conspirator and the mortal
foe of Santa Anna, disgusted with subordination, and eager to overthrow
his chief. His past conduct had been thoroughly suspicious, and his
manifiesto of August 22 does not bear analysis well. To remove him
would have seemed an act of jealousy, if not treason, and very likely
have caused a mutiny. Santa Anna hoped that the national crisis would
hold him in line for the time being. Besides, Santa Anna did not know
precisely where Valencia proposed to make a stand (_Diario_, Sept.
1). When he learned, he sent General Mora to reconnoitre the position
(=76=to Valencia, August 19). Again, he could not afford to raise an
issue with Valencia now, for the latter (doubtless with the help of
his engineers) had divined Scott's plans better than the former, and
undertaken to guard a quarter left open by the President. Finally it
was quite possible that Santa Anna thought Valencia would be taught a
lesson by the Americans. It is unnecessary to discuss the merits and
disadvantages of Valencia's position, for they will appear plainly in
the narrative (see Balbontín, Invasión, 110-11). Had the Americans
been willing to do as he wished, the hill would have been entirely
satisfactory. Of Valencia's intellectual quality the following specimen
is suggestive: "Soldiers of Liberty, anarchy put out its head, but your
arms drowned it in a moment."

26.4. _Mexican preliminaries._ Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 304, 306 (Scott);
348-9 (Smith); app., 80 (Alexander). Collins papers. =66=Lee to Smith,
Aug. 21. Semmes, Service, 393. Sen. 65; 30, 1, pp. 276 (Longstreet);
570. =224=Intercepted Letters (14, L. V. to M. O.; 26, to Old
Gentleman). Apuntes, 221, 230-6. Balbontín, Invasión, 111. Gamboa,
Impug., 41. =70="Guerra," no. 30 (F. Pérez). México á través, iv,
672-3, 677. Long, Memoirs, 54. _So. Qtrly. Rev._, Apr., 1852, pp.
408-9. Latrobe, Rambler, 90. Sen. 19; 30, 2 (Hardcastle to Smith; Smith
to Abert). Valencia, Manifiesto. Calderón, Life, i, 314. =178=Davis,
diary. Prieto, Mems., ii, 213. =73=Bermúdez de Castro, no. 534, res.,
July 28. S. Anna, Apelación, 51-2; app., 140-54, 157-60. _Id._, Detall,
12. _Monitor Repub._, Dec. 17, 1847. Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 276.
Negrete, Invasión, iv, app., 279-83. =76=Acuerdo, Aug. 16. =76=To
Lombardini, July 22. =76=To Alvarez, Aug. 21. =76=Zerecero, Aug. 25.
=76=To Valencia, Aug. 16. =76=Expediente contra Valencia.

The defences of Valencia's camp were somewhat extended later, but not
enough to render them formidable.

26.5. According to a topographical officer (Washington _Union_, Nov. 3,
1847) the only route from San Agustín to Mexico of which the Americans
knew when they reached the ground was the highway. This surprises one
at first. But the turnpike beyond San Angel was a local road serving
only a few farms, the small villages of San Gerónimo and Contreras,
and a manufacturing establishment near Contreras. It seemed to be
of no strategic significance, and was not likely to be heard of at a
distance. The fortifications along the highway were largely developed
after Scott turned toward San Agustín. Valencia's movements were
impromptu. Scott had an Englishman residing at Mexico in his pay, and
we know that two persons brought data on Aug. 19 (Sen. 65; 30, 1, p.
162). Apparently Scott did his duty as to seeking information.

26.6. _American preliminaries._ Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 304, 307, 315,
348-50 (reports of Scott, Worth and Smith); app., 41 (Mason); 66
(Smith); 101 (Magruder); 118 (Cadwalader). Wilhelm, Eighth Inf., ii,
307. _Picayune_, Sept. 8; Oct. 21. =66=Lee to Smith, Aug. 21. Semmes,
Service, 380, 393. =224=Intercepted Letters (26, To Old Gentleman).
Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 275. Grant, Mems., i, 142. Sen. 52; 30, 1,
p. 188 (Trist, no. 12). =76=Expediente contra Valencia. =236=Judah,
diary. Sen. 19; 30, 2 (Hardcastle to Smith). _Monitor Repub._, Dec. 17.
_Diario_, Aug. 19.

26.7. Quitman had only the Second Pennsylvania, the Marines, Steptoe's
battery and a troop or two of dragoons (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 341); but
Worth's division was available in case of need. See Claiborne, Quitman,
i, 347.

26.8. Pillow, as was decided by a court of inquiry (Sen. 65; 30, 1,
pp. 332-45) on the testimony of such men as Lee (p. 78), Smith (p.
102), Riley (p. 147) and Shields (p. 268), did not devise the plan on
which this victory was gained; and when Lee brought word to Scott of
Smith's plan he washed his hands of it (=335=Trist, draft of address;
Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 333); but he had the audacity to claim that Smith
merely executed the precise plans and views laid down by Pillow for
his guidance (Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1018). Pillow could claim the credit
only on the ground that he was the senior officer on the field, and
that Smith's operations were a logical consequence of the events; but
Scott was the senior of Pillow, and all that occurred was--as Smith
pointed out (Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 104)--the logical consequence of
Scott's order to gain possession of the San Angel road. The consensus
of opinion was expressed by Twiggs: "General Smith deserves the whole
credit" (Stevens, Stevens, i, 196). Moreover the famous letter signed
"Leonidas"--prepared at Pillow's quarters doubtless with his connivance
(Hitchcock in _Mo. Republican_, Oct. 2, 1857; _Republican Banner_,
Feb. 23, 1858), conveyed by his agency (Davis, Autobiog., 285) to
the New Orleans _Delta_, which published it Sept. 10 (chap. xxix,
note 29.31), and fathered (when exposed) by an untruthful subordinate
of his--"puffed" Pillow in the most extravagant manner for this
"unparallelled victory," and represented Scott not only as leaving
everything to Pillow but as blundering sadly. _E.g._ it said, "The
army had been marching through marshes and almost impassable roads,
nearly half around the city, to find some points upon the enemy's works
that could be successfully assailed," the provisions had been nearly
exhausted, and the mountains prevented going farther; Pillow's "plan
of battle [at Contreras], and the disposition of his forces were most
judicious," and he "achieved this signal and brilliant victory." (For
the letter signed "Leonidas" see Sen. 65; 30, 1 (pp. 385-9, and the
testimony of Pillow, Burns, Freaner, Trist); =335=Pillow to Trist, Aug.
31, private; St. Louis _Evening News_, Oct. 2, 1857; chap. xxix, pp.
435-7.)

Pillow's design in having such a statement prepared and placed
before the people in advance of the official reports was probably to
influence public opinion in the United States so as to make him an
available candidate for the Presidency or enable Polk to put him in
Scott's place. As Pillow was known to have great influence with the
President, and was an active, affable, plausible man, he naturally had
a following; but the sentiment of the able and honest officers towards
him was one of contempt. "The ass Pillow," "that consummate fool," said
the future General D. H. Hill (diary) of Pillow as he showed himself
on Aug. 19. A sensible Pennsylvanian wrote in his diary, Aug. 10, that
Pillow was without question "the poorest and most unpopular" of the
generals (Oswandel, Notes, 249). Col. W. B. Campbell characterized him
as light, impetuous, of little military judgment and no skill (=139=to
D. Campbell, Mar. 20, 28; Apr. 18, 25); and a correspondent of the
future Gen. W. T. Sherman described him as "a mass of vanity, conceit,
ignorance, ambition and want of truth" (=316=Judd, Feb. 26, 1848). The
doings of the Pillow court of inquiry (Sen. 65; 30, 1) were carefully
digested and analyzed by the author; but as the subject concerns only
incidentally the history of the war, space cannot be taken to present
this analysis.

26.9. Valencia could see that retreat meant his personal ruin, and he
preferred to argue that honor required him to hold his ground.

26.10. Persifor F. Smith, a graduate from Princeton, was admitted
to the bar at Philadelphia, practised law at New Orleans, and had
considerable military experience in the Florida war. He was a simple,
scholarly, unassuming man; but all ranks appreciated his ability,
attainments, clear perception, valor, promptness and steadiness.

26.11. _The battle of Contreras._ Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 303, etc.; app.,
pp. 66, etc. (reports of Scott and his officers). S. Anna, Apelación,
52-5; app., 154-6, 160. _Id._, Detall, 12-4. _Picayune_, Sept. 8; Oct.
21. =221=Hill, diary. =61=Twiggs to Marcy, Feb. 7, 1848. =66=Lee to
Smith, Aug. 21, 1847. =60=Riley to Westcott, Nov. 30. Semmes, Service,
381, 385, 392. =224=Intercepted letters (14, L. V. to M. O.; 25, note
by E. A. H.; 28). Apuntes, 237-43. McSherry, El Puchero, 73, 76.
Murphy, Hungerford, 99. _Delta_, Sept. 9; Nov. 12; Dec. 1. _Monitor
Repub._, Sept. 27 (Salas); Dec. 12 (S. Anna). _Porvenir_, Aug. 26,
supplem. (Valencia). =65=Scott, gen. orders 258. Balbontín, Invasión,
111-8. Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 276-8, 281. Ballentine, English Soldier,
ii, 207, 218-20, 223-6, 228-9. Davis, Autobiog., 196-8. =66=Foster
to Smith, Aug. 23. =66=McClellan to Smith, Aug. 23. =66=Beauregard
to Smith, Aug. 25. =66=Tower to Smith, Aug. 25. =66=Mason to Smith,
Aug. 24. Prieto, Mems., ii, 222-7. López, Décimo Calendario, 58.
=80=Olaguíbel, Aug. 20-1. =199=Anon. MS. written by a person of
importance. =307=Roberts, diary. Gamboa, Impug., 42-3. =350=Weber,
recoils. =70="Guerra," no. 30 (F. Pérez). Ramírez, México, 298. México
á través, iv, 677. =217=Henshaw to wife, Aug. 21. =327=Sutherland to
father, Nov. 28. Jackson, Memoirs of Jackson, 41. Sen. 52; 30, 1, p.
188. Long, Memoirs, 54-9. Wash. _Union_, Sept. 20. _Diario_, Aug.
24; Sept. 1. _So. Mag._, July, 1874, p. 75. =204=Gouverneur, diary.
=277=Burnett, statement. _United Service_, June, 1896 (Lane). Sen. 65;
30, 1, pp. 62 (H. L. Scott); 68-9 (Williams); 72-4, 298, 300 (Gen.
Scott); 75-9, 463 (Lee); 81-6 (Cadwalader); 97 (Deas); 99-106 (Smith);
137-8 (Canby); 147-51 (Riley); 162 (Hooker); 180 (Hodge); 182-4, 188
(Ripley); 208-9 (Rains); 230-1 (Beauregard); 232-3 (Hitchcock); 246
(Morgan); 267 (Shields); 270 (Howard); 283, 286-7 (Twiggs); 334-5
(verdict); 570. Stevens, I. I. Stevens, i, 174-9, 196. Carreño,
Jefes, ccxc (Pérez), ccxciv (Torrejón). _Niles_, Oct. 30, pp. 138-9.
_Cong. Globe_, 34, 1, p. 105 (Foote). Lancaster Co. Hist. Soc. Mag.,
Mar. 6, 1908. Giménez, Mems., 266. =291=Pierce to Appleton, Aug. 27.
=291=Gardner to Canby, Aug. 30. =291=Pierce to Hooker, Aug. 22.
Engineer School, U. S. A., Occas. Papers, No. 16. Valencia, Manifiesto.
=178=Davis, diary. Stevens, Vindication, 4-7. Negrete, Invasión,
iv, app., 281-3. =76=Tornel, Aug. 19. =76=Orders to Valencia, Aug.
26. Kenly, Md. Vol., 421. =73=Lozano, No. 2., Aug. 24. =210=Bragg
to Hammond, Dec. 20. =125=Bonham to wife, Aug. 24; to adj. gen.,
Feb. 26, 1849. _So. Qtrly. Rev._, Apr., 1852, pp. 415-26. Calderón,
Rectificaciones, 41. S. Anna, Mi Historia, 72-3. =112=Beauregard to
Smith, Aug. 25. =76=Valencia, Aug. 19. =76=J. B. Argüelles, Aug. 22.
=76=Alcorta to Alvarez, Aug. 21. =76=Alvarez, Aug. 21.

REMARKS. This engagement was called by the Mexicans the battle of
Padierna. At first Valencia had a reserve under Salas at Ansaldo, but
he drew this in at about the time when the battle began. He then placed
Torrejón's cavalry between Ansaldo and his main position. A turn in the
road near his position enabled him to command the turnpike for some
distance. For further details regarding his dispositions see Apuntes,
236. During the afternoon of Aug. 19 the Ninth Infantry (Ransom)
and a battalion of the Twelfth under Lieut. Col. Bonham crossed the
ravine and remained about 200 yards from Valencia's camp until 9 or 10
o'clock, partly occupying usefully Valencia's attention. When these
troops retired, Mexicans attacked the guard at Padierna, but American
reinforcements defeated them. R. E. Lee and G. B. McClellan helped
set up Magruder's battery, and T. J. ("Stonewall") Jackson commanded
one section of it a part of the time. These officers distinguished
themselves highly. Riley understood he was "sent across the pedregal to
cut off the retreat of the enemy and check reinforcements" (Sen. 65;
30, 1, p. 148). When Smith moved to the right, he had Magruder resume
firing to divert attention from that movement. Magruder's men tried
to save themselves by falling flat at each Mexican discharge, and the
ground sheltered them somewhat, yet fifteen were killed or wounded. His
guns were withdrawn over the rocks after nightfall.

It has been said with force that it would have been better had Scott
been on the ground from the first. But he did not wish or expect to
fight; no doubt he had much administrative work on hand; he was not
far away; and he believed that his instructions to Pillow provided for
all probable contingencies. It seems to be true that Pillow, a most
plausible and insinuating talker, had gained a certain ascendency over
him. Probably for this reason, as well as owing to his general wish
to gratify his officers, Scott permitted Pillow to make statements in
his report on the battle, which, as the trial of Pillow showed, ought
not to have been there (=210=Bragg). Pillow later urged the point
that Scott approved of his dispositions; but it was Scott's practice
to accept what his officers did, and make the best of it. Scott was
slightly wounded in the leg during the afternoon of August 19 but did
not mention the incident at the time. Later the wound made him trouble.

The Fifteenth Infantry (Morgan) did not act with the rest of Pierce's
brigade on Aug. 19, for Pillow had detached it as a reserve. Pierce was
injured by falling from his horse, and hence Col. Ransom took command
of the brigade. Late in the afternoon Valencia placed a 4-pounder and
two battalions of infantry on the turnpike toward Ansaldo to prevent
more Americans from reaching San Gerónimo (Balbontín, Invasión, 114),
but this force accomplished nothing. At first he had thought the
Americans crossing the pedregal in groups, partly concealed by the
ground and trees, were mere scouting parties. It was found impossible
at the Pillow trial to decide at just what time Scott arrived on the
lookout hill (the lower summit of Zacatepec). The variation of careful
witnesses was an hour and twenty-five minutes. Watches appear to have
been out of order, and therefore one cannot be positive regarding the
precise time of any event.

Smith's plan to attack Santa Anna on Aug. 19 has been criticised as
unsound (Claiborne, Quitman, i, 339, note). But he believed a repulse
of Santa Anna would ensure the defeat of Valencia; he wanted to
dispose of Santa Anna before his forces could become stronger; he did
not wish (having no artillery) to let him cannonade at his leisure;
and probably the situation of the American right appeared to require
unusual boldness. Lee (=66=to J. L. Smith, Aug. 21) attached less
importance to this operation. Tower (=66=to J. L. Smith, Aug. 25)
said the inexperience of the new troops, particularly Cadwalader's,
had something to do with leading Smith to give up the plan. Doubtless
Pillow's fiasco, Aug. 19, tended to inflate Valencia's confidence and
so to ensure his destruction. Valencia's artillery accomplished nothing
against the Americans at San Gerónimo, partly because the trees and
rough ground hid and protected them, and partly because the guns he
used were not very powerful. Smith supposed he was Shields's senior,
and retained the command after the latter's arrival at San Gerónimo.
Shields refrained from claiming it, knowing that Smith had made
preparations to attack and understood the situation best. Cadwalader,
as well as Shields, outranked Smith; but doubtless he felt unequal to
the situation, and he did not assert his rights. During the night the
few houses at San Gerónimo were required for the wounded.

Santa Anna has been too much criticised for his course. Valencia did
not see the Americans in force, Aug. 19, until after one o'clock, and
we do not know how promptly he reported the fact. Santa Anna stated
that at about two o'clock he received word from Valencia that cannon
fire had begun. He was then at San Antonio, yet in about four hours he
had a considerable force near San Gerónimo. He reasonably hesitated
about attacking an unknown number of Americans in an admirable
defensive position. His cavalry could have done nothing in the ravines,
lanes and woods which composed it, and his artillery little. Had he
attacked, as he threatened to do, late on Aug. 19, he would have been
beaten. After Riley joined him, Smith had about 3600 men (Sen. 65;
30, 1, p. 105). Had Santa Anna advanced by the turnpike he would have
exposed his flank to Smith. Valencia had got himself into a hopeless
impasse, and the best thing he could have done was to tear himself out
of it, as Santa Anna ordered. Santa Anna sent orders to Pérez in the
afternoon to help Valencia, but overtaking that brigade (which had set
out for the purpose) took charge of it. Shields brought about 600 men
(Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 344).

Smith's plan of attack against Valencia was not perfectly safe, for,
as Napoleon said, the ground of a night attack should be thoroughly
known; but the circumstances warranted the risk. Friday morning Tower,
who had discovered the ravine (=66=Tower to J. L. Smith, Aug. 25), led
Riley's brigade, and Beauregard led Smith's. As soon as Valencia was
routed, orders were given to complete the road begun Aug. 19, but this
was soon found to be unnecessary. The Fifteenth regiment, on account
of its distance from Riley, reached Valencia's camp too late to take
part in the battle. It should be remembered that Smith's troops did not
know of the demoralization of the Mexicans, and expected to find them
elated and confident. Apparently Shields made a mistake in leaving
San Gerónimo to go to the road on Friday morning, but the mistake was
natural. Valencia went to Toluca with a few troops. He was notified
to present himself for trial, which would have meant death. Some
irregulars made a trivial attack upon Quitman (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 347),
but Alvarez's troops did not come near San Agustín. Twiggs had a lame
foot at this time, and he was not under fire Aug. 19. Brookes (Brooks)
was on his staff.

Ripley (War with Mexico ii, 291) intimates that Scott sent Pillow and
Twiggs forward, Aug. 19, without taking much into account Valencia's
army and cannon, and permitted the Mexicans to open the battle when
they pleased. This seems careless on Scott's part; but, as the text
shows, Scott did not know Valencia had marched to Padierna, and had
no reason to suppose (particularly in view of the threat against S.
Antonio) that large Mexican forces would be there. Ripley suggests (p.
292) that it was improper to let Valencia see the road-building, learn
the Americans were moving that way, and prepare to receive them; but
road-building ceased when the Americans came in view of Valencia, and
after that time he had little opportunity for preparations. Ripley
complains (p. 293) that it was confusing to have Twiggs open the
battle, Pillow take charge of it, and Scott supersede Pillow; but it
is not customary for the general-in-chief to ride at the head of his
forces on a road-building expedition, and under the circumstances
the above arrangement was natural. He remarks (p. 297) that Riley's
reconnoitring with a view to assaulting Valencia's rear proves that he
understood his mission was more than to occupy S. Gerónimo and await
orders [_i.e._ understood that Pillow sent him to do what Smith did];
but Riley testified that he had no such understanding, and reconnoitred
on his own responsibility to obtain information that might prove useful
(Sen. 65; 30, 1, pp. 147-8). Ripley, in his efforts to sustain Pillow's
claims, says (p. 297) that Riley fell back because of his "believing
himself unsupported," yet says that Riley "relied" on being supported.
He explains (p. 298) Pillow's not informing Riley of the despatch of
Cadwalader by saying that a single mounted officer could not cross the
pedregal; but an officer could cross on foot, and all or most of the
officers were afoot (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 304). Rives (U. S. and Mexico,
ii, 488) observes that placing four brigades successively between
superior forces of the enemy involved a great risk; but it should be
remembered not only that it was worth while to take the risk and that
the American troops were of superior quality, but that Santa Anna was
not present when Riley went to S. Gerónimo, Valencia could not see what
was taking place in that quarter, he was expecting a frontal attack all
the afternoon, S. Gerónimo was a splendid defensive position, and the
Mexicans could not see how large forces occupied it.

Had Santa Anna and Valencia coöperated with judgment and good-will,
Scott's army would perhaps have been crushed; but had the Mexicans been
sensible and patriotic, we should have had no war. How much Scott knew
about the mutual relations of Santa Anna and Valencia one cannot say,
but in all probability he was well informed regarding them. As scarcely
needs to be pointed out, this battle and that of Churubusco had a great
effect in discouraging, not merely the Mexicans in the vicinity but
those at a distance. Men intending to fight or to provide money drew
back at once (_e.g._ =76=Isunza, Aug. 24).

26.12. _Santa Anna's course after the battle of Contreras._ Sen. 19;
30, 2 (Smith to Abert). =224=Intercepted letters (14, L. V. to M. O.;
22, diary; 23, narrative; 26, to Old Gentleman). Apuntes, 209-10,
241, 244, 250-4. Semmes, Service, 396-7. _Picayune_, Oct. 8. Sen. 1;
30, 1, pp. 306, 315, 325; app., 69 (reports of Scott and others). S.
Anna, Apelación, 53 _Id._, Detail, 14-5. Balbontín, Invasión, 120-1.
=217=Henshaw to wife, Aug. 21. =61=Huger, Aug. 22. =70="Guerra," no. 30
(F. Pérez, Rangel, Argüelles, Zenea). México á través, iv, 678. Wash.
_Union_, Nov. 3. _Diario_, Sept. 1, 2. _Monitor Repub._, Oct. 24; Dec.
13, 17. Carreño, Jefes, ccxc (Pérez), ccciv, cccvi. Negrete, Invasión,
iii, app., 446; iv, app., 283-4. Lawton, Artill. Officer, 295. Remarks
on Mason and Hardcastle's Plan of Worth's operations (Sen. 1; 30,
1). =76=Report of losses, Churubusco, Aug. 21. =76=Rincón, Aug. 20.
=76=Argüelles, Aug. 22. =76=Rincón to S. Anna, Aug. 26.

26.13. To guard against contingencies Scott had ordered Worth with
Garland's brigade and Quitman with his troops to proceed toward San
Gerónimo on Friday morning, leaving San Agustín guarded by Harney (Sen.
1; 30, 1, pp. 306-7). This has been thought risky. But Scott had no
doubt learned from Lee that Santa Anna was operating in the vicinity
of San Gerónimo, where was evidently the critical field, and hence
probably he felt that there was little danger of an attack upon San
Agustín that Harney aided, if necessary, by Clarke's brigade (not far
distant) could not meet.

26.14. _Scott's course after the battle of Contreras._ Sen. 1; 30,
1, pp. 306-9, 338, 344; app., 36 (reports of Scott, Pillow, Shields,
Kearny). Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 278, 281-2. Davis, Autobiog., 199.
_Picayune_, Sept. 8. =66=Lee to Smith, Aug. 21. =335=Trist, draft of
address. Wash. _Union_, Sept. 15. Sen. 65; 30, 1, pp. 74, 632 (Scott);
77 (Lee). _So. Qtrly. Review_, July, 1852, pp. 81-2. Ho. 60; 30, 1, p.
1018 (Scott). Smith, To Mexico, 199.

26.15. _Worth's operations at Churubusco._ Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 306, 315,
333; app., 36,41-2,44-65 (reports of Scott and officers). =221=Hill,
diary. =68=Bonneville court-martial (testimony of Hoffman, Nelson,
Pemberton, Worth, Armistead, Ruggles, etc.). =335=Trist, draft of
address. Semmes, Service, 394-400. Sen. 19; 30, 2 (Smith to Abert).
Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 464 (Lee). =224=Intercepted letters (14, L. V. to M.
O.; 23, narrative; 26, to Old Gentleman). Apuntes, 244-6. _Picayune_,
Sept. 22; Oct 8. _Delta_, Sept. 26. =76=Zerecero to Guerra, Aug. 25.
=76=Rincón to S. Anna, Aug. 26. Balbontín, Invasión, 120-2. Hitchcock,
Fifty Years, 278, 282. =260=Henshaw, comments on map. Stevens, Stevens,
i, 198. =61=Huger, report, Aug. 22. =65=Scott, gen. orders 327, Oct.
28. Gamboa, Impug., 47. =70="Guerra," no. 30 (Pérez, Perdigón Garay).
Ramírez, México, 299-301. =73=Lozano, no. 2, Aug. 24. =236=Judah,
diary. Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 1018 (Scott); 1076 (Hoffman). Carreño, Jefes,
cccvi (Pérez). _So. Qtrly. Review_, July, 1852, pp. 82-4, 90-1. Lawton,
Artill. Officer, 294-5, 298. Smith, To Mexico, 199-202. Negrete,
Invasión, iv, app., 284. S. Anna, Detall, 15. _Monitor Repub._, Dec. 17.

26.16. _Twiggs's operations._ Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 306, 315, 322,
325, 348, etc.; app., 69-82, 85-8, 96-7, etc. (reports of Scott and
officers). =221=Hill, diary. =12=Caryton to Lambert, Sept. 1. Apuntes,
246, 250-3. Ballentine, Eng. Sold., ii, 230. =66=Stevens to Smith, Aug.
24. Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 98 (H. L. Scott). Stevens, Stevens, i, 180-4,
199. Stevens, Vindic., 4-7. Carreño, Jefes, 29. Michigan Pioneer Soc.
Colls., ii, 173; vii, 117. _So. Qtrly. Review_, July, 1852, pp. 87-90.
Engineer School, U. S. A., Occas. Papers, no. 16. _Journ. Milit. Serv.
Instit._, xvii (Van Deusen). =76=Argüelles, Aug. 22. =76=Rincón to S.
Anna, Aug. 26. Davis, Autobiog., 199. =70="Guerra," no. 30 (G. Pérez).
Negrete, Invasión, iii, app., 447. Calderón, Rectificaciones, 43. S.
Anna, Mi Historia, 73-4. Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 278-9, 282.

26.17. _Shields's operations._ Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 303, 306, 315,
325, 333, 342; app., 76, 106, 113, 118, 128, 130-4 (reports of Scott
and officers). =66=Lee to Smith, Aug. 21. Claiborne, Quitman, i,
342-3. City of Charleston, Year Book, 1883, p. 523. =303=Shields to
Quitman, Aug. 21. =221=Hill, diary. =335=Trist, draft of address.
Semmes, Service, 402. =224=Intercepted letters (22, diary; 25, to
E.). Hawthorne, Pierce, 100. Apuntes, 246-7. Murphy, Hungerford,
102. =76=Zerecero to Guerra, Aug. 25. Balbontín, Invasión, 121-2.
Davis, Autobiog., 200-1, 286. =70="Guerra," no. 30 (F. Pérez).
Stevens, Stevens, i, 198. Ramírez, México, 300. Carreño, Jefes, ccxciv
(Torrejón), cccvii (Pérez). =170=Crooker to mother, Sept. 1. _So.
Qtrly. Review_, July, 1852, pp. 93-9. Oil painting of Butler: sen.
chamber, Columbia, S. C. Sen. 19; 30, 2 (Smith to Abert). =291=Pierce
to Appleton, Aug. 27. _Monitor Repub._, Dec. 17. =125=Bonham to adj.
gen., June 15, 1848. _Nat. Intelligencer_, Jan. 3, 1848. Stevens,
Vindication, 4-7. Negrete, Invasión, iv, app., 285. =277=Burnett,
statement. Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 279. Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 464. S.
Anna, Detall, 15.

26.18. Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 306, 315, 325, etc.; app., 35, 42, 46, 49,
64, 77, 127, etc. (reports of Scott and officers). Semmes, Service,
397, 401-2. =224=Intercepted letters (17, J. U. to J. P. F.). Apuntes,
254-8. =76=Argüelles, Aug. 22. =76=Rincón to S. Anna, Aug. 26.
Balbontín, Invasión, 122. Ballentine, Eng. Sold., ii, 233. Carreño,
Jefes, cccvii (Pérez). _Niles_, Jan. 22, 1848, p. 323.

26.19. S. Anna, Detall, 15-6. Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 313, 318, 340, 347;
app., p. 36 (reports of Scott and officers). _Picayune_, Oct. 21.
Apuntes, 247. Charleston _Courier_, Oct. 2. Balbontín, Invasión, 123.
Fate of F. D. Mills. Grant, Mems., i, 146. Davis, Autobiog., 202.
=223=Hirschorn, recolls. De Peyster, Kearny, 140, 142-5. _Journ. U. S.
Cavalry Assoc._, Mar., 1911, p. 841. Ramsey, Other Side, 287, note.
Negrete, Invasión, iv, app., 285-6.

REMARKS ON THE BATTLE OF CHURUBUSCO. The active fortifying of the
convent did not begin until the afternoon of Aug. 18 (=76=Rincón
to S. Anna, Aug. 26); one gun arrived there on the morning of the
twentieth and the rest were left by Santa Anna later that day (Apuntes,
252); and hence Scott could not well have learned from spies what
the situation was in that quarter. It is bootless to say (Calderón,
Rectificaciones, 43) that Santa Anna should have prevented Scott from
reaching Coyoacán. Neither he nor his army was in a condition to fight
without fortifications, and they could not have stopped the Americans
anywhere if not at Churubusco. On the Mexican right at the convent
were two 8-pounders and a 4-pounder; in embrasures at the front, an
8-pounder and a 4-pounder; _en barbette_ at the left an 8-pounder; and
in an embrasure defending the left flank a 6-pounder. A detachment
of the Independencia battalion under Peñúñuri occupied Coyoacán when
the Americans approached, and retired with some loss. The fight at
Churubusco convent was actually begun by the Mounted Rifles, but their
orders were merely to escort the reconnoitring party, and the First
Artillery was expected to clear the way by turning the supposed one-gun
battery (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 330). Riley had only the Second and Seventh
Infantry at Churubusco. The Fourth Artillery was on guard at Valencia's
camp. Scott ordered that Worth should attack and turn San Antonio
after finding the Americans were in its rear, but when he sent Lee to
give the signal to Worth, Lee found Worth had already done this.

Ripley (War with Mexico, ii, 250-1) says that Scott ordered Pillow
to do what Twiggs did and _vice versa_. But (1) nothing of this is
found in Scott's or Pillow's report; (2) Scott would not have been
likely to order two bitter enemies (Worth and Twiggs) to coöperate
in an indefinite manner, and (3) H. L. Scott testified at the Pillow
trial that he carried from Gen. Scott to Twiggs the order to attack
the convent (Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 98). Davis, Shields's aide, says on
the other hand (Autobiog., 199) that Scott knew by reconnaissances of
a remarkably strong fortification at Churubusco, and ordered Twiggs
to take the route actually taken by Shields. But (1) Davis's first
statement is not correct; (2) Scott was at Coyoacán, where the roads
forked, and would have recalled Twiggs, had he seen that officer take
the wrong road; (3) Scott felt in haste to strike the retreating
Mexicans, and the quickest way to do that was apparently by the road to
Churubusco; and (4) H. L. Scott's testimony, supported by the reports
of Gens. Scott and Twiggs, seems to be decisive. Davis's account
contains other errors, and appears to have been written long afterwards
from memory.

What Scott intended to do after concentrating we do not know. Probably,
as was his custom, he held several plans in suspense, awaiting
developments and fuller information regarding the enemy, which the
delay expected in Worth's operations would have given him time to
acquire. But his promptness in sending off Pierce and Shields, and
his attempt to hold back one of Smith's and one of Pierce's brigades,
suggest that he aimed to get behind Santa Anna himself and force
a decisive battle. Gen. U. S. Grant endorsed Scott's strategy at
Churubusco as faultless and said the engineers served him perfectly
(Mems., i, 145); but Stevens's confession is decisive on both points
(Stevens, Stevens, i, 180, 184, 196, 199). Stevens states expressly
that Scott had intended to reconnoitre before attacking at Churubusco.

Worth's attacking the bridge without reconnoitring was mainly due to
over-confidence and eagerness; but the intense ambition and rivalry of
Worth and Twiggs probably had something to do with the undue haste of
both. Of course Semmes (Service, 398, 446) asserts that Worth advanced
with deliberation and reconnoitred the bridgehead, but the evidence,
especially that given at the trial of Major Bonneville, is decisively
against him. Ripley, on the other hand, states that a reconnaissance
was not practicable (War with Mexico, ii, 267); but while a complete
reconnaissance could not be made, the cornfields on the right would
have enabled an officer to advance unseen, and at a glance learn
something regarding the obstacle in front. This would have been to
save, not lose, time.

Scott was accused of having no plan and leaving his generals to attack
as they saw fit, and was criticized especially for fighting to gain
a road neither needed nor used by him, from which the enemy could
easily have been manoeuvred, had they cared to hold it (Roa Bárcena,
Recuerdos, 378); but the text explains these apparent errors. The
battle was, however, in effect a blunder, even though not chargeable
to Scott as such. Still, the ardor of the army was something not to be
thrown away by delaying, and the promptness of the Americans prevented
Santa Anna from completing his preparations. (Greene, Russian Army,
433: Excessive prudence has a bad effect on the morale of the men.)
Perhaps Scott gained as much as he lost in this way. Moreover, had
he manoeuvred the Mexicans out of Churubusco, it would have been
necessary to fight them elsewhere, when they would probably have been
more ready to fight; the moral effect of this victory on both armies
would not have been gained; and our military annals would not have
contained this page. The moral effect on the Mexicans, however, was
largely offset by pride in the stubborn resistance they had offered,
and by the armistice that Scott immediately offered. One could not
always determine just where firing, heard from a distance, was taking
place. Probably for this reason we have inconsistent reports that make
it impossible to determine precisely where and when the battle began.
The Sixth Infantry, moving toward the bridge a considerable distance
in advance of Worth himself, were said to have received the first fire
from the convent (Hoffman: Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1076), but Scott reported
that the attack upon the convent began some time before that upon the
bridgehead. Stevens (I. I. Stevens, 198) supports him. The writer in
"Apuntes" says that Worth was checked by ammunition wagons in the road,
and that Santa Anna, seeing this, recalled Pérez to defend the bridge;
but the wagons appear to have caused no such delay as this writer
assumed. The rest of Santa Anna's force (which this writer says kept
on towards Mexico) was mainly cavalry, and presumably this cavalry
assisted in flanking Shields. Brev. Lieut. Col. C. F. Smith's battalion
consisted of two companies from the Second Artillery, one from the
Fifth Infantry and one from the Eighth Infantry (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 316).

The Fifteenth, but only one battalion (commanded by Capt. Wood) of the
Twelfth Infantry was with Pierce, and a battery of mountain howitzers.
Pierce, who had been thrown from his horse the day before, fainted
and fell out before coming into action, so Shields commanded both
brigades. Lee was the engineer officer with Shields. Seeing the need
of more troops, he went back to Scott and obtained the Mounted Rifles
and a troop of the Second Dragoons, but these men did not reach the
spot in time to fight. Scott has been criticized for not sending a
stronger force in this direction; but in fact he did not even retain
an escort, and the Rifles were Twiggs's reserve (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p.
309). The South Carolina regiment, commonly known as the "Palmettoes,"
was made up of superior material. Men fit to be officers were in the
ranks. Shields's movement was partly based on a misapprehension, for
the Mexicans could retreat from Churubusco _via_ Mexicaltzingo; but
anyhow it was wise to aid the frontal attack on the bridge by applying
pressure on the flank. Shields seems to have marched too far north to
coöperate effectively with the attack upon the bridgehead. Presumably
he did so in order to reach Santa Anna's rear. The combined effect of
this movement and the outflanking of the Mexican left was to extend the
American line enormously, and expose it to a (happily very improbable)
counter-attack. At about three o'clock the Americans were in three
sections, badly separated by distance or by the enemy, while the
Mexicans, besides fighting behind strong defences, were all actually or
virtually in touch one with another, and able to give mutual support.

Shields naturally overestimated the numbers opposed to him. Perhaps
the Victoria and Hidalgo battalions from San Antonio passed along the
highway to Mexico at this time. They would not fight. They thought
hunger, sunburn and blistered feet bad enough. The Americans believed
that they fought at least 32,000 men on Aug. 20 (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p.
313); but this was a great exaggeration. Rangel's brigade was in
town; Alvarez's was far away; and there must have been a large number
of soldiers guarding the fortifications, and attending to the general
requirements of the service. The number fighting that day on the
Mexican side seems to have been about 16,000, though Mexican authors
have tried to reduce it to 12,000 or 13,000 (_e.g._ Roa Bárcena,
Recuerdos, 375).

Scott's dragoons were divided and assigned to special duties at this
time (Sen. 1; 30, 1, app., 38). Pillow and a part of his troops joined
Worth, but figured very little in reports of the fighting. The Eleventh
and Fourteenth Infantry attempted to cut the Mexican line from the
bridge to the convent, but on account of the heavy fire were ordered to
lie down. Col. Andrews explained that his regiment (Voltigeurs) came
up later than Worth's division, and could not fire without endangering
troops ahead of him (Sen. 1; 30, 1, app., 122); but this is not
convincing, for he must have left Coyoacán at about noon, and there was
room enough at the front.

It was stated at Puebla in October, 1847, that 260 Americans fought
with the Mexicans at Churubusco (_Flag of Freedom_, i, no. 1). Some of
these men cut their way through (=70="Guerra," no. 30, Perdigón Garay),
and reached Mexico (_ibid._, Rangel). Some eighty appear to have been
captured. They were fairly tried. A number were found not guilty of
deserting, and were released. About fifteen (Hartman, Journal, 18), who
had deserted before the declaration of war, were merely branded with a
"D," and fifty of those taken at Churubusco were executed (=65=Scott,
gen. orders 296). There was bitter complaint because any were spared,
but Scott declared he would rather be put to the sword with his whole
army than do an injustice in the matter (Davis, Autobiog., 226), and
urged the courts to find grounds for reducing the number of executions
(=335=notes on letter to Ho. of Repres.). It was said that more than
once the American deserters killed Mexicans who tried to raise a
white flag at the convent. For the deserters and their fate consult:
=12=Caryton to Lambert, Sept. 1; _Picayune_, Sept. 8; Sen. 1; 30, 1,
pp. 319, 344; Ballentine, Eng. Sold., ii, 230; =70="Guerra," no. 30
(Rangel, Perdigón Garay); Judah, diary; _Amer. Star_, Mexico, Sept. 20;
_Diario_, Sept. 2; _Flag of Freedom_, Puebla, i, no. 1; =178=Davis,
diary; Negrete, Invasión, iii, app., 452; Hartman, Journal, 17-8;
Scott, =65=gen. orders 281-3; Davis, Autobiog., 224-7). Hancock and
Longstreet, destined to be on opposite sides at Gettysburg, here fought
together. Twiggs was at this time under fire (Stevens, Stevens, i,
199). Rives (U. S. and Mexico, ii, 493) explains the stiff defence of
the convent as due to the presence of "men of Spanish (not Indian)
descent"; but (1) the Victoria and Hidalgo battalions, which would not
fight (_supra_) were still more truly "Spanish" (vol. ii, p. 3), and
(2) the nearly worthless officers were always of such descent.

26.20. Sen. 65; 30, 1, pp. 465, 478. Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 313-4, 348,
384. Ho. 24; 31, 1. =76=Rincón to S. Anna, Aug. 26. =76=Quijano, Sept.
3. =76=Olaguíbel, Aug. 27. Ramírez, México, 299. _Monitor Repub._, Dec.
17 (S.Anna). =76=Alcorta, Aug. 30. =12=Caryton to Lambert, Sept. 1.
Semmes, Service, 408. =76=Report, Aug. 21. =224=Intercepted letters,
_passim_. =76=Cuerpo Médico, report, Aug. 24.

26.21. Mich. Pioneer Soc. Colls., ii, 173. Stevens, Stevens, i, 199.
Encarnacion Prisoners, 55. Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 278-80. Sen. 1; 30,
1, p. 331. Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 464 (Lee). Apuntes, 247. Roa Bárcena,
Recuerdos, 377.


XXVII. NEGOTIATIONS

27.1. _The American situation after the battles of Aug. 20._
=260=Henshaw, comments on map. =61=Trousdale, Aug. 22. =217=Henshaw
to wife, Aug. 21, etc. =218=Henshaw narrative. Vedette, vii, no.
9 (Toll). St. Louis _Republican_, Sept. 27. Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 314
(Scott). Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 284-5, 294. McSherry, El Puchero, 88,
100. =364=Worth to daughter, Sept. 2. =61=N. C. to Elizabeth Miller,
Nov. 30. Semmes, Service, 413. London _Chronicle_, Nov. 12. N. Y.
_Herald_, Feb. 5, 1848 (Pierce). =236=Judah, diary. Sen. 52; 30, 1, p.
129 (Scott). Semi-weekly N. Y. _Courier and Enquirer_, Mar. 1, 1848.
=358=Williams to father, Oct. 1. =291=Pierce to wife, Aug. 23. Davis,
Autobiography, 189. =350=Weber, recolls. =303=Shields to Quitman, Aug.
21. =221=Hill, diary. =68=Scott's statement to court of inquiry, Apr.
17, 1848. Gamboa, Impug., 49. _Picayune_, Sept. 9. Sen. 65; 30, 1, p.
460 (Turnbull).

Semmes (Service, 413) says that eventually Scott had to disperse the
elements of peace, and incorrectly adds that they seemed to reassemble
all the more rapidly. But Scott had reason to believe that what it
required months to do later could be done now in only a few weeks. He
reported that understanding his nation's desire for peace and "Willing
to leave something to this republic--of no immediate value to us--on
which to rest her pride, and to recover temper--I halted our victorious
corps at the gates of the city" (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 314). Even the
fiery Worth deemed it best not to enter Mexico at this time (=364=to
daughter, Sept. 2).

27.2. =108=Marcy to Bancroft, Apr. 28. Polk, Messages, May 11; June 16,
1846; Feb. 10, 1847 (Richardson, iv, 437, 451, 511). Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp.
328 (Scott); 334 (Marcy). =297=Benton MS. (with Polk's notes) received
by Polk, July 4, 1846. =69=Worth to Bliss, Nov. 29; Dec. 14, 1846.

27.3. Bankhead reported, Oct. 10, 1846, that he was weary of arguing in
favor of treating with the United States; that the dominant faction,
positively refusing to negotiate, were crying, "A levy of 40,000 and
make terms only on the other side of the Nueces!"

27.4. _The overture of July, 1846._ Sen. 107; 29, 2, pp. 1-3. Sen.
1; 29, 2, pp. 43-4. =13=Pakenham, nos. 93, July 13; 107, Aug. 13;
119, Sept. 28; 130, Nov. 12, 1846. =13=Bankhead to Pakenham, Oct.
10. =256=Marcy to Wetmore, June 13. _Locomotor_, June 27. =158=Cobb
to wife, June 4. _National_, June 22. _Pregonero_, June 11. _Monitor
Repub._, June 22. =162=Buchanan to Conner, Oct. 1. =162=Conner, July
19. =13=Bankhead, nos. 92, 104, 105, June 29; July 30; 125, Aug. 31;
128-30, Sept. 7, 1846. Rejón to Buchanan, Aug. 31 (in Memoria de ...
Relaciones, 1846). Polk, Diary, Sept. 19, 20, 26. Buchanan, Works
(Moore), vii, 40, 82, 87. _Indicador_, Aug. 27. _Nat. Intelligencer_,
Sept. 28. _Diario_, Dec. 6, 13, 25. =52=Black, May 21; June 9; July 4.
=166=_Id._ to Conner, July 9; Aug. 1. =166=Pommarès to Gregory, July
2. =166=_Id._ to Conner, July 4, 21; Aug. 12. Reeves, Amer. Diplomacy,
298. Polk, Message, Dec. 8 (Richardson, iv, 494). =297=Mackenzie, July
7. =76=Comandante, V. Cruz, Aug. 26. See vol. i, pp. 217, 502, 504.

Sept. 26 Buchanan replied to Rejón that the United States did not wish
to ignore in the _peace negotiations_ the causes of the war, since to
do that would be to abandon the just claims of the United States (Polk,
Diary, Sept. 26; Sen. 1; 29, 2, p. 44). The necessity of explaining
his previous despatch illustrated once more the Mexican superiority in
diplomatic fencing. Buchanan added that delay would make it the harder
to end the conflict. Polk regarded the Mexican reply as a refusal
to treat (Diary, Sept. 19). In consequence he proposed aggressive
operations in Tamaulipas (chap. xiii, p. 263) and the imposition of
contributions in lieu of paying for needed supplies (chap. xxxiii, p.
264). Buchanan, however, directed Conner to notify Slidell, who was
still on waiting orders at New Orleans, whenever the Mexican government
should announce that it was "disposed" to treat (=162=Oct. 1).

27.5. Polk, Diary, July 26, 30, 31; Aug. 1, 4, 7, 8, 10, 1846. _Id._ to
Senate, Aug. 4, 8 (Richardson, Messages, iv, 456, 466). _Id._, Message,
Dec. 8, 1846 (_ib._, 494-5). Benton, View, ii, 681-2. _Cong. Globe_,
29, 1, pp. 1211-21. See also the long debates on the subject in Senate
and House, Jan. and Feb., 1847 (_Cong. Globe_). Von Holst, United
States, iii, 293. Benton, Abr. Debates, xvi, 40, note, 45 (Sevier),
60 (Cass). Boston _Atlas_, Feb. 17, 1847. =13=Mora to Palmerston, May
26, 1847. _Diario_, May 24; June 8, 1847. _Republicano_, June 11,
1847. =13=Thornton to Bankhead, June 14, 1847. (Consul Black notified)
=13=Pakenham, no. 40, Mar. 29, 1847. Wash. _Union_, Aug. 12, 1846.
=108=Polk to Bancroft, Jan. 30, 1847. _Daily Telegraph_, Oct. 16, 1852.

The request for two millions apparently grew out of the negotiation
with Santa Anna; see chap. ix, note 9.38. Polk's object was probably to
be able to supply funds promptly to the Mexican administration making
a treaty, and to satisfy it that it would be able to gain the needful
military support. The three millions could not be used until after
Mexico should have ratified the treaty (Benton, Abr. Deb., xvi, 46
(Berrien), 60 (Cass); Washington _Telegraph_, Oct. 18, 1852), and the
government was required to account for the expenditure of the money (U.
S. Stat. at Large, ix, 174; Benton, Abr. Deb., xvi, 45). An improper
use of it was therefore impossible.

27.6. _The overture of January, 1847._ Ho. 85; 29, 2. Washington
_Union_, Oct. 9, 1846 (N. Y.); Apr. 22; June 11, 1847. =162=Matson to
Conner, Feb. 20, 1847. Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 36-7. =162=Conner to wife,
Feb. 17. =132=Benton to Buchanan, Jan. 14. =132=Atocha to Buchanan,
July 3. =132=Buchanan to Atocha, Jan. 18; to Scott and Perry, Apr. 23.
_Niles_, May 1, p. 129; May 15, p. 162. Von Holst, United States, iii,
332. _Courrier des Etats Unis_, Aug. 15, 1846. Buchanan, Works (Moore),
vii, 198, 211. =13=Bankhead, nos. 141, Sept. 29, 1846; 16, Mar. 2,
1847. =73=Bermúdez de Castro, no. 444, res., Mar. 1. Tributo á la
Verdad, 26. =58=Dobson, Feb. 14. _Epoca_, Feb. 23. =86=Gefe V. C. dept.
to gov., Feb. 9. _Don Simplicio_, Feb. 17. _Diario_, Aug. 18. Webster,
Writings, ix, 158. =52=Black, Feb. 24. =13=Pakenham, nos. 107, Aug. 13,
1846; 40, Mar. 29; 56, Apr. 28, 1847. _Nat. Intelligencer_, June 10,
1845; May 3, 1847. =52=Shannon to Cuevas, Mar. 1, 1845. =69=A clipping
from _Republicano_. Polk, Diary, Nov. 7, 1846; Jan. 12-19; Mar. 20,
1847. _Picayune_, May 6, 1847. _Delta_, Mar. 13. =76=Morales, Feb. 9.

At Atocha's suggestion the American commissioners were to have power
to suspend hostilities after actually meeting Mexican commissioners.
Such was Webster's idea (Writings, ix, 158). The plan would have given
Mexico a fine opportunity to protract the negotiations, let our war
expenses accumulate, and cause our war spirit to languish. The Mexican
reply said that the Texas affair [besides being atrocious in itself]
was "a cover to ulterior designs, which now stand disclosed" (Sen.
1; 30, =1=, p. 37). The failure of the overture naturally angered
Polk, and he declared for a most energetic military movement against
the capital (Diary, Mar. 20). In April Atocha, who loved to represent
himself as "sole agent for Santa Anna's gamecocks and all, and his
particular friend in every respect" (=162=Conner, Feb. 17), returned
to Mexico ostensibly on private business, but with =132=letters of
introduction from the government to Scott, Shields and Perry. "O God",
exclaimed _El Republicano_, "send unto us shells, rifles, shot and
every kind of projectiles and misfortunes; burn and destroy us, reduce
us to ashes, annihilate us, but ... permit not that Atocha be the
broker of a treaty of peace!"

27.7. _The Mexican attitude._ Sen. 52; 30, 1, pp. 190, 205-12
(Trist), 174. _Picayune_, May 12; July 8; Oct. 15, 17. Apuntes, 264.
=13=Bankhead, nos. 42-3, Apr. 30; 58, May 29; 83, Aug. 29. Polk,
Diary, Apr. 16. Ramírez, México, 224, 234, 239, 248, 263, 271, 275.
Meade, Letters, i, 180. Sen. 1; 29, 2, p. 44. México en 1847, 34.
=77=Undated clipping from N. Y. _Sun_ describing a Mexican society
to promote annexation to U. S. =47=Mexican letter, Orizaba, [Sept.,
1847]. =13=Pakenham, no. 40, Mar. 29. =13=Bankhead to Pak., Oct.
10, 1846. Semmes, Service, 426. =335=Belton to Hitchcock, Aug. 23.
Ocampo, Obras, 263. _Republicano_, Oct. 24, 1846; May 8, 11; June 9,
11, 1847. _Esperanza_, Aug. 8, 1846. _Eco de Tampico_, Nov. 11, 1846.
_Zempoalteca_, July 15, 1847. =80=Speaker in México legislature, Apr.
21. London _Times_, July 15; Oct. 27; Nov. 6, 16, 1846; Jan. 8, 13;
Feb. 9; Mar. 15; May 10, 1847. Tributo á la Verdad, 27. M'Sherry, El
Puchero, 189. =73=Bermúdez de Castro, no. 332, res., Sept. 24, 1846.
Encarnacion Prisoners, 83. _Opinion del Ejército_, Nov. 13, 1846.
_Cong. Globe_, 29, 2, app., 211 (Corwin); 323 (Calhoun). =335=Eayres to
S. Anna, Oct. 10, 1846; reply, Oct. 21. =52=Black, Sept. 22, 28, 1846.
=92=Mex. ayunt. to gov. Fed. District, Sept. 3, 1847. Sen. 1; 30, 1, p.
36. Wash. _Union_, Sept. 28; Oct. 6, 27, 1846; Apr. 22; May 22; July
10; Aug. 5; Oct. 5, 1847. _Nat. Intelligencer_, Nov. 7, 1846; Feb. 5,
1847. N. Y. _Express_, Nov. 12, 1846. _Iris Español_, Oct. 30, 1846.
_Regenerador Repub._, Dec. 23, 1846. Benton, Abr. Debates, xvi, 58-9
(Calhoun). =132=Cushing to Buchanan, Oct. 31, 1847. _Constitutionnel_,
Nov. 10; Dec. 5, 1846; Aug. 17, 1847. _Correspondant_, Sept. 15, 1846.
London _Globe_, Nov. 16, 1846. Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 270. Lawton,
Artill. Officer, 144. _Monitor Repub._, Sept. 2; Nov. 14, 18, 1846;
Apr. 21, 29; May 15, 17, 27, 1847. _Diario_, Oct. 8; Nov. 21; Dec. 20,
23, 1846; Feb. 13, 14; Mar. 31; Apr. 11; May 5, 21, 23, 25; June 10,
18; July 8; Aug. 29, 1847. =76=Mora, Apr. 23, 1847. See also chap.
xxxiv, note 34.21, and the corresponding text.

27.8. _Appointment of Trist._ Polk, Diary, Dec. 3, 4, 9, 1846; Jan. 18;
Apr. 10, 14, 16, 21-2, 1847. =335=Buchanan to Trist, July 13, 1847.
Mansfield, Mexican War, 275. Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 310. =52=Trist to
Buchanan, July 31, private. Ho. 69; 30, 1, p. 43 (Buchanan). =57=Trist,
reports. Polk, Message, Dec. 7, 1847 (Richardson, iv, 536). Benton,
View, ii, 704. Chase, Polk Administration, 215-6. =335=Mrs. Trist to
T., July 13. =345=Blair to Van Buren, Dec. 26, 1846; July 7, 1847.
_Delta_, May 1, 1848. =335=Trist to Mann, Dec. --, 1853 (draft).
=335=Document by Trist _re_ his wife. =335=Trist, draft of letter to
the _Times_. _Amer. Hist. Review_, x, 312-4 (Reeves). =335=Trist to
Felton, June 14, 18--. =335=_Id._, memorial (draft). =335=Buchanan,
Aug. 28, 1845 (appointing Trist chief clerk). For Buchanan: =354=Welles
papers; _Monitor Repub._, Mar. 10, 1848 (Landa); Poore, Perley's
Remins., i, 332.

27.9. _Trist's early relations with Scott in Mexico._ =335=Trist's
credentials, etc. =335=Walker to Trist Apr. 15. =335=Buchanan to
Relaciones, Apr. 15. _Pennsylvanian_, Apr. 18. Boston _Post_, Apr.
15. =335=Trist to wife, Apr. 18, 25, 28; May 4, 8, 15, 21, etc.; to
Buchanan, May 21. =335=Trist's sister to T., May 22. =335=Trist, drafts
and memoranda. Scott, Mems., ii, 399-401, 576, 579. Sen. 52; 30, 1,
pp. 150, 153, 159, 181 (Trist); 126, 135, 157, 172 (Scott); 123, 128,
131 (Marcy); 108-9. =335=Buchanan to Trist, July 13, private. Ho. 69;
30, 1, pp. 43, 47, etc. =52=Trist to Scott, May 9. Ho. 60; 30, 1,
pp. 940 (Marcy); 993, 1218 (Scott). Kenly, Md. Vol., 336. Mansfield,
Scott, 364. Polk, Diary, Apr. 15, 16; June 12-15; July 9, 13, 15, 17;
Aug. 24. =52=Buchanan to Trist, July 13. London _Times_, July 15; Aug.
16 (Genevese traveller: Scott warned). Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 38. Polk,
Message, Dec. 7, 1847 (Richardson, iv, 535). =47=Scott to Semmes, May
9. =48=Mason to Perry, Apr. 15, confid. =335=Trist to Scott, Sept. 30
(draft). Oswandel, Notes, 155-6. Semmes, Service, 197-201. =345=Blair
to Van Buren, Mar. 3, 1848. =335=Trist to Ho. Repres., Feb. 12, 1848
(draft). Sen. 107; 29, 2, p. 3 (Buchanan to Conner, July 27, 1846).
=132=Mason to Buchanan, June 28. N. Y. _Courier and Enquirer_ in
_Niles_, July 10. Buchanan, Works (Moore), vii, 270-9. _So. Qtrly.
Review_, Apr., 1852, pp. 386-93. (Semmes episode) Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp.
976-92. =335=Trist to Felton, June 14, 18--.

The government desired to keep the despatch of the peace commissioner
secret, lest Whigs should defeat the plan (Polk, Diary, Apr. 16), but
a member of the Cabinet betrayed the fact (=335=Trist to Mann, Dec.
--, 1853). Scott had been given some reason to expect that he would be
(as he naturally desired to be) one of a peace commission (Mems., ii,
576), as would have been very proper, and no doubt he was not pleased
to find he had been ignored. He was further exasperated at this time
by the arrival of Lieut. Semmes, as a representative of the navy, to
see about the case of a naval prisoner (Rogers: chap. xxx, p. 444), as
if Scott had not been able and willing to attend to the business, and
in fact had not already attended to it (Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 989), and
by Semmes's demand (which had to be refused) for an escort (Semmes,
Service, 198, etc.; Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 977-92). It would not have been
proper to detach one soldier unnecessarily. May 31 Marcy wrote to Scott
that Trist was "directed" to show the General his instructions (Sen.
52; 30, 1, p. 123); but Buchanan used the word "authorised" (=52=to
Trist, July 13). So did Polk (Message, December 7, 1847) and Marcy to
Scott on July 12 (Sen. 52; 30, 1, p. 133). Polk and the Cabinet were
greatly disturbed by the quarrel between Scott and Trist, blaming both
but of course blaming Scott most. Polk proposed to recall them, but
Marcy said Scott could not be spared at that time, and the rest of the
Cabinet agreed with him (Polk, Diary, June 12, 14; July 9). Polk said
Scott had thrown away "the golden moment" to make peace. But, as Scott
knew (Sen. 52; 30, 1, p. 120), the Mexican Congress by its law of April
20 (vol. ii, p. 81) had made peace negotiations practically impossible.
A military officer is not expected to execute an order if the condition
of things when he receives it is essentially different from that known
or assumed by his superior at the time of issuing it. Trist admitted
later that he had been misinformed about the Mexican situation, and was
not sorry Scott did not promptly forward the despatch (Ho. 60; 30, 1,
pp. 819, 825). As for the power to grant an armistice, Scott held that
the army, cut off without supplies in the heart of a hostile country,
must be free to take military security for its own safety (Sen. 52;
30, 1, p. 121). Trist was given authority to draw any part of the
three millions appropriated to facilitate making a treaty. Buchanan to
excuse himself wrote (=52=to Trist, June 14) that Scott would not have
replied to Trist as he did, had he waited to see Trist's instructions.
This amounted to saying that, since Scott knew nothing about those
instructions, his letter was natural. Marcy admitted (May 31: Sen.
52; 30, 1, p. 122) that Scott ought to have seen the instructions,
the projet and Buchanan's despatch, of which Trist had a copy. Dec.
26 =256=Scott had written privately to Marcy that he had heard from
Congressmen of a plan to place Benton over him, but did not believe
a word of it; and Jan. 16 he again had expressed his gratitude and
loyalty to the President. But it should not be forgotten that while
the administration was entitled to full credit for its meanness and
blundering, the trouble arose primarily from Scott's having gone deeply
into politics. He was not politically active now. Jan. 16 he =256=wrote
privately to Marcy, "On setting out, on my present mission, I laid down
_whiggism_, without taking up _democracy_," but the politicians were
not fitted to believe this manly and truthful declaration. The Whigs
insisted that Trist had been sent to embarrass and perhaps to ruin
Scott.

27.10. Thornton, later Sir Edward Thornton, British minister to the
United States, saw Scott also, who gave him to understand that he
should advance against Mexico July 1 or 2 unless a reply to Buchanan's
despatch should seem probable (=13=T. to Addington, June 29). Thornton
believed that Rejón was intriguing with Scott to have the Americans
come to Mexico, install the Puros and make peace with them, and that
Rejón's party were insisting upon war for this reason (_ibid._).
Baranda had tried to catch Scott in some entanglement by means of
secret negotiations through the British legation, but had failed
(=13=Bankhead, nos. 47, 54, 1847). Bankhead exerted all his influence
with the government in favor of negotiations. June 22 the minister
of relations replied politely to Buchanan that his despatch had been
referred to Congress, with which the settlement of the matter rested
(_Diario_, June 26).

27.11. Scott =335=wrote to Trist, July 17, to the following effect: I
concur with you, several of my generals and many foreigners of high
standing here and at Mexico in believing that our occupation of twenty
principal towns, besides those we already hold, probably would not
within a year or more force the Mexicans to accept a peace on terms
honorable to the United States without the pledge in advance or the
payment of money to some of the principal authorities. This is expected
as a preliminary to any negotiation. We must pay $10,000 down to one
high official, and $1,000,000, probably to be divided among many, on
the ratification of a treaty. With your concurrence I sent $10,000
to Mexico yesterday, and at the proper time I will unite with you in
pledging $1,000,000. I have no question as to the morality of this
course, nor have you. We have tempted the integrity of no one. The
overture, if corrupt, came from parties already corrupted. We merely
avail ourselves of that corruption to obtain an end highly advantageous
to both countries. Such transactions have always been considered
allowable in war. We do not know that this money would not go into the
same channels as that which our government is willing to pay publicly
for territory would go into.

June 4 Poinsett said he should be "surprised" if the Mexicans could
be made to accept the terms of the United States (=345=to Van Buren).
June 11 Buchanan said privately he should not be "much disappointed"
should the war continue for years (=132=to Frémont). July 16 Marcy
could see no hopes of terminating it (=256=to Wetmore). Hence the fears
of Trist and Scott do not seem unreasonable. The $1,000,000 was to have
been deducted from the sum to be paid by the United States government
(=224=Hitchcock, memo.) Who the intended go-between was cannot be
stated, though on settling his accounts Scott told confidentially who
received the $10,000 (Scott in N. Y. _Herald_, Nov. 3, 1857); but there
is reason to believe that it was Miguel Arroyo, who will presently
appear as secretary to the Mexican peace commissioners. It has been
said (Rives, U. S. and Mexico, ii, 501) that Scott acted as he did with
reference to peace because anxious to get back to the United States
for personal political reasons. Had this been true, Scott would have
resigned under the cloud of glory rising from his capture of Mexico
City. We have political letters written by Taylor at this period, but
Scott seems to have shown no such activity. On the other hand he wrote
to Marcy (note 27.9), "On setting out, on my present mission, I laid
down _whiggism_."

July 16 Scott mentioned the subject of paying for a treaty to a
number of his principal officers at what came to be called improperly
a council, stating (_cf. supra_) that he felt no scruples about it
(Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 257). Pillow, who had already assented
heartily to the plan (Claiborne, Quitman, i, 317), supported that
view of it strongly (=68=Shields to Marcy, Mar. 11, 1848). Quitman,
Shields and Cadwalader opposed it. Probably their opinions had no
practical effect, for Scott had already committed himself, and the
Mexicans soon ceased to desire peace. July 7 Trist sent to Buchanan
a copy of a note written by him (=52=to Thornton) which could hardly
fail to suggest to a politician that something peculiar was afoot,
and early in August "Gomez," an army correspondent of the St. Louis
_Republican_, gave some account of the negotiations (published Nov.
22, republished by the Baltimore _Sun_, Dec. 6). Polk and the Cabinet
made no sign, however. But on Oct. 28 and January 18 Pillow, now a
bitter enemy of Scott, wrote to Polk about the affair (Polk Diary, Dec.
11, 18, 20, 28, 1847; Feb. 16, 19, 1848), pretending (=224=Hitchcock,
memo.) that Scott had beguiled him into supporting the plan, and that
his better nature had almost immediately reacted against it. Pillow
and Polk doubtless thought that here lay an opportunity to do Scott a
great injury, and took the matter up with much apparent indignation;
and in March, 1848, Marcy confidentially ordered the officers sitting
in the Pillow court of inquiry to make an investigation (Polk, Diary,
Mar. 14, 16; =68=Marcy, Mar. 17). They did what they could, but the
investigation came to nothing, for Trist and Scott would not implicate
the British legation. See =68=proceedings of the court and statements
of generals; _Daily Democrat_, Chicago, Sept. 15, 1857; =256=Marcy to
Towson, Mar. 17, 1848; =68=Scott to Marcy, Jan. 28, 1848, and Shields
to Marcy, Feb. 12, 1848; Davis, Autobiography, 177; =224=Hitchcock,
memo.; Claiborne, Quitman, i, 326; =256=memo. Scott overlooked the
facts that such a bargain could not be kept secret indefinitely, and
that, even if ethically justifiable and in accordance with the practice
of giving presents to Indian chiefs and Barbary pirates, it would give
great offence to American pride. The latter point was urged forcibly by
Shields. To buy peace of a vanquished enemy seemed to him and Quitman
humiliating and degrading.

27.12. _The Puebla negotiations._ =52=Trist to Buchanan, nos. 7, June
13; 9, July 23 (and P. S., July 25); 12, Aug. 22. =52=Thornton to
Trist, July 29. =13=Thornton to Bankhead, June 14; to Addington, June
29. =13=Pakenham, no. 116, Sept. 13, 1846. =335=Trist to Scott, June
25, confidential; July 16, confidential. =335=Worth to Trist, July
2, 22. =132=Atocha to Buchanan, July 3. =335=[Thornton] to Hargous,
undated. =335=Trist to Thornton, July 3. =335=Scott to Trist, July
17; to P. F. Smith, July 6. =335=Trist to Buchanan, no. 8, July 7.
=335=---- to Trist, July 8. St. Louis _Republican_, Nov. 22. Baltimore
_Sun_, Dec. 6. _Diario_, May 21, 23-5; June 8, 26, 27; July 2, 18,
24-6; Aug. 18. _Monitor Repub._, May 13; June 18, 25, 27-8. =335=----
to ----, July 21. =335=Otero to Pesado, July 13. _Picayune_, June 30;
Aug. 8; Oct. 1, 15. _Republicano_, June 24-5. Scott, Mems., ii, 579.
=47=Semmes to Perry, July 28. Claiborne, Quitman, i, 314-21, 326. Polk,
Diary (see note 27.11). =68=Quitman to Marcy, Mar. 9, 1848. =68=Pillow
to Marcy, Jan. 18, 1848. =52=Buchanan to Trist, no. 7, Dec. 21, 1847.
=68=Shields to Marcy, Mar. 9, 1848. Raleigh _Star_, Aug. 25, 1847.
=60=Wilson to Marcy, July 31; Aug. 1. London _Times_, May 10; Aug. 6;
Sept. 6. Ramírez, México, 239, 255-6, 263, 271. Davis, Autobiography,
177-8, 207-9. =224=Hitchcock, Memorandum. N. Y. _Courier and Enquirer_,
Mar. 1, 2, 1848. _Missouri Republican_, Sept. 16, 1857. =68=Scott to
Marcy, Jan. 28, 1848. =68=Shields to Marcy, Feb. 12, 1848. Sen. 1; 30,
1, pp. 38, 40. Sen. 1; 29, 2, p. 44. Sen. 34; 34, 3, pp. 21, 37-9.
Lawton, Artill. Officer, 144, 150, 229, 232, 235, 238, 240, 259-61,
269-70. =335=Trist to Thornton, July 30. =335=E. E. Smith to Trist,
Aug. 31. =335=Trist to Scott, Sept. 30 (draft). =256=Marcy to Wetmore,
July 16; Oct. 21. Otero, Comunicación. Dictamen de la Comisión,
etc., 29, 30. _Republicano_, May 8, 21; June 9, 28. =82=J. J. Otero,
proclam., Apr. 25. Negrete, Invasión, iii, app., 115-20. =52=J. A.
Jones to Polk, May 2. _Delta_, July 15. Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 260-1,
264-9, 326. =60=Scott to Marcy, Apr. 5. =13=Bankhead, nos. 184, Dec.
30, 1846; 6, Jan. 29; 34, Apr. 1; 42, 46, Apr. 30; 47, May 6; 54,
58-60, May 29; 61, June 26; 67, June 29; 75, July 29, 1847. =68=Scott
to Towson _et al._, Apr. 17, 1848. =335=H. L. Scott to Trist, May 29,
1852. Wash. _Telegraph_, Oct. 13, 22, 1852. London _Chronicle_, Aug.
6. =335=Trist to Scott, Sept. 1, 1861. Sen. 65; 30, 1, pp. 524-5.
=56=M. Y. Beach, June 4. Wash. _Union_, June 2; July 10; Aug. 5, 20.
N. Y. _Sun_, May 22, Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 830 (Trist); 945, 1011, 1085
(Scott); 922 (Marcy). =132=Atocha to Buchanan, July 3; Aug. 1; Sept.
4, 21. =132=Dimond to Buchanan, Aug. 2. Klein, Treaty, 255. Buchanan,
Works (Moore), vii, 484. N. Y. _Herald_, Nov. 3, 1857 (Scott). Furse,
Organization, 143. Réplica á la Defensa. Semmes, Service, 310, 413.
=73=Bermúdez de Castro, no. 517, June 29. Apuntes, 199. =185=---- to
Lewis, July 20. =335=Trist, marginal notes on Sen. 52; 30, 1. Sen. 52;
30, 1, pp. 135, 172 (Scott); 181-6, 231-46, 306 (Trist); 194 (S. Anna).
=76=Orders for Guzmán and Avila. =76=Alvarez, July 16.

Ripley (War with Mexico, ii, 149) represents Scott as desiring a
reconciliation with Trist in order to play a brilliant part in bringing
about peace and so increase his political popularity. This view,
which befits a pupil and friend of Pillow and furthers the purpose of
both to injure Scott, is disproved by a number of circumstances and
particularly by the fact that, after the reconciliation took place,
Scott, while ready to do all in his power for peace--even at the
sacrifice of military glory--kept himself entirely in the background
so far as that business was concerned. July 23, 1847, Trist wrote to
Buchanan: Scott's whole conduct with reference to the duties with which
I am charged "has been characterized by the purest public spirit, and
a fidelity and devotion which could not be surpassed, to the views of
the government, in regard to the restoration of peace" (Ho. 60; 30,
1, p. 831). Aiming to further the negotiations with Santa Anna, Scott
sent from Puebla to Mexico a =335=Memorandum that he would advance
and would either defeat the Mexicans in view of the capital (if they
would offer battle) or capture a strong position, and then, if able to
restrain his troops, would halt and give the Mexicans an opportunity to
save the capital by making peace (Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 524). Ripley (War
with Mexico, ii, 167-9) endeavors to relate this honorable incident in
a way to represent Scott as the dupe of Santa Anna and to compliment
Pillow. But the fact that for good and purely American reasons the
general-in-chief pursued this very course after the negotiations had
ended, refutes Ripley; and it also proves that in offering to make that
agreement Scott did not allow his military plans to be influenced by
the enemy, as was charged, for by the morning of Aug. 20, as no sign of
a disposition to treat had met Scott, he regarded the Memorandum and
every other vestige of an understanding as no longer binding upon him
"in any degree" (=68=Scott to court, Apr. 17, 1848, confid.). Scott was
ready, in the interest of his country and humanity, to do anything,
compatible with his duty, to obtain peace.

Rives (_op. cit._, ii, 445) states that in consequence of a letter of
July 16 from Pacheco, minister of relations, to Congress a committee
of Congress reported that the restrictions placed by the law of Apr.
20 on the prerogatives of the Executive had been removed by the recent
"Act of Reforms" of the Constitution. This would have been an important
point; but the facts are that the committee's report, now lying before
the author, was dated July 13 and did not mention the law of Apr. 20,
and that Congress was not in session to receive Pacheco's reply of July
16 to its report (=52=Trist, no. 9, July 23).

27.13. Pacheco asked Bankhead to use his good offices with Scott to
save the city from sack; but as neither the United States nor Mexico
had shown favor to the offer of British mediation, he would not act.
It is hard to see how, with due regard to Polk's declarations and the
real desire of the United States for peace, Scott could have taken the
risk of scattering the Mexican government and the elements of peace by
refusing to remain outside the city for a time; and remaining outside
involved an armistice, because--for one thing--the only large stock
of provisions on which he could count lay in town. Hence censure of
Scott for making the armistice came from Polk with a very bad grace
(=52=Trist, no. 22; =221=Hill, diary).

27.14. _The making of the armistice._ Sen. 52; 30, 1, pp. 186, 190,
231-2 (Trist); 189 (Pacheco), 192 (Scott). =52=Trist to Buchanan,
no. 12, Aug. 22. =52=Bankhead to Trist, Aug. 20, 21. Contestaciones
Habidas, 3-7, 11-19. _Picayune_, Sept. 9. Apuntes, 260-3, 268-9. Sen.
1; 30, 1, p. 314 (Scott); 356-9. Kenly, Md. Vol., 350. =68=Scott,
statement to court, Apr. 17, 1848, confid. =13=Bankhead, nos. 76, Aug.
21; 82, Aug. 29. Raleigh _Star_, Sept. 22. =221=Hill, diary. México
á través, iv, 681. Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 279-80, 284-6. Davis,
Autobiog., 189, 207, 215-6. =224=Intercepted letters (Hitchcock, ed.).
=259=Intercepted letter. Chicago _Democrat_, Sept. 15, 1857. =61=Gates
to adj. gen., Aug. 31. Henshaw narrative. S. Anna, Apelación, 61-2.
=291=Pierce to wife, Aug. 23; to Appleton, Aug. 27. =335=Trist, memo.,
July 29. Semmes, Service, 412, 415-9, 427, 446. N. Y. _Courier and
Enquirer_, Mar. 1, 1848. Sen. 65; 30, 1, pp. 170, 178, 191, 196-8,
204, 281, 288, 460, 465, 543. =80=Relaciones, circulars, Aug. 23,
30. =80=Relaciones to Olaguíbel, Aug. 31, res. =73=Lozano, no. 5,
res., Aug. 28. Negrete, Invasión, iii, app., 447-8; iv, app., 286.
=335=Trist, notes on a letter to Ho. of Repres., Feb. 12, 1848. Wash.
_Telegraph_, Oct. 13, 1852. =236=Judah, diary. Sedgwick, Corresp., i,
114. _So. Qtrly. Review_, July, 1852, pp. 112-6. S. Anna, Detall, 16.
_Monitor Repub._, Dec. 12 (S. Anna, report, Nov. 19). =70="Guerra," no.
30 (F. Pérez, statement, June 17, 1853). Ramírez, México, 301. Wash.
_Union_, Nov. 3. =76=To Lombardini, Aug. 21. =76=Tornel to Lombardini,
Aug. 24. =76=Circulars, Aug. 26; Sept. 1, 6, 7. =76=Many others. Mora
was accompanied by Arrangóiz, lately Mexican consul at New Orleans.

Quitman and Pierce, who had not been able to distinguish themselves
in the recent battles, and P. F. Smith were armistice commissioners
for the Americans and Generals Mora and Quijano for the Mexicans. They
met at Mackintosh's house. In brief the terms, as drawn up, were as
follows: 1, cessation of hostilities; 2, to continue while the peace
commissioners are negotiating or forty-eight hours after one of the
commanders-in-chief gives formal notice of its termination; 3, during
the armistice no military work, offensive or defensive, shall be
begun, enlarged or reinforced; 4, neither army shall be reinforced;
troops and munitions _en route_ shall stop twenty-eight leagues [about
seventy-five miles] from Mexico; 5, no troops of either side shall
advance "beyond the line now actually occupied"; 6, the intermediate
ground shall not be trespassed upon by military men except when acting
as messengers or engaged under a white flag on other business; 7,
neither side shall prevent the other from receiving provisions; the
Americans may obtain supplies from city or country; 8, prisoners
shall be exchanged; 9, Americans residing at Mexico and banished
thence may return; 10, either army may send messengers to or from Vera
Cruz; 11, the Americans will not interfere with the administration of
justice when Mexicans are the parties; 12, they will respect private
property, personal rights and trade; 13, wounded prisoners shall be
free to move for treatment and cure; 14, Mexican army health officers
may attend on such Mexicans; 15, commissioners shall superintend the
fulfilment of this agreement; 16, the agreement is to be approved by
the commanders-in-chief within twenty-four hours (Sen. 52; 30, 1, p.
310). Santa Anna struck out article 9, but through passports the same
end was reached (=52=Trist, no. 13); and it was agreed that "supplies"
(_recursos_) in article 7 should cover everything needed by the army
except arms and munitions. For Scott's draft see Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 543.

It is believed that enough has been said in the text to show the
wisdom of making the armistice, and more space cannot be given to the
subject. Any one interested in it should read Trist's =52=no. 22 (most
of it in Sen. 52; 30, 1, pp. 231-66). It should be borne in mind that
the Mexicans believed the armistice was greatly for the advantage of
the Americans. Alcorta, minister of war, said that Scott's purpose in
proposing it was solely to give his troops a needed rest, collect his
wounded, obtain provisions and prepare batteries (Negrete, Invasión,
iii, app., 448). It was believed that his losses had been severe
(=61=undated Mexican letter). The reasons avowed by Santa Anna for
accepting the armistice were to let the troops rest and recover morale,
to gather the wounded and the dispersed, and in general to undo the
effects of the recent battles; also to show the world that Mexico was
willing to discuss peace, and to convince all that the American demands
were unreasonable. The weakest point about the armistice was Scott's
not requiring that Chapultepec should be surrendered or evacuated,
as at one time he intended to do (Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 285). The
reason for his policy was, in brief, that he believed Santa Anna fully
intended to make peace, and, understanding the immense difficulties
that Santa Anna would have to meet, he did not wish to increase them
(=52=Trist, no. 13). Besides, magnanimity--which is a strong quality,
not a weak one--to a beaten foe often produces good results. Perhaps
Scott erred on this point; but if so, it was a noble error and not
hastily to be censured. Apparently by oversight, neither Scott nor
Trist had been instructed what to do should the Mexicans ask for an
armistice with a view to peace. Hence Scott was left to take the
course that seemed to him best, and that he did. Pillow claimed great
glory for opposing the unsuccessful armistice. Rives says (U. S. and
Mexico, ii, 501) that Scott was too eager for a return to the United
States to be "critical" of Santa Anna's honesty. This is to say that
Scott was unfit to be a corporal. Everybody was suspicious of Santa
Anna. See Sen. 52; 30, 1, pp. 248-52. Rives further says (p. 507) that
Scott should have seen that Santa Anna, situated as he was, would have
accepted any conditions; but Santa Anna certainly would not. He did
not accept our peace terms. Rives also alludes to Scott's "amiable
weakness" in the matter (p. 508)--very erroneously, the present author
thinks.

27.15. _Picayune_, Sept. 9; Oct. 16, 17. Gamboa, Impug., 49, 50.
Apuntes, 270-1, 286. =13=Bankhead, nos. 77, Aug. 27; 83, Aug. 29.
=221=Hill, diary. Ramírez, México, 275, 303. México á través, iv, 686.
Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 280, 287-92, 294. Grant, Mems., i, 148. Davis,
Autobiog., 211. =224=Intercepted letters (Hitchcock, _ed._). Henshaw
narrative. Haynes, Gen. Scott's Guide. =259=Intercepted letter. Sen.
19; 30, 2 (M. L. Smith, Nov. 30, 1848). =291=Pierce to Appleton, Aug.
27. Lawton, Artill. Officer, 297, 301, 303, 306. =178=Davis, diary.
_Diario_, Sept. 2, 4, 8. =335=Belton to Hitchcock, Aug. 23. =335=E. E.
Smith to Trist, Aug. 31. =335=Memo. in Spanish, Aug. --. Roa Bárcena,
Recuerdos, 415. Semmes, Service, 424. Sen. 11; 31, 1 (Hardcastle).
=80=Relaciones, circular, Aug. 23. =80=Alcalde S. Fe to Olaguíbel, Aug.
29. =80=Olaguíbel to legislature, Aug. 30; reply, Sept. 1. =80=Valencia
to O., Aug. 21, 23. =80=O. to Guerra, Aug. 22. =80=Guerra to O., Aug.
24; reply, Aug. 29. =199=MS. written by leading citizen. =73=Lozano,
nos. 5, res., Aug. 28; 8, res., Sept. 17. Encarnacion Prisoners, 81,
83-4. _Monitor Repub._, Nov. 16 (Alvarez). Carreño, Jefes, cccxv, note.
=260=Henshaw, comments on map. Wash. _Union_, Nov. 3. Apuntes, 271-2.
And from =76= the following (and many others). Alvarez, Aug. 22, 23,
24, 26, 29. To comandante Toluca, Aug. 24. Acuerdos, Aug. 23, 25, 26,
28, 31; Sept. 1, 4. To Alvarez, Aug. 21, 25, 28. Tornel, Aug. 27, 27,
very res., 29. To Ugarte and comtes. gen. Guanajuato, S. Luis Potosí
and Querétaro, Aug. 29. Cosío, Sept. 6. J. Y. Gutiérrez, Sept. 2,
res. To Lombardini, Aug. 9, 22, 24, 25. Alcorta, Aug. 22. Quijano to
Lombardini, Aug. 23, 24. To comte. gen. Mexico, Aug. 27, 29, 30. Bravo,
Aug. 28. To Herrera, Aug. 25. To Relaciones, Aug 27. Tornel to comte.
gen., Sept. 4. Pacheco to Tornel, Aug. 23. Circulars, Aug. 26; Sept. 1,
6, 7. Alvarez to Olaguíbel, Oct. 30. Olaguíbel, Aug. 27.

Paredes, who had been banished, landed at Vera Cruz on Aug. 14
(Paredes, Breve Exposición).

On August 26 a long train of army wagons went to the capital for
provisions and was turned back; but an explanation came promptly from
Santa Anna. The next day a similar train, while waiting in the main
plaza of the city (=76=Tornel, Aug. 27), was attacked by the populace
because the teamsters appeared to gaze with indifference, if not
insultingly, at a religious procession (Carreño, Jefes, cccxv; Henshaw
narrative). Immediately the prevailing hostility against the Americans
and a suspicion that Santa Anna was planning to introduce Americans in
this way and betray the capital (_Arco Iris_, Nov. 29, 1847) led to
a riot, in which six or seven of the Americans were injured and two
killed. Tornel, now governor of the Federal District, tried without
effect to quell the mob; but Herrera, comandante general, succeeded
(Apuntes, 271). Mexican troops defended the wagons (Davis, Autobiog.,
211). Santa Anna felt and expressed deep regret for the incident
(=76=to Relaciones, Aug. 27), and some Mexican officers were punished
for imprudence (=76=to comte. gen. Mex., Aug. 27). Scott viewed the
affair philosophically. After this Herrera and Tornel took precautions
(=76=Tornel, Aug. 29), the business was done at a very early time in
the morning, the wagons did not actually go into the city (=76=to
comte. gen. Mex., Aug. 29), and an officer of the American commissary
department, disguised as a peasant, had charge of them. Minor riots
occurred later, however, and after a time the place where the supplies
intended for Scott were kept was discovered and sacked (Hitchcock,
Fifty Years, 291). Owing to the non-success of the negotiations, about
$300,000 of American cash had to be left in the town. Both cash and
provisions had been arranged for by the indefatigable Hargous (_ibid._)
During the armistice the American equipments, artillery, etc. were put
into the best possible order.

27.16. Santa Anna had much difficulty in persuading good men to serve
as commissioners. Trist met the Mexican commissioners first on Aug. 27
at Atzcapuzalco, about eight miles from Tacubaya (Sen. 52; 30, 1, pp.
191, 195), but at the second session (Aug. 28) it was agreed to meet
at the house of Alfaro (_Casa Colorada_) near Tacubaya and within the
Mexican lines. The instructions drafted for the Mexican commissioners,
Aug. 24 and 29, were avowedly drawn as if Mexico had "triumphed," and
represented merely a basis for bargaining (Sen. 52; 30, 1, pp. 313-5,
369-71). The commissioners were authorized at first only to receive and
transmit the American propositions; but, believing they would be given
(as they were on Aug. 31: _ibid._, 335) full powers, like his own, to
negotiate, Trist laid his projet (_ibid._, 326-30) before them on Aug.
27 (see Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 389, note 1). Aug. 29 Santa Anna and
his Cabinet discussed this (Sen 52; 30, 1, 330). Aug. 30 he discussed
it with his generals (_Diario_, Aug. 31). Sept. 1 the Mexicans
presented to Trist their full powers, and the discussion of his terms
began. Sept. 2 they were discussed further, and, as agreement was found
to be impossible, Trist proposed that the armistice be extended. A
large gathering at the palace then discussed the situation (Apuntes,
278). Sept. 3 Santa Anna ordered that no more provisions and other
articles that could be useful to the Americans should leave the city
(=76=to comte. gen. Mex.). Sept. 4 Pacheco, the minister of relations,
issued a =77=circular intimating that unless Trist should moderate
his terms, negotiations would be broken off. Cabinet consultations
followed, however (Sen. 52; 30, 1, p. 202). Sept. 5 Pacheco notified
the Mexican commissioners that the Nueces-Rio Grande district and New
Mexico would not be surrendered (_ibid._, 373-5). Sept. 6 the final
meeting was held and the Mexican counter-projet presented (_ibid._,
375-80). The Spanish chargé had thought that, owing to Santa Anna's
disposition to jockey, the negotiations would last a long time. This
was prevented by Trist's frank, direct methods. Trist was now in good
health except for a severe toothache. He and Scott worked in perfect
harmony.

Santa Anna was extremely anxious to gain foreign support and, if
possible, a foreign guaranty of the boundary (=73=Lozano, no. 3, res.,
Aug. 25). Seiffart, the Prussian minister, who had felt annoyed by
the insignificant rôle to which the negative policy of his government
and his own lack of capacity had condemned him, now broke out with
an unauthorized expression of sympathy for Mexico, and Santa Anna
endeavored to use this as a lever on his colleagues (=73=Lozano, no.
8, res., Sept. 17). But France had no representative on the scene.
Bankhead, besides entertaining considerable displeasure because his
advice and the British offer of mediation had not been effective,
had been for some months, and still was, too ill to take a strong
position (=73=Lozano, no. 5, res., Aug. 28); and Ramón Lozano, the
Spanish chargé (the minister having left for home on the conclusion
of the armistice), would not act without instructions, and personally
expressed the opinion that it would not be easy to obtain a European
guaranty of the new line (=73=nos. 5, res., 8, res.).

27.17. _The negotiations (including S. Anna's difficulties)._ Sen.
52; 30, 1, must be studied closely by any one desiring to investigate
the subject, and hence citations of the documents that it contains
need not be given. =52=Trist to Buchanan, nos. 13, Aug. 24; 15, Sept.
4, confid. =335=Thornton to Trist, July 29. Sen. Report 261; 41, 2.
Sen. 20; 30, 1. Ho. 40; 30, 1. Ho. 69; 30, 1, pp. 43, 47, 56, 59.
=52=Contestaciones Habidas, 1847, with Trist's notes, throughout.
_Delta_, Nov. 13. _Picayune_, May 12; June 30; Sept, 9; Oct. 1, 15, 16,
17. Apuntes, 264-9, 277-9, 283, 286. =52=Buchanan to Trist, no. 3, July
13. =13=Bankhead, nos. 83, Aug. 29; 87, Sept. 28. _Constitutionnel_,
Aug. 17. Ramírez, México, 234, 241, 271-2, 274, 278, 303. Hitchcock,
Fifty Years, 287-9. Davis, Autobiog., 209. =224=Intercepted letters
(Hitchcock, ed.). =108=Buchanan to Bancroft, Sept. 29. =224=Letter
from member of Congress (intercepted), Aug. 21. Henshaw narrative.
Pacheco, Exposición. =284=Comunicacion que sobre ... dirigió ...
Otero. Negrete, Invasión, iii, app., 483 (Otero). Roa Bárcena,
Recuerdos, 388-408. México en 1847, 34. London _Times_, May 10; Oct.
26. Polk, Message, Dec. 7, 1847; Feb. 2, 1848 (Richardson, Messages,
iv, 536-9). =291=Pierce to Appleton, Aug. 27. =47=Private letter from
Orizaba, undated. Lawton, Artill. Officer, 240, 271. =13=Thornton to
Addington, June 29. _Arco Iris_, Sept. 16. _Opinión Pública_, Aug.
29. _Diario_, Aug. 31. =335=E. E. Smith to Trist, Aug. 31. =83=Gov.
Querétaro to Relaciones, Sept. 4. =83=Gov. Jalisco to Relaciones, Aug.
31. =83=Farias, Otero _et al._, declaration, Aug. 22. =83=Querétaro
legislature to Rel., Sept. 4. Semmes, Service, 414, 426, 446. Sen. 65;
30, 1, p. 540. =80=Gov. S. L. Potosí to Olaguíbel, Aug. 28. =80=Gov.
Querétaro to O., Aug. 21; reply, Aug. 27. =80=Relaciones, circulars,
Aug. 23, 30. =80=Olag. to Relac., Aug. 26. =80=Olag., proclam., Aug.
26. =80=Relac. to Olag., Aug. 31, res.; Sept. 6, 8. =80=Proceedings of
Coalition junta, Aug. 4, 25. =80=México legisl., Aug. 27. _Porvenir_,
Aug. 24, supplmnt, =199=MS. written by a leading person. =82=Gov.
Oaxaca to gov. Puebla, Sept. 9. =73=Bermúdez de Castro, no. 550, Aug.
21. =73=Lozano, nos. 3, res., Aug. 25; 5, res., Aug. 28; 6, Sept. 10;
8, res., Sept. 17. Encarnacion Prisoners, 83. =80=Coalition junta
to México state, Aug. 14. =92=Mexico ayunt. to gov. Fed. District,
Sept. 3. N. Y. _Herald_, Feb. 5, 1848. _Nat. Intelligencer_, Aug. 31.
_Monitor Repub._, May 26, 31; Oct. 8. =132=Atocha to Buchanan, Sept.
4. _Amer. Hist. Review_, x, 319 (Reeves). _Amer. Review_, Jan., 1848,
5-14. _So. Qtrly. Review_, July, 1852, pp. 114-5. _Republicano_, May
11. =181=Buchanan to Donelson, Jan. 29. Prieto, Mems., 236. =364=Worth
to S., July 29; to Marcy, Oct. 30. =221=Hill, diary. S. Anna, Detall,
16. S. Anna, Mi Historia, 74. =86=Relaciones, circular, Sept. 4. and
from =76= the following (and many others). Cosío, Sept. 6. J. Y.
Gutiérrez, Sept. 2. To Herrera, Aug. 25. To Bravo, Aug. 31. To comte.
gen. Mexico, Sept. 3. To Canalizo, Aug. 12. To comte gen. Querétaro,
Sept. 4. Gov. Michoacán, Sept. 3. Alvarez to Olaguíbel, Oct. 30. To
Alvarez, Aug. 21.

Santa Anna said in his manifesto: "A perpetual war is an absurdity;
because war is a calamity, and the instinct of self-preservation, which
is even stronger and more powerful in nations than in individuals,
recommends that no means whatever should be omitted that may lead to an
advantageous arrangement. To adopt this course the constitution gives
me competent authority. Consecrated to interests so noble and highly
privileged, it is my duty to maintain at all cost the respect and
reverence due to the supreme authority with which I am invested ....
I will be yet more explicit: sedition and attempts at subverting the
government shall be exemplarily punished" (Sen. 52; 30, 1, p. 250).

(Trist's "vague remark") _Ibid._, 253.

The Mexican commissioners were instructed (Sen. 52; 30, 1, pp. 314,
369-71) to draw Trist into discussions that not only would have given
them opportunities to create awkward dialectic situations, as Rejón and
others had done with reference to Texas, but might have excited fresh
discord in the United States regarding our treatment of Mexico. For
example, they were to ask the motives and aims of the war, and whether
the United States based its expectations upon force or upon friendly
negotiation. The ground was taken that since Mexico was now ready to
give up Texas, all reason for the war had ceased to exist [as if the
fighting that had already occurred, its loss of life, triumphs and
expenses, signified nothing]. It was urged that since no title except
to Texas had been claimed by the United States, we could continue the
war only for the odious sake of conquest or the unheard-of purpose
to punish Mexico because she was unwilling to sell her lands and her
people (see Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 391, 400-1, 588, note 3).

In justification of his plan to extend the armistice, Trist pointed
out that the American sick and wounded would recover, the rainy reason
end, the inundations diminish, the roads improve and the temperature
fall (Sen. 52; 30, 1, p. 259). Ripley, on the other hand, asserts (_op.
cit._ ii, 350) that the Americans would have been "dependent upon the
good faith of the Mexicans for all of the conveniences and many of
the necessaries of life," and, at the end of forty-five days, after
living in unhealthy villages, would hardly have been fit to act. But
had Santa Anna accepted Trist's proposal he would have done so with the
strong expectation of peace and American assistance, and hence would
have treated our army well; and Tacubaya, S. Angel and S. Agustín were
not only salubrious but delightful in comparison with the capital, and
free from its temptations. With reference to Trist's departing from his
instructions by proposing to refer a point back to Washington, it is
interesting to recall Napoleon's dictum (which bears also on Scott's
action _supra_ regarding the sealed despatch): "A general-in-chief
cannot exonerate himself from responsibility for his faults by pleading
an order of his sovereign or the minister, when the individual from
whom it proceeds is at a distance from the field of operations, and
but partially, or not at all, acquainted with the actual condition of
things" (Maxims, p. 59).

27.18. There was probably some basis for certain of Santa Anna's
charges against the American troops. Scott allowed a day to pass, it
was said, in order to enable Americans in town to get away. Ripley
(_op. cit._, ii, 352) says this was done to allow unarmed inhabitants
to do so. But it was good policy to prevent such persons from leaving,
and such had been Scott's course at Vera Cruz (chap. xxii, p. 32).
Naturally Santa Anna wavered back and forth, and Trist believed that at
about three o'clock, Sept. 5, he almost decided to accept the American
terms (Sen. 52; 30, 1, p. 251).

27.19. _The termination of the armistice._ Sen. 52; 30, 1, pp. 195-203,
231-66 (Trist); 307, 346, etc. =52=Trist to Buchanan, no. 15, confid.,
Sept. 4. Sen. 20; 30, 1, pp. 9, 14. Contestaciones Habidas (1847),
22, 26, 28, 30, 34. _Picayune_, Oct. 16. Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 354, 360.
=303=H. L. Scott to Quitman, Aug. 31. _National_, Nov. 14. Hitchcock,
Fifty Years, 291-4. Haynes, Gen. Scott's Guide. =217=Henshaw to wife,
Sept. 13. London _Times_, Nov. 13. Sen. 34; 34, 3, pp. 21, 37-9. Ho.
40; 30, 1. =291=Pierce to wife, Aug. 23. Lawton, Artill. Officer,
309. =335=Trist to Thornton, confid., Nov. 24 (the Americans kept the
armistice faithfully). =335=Memo. in Spanish, Aug. --. Semmes, Service,
415. Sen. 11; 31, 1 (Hardcastle). =80=Relaciones to Olaguíbel, Aug. 31,
res.; Sept. 6, 8. =73=Lozano, no. 7, Sept. 16. Negrete, Invasión, iii,
app., 448. =92=Tornel to Méx. ayunt., Aug. 30. =187=Thomas to Eddy,
Aug. 26. N. Y. _Sun_, Oct. 5. Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 67. Ramsey, Other
Side, 330, note. And from =76= the following (chiefly showing orders
contrary to the armistice). To Alvarez, Aug. 28. Tornel, Aug. 27, very
res.; Sept. 3. Bravo, Sept. 5. Acuerdos, Sept. 3, 4. Orders to Tenth
Infantry, Aug. 28. To govs. Puebla and four other states, Sept. 6. To
govs. México, Guanajuato, Jalisco, Sept. --. To Relaciones, Aug. 27. S.
Anna, proclam., Sept. 7.

27.20. _The armistice as viewed in the United States._ Sen. 52; 30, 1,
pp. 138 (Marcy); 231 (Trist, no. 22). Sen. 20; 30, 1, p. 14 (Trist).
Apuntes, 278-9. Polk, Diary, Feb. 7, 19; Mar. 16, 1848. London _Times_,
Oct. 29, Ramírez, México, 241. Polk, Message, Dec. 7, 1847 (Richardson,
iv, 536). =13=Crampton, no. 42, Oct. 13. Wash. _Union_, Oct. 4-6.
=256=Marcy to Wetmore, Oct. 21. =58=Jones to Polk, May 2. Negrete,
Invasión, iii, app., 448. =354=Welles papers. =191=Fairfield to wife,
Jan. 10. N. Y. _Herald_, Dec. 15. _Monitor Repub._, Dec. 21. Baltimore
_Sun_, Oct. 5. Ho. 69; 30, 1, p. 56 (Buchanan). =335=Buchanan to Trist,
Oct. 24-5, 1847.

It has been said with truth that the war was waged on the theory that
Texas extended to the Rio Grande, but the United States could have
neutralized (and this is the most that was considered by Trist: Sen.
52; 30, 1, p. 258) the region between that river and the Nueces without
implying in the least that our claim to it had not been valid. The fact
that Santa Anna and Pacheco thought that an extension of the armistice
would benefit the Americans (_ibid._, 260) is a striking, though by no
means the only, answer to Polk's charge that it would have been greatly
to our disadvantage (_ibid._, 259). Ramírez (México, 241) pointed
out that inaction was bad for the Mexicans, since they lacked funds
to support troops long. Santa Anna could not materially increase his
army after Sept. 1, and he subsisted it with extreme difficulty (Sen.
52; 30, 1, pp. 259-60). The armistice in general was regarded by the
Mexicans as an American trick. The _American Review_ (Whig) argued
that the rejection of the counter-projet (which conceded to us Texas as
far as the Nueces and California down to 37 degrees) proved that Polk
was fighting, not for peace, but for conquest; but the counter-projet
did not recognize the American claim to the Rio Grande line nor to an
indemnity for the costs of the war, which Mexico had forced upon us.
Any one interested in the equity of the matter should read the reply to
the Mexican commissioners drafted by Trist (Sen. 20; 30, 1, p. 14).

27.21. _Army feeling._ =252=Mackall to wife, Feb. 21, 1848.
_Picayune_, Oct. 17. =221=Hill, diary. Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 271,
290. _291_Pierce to wife, Aug. 23; Sept. 1. Robertson, Visit, ii,
344. Lawton, Artill. Officer, 309. Diccionario Universal (_Mixcoac_).
Semmes, Service, 414, 427. Calderón, Life, i, 142, 146. N. Y. _Sun_,
Sept. 16. Such scenes were noted with keen appreciation not only
by officers but by privates, as diaries and letters attest. Clear
afternoons and evenings occur now and then even at the height of the
rainy season.


XXVIII. MOLINO DEL REY, CHAPULTEPEC, MEXICO

28.1. Hardcastle's map (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 312) and (as elsewhere)
the author's observations. _So. Qtrly. Rev._, Oct., 1852. Negrete,
Invasión, iv, app., 295-6. Balbontín, Invasión, 126. Grant, Mems., i,
149. =66=J. L. Mason to J. L. Smith, Sept. 25. =66=Stevens to Smith,
Sept. 25. Semmes, Service, 436, 440. Apuntes, 290-1. _Picayune_, Aug.
8. _Delta_, Oct. 14. Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 355 (Scott), 373 (Sumner),
425-6 (Smith). Wise, Gringos (N. Y., 1849), 259. =269=Molina, recolls.

The foundry was decreed in July, 1846 (=76=report on artillery, Nov.,
1846; Memoria de ... Guerra, Dec.). The building it occupied had been
a powder mill. The principal entrance to El Molino was by an archway
near the south end. Sept. 5 Scott heard that bells had been sent to El
Molino to be cast into cannon (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 355). Santa Anna did
in fact call for gifts of bells, etc. to be used for military purposes
(=76=Carrera, Sept. 6).

28.2. Sen. 52; 30, 1, pp. 381-2 (S. Anna to Scott, Sept. 6). =76=To
Herrera, Sept. 6. =100=Guerra, circular, Sept. 11. Apuntes, 290-2.
S. Anna, Mi Historia, 75. _Id._, Detall, 23. =76=Acuerdo, Sept. 4.
Giménez, Memorias, 266. =76=Alvarez to S. Anna, Sept. 25. Negrete,
Invasión, iv, app., 293. Balbontín, Invasión, 125-6. Grant, Mems., i,
151. Mason to Smith: note 1. =76=Alvarez, Sept. 6. Sen. 1; 30, 1, app.,
134-5 (Duncan). Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 424.

28.3. Ramírez, México, 299. =73=Lozano, nos. 2, 8, res., 1847.
=199=Anon. MS. Kenly, Md. Vol., 346. S. Anna, Apelación, 49.
Giménez, Memorias, 111. =358=Williams to father, Oct. 1. Exposición
dirigida. =179=Diario Esactísimo. Negrete, Invasión, iv, app., 295-6.
=100=Alcorta, circular, Sept. 11. _76_Tornel, decree, Sept. 7.

28.4. Smith, Co. A, Corps of Engineers. =221=Hill, diary. Hitchcock,
Fifty Years, 296. =260=Henshaw, comments on map. =217=_Id._ to wife,
Sept. 13. =65=Scott, gen. orders, Sept. 7. Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 354
(Scott), 361 (Worth), 425 (Smith). =178=Davis, diary. Sen. 65; 30,
1, p. 298 (Scott). Mason to Smith: note 1. =66=Foster to Smith,
Sept. 8. =66=Beauregard to Smith, Sept. 20. =224=Hitchcock, introd.
to intercepted letters. _So. Qtrly. Rev._, Oct., 1852, 302. Semmes,
Service, 431-4.

Under Scott's orders, Pillow with the Ninth and Fifteenth Infantry
was at S. Borja and Riley's brigade (Twiggs's division) at Nalvarte
on Sept. 7, evening (Ripley, War with Mexico, ii, 363). Late on Sept.
7 Quitman's division also was sent to the south front of Mexico.
Reconnoitring was done there on rather an extensive scale during the
night, and the Mexicans were thoroughly roused.

28.5. _The battle of Sept. 8._ Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 354, 375 (Scott),
361 (Worth), 368 (return), 373 (Sumner), 374 (Huger), 425 (Smith),
430 (Hitchcock); app., pp. 134-165, 192 (officers). Ho. 1; 30, 2, p.
1237 (Perry). =179=Diario Esactísimo. Stevens, Stevens, i, 204-7.
Sedgwick, Corresp., i, 170. Semi-weekly N. Y. _Courier and Enquirer_,
Mar. 1, 1848. Elderkin, Biog. Sketches. _So. Qtrly. Rev._, Oct.,
1852, 298-315. Negrete, Invasión, iii, app., 463-9; iv, app., 295-9.
S. Anna, Detall, 23-5. Balbontín, Invasión, 125-9. Hitchcock, Fifty
Years, 296-9, 303. Grant, Wems., i, 152-3. Ballentine, Eng. Sold.,
ii, 238, 240. =217=Henshaw to wife, Sept. 13. =218=Henshaw narrative.
=61=Letter from Mexico, Sept. 11. =69=May to Harney, Nov. 17, 1848.
=69=Steele to Harney, --, 1848. =69=Harney to Marcy, May 22, 1848.
=66=Mason to J. L. Smith, Sept. 25, 1847. =66=Stevens to _Id._, Sept.
25. =66=G. W. Smith to Stevens, Sept. 20. Claiborne, Quitman, i,
352. Raleigh _Star_, Oct. 27. =221=Hill, diary. =304=Kirby to Mrs.
E. K. Smith, Sept. 12. =60=Andrews to Daniel, Dec. 10. Louisville
_Democrat_, Dec. 17. =68=Testimony at Bonneville court martial. London
_Times_, Nov. 13. Semmes, Service, 436-449. Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 503.
Apuntes, 210, 294-304. =100=Relaciones, circular, Sept. 8. =199=Anon.
MS. _Correo Nacional_, Dec. 10. Gamboa, Impug., 52. =70="Guerra,"
no. 155 (testimony of Garay). =70="Guerra", no. 274 (testimony at
the trial of Andrade and Jáuregui). _Picayune_, Oct. 14; Nov. 3.
=350=Weber, recolls. _Delta_, Oct. 14, 26. Ramírez, México, 304-6.
México á través, iv, 687-9. Davis, Autobiog., 271. Wash. _Union_,
Nov. 3. _Diario_, Sept. 8. =364=Worth to daughter, Sept. 28; to S.,
Dec. 27. Prieto, Memorias, ii, 238-9. =73=Lozano, no. 7, 1847. Moore,
Scott's Camp., 155-63. Steele, Amer. Camps., i, 117. _Niles_, Oct.
30, p. 137. Bartlett, Pierce, 153. Wise, Gringos (N. Y., 1849), 259.
Giménez, Memorias, 112, 266. =205=Graham, memo. book. =178=Davis,
diary. Diccionario Univ. (_León_). Sen. 19; 30, 2 (M. L. Smith, Nov.
30, 1848). Molina, El Asalto. =291=Pierce to Hooker, Sept. 15. Stevens,
Vindication. =328=Sweet, statement. =69=Huger, Sept. 9. Lawton, Artill.
Off., 311-4, 323, 326. Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 426-7, 437-9, 447-53.
=76=Herrera to Relaciones, Oct. 14. =76=Ortega, Sept. 13. =76=To
comte gen. Mex., Oct. 29. =76=M. Andrade, Sept. 9; Nov. 3. =76=J. Y.
Gutiérrez, proclam., Sept. 11. =76=Noriega, Nov. 19. =76=Alcorta,
circular, Sept. 11. =76=Comte gen. Oaxaca, Sept. 15. =76=_Id._ of
Querétaro, Sept. 14. Calderón, Rectificaciones.

REMARKS on the battle of Sept. 8. In forming an opinion of the battle
as a military operation one must ignore the fact that the position
gained was used later as a stepping-stone, for at this time Scott
was not planning to capture Chapultepec. It appears surprising that
Scott, knowing that heavy Mexican forces were on the spot, apparently
desiring to fight there, should have thought that a place as valuable
to the enemy as he deemed El Molino (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 355) ought to
be attacked at night, and could be taken easily (Sen. 65; 30, 1, p.
579) by men unacquainted with ground and buildings familiar to the
enemy, and should have neglected to have more of his troops near at
hand; but we do not know what details were included in the information
upon which he so confidently relied, nor do we know the source of
it (_ibid._, 298). Pillow reported, apparently during the evening of
September 7, that the cannon and machinery had been removed (_ibid._,
298, 579); no smoke appeared to issue from the mill; no sound of
boring could be heard (Semmes, Service, 431). It has been suggested
that Scott felt over-eager to punish Santa Anna for disappointing his
expectations of peace; but he doubtless had learned from Trist of Santa
Anna's political difficulties. He was, however, angry on account of
the violations of the armistice. The principal information on which
Scott acted was understood to have come through Trist; it _had_ been
correct; but Scott seems to have erred in overlooking the chance that
conditions might change in two or three days. Rives (U. S. and Mexico,
ii, 528) states that the attack was based on a "rumor." This is an
error. On account of the apparent incorrectness of Scott's information
and the massing of Mexican troops in and near El Molino, some Americans
suspected that Santa Anna set a trap for him. But the fact that Santa
Anna left this quarter and took away a considerable part of his troops
early in the night of Sept. 7--leaving behind, according to Roa Bárcena
(Recuerdos, 427) 4000 infantry and artillery privates--disposes of
that idea. It has been said that Scott might have stopped work at the
foundry (had work been then proceeding) by cutting off the supply of
water (_i.e._, power); but he wished to seize the finished cannon
supposed to be there (Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 298) and the large quantity of
powder that he had heard was at Casa Mata.

The only argument advanced in favor of a night attack seems to have
been the danger of fire from Chapultepec. In reply it was said that
(as had been seen at Cerro Gordo) a plunging fire did little harm.
The distance of Chapultepec seems almost to nullify this reply; but
as a matter of fact the cannon of Chapultepec appear to have done no
execution in the battle. Worth's officers met him after dark, Sept.
7, and later one of them submitted his general plan of operations to
Scott, who discussed it at considerable length and finally (virtually
admitting that a night attack was not advisable) approved all of
it except the following point. Worth strongly desired to effect a
lodgement in the grove of Chapultepec, which he believed he could take
at a cost of fifty men (=364=Worth to S., Dec. 27). (Indeed, he pushed
some of his troops several hundred yards that way: Sen. 1; 30, 1, app.,
138; Davis, Autobiog., 271). But Scott refused positively to have
this done. Semmes (Service, 447) says that Worth desired to capture
Chapultepec at this time because with his remarkable intuitive judgment
he saw, as Scott saw later, that this was the true approach to the
city; but Scott's later opinion was due to a study of the ground which
neither he nor Worth had at this time been able to make and to Mexican
fortifying not yet done. Even if Worth could have carried Chapultepec
rather easily, the prudent maxim that one should not buy (because it
can be got cheaply) what one does not want, appeared to apply with
especial force after losses that could be so ill afforded had been
suffered; and it was not certain that the castle could be taken without
a struggle. One costly surprise was enough for one day. Engineer
Stevens (Stevens, Stevens, i, 206) thought an attempt should have
been made to reconnoitre the Mexican right with a view to turning the
position; but to push a reconnoitring party between the Mexican right
wing and the cavalry of Alvarez must have looked extremely hazardous.

Clarke's brigade consisted of the Fifth, Sixth and Eighth Infantry,
it will be recalled. Cadwalader had the Voltigeurs and Eleventh
and Fourteenth Infantry. C. F. Smith being ill, his battalion was
commanded by Captain E. K. Smith, who was mortally wounded. Semmes
(Service, 445) says that Cadwalader's brigade and Drum's guns had been
added at Worth's request, but Hitchcock (Fifty Years, 296) and Scott's
general orders of Sept. 7 show that Scott originally intended to give
Worth one of Pillow's brigades. Worth could no doubt have had more
light guns, but it was said that projectiles for the heavy guns were
so few that it was necessary to husband them closely. Scott, however,
stated (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 377) that he had plenty of such ammunition.
Ripley (_op. cit._, ii, 461) says that "the nature of the orders [given
to Worth] forbade an attack by artillery"; but (1) there is no evidence
to prove this; (2) artillery was used on Casa Mata, only not long
enough; (3) it was used again later with success (Sen. 65; 30, 1, p.
527; Sen. 1; 30, 1, app., 136). See Stevens, Stevens, 206. Indeed, it
seems to have been unnecessary to attack Casa Mata. It could not have
held out long after the fall of El Molino. Ripley admits (p. 462) that
the battle "was confused," but adds, "storming is always a work of
confusion." Here he confounds occurrences with management. The former
must involve noise and confusion in such an affair, but the latter
should not.

Sumner had one troop of the First Dragoons, six troops of the Second,
part of a troop of the Third, and a company of Mounted Rifles. Foster
had ten pioneers. Drum had three guns, but one of them was sent out
on the road to Mexico, and during the battle one of the others became
disabled by the breaking of a priming wire. Semmes--determined, as
usual, to defend Worth at all hazards--says that during McIntosh's
charge Duncan's battery was called away to repel the Mexican cavalry;
but Duncan's report (Sen. 1; 30, 1, app., 136) shows that his guns did
not turn against the cavalry until masked by McIntosh's troops. The
part of Cadwalader's brigade that moved to the left was the Voltigeurs.
After the repulse of Clarke's brigade some of the Voltigeurs went
into the ravine and moved toward the rear of Casa Mata. This perhaps
helped to force the Mexicans out, and certainly resulted in the capture
of many prisoners. Vigorous pursuit of the Mexicans was in general
impracticable on account of the character of the ground and the fire
from Chapultepec. Finding the engagement far more serious than he had
expected, Scott summoned forces from the southern front of the city and
from Mixcoac, but these could not arrive soon enough to give material
assistance. Jackson's section of Magruder's battery came from Mixcoac
in time to contribute a little to the final repulse of the Mexican
cavalry. Worth blamed Scott for saying in his report that Pierce's
brigade interposed between Garland and the Mexicans, and asserted that
it did not arrive until a considerable time after the battle ended (Ho.
60; 30, 1, p. 1079); and it was felt by others, too, that Scott erred
here. But from the =178=diary of a man in the Ninth Infantry it seems
clear that that regiment--a part of Pierce's brigade--did as Scott
stated.

The number of Americans actually engaged was 3251 (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p.
369). Our loss was 116 (including nine officers) killed, 665 (including
forty-nine officers) wounded, and eighteen privates missing (_ibid._,
384). We captured 685, including 53 officers. One third of Clarke's
brigade, including one half of the officers, were killed or wounded
(Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 145). The Fifth Infantry seemed little more than a
company after the battle (Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 297).

Santa Anna stated later (Mi Historia, 75) that Iturbe, a wealthy
resident of Tacubaya, notified Tornel that Scott intended to enter
the city during the night of Sept. 7 by the San Lázaro garita, on the
eastern side of Mexico, and that for this reason he (Santa Anna) took
troops away from El Molino; but Santa Anna always laid the blame for
his mistakes upon some one. No doubt Scott's feint against the southern
side of the city and his not attacking during the afternoon were enough
to cause alarm, but Santa Anna blundered in going to the southeast
corner of the city, for an American attack there must have developed
slowly owing to the swamps, whereas an attack upon El Molino could be
made quickly. He reached the scene of the battle at about half-past
nine, and claimed that, but for his arrival, Chapultepec might have
been lost (Apelación, app., 111). The government represented that he
was in command during the battle (Apuntes, 304). By Scott's orders
Casa Mata was blown up. The Mexicans believed that a shot of theirs
exploded the magazine. Andrade was tried and acquitted. Had he been as
much at fault as Alvarez alleged, the latter should have replaced him
on the spot with another officer. About noon the Mexican cavalry (or at
least Andrade's division) were ordered to charge, but on reaching the
battlefield found the Americans had retired. It has been suggested (Roa
Bárcena, Recuerdos, 448) that a part of the Mexican cavalry should have
been dismounted and placed between El Molino and Casa Mata; but one may
feel sure that Alvarez would not have consented to that arrangement.
One hesitates to think what the results of the battle might have been,
had not Santa Anna withdrawn previously with a considerable part of his
troops; and of this movement Scott was not aware, though he may have
hoped that his feint against the city would have an effect of that sort.

After the battle the American troops reoccupied in general the
positions held by them before it.

28.6. Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 297-9, 303. =224=_Id._, introd. to
intercepted letters. =217=Henshaw to wife, Sept. 13. =73=Lozano, no.
7, 1847. Raleigh _Star_, Oct. 27. =221=Hill, diary. Semmes, Service,
447-9. London _Times_, Nov. 13. =76=Ortega, Sept. 13. =100=Guerra,
circular, Sept. 11. =76=J. Y. Gutiérrez, proclam., Sept. 11. Apuntes,
303-4. =199=Anon. MS. _Picayune_, Oct. 14. Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 361
(Worth), 430 (Hitchcock); app., 156 (Cadwalader). Sen. 19; 30, 2
(Smith to Abert, Nov. 30, 1848). =69=Huger, Sept. 9, 1847. Ho. 24;
31, 1. Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 145 (Lee). Negrete, Invasión, iii, app.,
468. N. Y. _Tribune_, Dec. 17, 1882 (Mayne Reid). S. Anna, Detall, 24.
=70="Guerra", no. 273 (trial of Bravo). Stevens, Stevens, i, 206.

28.7. Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 375 (Scott) and map. =73=Lozano, no. 7, 1847.
Semmes, Service, 430. _So. Qtrly. Rev._, Jan., 1853, 2-3. _Niles_, Oct.
9, p. 89. =92=Piedad judge, Sept. 9. Diccionario Universal (_México_).
Robertson, Visit, ii, 344.

28.8. Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 376 (Scott), 425-7 (Smith). Sen. 65; 30, 1,
pp. 77 (Lee), 185 (Ripley), 579 (Pillow says he reported to Scott on
Sept. 9 that the Mexican works opposite Piedad, where Pillow then was,
could be carried easily). Davis, Autobiog., 223. Hitchcock, Fifty
Years, 298-300. _So. Qtrly. Rev._, Jan., 1853, pp. 4-5. =66=Lee to J.
L. Smith, Sept. 15. =66=Beauregard to _Id._, Sept. 20. =111=_Id._ to
_Id._, Sept. 27. =218=Henshaw narrative. =76=To Olaguíbel, Sept. 11.

Ripley (_op. cit._, ii, 470) and Rives (_op. cit._, ii, 528) reflect
upon Scott for having no reconnaissances made between Aug. 20 and
Sept. 7. But to make them would have violated the meaning and spirit
of the armistice, which prescribed an "absolute cessation of
hostilities" (Sen. 52; 30, 1, p. 310), and it was highly important
to show the strictest good faith during the delicate negotiations.
Rives (_ibid._) says "no preparation whatever had been made for the
contingency of renewed hostilities." This statement results from a lack
of information. Numberless things had been done to put the army and
its equipment into fighting trim. Rives says also (_ibid._) that the
Mexicans, had they been enterprising, could easily have beaten our army
in detail at this time. This seems to be a mistake (see Sen. 19; 30, 2,
p. 8). A frontal attack upon Worth could certainly have been repulsed,
and an attempt to strike Pillow, Twiggs or Quitman would have exposed
their own flank and rear. Moreover it was clear that Santa Anna had no
intention of assuming the offensive. Rives says himself he had none
(_op. cit._, 466), attributing his decision to "well-justified distrust
of his own army"; and since the decision was made (July) nothing had
occurred to reassure him. Napoleon said, "A well-established maxim of
war is, not to do anything which your enemy desires."

28.9. Sen. 65; 30, 1, pp. 77-8, 145 (Lee), 81 (Cadwalader), 112-3
(Beauregard), 123 (Trist), 169 (Hooker). Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 375
(Scott), 427 (Smith). Exposición dirigida, 6. _So. Qtrly. Rev._, Jan.,
1853, pp. 6-15. Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 300. =113=Beauregard, remins.
=66=_Id._ to J. L. Smith, Sept. 20. =111=_Id._ to _Id._, Sept, 27.
=69=Letter of Sept. 11 from Mexico. Semmes, Service, 430. (Gunners)
=76=Carrera, report, Dec., 1847. (Key) Apuntes, 304, 317. Wash.
_Union_, Dec. 9. =210=Alvord to Hammond, Feb. 21, 1848. Rodríguez,
Breve Reseña, 870. Stevens, Stevens, i, 207.

Ripley (_op. cit._, ii, 472) remarks that even after taking Chapultepec
Scott was "yet at a distance of two miles from the city, with the
positive certainty of running upon the citadel if the direct route were
pursued." But two miles on a broad, good causeway signified little, it
was unnecessary to take the direct route, and Scott had no intention of
taking it. Ripley admits (p. 473) that Scott reasonably supposed that
the defences at S. Cosme were comparatively weak.

28.10. Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 428 (Smith). Sen. 65; 30, 1, pp. 77 (Lee),
112 (Beauregard), 169 (Hooker), 257 (Quitman). =113=Beauregard,
remins. Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 300. Claiborne, Quitman, i, 353-5. The
description of Lee is based principally upon a picture (seen at the
Confederate Museum, Richmond) made soon after the Mexican war. The
weather was still unusually favorable for military operations.

28.11. Negrete, Invasión, iv, app., 294-6. Evidence at the trial of
Bravo (=70="Guerra," no. 273). S. Anna, Detall, 22. =76=To Monterde,
May 24. =76=Monterde, June 18, 21-2. =76=To Lombardini, July 6, 23;
Aug. 3. =76=Tornel, Sept. 12. =76=To Bravo, Sept. 10. =76=Bravo, Sept.
14. =76=Liceaga to Lombardini, Aug. 22. =76=Reports on Bravo's conduct,
July 21, 24, 1848. Apuntes, 317. Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 459.

28.12. Sen. 1; 30, 1, map; pp. 400 (Pillow), 410 (Quitman). =76=Bravo,
Sept. 14. Negrete, Inv., iv, app., 294-6. Semmes, Service, 450-1.
Tornel, Sept. 12. To Bravo, Sept. 10. Apuntes, 307-8. =357=Wilcox,
diary. =70=Evidence at the trial of Bravo ("Guerra," no. 273). Ripley,
War with Mexico, ii, 396-8. (Impreg.) =221=Hill, diary. Hitchcock,
Fifty Years, 285, 302.

The southeastern corner of the rectangle was irregularly cut off. A
bullet-proof wall, about fifteen feet high, protected the eastern end,
and ran along the southern line of the rectangle with platforms or
scaffolds for infantry on its inner side, while a stone aqueduct--its
arches filled in here with heavy masonry--extended (in the Anzures
causeway) along the northern side of the rectangle, and continued
_via_ S. Cosme to the city. Cultivated fields, adjacent to El
Molino, occupied about a third of the rectangle. On each side of the
north-and-south drainage ditch there was an embankment. The next
section--perhaps one sixth--of the rectangle was occupied by the swamps
and cypresses, and then came the hill--extremely steep except at the
west, and steep there. A road or wide path led east through the grove
to the foot of the hill. The opening in the south wall, covered by
the exterior, unarmed redan (_B_), had a ditch outside of the redan
for additional protection. The road that went up to the college was
defended inside the main gateway with a 9-pounder (placed here Sept.
12). The circular (arc of a circle) redoubt (_C_) was at the _glorieta_
(an open space furnished with seats, etc.). One or two other slight
fortifications probably existed.

The south wall of the terre-plein had a parapet except near the
southeast corner. Along the base of the west wall ran a fosse about
twelve feet wide and ten deep. Rather extensive mines (to be fired by
powder-trains laid on or just under the surface of the ground) lay
below the fosse; and beyond them--about half-way down the slope--stood
a redan (_E_) for some fifty men, which seems to have been about 125
feet from the wall. This west wall was a priest-cap: _i.e._, it was
indented like a shallow V, so that its two halves could afford support
to each other. In the central portion of the terre-plein stood the
masonry edifice of the military college with an open terrace at its
eastern end and some stone buildings with flat, parapeted roofs, at its
western end. A half-round bastion on each of the long sides afforded
room for a heavy gun commanding in each case a semicircle. (The one
in the southern bastion seems to have been disabled on Sept. 8.) East
of the southern bastion, in a smaller projection, stood a lighter
gun looking toward the lower gateway; behind the somewhat zigzag
parapet westward two or three smaller pieces covering the road and the
southwest approach; on the terre-plein commanding the upper gateway a
couple of light howitzers; and at the western end, specially screened
with timber and sand-bags, two heavy pieces, which swept the approach
from El Molino. (One of the pieces was a 68-pound howitzer. Ripley is
precise in his account of the size and the placing of the guns, but
the evidence is against him. He says there were eleven. There seem to
have been thirteen; but one of them was not mounted, and two were now
disabled.) Timbering, proof against bullets, covered much of the lower
story, the parapeted azotea of the main edifice and some other parts
of the buildings; and sand-bags afforded further, though inadequate,
protection at a number of peculiarly exposed points.

28.13. Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 377 (Scott), 397 (Twiggs), 399 (Riley),
400 (Pillow), 410 (Quitman), 422 (Huger); app., 197 (Pierce),
201 (Cadwalader), 230 (Porter). Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 185 (Ripley).
=260=Henshaw, comments on map. =217=_Id._ to wife, Sept. 13. =66=Lee to
J. L. Smith, Sept. 15. =66=McClellan to Smith, Sept. 20. =66=Beauregard
to Smith, Sept. 20. =111=_Id._ to _Id._, Sept. 27. =304=Andrews to
Lovell, Sept. 19. =304=Hunt to _Id._, Sept. 15. =304=Steptoe to _Id._,
Sept. 16. =304=Porter to _Id._, Sept. 16. =304=Wilcox, diary. Ramsey,
Other Side, 457. =327=Sutherland to father, Aug. --. =178=Davis, diary.
Negrete, Invasión, iii, app., 426. =76=Carrera, Sept. 1.

28.14. Negrete Invasión, iv, app., 299-300. =61=Letter from Mex., Sept.
11. Apuntes, 305-6, 309-10, 314. Ramírez, México, 307-8. _Diario_,
Sept. 11. =73=Lozano, no. 7, 1847. S. Anna, Apelación, 57. _Id._,
Detall, 25. =76=To Bravo, Sept. 10. =76=Bravo, Sept. 11. =76=Tornel
to Carrera, Sept. 9. =92=Ayunt. to S. Anna, Sept. 11. =92=Letter from
Piedad, Sept. 11. =199=Anon. MS.

28.15. =76=Bravo, Sept. 14. Negrete, Invasión, iii, app., 427; iv,
app., 299-300. =179=Diario Esactísimo. London _Times_, Nov. 13. S.
Anna, Detall, 26. =76=To comtes. gen. Querétaro and Guanajuato, Sept.
12. _Arco Iris_, Nov. 30. Apuntes, 310-2. =70=Trial of Bravo ("Guerra,"
no. 273). =70=Trial of Terrés ("Guerra," no. 155). Molina, Asalto.
=269=_Id._, recolls. Prieto, Memorias, ii, 241-3. Rangel, Parte (with
notes).

28.16. Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 377 (Scott), 410-2 (Quitman); app., 231
(Mackenzie). Sen. 65; 30, 1, pp. 143 (Lee), 193, 200-1 (Worth),
259 (Quitman). Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 301-2. Henshaw narrative.
=376=Nicholson, recolls. =221=Hill, diary.

28.17. _The battle of Chapultepec._ Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 375, 391-425;
app., 169-231 (reports of Scott and officers). Sen. 65; 30, 1, pp.
119 (Tilton), 146 (Lee), 155-6, 158 (Bennett), 170, 172 (Hooker),
204-9 (Rains), 217-8 (Drum), 219 (Bates), 220-1 (Johnston), 222-4
(Loeser), 270-5 (Howard). Stevens, Stevens, i, 208-10. _Niles_, Oct.
30, p. 137. _Cong. Globe_, 34, 1, pp. 105-7. Sen. Report 32; 34, 1.
Brown, Ninth Inf., 70. Henderson, Science of War, 97 ("The issue of
battle"). _So. Qtrly. Rev._, Jan., 1853, pp. 15-42. =76=Bravo, Sept.
14. Negrete, Invasión, iii, app., 428-9; iv, app., 300-4. Balbontín,
Invasión, 131. Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 302-3. Ballentine, Eng. Sold.,
ii, 242-7. Davis, Autobiog., 231-2. Henshaw narrative. =180=Pillow
to wife, Oct. 18. Weekly N. Y. _Courier and Enquirer_, Mar. 2, 1848.
=61=Seymour, Oct. 31, 1847. =69=H. V. Johnson _et al._ to Polk, Apr.
6, 1848. =376=Nicholson, recolls. =183=Drum, recolls. =223=Hirschorn,
recolls. =66=G. W. Smith to Stevens, Sept. 20. =66=Tower to J. L.
Smith, Sept. 23. Claiborne, Quitman, i, 361-2, 380-6. Raleigh _Star_,
Oct. 27. =221=Hill, diary. =200=Reid to Gladden, May 27, 1849. S. Anna,
Detall, 16, 26-9, 38-42. =151=Numerous reports and letters regarding
Quitman's operations. =113=Beauregard, remins. (based on diary and
notes). =151=Wilcox, diary. =303=Quitman papers. _National_, Nov.
14. =179=Diario Esactísimo. =60=Riley to Westcott, Nov. 30, 1847.
=60=Loring to P. F. Smith, Sept. 27. =68=Testimony at Bonneville
court martial. =60=Miller to sister, undated. =60=_Id._ to mother,
Mar. 24, 1848. London _Times_, Nov. 13, 1847. =335=Reynolds to Trist,
Sept. 27. Oswandel, Notes, 426. Semmes, Service, 453-5. _Arco Iris_,
Nov. 30. Apuntes, 311, 314-6. =199=Anon. MS. Rangel, Parte (with
notes). _Eco del Comercio_, May 1, 1848. Sen. 11; 31, 1 (M. L. Smith,
Nov. 30, 1848). Gamboa, Impug., 55. =70="Guerra," no. 1044 (trial of
Alemán). =70="Guerra," no. 273 (trial of Bravo). _Monitor_, Apr. 27,
1848. =70="Guerra," no. 155 (trial of Terrés). Statue of Bravo at
Puebla. _Delta_, Oct. 14, 26; Nov. 3, 20. México á través, iv, 690-5.
=76=Bravo, Dec. 27. Dunovant, Battles, 5-10. Wash. _Union_, Nov.
3. _Monitor Repub._, Oct. 24; Dec. 16 (S. Anna). Nashville _Repub.
Banner_, Oct. 28, 1857. =292=Pillow to wife, Oct. 18. _Spirit of the
Age_, Feb. 10; July 29, 1848. Pacheco, Exposíción. Wise, Gringos (N.
Y., 1849), 257-9. Calderón, Rectificaciones, 47. _Vedette_, iv, nos.
3, 8, 12. =327=Sutherland to father. Aug. --. =178=Davis, diary.
_Flag of Freedom_, Nov. 27. Molina, El Asalto. =269=_Id._, recolls.
=291=Pierce to Appleton, Sept. 26. =51=Marine off., Oct. 20. Reynolds,
Exculpation. =131=Brindle, statement. Ripley, War with Mexico, ii,
396-402. Encarnacion Prisoners, 84. _Hist. Teacher's Mag._, Apr., 1912
(Vieregg).

REMARKS on the battle of Chapultepec. Chapultepec had been a protected
summer palace, not a fortress. At this time the upper stories that one
sees now did not exist. There were perhaps three times as many large
trees in the grove as at present. For military reasons the small trees
had recently been cleared away. Scott had a small map of the city,
apparently purchased from the British courier (Sen. 34; 34, 3, p. 25).
The Twelfth Infantry guarded the stores at Mixcoac, and Sept. 10 Harney
was sent there with a body of dragoons. Sumner was then placed in
command of all the dragoons at Tacubaya (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 421). P. F.
Smith's brigade remained at Mixcoac until the morning of Sept. 13. Lee,
Beauregard, Stevens and Tower reconnoitred the southern front. Scott
was there nearly all day Sept. 9, and on the morning of the eleventh.
The purposes in view were to study the Mexican preparations, ascertain
the nature of the ground, and find places for batteries. In general the
ground, even where covered with water, appeared to be firm enough for
infantry, and suitable places for batteries were found.

Bravo was appointed to the command of Chapultepec on August 27. Sept.
9 Alvarez was ordered to take the cavalry to Guadalupe. According to
=76=Bravo, Sept. 14, the garrison of Chapultepec on the morning of
Sept. 12, aside from gunners and engineers, was the Tenth Line Infantry
(250), Mina battalion (277), Unión battalion (121), Querétaro battalion
(115), Toluca battalion (27), Patria battalion (42). These 832 men were
disposed as follows: defending the road to Tacubaya, 160; redoubt on
south side of hill (apparently at B), 215; _glorieta_ redoubt (C), 92;
entrenchment at the right of the _glorieta_ (D), 42; north side of the
hill, 80; buildings at summit, 243 (=76=Bravo, report, Sept. 14). The
buildings near the gateway batteries were defended principally by the
Matamoros de Morelia battalion.

At the conference of Sept. 11 Engineers Smith, Lee, Stevens and Tower
favored attacking San Antonio, and Quitman, Shields, Cadwalader and
Pierce took that view. Pillow did the same. Riley and Twiggs sided
with Scott though not for positive reasons. Hitchcock and Trist do not
seem to have expressed opinions. Worth and P. F. Smith were engaged
elsewhere. Scott's attacking Chapultepec against the advice of Lee
illustrated the fact that his success in Mexico was not due to that
officer, as the value of Lee's services and his later fame have led
some to imagine.

Gen. U. S. Grant regarded the battles of Sept. 8 and 13 as wholly
unnecessary (Mems., i, 154). But here, as elsewhere in referring to
the Mexican War, he seems to have been merely recording youthful
impressions. He says that, had Scott gone round those positions, the
Mexicans would have evacuated them; but Scott did not wish the Mexicans
to evacuate El Molino and Casa Mata, taking with them their gunpowder
and (supposed) foundry material: _i. e._, Grant failed to understand
the question. With regard to Chapultepec also it is an issue between
a lieutenant and the major general commanding. Scott did not overlook
the idea of going round (Worth: Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 199); and hence, as
he understood the case far better than Grant did at the time or when
he wrote his Memoirs, one concludes that his judgment was correct. He
stated (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 377) that [Grant's] plan would have required
too wide and hazardous a circuit. The following other objections
against it may be suggested. Grant's plan would have required the
army to abandon the roads for difficult fields and marshes, limited
the practicability of defending the rear in case of attack, weakened
greatly the effective feinting upon which Scott counted (_ibid._,
376), produced a bad moral effect--especially in view of the recent
battle--by suggesting that he dared not attack Chapultepec, exposed our
assaulting troops to a cannonade from the rear, and left behind them a
menace of other uncertain but alarming possibilities. The capture of
Chapultepec, on the other hand, worked morally as well as physically
in our favor, and was thought by Scott likely to have an even greater
effect than it had (Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 169); and it was stated by our
engineers that mortars planted there would command a large part of the
city. It has been said that our batteries were too far from the target;
but it was not known what guns Chapultepec had, and no doubt our
engineers and artillery officers ventured as far as appeared expedient.
Clearly, however, too much was expected of our batteries.

Battery No. 1, to play on the south side of the fort, was laid out by
Lee; No. 2, opposite the southwest angle of the fort, by Huger. The
batteries did not fire accurately at first (=179=Diario Esactísimo).
This seems to have been due to a lack of platforms for the guns.
Quitman's division supported No. 1, which was particularly exposed, and
in the afternoon he made a bold reconnaissance of the road, discovering
artillery and a ditch in his front (Claiborne, Quitman, ii, app., 308).
The Mexicans made advances toward No. 1 on Sept. 12, but canister
repelled them. To hinder reinforcements from reaching Chapultepec,
Quitman by Scott's order placed fifty men well forward on the road in
the night of Sept. 12-13, and some skirmishing occurred. A 9-pounder
protected with sand-bags was planted just in front of No. 1. The
intention had been to establish an advanced battery, but the Mexicans
prevented this. Two New York companies supported No. 2. Battery No.
3 had a brass 16-pounder. This, becoming unserviceable, was replaced
with an iron 24-pounder. Batteries 1, 2 and 3 commanded the south and
west fronts of Chapultepec fort, and No. 4 commanded its interior. No.
1 stood about 1000 yards from the south front of the fort; No. 2 about
1400 yards from its southwestern angle; No. 3 about 1140 yards from its
west front; and No. 4 a little nearer than No. 3 (Hardcastle's map in
Sen. 1; 30, 1).

Pillow reoccupied El Molino early Sept. 12 and his division slept
there the following night. Early Sept. 13 Twiggs resumed operations
at La Piedad, and the Mexicans endeavored to draw him on. Steptoe had
two 12-pounders and two 24-pound howitzers. The weakness and gradual
discontinuance of his fire and the fact that Twiggs did not expose his
infantry rendered this feint ineffective. Scott states that Taylor's
battery also was at La Piedad, but it does not seem to have been used
at this time. Perhaps, as the Mexicans were likely to attack, it was
held in reserve.

The storming parties were composed of volunteers. In some and possibly
in all cases some slight reward was offered. In a number of regiments
so many volunteered that it became necessary to draw lots. Scott
thought Pillow would need one brigade; but Pillow sent for Worth's
whole division and received one (Clarke's) brigade of it. Ripley (_op.
cit._, ii, 420) states that Pillow asked for only one of Worth's
brigades, but against him is the testimony of Scott, of Worth and of
Semmes, who bore Pillow's message. Some of Clarke's men arrived in
time to fight. After the battle Pillow admitted that not over 1000 of
his men took part in the assault (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 408). He had too
many. They were in one another's way. Pillow stated that the garrison
was 6000, thus probably reckoning almost every Mexican soldier within
a mile of the hill. Pillow wrote (=180=Oct. 18): I led "to the very
Cannon's mouth, where I was cut down--Then my men picked me up and
carried me forward under my orders and with a shout of exultation
and triumph, scaled the ditches and wall." In fact he seems to have
received a painful wound on the ankle from a glancing grapeshot at the
foot of the hill (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 378), and was not carried to the
summit until serious fighting had ended (Sen. 65; 30, 1, pp. 156, 172,
204, 217, 222, 224). Cadwalader succeeded him in command. Lt. Col.
Hébert with the Eleventh Infantry, assisted by Sumner's dragoons and
in effect by Trousdale and Jackson, kept off a strong force of lancers
that menaced the American rear from the direction of Los Morales.

Sept. 13 when Santa Anna finally sent the San Blas battalion (perhaps
400) toward the summit, the approach of the Americans forced it to
halt--apparently at the entrenchment (D) near the _glorieta_. The Third
Ligero was ordered to reinforce this battalion, but the college fell
before it arrived, and it retired. Other troops were sent to the lower
parts of the hill. Some perished, some retreated, some were captured.
The Hidalgo battalion fought on the Tacubaya road. Reserves of 2-5000
were on the Belén causeway near Chapultepec.

A Mexican lieutenant of engineers named Alemán had charge of firing
the mines, and he was ordered to do his work. At his trial he said
that he found his way blocked by Mexican troops, and that before he
could reach his post the Americans were there. Some, if not all, of the
canvas pipes containing the trains had already been found and cut by
our troops. The Americans got over the fosse by laying ladders across
it. The man who first reached the Mexican flagstaff appears to have
been Capt. Kimball, a Vermonter but born in New Hampshire. He stood on
guard there till Seymour, who commanded his regiment after Ransom's
fall, arrived. Sept. 13 the Americans took revenge for the atrocities
perpetrated upon our wounded on the eighth.

The second in command in Casey's party was Capt. Paul, but Capt. B.
S. Roberts, whose company stood at the head of it, led the successful
charge. Gen. Rangel reported that by this time the Mexican muskets had
become useless and the one cannon that directly enfiladed the road had
been accidentally disabled. It is quite clear, particularly in the
light of Mexican evidence, that the fort on the summit was carried
before the gateway batteries. Quitman rendered no essential service in
the capture of Chapultepec, though he kept many Mexicans occupied. His
troops that went up the hill were not needed. (Even Clarke's brigade
was a greater reinforcement than the situation called for.) Shields
states that the three regiments turned off to the left because the
Mexicans in Quitman's front were found too strong, and if these could
not be beaten before those three regiments were detached, evidently
the remainder of Quitman's command was not strong enough to beat them.
When Roberts led the successful charge, Worth (whom Clarke rejoined),
Trousdale and Jackson had appeared at the northeast of Chapultepec
and menaced the rear of the gateway batteries. Except thirty to fifty
under Capt. Terrett the Marines did not distinguish themselves. Their
commander, however, said that their ammunition failed, and other
officers stated that Quitman ordered the corps to halt. This was their
first battle.

P. F. Smith had the Mounted Rifles (minus two companies detached),
First Artillery and Third Infantry (minus two companies detached). It
was hoped that he could strike the Belén aqueduct, break through, and
take the Mexican flank and rear. Smith's brigade not being strong
enough--under the difficulties of the ground and in view of Quitman's
halt--to attack Santa Anna's reserves, veered toward the causeway, and
under the partial shelter of maguey opened fire. His right companies
took part in the final charge against the gateway batteries. Had
Quitman given Smith the pioneer party with planks, etc., for bridging
the ditches, and a storming party, and supported him with two of the
regiments that went up the hill, Smith could have struck the Mexicans
effectively on the Belén route, while Quitman himself was doing what he
could on the Tacubaya road with the rest of his command. A great number
of prisoners could probably have been captured in this way (Stevens,
Stevens, i, 214-5). Gen. Rangel reported that the corps which defended
the work on the Tacubaya causeway lost one third, and that almost every
member of his staff was wounded Sept. 8 or 13. The serious fighting
inside the fort lasted only four or five minutes. When the final
assault occurred, the effective defenders, all told, probably did not
number more than 275. Bravo's sword was returned to him. He was charged
by Santa Anna with bad conduct, but when tried was fully exonerated.
In reference to Chapultepec the author was kindly assisted by Señor
D. Ignacio Molina, head of the cartography section of the Mexican
government, who was a student at the military college in Sept., 1847,
and, being an engineer by profession, could be relied upon.

28.18. Pillow estimated the Mexican killed, wounded and captured at
Chapultepec at about 1800 (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 408), and mentioned that
the prisoners included Gens. Bravo, Noriega, Monterde [Dosamantes,
Saldaña], three colonels, seven lieut. colonels and 40 captains. The
actual number of Mexicans captured in the operations of Sept. 13-14 was
125 officers, 698 men besides about forty students (Hitchcock in Sen.
1; 30, 1, p. 430). As to their killed, wounded and missing, one can
only guess. The American loss on Sept. 12-14 was: killed, 10 officers,
128 rank and file; wounded, 60 officers, 613 rank and file (Ho. 24;
31, 1). What part of this loss was incurred at Chapultepec cannot be
stated. (Black) McSherry (M'Sherry), El Puchero, 108.

28.19. _The Belén operations._ Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 1019, 1021-5. Sen.
1; 30, 1, pp. 381-3 (Scott), 398 (Twiggs), 414-6 (Quitman), 423
(Huger); app., 180 (Bonneville), 184 (Smith), 191 (Beauregard), 215
(Seymour), 223 (Smith), 225 (Shields), 230 (Porter). Sen. 65; 30,
1, pp. 188 (Ripley). 633 (Pillow). Carreño, Jefes, 166. _Niles_,
Oct. 30, pp. 137-8. Sen. Report 32; 34, 1. Brown, Ninth Inf., 62.
Haskin, First Artill., 115. _So. Qtrly. Rev._, Jan., 1853, pp. 43-4.
Negrete, Invasión, iii, app., 133, 145-9; iv, app., 304-8. Balbontín,
Invasión, 132. Davis, Autobiog., 209-10, 232-4, 262-3. =376=Nicholson,
recolls. =218=Henshaw narrative. =69=Dimick to Woodbury, Dec. 1,
1848. =69=Childs to Dimick, Dec. 2, 1848. Claiborne, Quitman, i, 347,
364, 367-9, 372, 385-6. =151=Reports and letters. City of Charleston,
S. C, Year Book, 1883, p. 523. Rowland, Miss. Register, 418.
=113=Beauregard, remins. =357=Wilcox, diary. =303=Reports. =60=Loring
to P. F. Smith, Sept. 27. =60=Dimick to _Id._, Sept. 20. =60=_Id. et
al._ to P. F. Smith, Oct. 19, 1848. =60=_Id._ to adj. gen., Nov. 30,
1848. =69=Williams to Porter, Apr. 11, 1857. =65=Adj. gen., orders
7, Feb. 20, 1847. Rodriguez, Breve Reseña, 870. Gamboa, Impug., 56.
=70="Guerra," no. 155 (trial of Terrés). _Picayune_, Nov. 20. _Delta_,
Oct. 14, 26, 1847; Jan. 11, 1848. México á través, iv, 695. Dunovant,
Battles, 11-17. Wash. _Union_, Sept. 11. _Monitor Repub._, Nov. 3;
Dec. 16. _South. Mag._, July, 1874, p. 78. =364=Worth to daughter,
Sept. 28. Ramsey, Other Side, 249, note. Prieto, Memorias, ii, 246.
=270=Moore, diary. =335=Statement _re_ Quitman by Trist. =80=Relac. to
Olaguíbel, Sept. 14. Statements to the author from Quitman's daughters.
=327=Sutherland to father, Aug. --. =178=Davis, diary. =269=Molina,
recolls. Reynolds, Exculpation. Stevens, Vindication. S. Anna, Detall,
21, 29-32. Raleigh _Star_, Nov. 3. =76=Tornel to Carrera, Sept. 9.
Apuntes, 309, 317-22. Diccionario Universal (_México_). =68=Bonneville
court martial. Semmes, Service, 457. _Monitor Repub._, Nov. 3 (Terrés).
Stevens, Stevens, i, 210-1. Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 492-3.

REMARKS on the Belén operations. The Mexicans retiring by this road
were commanded by Gen. Lombardini. The principal corps was the Activo
regiment of Morelia. The ditch across the Tacubaya causeway at the
gateway batteries was promptly filled in by the Americans to permit
passage. A part of the men who captured the gateway batteries pursued
the fleeing Mexicans, but not far. A part of the Sixth Infantry, having
gone astray, joined Quitman. It has been suggested that Scott made
a mistake in not giving orders, before the attack upon Chapultepec,
for subsequent operations, and thus left the troops to their own
devices; but it was impossible for him to calculate in advance what
the situation would be, and he went as soon as possible to the summit
of the hill, which was the proper place for surveying the field and
issuing suitable commands.

The Belén garita presented a hard problem because, having been more
threatened than the San Cosme garita, it seemed likely to be more
strongly guarded, because, being nearer to the forces protecting the
southern front, it could be more quickly and effectively reinforced,
and because it was supported by the citadel, which could only be
approached over open ground. Scott, therefore determined to make only
a feint at Belén (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 382). Quitman, however, owing to
the abortive Alvarado expedition, had not figured at Cerro Gordo.
Aug. 20 and Sept. 8 his duty had been to guard the rear. Hence he had
won no éclat under Scott, and, feeling that Scott was unfriendly to
him, he apparently resolved at this time to take the bit in his teeth
(Davis, Autobiog., 232). During his operations against the city Scott
repeatedly signified his disapproval of them, but Quitman refused to
retire without a positive order (Claiborne, Quitman, i, 386), and,
since Quitman had committed him, Scott, although extremely annoyed
(Davis, Autobiog., 234-5), wisely refrained from giving this. Gen. U.
S. Grant said, "It is always, however, in order to follow a retreating
foe, unless stopped or otherwise directed" (Mems., i, 152). This
principle authorized Quitman's moving toward the city but not the
later part of his operations. At the expense of his men, therefore,
Quitman was guilty of virtual insubordination--though not of positive
disobedience--for personal reasons. This fact it is necessary to
make clear. But his men were no doubt as willing as he to risk their
lives, and it was only natural that Quitman should seek to distinguish
himself. That motive had to be recognized, for without it probably few
volunteer officers would have been in the field. Ripley (_op. cit._,
ii, 549) says that according to Scott's report orders were repeatedly
sent to Quitman to prevent his too rapid advance, but Quitman did
not receive them and could not find the staff officer who had borne
them. What Scott said (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 382) was that he repeatedly
communicated his "views" to Quitman, and Davis (Autobiog., 234-5)
supports this statement. The purpose of Ripley's remark apparently was
to hint that Scott's statement was untrue.

The intermediate battery (at what was called the Bridge of the
Insurgents) seems to have been built for four guns but to have had
only one, two, three guns in place, or perhaps none. The accounts
disagree. Quitman and Smith, both of them volunteer officers, appear
distinctly to have colored their reports in favor of the Palmetto
regiment, which was second to none in gallantry, but was not enabled
by circumstances to do all it would gladly have done here. The First
Artillery, on the other hand, did not receive the credit it deserved.
It was merely a question of precedence, not of courage, but vigorous
protests against their reports were the consequence. Perhaps, however,
the real explanation of their inaccuracies is that the reports
represent orders of which circumstances (unknown or forgotten by them)
prevented the execution.

Sept. 9, believing Scott would attack the southern side, Santa Anna had
two guns removed from the Belén garita. The "citadel" had originally
been a tobacco factory. Terrés was treated by Santa Anna with the
utmost contempt and even subjected to personal violence, but a court
martial exonerated him, and he was regarded by Scott with marked
respect (_Delta_, Jan. 11, 1848).

28.20. _The S. Cosme operations._ Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 381-2 (Scott),
391-3 (Worth), 421 (Sumner), 424 (Huger), 428-9 (J. L. Smith); app.,
166 (Huger), etc. Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 1072-3, 1077, 1079. _Journ. Milit.
Serv. Instit._, v, 46; xxxiii, 444. Wilson, Grant, 63-7. Stevens,
Stevens, i, 211-2, 215. _So. Qtrly. Rev._, Jan., 1853, p. 44. Negrete,
Invasión, iii, app., 430-41, 450; iv, app., 305-8. Grant, Mems., i,
150, 155-9. Ballentine, Eng. Sold., ii, 249. =66=Lee to J. L. Smith,
Sept. 15. =66=McClellan to G. W. Smith, Sept. 14. =66=Stevens to J.
L. Smith, Sept. 25. Claiborne, Quitman, i, 379. =113=Beauregard,
remins. =60=Paul to Lovell, Sept. 20. Semmes, Service, 457-61. Apuntes,
316-22. Rangel, Parte (with notes). =70="Guerra," no. 273 (trial of
Bravo). _Delta_, Oct. 14. S. Anna, Detall, 30-2. México á través, iv,
695. _Monitor Repub._, Dec. 16 (S. Anna). =76=Mora to Lombardini,
Aug. 9; to Guerra, July 22. =76=Lombardini, Aug. 22. Jackson, Mems.,
43. =80=Relac. to Olaguíbel, Sept. 14. G. W. Smith, Co. A, Corps of
Engins. =51=Letter from Marine officer, Oct. 20. =51=Terrett, undated.
=51=Henderson to sec. navy, May 12, 1848. Stevens, Vindication. Raleigh
_Star_, Oct. 27. Arnold, Jackson, 130, 177. Dabney, Jackson, 47-9.
Murphy, Remins., 69. Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 496-502.

REMARKS on the San Cosme operations. The Mexicans retreating by this
route were commanded by Gen. Rangel, assisted by Gen. Peña y Barragán
and Lt. Col. Echeagaray. It is impossible to be as precise as would
be desirable in describing the first part of Worth's advance, for the
reports are both vague and inconsistent. This is mainly, no doubt,
because the officers wrote from memory and without the aid of a map.
Ripley observes (_op. cit._, ii, 484) that Worth's movement "had the
great element of success, celerity." In reality, it was very slow,
but unofficial accounts and the Mexican reports contain evidence that
the resistance was not only vigorous but more than once temporarily
triumphant. The one-gun redoubt seems to have been abandoned when the
hill yielded. Ripley observes also (_op. cit._, ii, 485) that Worth
did not need to advance rapidly: "Time was not immediately pressing."
But this is a mistake, for substantially all the Mexican preparations
at the S. Cosme garita were made after Worth's advance began. The
fortification (unarmed) near the English cemetery was at the bridge
of Santo Tomás. The Mexican infantry was withdrawn from this position
because the Americans could have struck the S. Cosme highway (by a
cross-road) between it and the city; but a large body of cavalry under
Torrejón remained and charged in order to gain time for Rangel to make
preparations at the garita.

While Quitman was struggling with the intermediate battery, Duncan of
Worth's command sent a gun from La Verónica causeway into a road that
extended some distance toward the right, and fired at the Mexicans.
He and Worth believed they gave Quitman material assistance, but this
does not appear to have been the fact, for the distance was found to
be much greater than they supposed (=113=Beauregard). The better way
to aid Quitman would have been to press forward without loss of time,
and threaten the rear of the Mexicans opposing Quitman. Later some of
Worth's guns did aid Quitman by firing at the garita.

With remarkable daring Capt. Terrett of the Marines, Lieuts. Gore and
U. S. Grant of the Fourth Infantry, a few other officers and a small
party of men captured the unarmed work near the junction of La Verónica
and San Cosme roads by moving to the left round the English cemetery,
and took the parapet on the San Cosme highway. From the latter Worth
recalled them because the American guns behind them were about to open.
Cadwalader, sent to Worth by Scott, was placed by the former at the
English cemetery to guard Worth's left and rear. Sumner, after pursuing
the Mexicans for some time, was detached to protect Tacubaya. Scott
joined Worth near the English cemetery and directed him to carry the
garita (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 392), but he soon returned to the base of
Chapultepec so as to be within easy reach of all his scattered forces
(_ibid._, 382). By Scott's order Huger sent to Worth four siege guns
and a mortar, but on account of the nature of the ground none of these
pieces was used against the garita (_ibid._, 424). Santa Anna brought
four guns to the garita, but only three of them were available. The
stampede from the garita seems to have been due in part to a cornet
signal for retreat, meant for a single corps. The cavalry under Alvarez
entered the city during the afternoon of Sept. 12. Grant was assisted
by Lieut. Lendrum of the Third Artillery in handling the mountain
howitzer.

28.21. _The night of Sept. 13-14._ Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 383 (Scott), 393
(Worth), 416 (Quitman), 424 (Huger), 429 (J. L. Smith); app., 168,
etc. (officers). Ho. 60: 30, 1, pp. 1077-9 (Worth), 1079 (Scott).
=179=Diario Esactísimo. Stevens, Stevens, i, 213, 215. Sen. Rep. 32;
34, 1. Negrete, Invasión, iii, app., 129, 450; iv, 108, 116-22; app.,
309-10. _So. Qtrly. Rev._, Jan., 1853, p. 49. Davis, Autobiog., 235-7,
287-90. =217=Henshaw to wife, Sept. 13 [partly later]. =218=Henshaw
narrative. =61=Gates, Oct. 6. =376=Nicholson, recolls. =151=Steptoe to
Lovell, Sept. 16. London _Times_, Nov. 13. =92=S. Anna to Mex. ayunt.,
Sept. 15. =80=Fernández to gov. Michoacán, Sept. 13. =80=Relac. to
Olaguíbel, Sept. 14. S. Anna, Mi Historia, 83. Gamboa, Impug., 57-8.
=70="Guerra," no. 954 (trial of Bonilla). =366=Ayunt. poster, Sept.
25. _Monitor Repub._, Sept. 27 (Pacheco); Oct. 2 (S. Anna). S. Anna,
Contestación. Lawton, Artill. Off., 315. =73=Lozano, nos. 4 and 8,
res., 1847. Ramírez, México, 318. =92=Mex. ayunt. to Scott, Sept.
13, 11 P.M. S. Anna, Apelación, 58-9. Calderón, Rectificaciones, 48.
Giménez, Memorias, 114. Stevens, Vindication. Raleigh _Star_, Oct. 27.
=112=Beauregard to Quitman, Sept. 17. =113=_Id._, remins. Rangel, Parte
(with notes). Claiborne, Quitman, i, 370. =221=Hill, diary. Semmes,
Service, 463. Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 304. S. Anna, Detall, 32-3.
Apuntes, 334-5. Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 503-4.

Quitman sent to Scott for heavy cannon and ammunition, and the latter,
though offended by Quitman's course, had them supplied. During the
night, under Beauregard's direction, two batteries inside the Belén
garita (for a 24-pounder, an 18-pounder and a 24-pound howitzer) and
a breastwork on the right for infantry were made ready. Steptoe, sent
here by Scott, was on hand to superintend the firing. To assault the
citadel across about 300 yards of open ground, even with the aid of
these pieces, would have been a very serious affair, and it was most
fortunate for Quitman that Worth's entering the town where no citadel
existed made it unnecessary.

It has been supposed that Huger's brief bombardment caused Santa Anna
to evacuate the city (Semmes, Service, 463); but Santa Anna knew,
without being shown again, what the American artillery could do, and
he seems to have decided upon his policy before this firing occurred.
Santa Anna's chief published reasons for the evacuation were that he
wished to save the city from bombardment, assault and sack, and save
the army, arms and cannon for future operations. Gamboa complained that
no provision was made before the evacuation for the security of the
people, the archives, etc. But Scott's previous conduct was an adequate
pledge, and the council relied upon his regard for international
law. Considering Santa Anna's known love of money, the vast Mexican
interests now imperilled, and his summary manner of deciding the
question of evacuation, one cannot help suspecting that inducements
were offered him. The council was probably held merely to divide the
responsibility for what he had resolved to do.

It was charged that Santa Anna let the criminals out of jail expressly
to attack the Americans, and to bring odium upon us by committing
outrages that could be attributed to our troops. One cannot be sure
about this matter; but it is noticeable that Gamboa, in piling up all
possible charges against the President, only accused him of failing
to prevent the criminals from getting free. Santa Anna must have been
completely exhausted, but it seems to be true, as was stated by the
British minister (Bankhead, no. 86, 1847), that some one in authority
let about 2000 men out of confinement. Very likely it was hoped that
the Americans would be guilty of disorder; but the palace at least
was sacked before they entered it. Some of the Mexican soldiers acted
like brigands, it was reported--even robbing the British consul. No
preparations to evacuate the town had been made. Some one might and
should have had sentinels posted at the public buildings and offices
ready to surrender them in a proper manner. See chap. xxix, note 29.2.

On account of illness Pierce had no part in the battles of Sept. 8 and
13. Probably in order to occupy a place in the reports he appeared
at the Belén garita at about four A.M., Sept. 14 (though he belonged
to Pillow's division) on the ground that the Ninth Infantry was then
serving under Quitman. Although Scott refused to grant a capitulation
or sign any pledge, he seems to have indicated quite definitely to the
commission how the capital would be treated (Negrete, Invasión, iv,
122), and in particular that in consideration of being protected it
would have to pay $150,000 for necessaries and comforts to be given
our troops. The ayuntamiento attempted to force Scott to make pledges
by saying that otherwise it could offer no security to his army or its
property. This was ingenious, and so was its solemn Protest (Negrete,
Invasión, iv, 108) that it had no intention of submitting voluntarily
to any foreign authority.

Scott's report offended Worth by saying that he did not pass the
garita until Sept. 14 (Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1077). This was technically
an error, and Scott so acknowledged in writing (_ibid._, 1079). But
one cannot suppose he intended (though Worth imagined he did) to
belittle Worth, for his plan had been to give that officer the glory
of capturing the city, and he was displeased to find that Quitman had
taken precedence of Worth (Claiborne, Quitman, i, 377). Moreover,
Scott stated expressly in his report that Worth, had he not halted in
obedience to orders, might have anticipated Quitman (Sen. 1; 30, 1,
p. 383). Scott seems, indeed, to have intended, in giving Worth the
command on Sept. 8 and destining him to take possession of the city, to
close the breach between that officer and himself, but Worth contrived,
by taking needless offence on both occasions, to widen it. Another
complaint was that Scott ordered Worth to stop at the Alameda, and thus
enabled Quitman to reach the palace first (Semmes, Service, 464); but
apparently this was because Scott intended to join Worth there (Sen.
1; 30, 1, p. 417), for when Scott proceeded from Tacubaya to the city
on the morning of Sept. 14 he took the long route _via_ San Cosme, not
knowing what Quitman had done.

Semmes (Service, 469) states that S. Anna left 40 pieces of artillery
behind when he evacuated the city. Gamboa asserted that at the end
of the fighting, Sept. 13, there were still 9000 Mexican soldiers
besides 4000 National Guards (Impug., 59). The Spanish chargé reported
that when the fighting ended Santa Anna had 12,000 troops. As the
minister of relations was his guest at the time this would seem almost
equivalent to an official estimate (=73=Lozano, no. 7, Sept. 16).
Mounted and unmounted, the Americans found twenty-two cannon at the
citadel (=304=Geary to Quitman, Sept. 14). In spite of Santa Anna's
efforts to prevent the capture of the city, many still believed that he
was in league with the Americans (Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 419).

28.22. Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 383 (Scott), 393 (Worth), 398 (Twiggs),
417 (Quitman). _Niles_, Oct. 30, p. 137. Sen. Rep. 32; 34, 1. Scott,
Mems., ii, 535. Davis, Autobiog., 237. =376=Nicholson, recolls.
=224=Introd. to intercepted letters. =66=Beauregard to Quitman, Sept.
17. =304=Watson to Shields, Sept. 16. Claiborne, Quitman, i, 362, note,
376. =113=Beauregard, remins. =151=Roberts to _Union_, July 12, 1848.
=357=Wilcox, diary. Arroniz, Manual, i, 411. =65=Scott, gen. orders
286. Semmes, Service, 464. Apuntes, 326. London _Chronicle_, Nov. 12.
=307=Roberts, diary. =187=Thomas to Eddy, Oct. 26. Wise, Gringos (N.
Y., 1849), 255. Norton, Life, 172. =327=Sutherland to father, Aug. --.
Lowell (Mass.) _Journal_, Sept. 14, 1852. Verse by Grace Greenwood (in
Stevenson, Poems).

Epitomizing his operations in the Valley, Scott said his army had
beaten thirty-odd thousand men, posted behind defences at chosen
positions, killed or wounded more than 7000, taken 3730 (one seventh
officers), including thirteen generals, and captured more than twenty
colors and standards, 75 pieces of ordnance, 57 wall-pieces, 20,000
small arms, and an immense quantity of munitions (Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp.
384-5). The total American losses on Sept. 12, 13 and 14: note 28.18.


XXIX. FINAL MILITARY OPERATIONS

29.1. The chief documents relating to Taylor's field. Brackett,
Lane's Brigade, 31-2. =63=Marcy to Taylor, July 15, 1847. =169=Taylor
to Crittenden, May 15; Sept, 15, 1847. _Delta_, Aug. 3. Wash.
_Union_, June 17. =76=Mora, Mar. 31; Apr. 7; May 12. Ho. 60; 30,
1, pp. 1118-49, 1170, 1172, 1175, 1177, 1180, 1185-8, 1195, 1197-8
(Taylor); 1003, 1193-4 (Marcy). =76=A. Chávez, July 29. =76=González
to Urrea, July 12. =76=Valencia, June 7, 19, 26. =76=Filisola, Aug.
10. =76=Extracto, Aug. 10. Scott, Mems., ii, 409-11, 460. =354=Welles
papers. =330=Taylor, Aug. 16. _Spirit of the Age_, Feb. 17, 1848.
=76=Peña y Barragán, June 26, 1847. Charleston _Mercury_, Sept. 2.
Polk, Diary, May 11. =61=Adj. gen. to Brooke, May 29; to Taylor, July
16; to Talcott, Mar. 24. =69=Wool to Bliss, Aug. 25. (Tampico) Kenly,
Md. Vol., 241, 244, 252; =69=Riley to Bliss, Dec. 14, 1846; =61=Shields
to adj. gen., Jan. 19, 1847; =66=Beauregard to Gates, Feb. 24; =76=I.
Múñoz, Dec. 19, 21, 25, 1846; =65=Gates, special orders 7, Feb. 25,
1847; =76=Váldez to F. de Garay, Jan. 3, 1847; =76=Garay, Jan. 22,
res., 29, res.; =76=J. J. Landero, Jan. 25; =76=S. Anna, Jan. 9; =76=F.
de Garay, Jan. 22; =76=to Mora, May 24. (Tamaulipas authorities) =76=J.
Cárdenas to Relaciones, Nov. 16, 1847; =76=Urrea, Nov. 15; =75=Memoria
de ... Relaciones, Nov. 19; =76=gov. Tam. to comte. gen. Tam., Jan.
17, 1848; =76=_Id._ to Relaciones, Nov. 29, 1847; =76=Tam. congress,
decree, Nov. 14. (Taylor's going home) =61=Taylor, Oct. 26, 1847; Sen.
52; 30, 1, p. 145 (Marcy); =330=Taylor to Gen. --, Aug. 16, 1847; Ho.
60; 30, 1, pp. 1199, 1213-4 (Taylor); 1210 (Jones). (Costume) _Delta_,
Aug. 3, 1847. =69=Wool, gen. orders, Dec. 22, 1847.

The distance from Camargo to Mexico City seems to have been about 820
miles by the direct road. As early as May 11, 1847, Polk remarked
to the Cabinet that it was more important to reinforce Scott than
Taylor (Diary). In March, 1847, Taylor had: (regulars) 2 cos. of First
Dragoons; ditto, Second Dragoons; four artillery cos. (C of 1st; C and
E of 3d; B of 4th) with batteries; five artillery cos. as infantry;
(volunteers) Arkansas horse regt.; ditto, Kentucky; two cos. Texas
horse; two regts. Kentucky foot; three Ohio foot; three Ind. foot;
two Ill. foot; two Miss. foot; one each Va., No. Car., So. Car. and
Mass. foot (=62=adj. gen. to ordnance dept., March 24, 1847). June
16 Taylor wrote that Wool would soon have at Buena Vista six regular
companies (Second Dragoons, Fourth Artillery), four cos. of volunteer
horse (First Arkansas, Third Texas), and Marshall's brigade (in all
about 2500); that there would be a small garrison at Monterey, and
that the troops on or coming to the Rio Grande would go to a camp
of instruction at Mier. He reckoned that by August 15 he would have
about 8000 effectives (Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 1177, 1180). The New Orleans
_Delta_ of Aug. 3 said Wool had at Buena Vista about 2900, Taylor at
Monterey 800, and the posts at Cerralvo, Mier and Matamoros about 3300.
In May and June the time of practically all Taylor's 12-months men
(thirteen regts.) was out. Only enough for one company would reënlist.
The government intended Taylor should have after losing these men
fully 10,000, to wit (Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 924-6): (regulars) Hopping's
brigade consisting of Tenth Infantry (N. Y., N. J.) under Col. Temple;
Thirteenth Infantry (Va., Ga., Ala., Fla.) under Col. Echols; Sixteenth
Infantry (Ky., Ind., Ill.) under Col. Tibbatts; and also the Third
Dragoons; (volunteers) Marshall's brigade (one regt. each from *Miss.,
*Va. and *No. Car., five Va. companies--*three of them already in
Mexico); Lane's brigade (Ill. regt., Ill. horse co., Ind. regt., five
N. J. cos., one Fla. co., one Ark. horse co., five Texas horse cos.);
Cushing's brigade (*Mass. regt., Ohio regt., Ohio horse co., five
D. C. and Md. cos., five Ala. cos., one Ala. horse co.). (The star
means "already in Mexico.") In spite of this it was charged that the
government was leaving Taylor with only a corporal's guard. Troops
began to leave Taylor's for Scott's field during the latter part of
August. Taylor retained the Tenth and Sixteenth regular regts. and the
battery of Deas (Co. B, Fourth Artillery) and sent to Scott, besides
Hays's men and a body under Cushing, three regts. of volunteers (Mass.,
Ohio, Ind.): an aggregate of 2957 (=62=adj. gen., Oct. 6). He estimated
that Hays had about 400. Wool, who had been commanding at Saltillo and
Buena Vista, moved to Monterey after Taylor left that place, and Col.
John Hamtramck succeeded him. A letter from Buena Vista dated Jan. 17,
1848, said that Hamtramck then had 2600 and Wool at Monterey 1400; and
that the total force in that field amounted to five light batteries,
four infantry regiments, ten companies of dragoons and four companies
of horse (_Spirit of the Age_, Feb. 17, 1848).

About 200 American prisoners (privates), who were supposed by
themselves and other Americans to have been exchanged for Mexicans
captured at Cerro Gordo, were sent by the Mexican government in May,
1847, to Huejutla, about 120 miles from Tampico on the road to Mexico,
in order to prevent them from escaping or being recaptured, and
suffered terrible privations in the mountains. July 7, 1847, Gates,
commanding at Tampico, sent Col. De Russey of the Louisiana volunteers,
with 126 men (including 35 mounted men) and a 6-pdr. under Capt. F. O.
Wyse to endeavor peaceably to obtain the release of these prisoners,
or, if that could not be done, to rescue them. De Russey sent word to
Gen. F. de Garay, the Mexican commander in that district, regarding
his mission, but was ambushed near Huejutla. With some loss he beat
off his assailants, and after fighting more or less three days on his
retreat, succeeded, after receiving aid from Tampico, in reaching that
place. His loss was 12 killed and 7 wounded. Later the prisoners were
released on parole. The garrison of Tampico at this time was only about
650 effectives; but July 31 five companies of Ill. vols. were ordered
to go there from N. Orleans. In April, 1848, Gen. Shields was ordered
to take command at Tampico. (For this paragraph: Encarnacion Prisoners,
70; =65=Gates, special orders 41, July 7; =61=_Id._, July 21, Aug. 24;
=365=Wyse, May 15, 1876; =61=adj. gen. to Gates, July 31; Ho. 24; 31,
1; Tampico _Sentinel_, extra, July 18; =76=Garay, July 19, 28; =76=V.
de Mora, Sept. 10; Apuntes, 380-4; _Niles_, Aug. 7, p. 357; =61=adj.
gen. to Shields, Mar. 30, 1848.)

In the summer of 1847 discipline at Buena Vista was in a bad state
(=76=Filisola, Aug. 10; =76=report of a trustworthy spy). In August
a mutiny occurred (Sen. 62; 30, 1), and Wool discharged dishonorably
two lieuts. and two privates (Ho. 78; 30, 1). Polk countermanded
this discharge on the ground that Wool had exceeded his authority
(=256=Marcy to Wool, Jan. 17, 1848). A court of inquiry was ordered
(Ho. 60; 30, 1, 1207-8). This fully vindicated Wool (Sen. 62; 30, 1).

By the autumn of 1847 the Americans occupied Tamaulipas and Nuevo
León pretty effectively, but in Coahuila held only Saltillo and its
vicinity. In Feb. and March, 1848, that state was overrun (=61=Wool,
Mar. 2, 1848; =76=gov. Coahuila, Mar. 29, 1848), and on March 7 Mazapil
in northern Zacatecas was made an American outpost (=61=Wool to Price,
Apr. 5, 1848; =76=comte. gen. Zacatecas, Mar. 10). The Americans tried
repeatedly without success to apprehend Gov. Aguirre, who was known
to be hostile. Finally, about the middle of Dec., 1847, they burned
his house and destroyed the clothing of his family who were there
(=76=report to comte. gen. Durango, res., Dec. 21, 1847).

Valencia's plan of combined operations appears to have been an
elaboration of a suggestion of Filisola. By June 22 Filisola, then at
Durango, was ready to advance. July 31 he feared his men would disband
from lack of means. About Aug. 1 he moved. Many deserted or fell sick.
August 11 he had 634 available privates. Avalos was in a similar
condition, and his brigade shrank rapidly. Most of the troops placed
under Filisola's orders were diverted or simply failed to appear, and
finally on Aug. 23, 1847, he was ordered to Querétaro. (This paragraph
is based upon numerous =76=reports from the officers concerned.)

_Price's campaign._ In Oct., 1847, it was feared at Santa Fe that the
Mexicans intended to attack New Mexico (Santa Fe _Republican_, Oct. 9),
and a considerable American force appears to have gone to the southern
part of the province (=76=prefect El Paso, Oct. 26). In November El
Paso was the scene of preparations to march south. The people of
Chihuahua state had mostly been cowed at Sacramento, but Trias and a
few others were determined to fight. He obtained 500 muskets that were
landed at Guaymas, and his arsenal turned out eight small field pieces.
At Santa Cruz de Rosales he took post with 804 men, besides officers.
Price had 665 men, but his artillery was much superior to that of
the Mexicans. His object was to get the munitions and other public
property that Trias had brought from Chihuahua City. Trias said he knew
officially that a treaty had been signed; but, as the Mexicans were
more noted for astuteness than for veracity, Price would not believe
him. He did, however, wait about a week. After some fighting Trias and
his entire force surrendered. He lost 238 killed. The American loss was
4 killed and 19 wounded (=62=adj. gen. to Price, Oct. 4; Nov. 20, 1847.
=256=Marcy to Price, May 22, 1848; to Wool, May 23. =76=Trias, Nov. 30;
Feb. 15; Mar. 21. Ho. 1; 30, 2, pp. 76-7, 113-36. =61=Corresp. between
Price and Trias, Mar. 10, etc. Ho. 24; 31, 1. _Eco del Comercio_, June
22, 1848. =76=Chávez to Armijo, Oct. 21, 1847. Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos,
535-7. México á través, iv, 710. =61=Justiniani and Trias, report, Mar.
22, 1848. Apuntes, 397-401). Price exhibited energy and courage in
this campaign but poor judgment. A force occupying El Paso would have
protected New Mexico, and to go even beyond the city of Chihuahua and
fight so serious an aggressive battle long after the capture of Mexico
City and in the face of positive assurances that a treaty had been
signed was hardly reasonable. One suspects that commercial interests
were behind this campaign. Gen. Butler ordered restitution made (=60=to
Marcy, Apr. 7).

29.2. The chief documents relating to hostilities at Mexico. =221=Hill,
diary. _National_, Nov. 14, etc., 1847. =65=Scott, gen. orders 289,
296. Apuntes, 325, 330-9, 362. London _Chronicle_, Nov. 12. Negrete,
Invasión, iii, app., 451, etc.; iv, app., 310-2. S. Anna, Apelación,
59, 60, 63. Gamboa, Impug., 59, 60. Ramírez, México, 317-8. Semmes,
Service, 466-7. =92=Ayunt. proclams. =92=Corresp. between Veramendi and
S. Anna. =92=Ayunt. to Quitman, Sept. 15-6. =92=Mexican officials to
Veramendi, Sept. --. =92=Quitman, proclam., Sept. 26. =92=Veramendi,
proclam., Sept. 27. _Arco Iris_, Dec. 1. _Picayune_, Oct. 14; Nov.
20. N. Y. _Sun_, Oct. 14. Diario Esactísimo. _Niles_, Oct. 30, p.
138. =364=Worth to daughter, Sept. 28. Prieto, Memorias, ii, 248-58.
=357=Wilcox, diary. Sen. 34; 34, 3, p. 25. =366=Poster. S. Anna,
Detall, 33-4. London _Times_, Nov. 13. Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 383-4
(Scott), 393 (Worth); 399 (Riley); 417 (Quitman); 424 (Huger); app.,
169 (Smith), 185 (Smith), 188 (Morris), 190 (Plympton). Hitchcock,
Fifty Years, 304-5. _Monitor_ _Repub._, Sept. 28. Grant, Mems., i,
162-3. Henshaw narrative. Claiborne, Quitman, i, 378. Engineer School,
Occas. Papers 16. =73=Lozano, no. 7, 1847. Davis, Autobiog., 240. Roa
Bárcena, Recuerdos, 507-11, 542. _American Star_, Oct. 14.

Santa Anna sent an order to Herrera to return to Mexico, but by the
time Herrera received it he was so far away that he did not think
it best to go back, and the order was soon rescinded. One of the
=92=proclamations of the president of the ayuntamiento, 12:30 p.m.,
Sept. 14, said: "The general in charge of the American forces which
have occupied the city this morning has informed the Ayuntamiento that
if within three hours, counted from the time this notice is posted,
there is not an entire cessation of the acts of hostility now being
committed with palpable imprudence and to the grave prejudice of
the peaceable citizens, he will proceed with all rigor against the
guilty, permitting their goods and property to be sacked and razing
the block in which are situated the houses from which the American
troops are fired upon." There is no evidence that the last threat
was executed. In another =92=proclamation of the same day the people
were called upon to "reciprocate the civilization" of the American
army, and to leave national affairs to the nation. In a =92=third the
people were told that Scott had refused to give the pledges asked for
by the ayuntamiento until the hostilities should cease. The action of
the ayuntamiento brought upon President Veramendi the most violent
denunciations and menaces of Santa Anna. Veramendi =92=replied that
he "idolized" his country, and was only trying to avert the disasters
to which it had been doomed by "the most well-proven rapine, the most
lamentable demoralization of our people, and not by true patriotism
or zeal to prevent the sacking of the churches" and other outrages.
Veramendi wrote finally that it would be a waste of time to continue
the discussion; that the authorities would do their duty and accept the
verdict of public opinion.

The Americans commonly believed that the convicts were released from
the prison by Santa Anna with the expectation that their crimes would
be charged to the Americans; and on the other hand Otero asserted that
the Americans released them to prey upon the people. His view was
certainly erroneous; and the other, though not without support, may
have been so. In the confusion the jailers perhaps left the prisoners
unguarded or released them to save them from starving. Some believed
that the real purpose of the uprising was to plunder the houses of the
city under cover of the disorder, and there is reason to think this
motive existed. No doubt, too, some Americans robbed the houses of
innocent citizens from which they supposed, or pretended to suppose,
that bullets had come (=221=Hill, diary). As late as December an
uprising was planned. Scott had agents (including a member of Congress
and a governor) to give him information (Sen. 34; 34, 3, p. 38).
Scott's general orders 289, Sept. 18, for the distribution of the
troops in the city show that all the principal sections were covered,
and that a guard and two guns defended each of the principal gates.
No private house was to be used for quarters till all suitable public
buildings had been occupied, nor then without the owner's consent or an
order from headquarters. Officers were to be with or near their troops.

29.3. The chief documents. Lieber, Guerrillas, 19, 20. _Diario_, Apr.
28; May 2, 4, 10, 23, 1847. =80=Address of Méx. legislature, Apr. 26.
_Republicano_, May 8. Sen. 52; 30, 1, p. 138 (Marcy). _Porvenir_,
May 27. _Picayune_, Feb. 23; May 6; Dec. 9. Kenly, Md. Vol., 312.
Ramírez, México, 241, 244, 260. México á través, iv, 712. =256=Marcy to
Kearny, Dec. 10, 1846. =76=Mora, Apr. 23, 1847. =86=Vera Cruz congress,
manifiesto, Sept. 28. =76=Soto, proclam., undated. =92=Address of
citizens, Apr. 6. =61=Salas, proclam., Apr. 21. =76=S. Anna, May 16.
=76=Relaciones to Olaguíbel, Aug. 16. =257=[Hughes] to Frank, Nov. 11.
=76=Decrees, Apr. 28; May 1. Roa Bárcena, Rec., 250-5, 262.

In Spanish _guerrilla_ means a party, each member of which is a
_guerrillero_. The value of the work done by the Spanish guerillas was
commonly much overrated by the Mexicans. Not only did the "patriotic"
irregulars act atrociously in Mexico during the revolution against
Spain, but those organized by the viceroy behaved so badly that he
disbanded them (México á través, iii, 234). Guerillas ("light corps of
the National Guard") were decreed by the Mexican government on April
8, 1847. A citizen after obtaining authorization from the state or the
national government, could raise a body of volunteers (not less than
fifty), rank according to the number from lieutenant to colonel (800),
and give his name to the corps. Other corps were to be supported by the
state or the central government. Goods taken from the enemy were to be
divided among the captors and could be sold without paying duty. August
16, 1847, the government ordered that the people within thirty leagues
(about eighty miles) of every point occupied by the enemy should rise
_en masse_, and attack them with "the arms each may have, fire-arms
or cold steel, great or small, long or short--in a word, if there be
nothing else, with sticks and stones" (=76=Relaciones to Olaguíbel).

Other guerilla leaders in Vera Cruz state were M. Senobio (near the
coast), the Spanish priest J. A. Martínez, Juan Aburto, F. Mendoza
and J. M. Vázquez. T. Marín had charge of the guerillas near Córdoba.
Jarauta was ordered to bring together a number of small parties that
were simply preying upon the people. In the autumn of 1847 he offered
to join the Americans, but Gen. Patterson, who arrived at Jalapa just
then, would make no arrangement with him (Kenly, Md. Vol., 328-31;
=257=[Hughes] to Frank, Nov. 11).

29.4. =76=Urrea, Aug. 12, res. =76=Canales to Urrea, Feb. 5; Aug. 6; to
alcalde of Guerrero, Apr. 4. =69=Lamar to Bliss, Apr. 21. =245=Canales
to ----, Apr. 4. Apuntes, 387-8. _Republicano_, June 11. Ho. 60; 30,
1, pp. 1138-42; 1197 (Belknap). =256=F. J. Parker to F. Smith, Apr. 1.
_Picayune_, Feb. 23. Smith, Chile, 294, 298. =245=Boyd to Bee, Apr. 4.
=148=Chamberlain, recolls.

If a train moved in sections with troops between them its length was
increased so much that more strength was believed to be lost than
gained. The "roads" were usually narrow, especially in rough country.
For Urrea see chap. xx, p. 400.

29.5. Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 1138, 1142, 1180, 1211 (Taylor). =61=Wool
to adj. gen., Dec. 20, 1847; Feb. 4; Mar. 2; May 9, 1848; to Hunter,
Dec. 14, 1847; to Hamtramck, Dec. 18; to Lobo, July 25; to Marcy,
Feb. 26, 1848; =65=orders, 11, Dec. 17, 1847. =65=_Id._, orders 66,
Feb. 26, 1848. =69=Commrs. of N. León towns to Taylor, Apr. --, 1847.
=61=McDowell to Butler, Jan. 18, 1848. =348=Pattridge to Miss W.,
July 21, 1847. Apuntes, 387. _Republicano_, Apr. 14, 1847. _Niles_,
May 8, 1847, p. 152. =212=Hastings, diary. Sen. 32; 31, 1 (Hughes,
mem., 43). =148=Chamberlain, recolls. =76=Aguirre, proclam., Aug. 27,
1847. =76=Canales to R. Uribe, Apr. 10. =76=Urrea, May 27. =76=Jefe
político, Saltillo, to ayunt., Sept. 28; Nov. 4.

Final action regarding the fine of $96,000 was made contingent on
the conduct of the people (Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1139). General Mora,
commanding at San Luis Potosí, thought he could take advantage of a
small massacre perpetrated by Americans to score a point, but Taylor
disposed of him summarily (_ibid._, pp. 1138-41).

29.6. _Sun of Anahuac_, Aug. 25, 1847. Apuntes, 385-7. =73=Bermúdez
de Castro, no. 517, 1847. =350=Weber, recolls. Lerdo de Tejada,
Apuntes, ii, 579. Wise, Gringos (N. Y., 1849), 278, 281. _Picayune_,
Oct. 15; Dec. 19. Kenly, Md. Vol., 323. Oswandel, Notes, 153, 166,
215. =76=Mora, Apr. 23, 1847. =76=Rea, Nov. 14. Dublán, Legislación,
v, 284, 288. _Diario_, May 2, 10; June 27 (S. Anna, decree, June 26).
=76=Lombardini, May 27. =76=Guerra, circular, June 26.

29.7. =61=Wilson to adj. gen., Aug. 21, 1847. (Losses) Ho. 24; 31,
1. =68=Court of inquiry, Puebla, July 17. =221=Hill, diary, Nov. 8.
=69=Hughes to Capt. Scott, Jan. 8, 1848. Grone, Briefe, 33, 37, etc.
=61=Lally to Wilson, Aug. 11, 26. =61=Briscoe, report, Mar. 1, 1848.
=65=Scott, gen. orders 250, 1847; 45, 1848. Lerdo de Tejada, Apuntes,
ii, 579, 582. _Delta_, Oct. 1, 5, 1847. Kenly, Md. Vol., 304-8, 318.
Apuntes, 386-7. =234=McDaniel to Johnson, Jan. 28, 1848. Ho. 60; 30,
1, pp. 1068 (Marshall); 1069 (Miles); 1082 (Scott). _Niles_, Sept.
18, 1847, p. 35; Oct. 16, p. 103. =291=Pierce, diary. =291=Bonham to
Pierce, July 27. =61=Cadwalader to Wilson, June 13. =287=Parrish,
diary. =76=Soto, June 10, 14; July 19. =76=Mendoza to Soto, June 16.
=178=Davis, diary. _Diario_, June 23. Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 482 (Lally);
488 (Sears); 489 (Ridgely); 491-5; app., 4, 13, 16 (McIntosh); 18
(Cadwalader); 21 (Wynkoop); 23 (Walker); 25 (Pierce). Roa Bárcena,
Rec., 252, 254, 262. Oswandel, Notes, 381. June 6 McIntosh lost six
killed, fifteen wounded.

For McIntosh and Pierce see chap. xxiv, pp. 76-7. McIntosh left Vera
Cruz June 4 with 132 wagons, about 500 pack-mules, 170 dragoons, 100
dismounted dragoons and about 450 infantry. The wagon horses were weak
mustangs; the mules unbroken and vicious; the teamsters Mexicans,
mostly new to the business. The wagons became too much separated. The
dragoons acted imprudently. A court of inquiry exonerated McIntosh.
The guerillas destroyed the fine bridge at Plan del Río in the hope of
stopping Cadwalader, who marched from Vera Cruz to reinforce McIntosh.
Lally had two companies of the Fourth Infantry, two of the Fifth, one
of the Eleventh, three of the Twelfth, one of the Fifteenth, two of the
Voltigeurs and one of Louisiana horse. The "missing" numbered twelve.
He admitted that at the national bridge only his artillery gave him the
victory. Lally had been appointed from civil life, and, though military
in appearance, did not understand his present business (Grone, Briefe,
46-8). Hearing at Perote that Lally had been repulsed, Colonel Wynkoop
with two companies of infantry and one of cavalry marched to Jalapa in
thirty-six hours. Naturally the Americans greatly overestimated the
numbers of the guerillas they were fighting. In November, 1847, the
guerillas operated so near Vera Cruz that the farmers would not bring
milk and vegetables to the city unless escorted. January 3, 1848,
Lieut. Col. Miles left Vergara with some 500 wagons and a large number
of pack-mules. He had 1300 troops, but only 150 of them were cavalry.
The train extended at least nine miles. In spite of unusual precautions
250-300 of the pack-mules were captured near Santa Fe. Most of the
goods thus lost belonged to Mexican merchants. In February, 1848, a
party under Lieut. Col. Briscoe was attacked on its way to Orizaba. A
number of other encounters are mentioned by Mexicans.

29.8. Oswandel, Notes, 156, 215-6, 365, 382. =13=Giffard, nos. 19, May
30; 37, Oct. 20, 1847. =13=Doyle, no. 1, Jan. 13, 1848. =61=Hughes to
[Wilson], Sept. 13. =65=Scott, gen. orders 127, Apr. 29; 372, Dec. 12,
1847. Brackett, Lane's Brigade, 174, 186, 194, 196. =128=_Id._, diary.
=12=Pell to Lambert, Nov. 30. Zirckel, Tagebuch, 50, 53, 61-2. _Correo
Nacional_, Dec. 21. Henshaw narrative. Grone, Briefe, 37-61. =61=Twiggs
to Marcy, Mar. 1, 1848. Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 310. Scott, Mems., ii,
575. Lerdo de Tejada, Apuntes, ii, 579, 582. =152=Claiborne, mems. Sen.
52; 30, 1, p. 138 (Marcy). _Delta_, Dec. 23. Apuntes, 386. =62=Adj.
gen. to Wilson, Aug. 12. Moore, Scott's Camp., 72. Ramírez, México,
241-3, 260. _Fraser's Mag._, xxxviii, 91-6. =76=J. G. Terán, May 17.
Stevens, Stevens, i, 134. Vera Cruz _Eagle_, May 29. =61=Wilson to adj.
gen., June 7. =159=Collins papers. Polk, Diary, July 16. =76=Soto, July
23; Aug. 11. Negrete, Invasión, iii, app., 60-1. _Flag of Freedom_, i,
no. 4. =305=Richardson, recolls.

It was a common practice of these guerillas to mutilate wounded
Americans. The lasso was one of their weapons. Their rule was to take
no prisoners. After Scott had to abandon his communications with Vera
Cruz, the government felt extremely anxious to have the line re-opened
and kept open. August 12, 1847, the commander at Vera Cruz was assured
that this was "of the first importance," and troops were sent to him
expressly for the purpose. The volunteers in general, personally brave
and enterprising, did good service against the guerillas (Stevens,
Stevens, i, 134); but as the latter almost always had horses, there
was a particular need of cavalry on our side. About the first of July,
1847, the governors of Illinois and Georgia were called upon for two
and five companies respectively of mounted men to help keep this line
open. Polk himself selected Hays's regiment (Diary, July 16). Walker,
though stern with the guerillas, would not permit his men to pillage.
Rebolledo was betrayed, and was taken by Mexican counter-guerillas
in November, 1847; but he was defended by an American named Kennedy,
who resided at Jalapa, and was merely imprisoned. Jarauta was shot in
July, 1848, for revolutionary activities. Marcy wrote to Scott that the
guerilla system was "hardly recognized as a legitimate mode of warfare,
and should be met with the utmost allowable severity" (Sen. 52; 30, 1,
p. 138), and ordered him to destroy the rendezvous of the guerillas.
The guerillas failed completely to affect the general course of the
war, as they were expected to do, but even as late as March, 1848, the
road from Vera Cruz to Jalapa was safe for large parties only. Hays's
Rangers seemed to aim to dress as outlandishly as possible, and with
their huge beards looked almost like savages. The officers were like
the men in looks and costume. The horses were of all sizes and colors.
For arms each had a rifle, a pair of pistols and one or two Colt's
five-shooters (Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 310; Brackett, Lane's Brigade,
174). Hays's usual order for attack was to point at the enemy and
shout, "Give 'em hell!" (Zirckel, Tagebuch, 11).

29.9. =128=Brackett, diary. Tributo á la Verdad, 58. Grone, Briefe,
33. =61=Childs, Jan. 13, 1848. (Hostilities) =47=Perry, Nov. 2, 1847.
=76=Mendoza to Soto, June 16, 1847. =47=Private letter (Mexican),
Orizaba, [Sept., 1847]. =307=Roberts, diary. _Porvenir_, May 27.
_Picayune_, May 6. =76=Acuerdo, July 30. =76=Mora, Apr. 23, 1847.
=76=Relaciones to Guerra, Aug. 26. =76=Soto, Sept. 12. =86=Llorea
to Soto, June 12. =76=Marín to Soto, Sept. 22, 25. =73=Bermúdez de
Castro, no. 517, 1847. _Diario_, June 11. =214=Hays and Caperton, Hays.
=257=[Hughes] to Frank, Dec. 16. México á través, iv, 662.

29.10. =128=Brackett, diary. =80=Méx. legislature, address, Apr. 26,
1847; decree, May 31. =61=Childs, Jan. 13, 1848. _Flag of Freedom_,
i, no. 3. Gamboa, Impug., 66. Bustamante, Nuevo Bernal, ii, 53, 215.
Apuntes, 386. _Nacional_, Dec. 18. S. Anna, Apelación, 29. =82=Puebla
state treas. to secy., May 10. And from =76= the following. Bravo, May
22, 1847. Guerra, circular, May 4. Lists of guerilla patents issued.
Gov. Oaxaca, proclam., Jan. 25, 1848. Peña y Barragán, Nov. 24, 1847.
To Torrejón, Dec. 28. Rea to Peña y Barragán, Nov. 26; to Guerra,
Nov. 14. Rules of Rea's officers. Alvarez, June 16. Rea said he had
commanded regulars. He treated some captured Americans with much
civility.

29.11. Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 385 (Scott); 471 (Childs); app., 33 (Gwynn);
34 (Morehead). =13=Thornton, no. 5, Oct. 29, 1847. _National_, Nov. 14.
Brackett, Lane's Brigade, 113, 117, 131. =356=Whitcomb, diary. Zirckel,
Tagebuch, 102. =95=Puebla ayunt., proceedings, Aug. 31. =65=Scott, gen.
orders 246, Aug. 5. =66=J. L. Smith to H. L. Scott, July 13. Scott,
Mems., ii, 550. _Flag of Freedom_, i, nos. 1, 5. Kitchen, Record,
63-9. Lawton, Artill. Off., 278. =270=Moore, diary. Oswandel, Notes,
248, 254, 259, 265, 268, 293. S. Anna, Mi Historia, 85. Negrete,
Invasión, iv, app., 313. S. Anna, Apelación, 60. Sen. 52; 30, 1, pp.
202, 206. México á través, iv, 699. =76=Comte. gen. Puebla, Sept. 18.
=76=Relaciones to Guerra, Dec. 11. Moore, Scott's Camp., 116, 214-6.
=73=Lozano, no. 9, 1847. =82=Puebla congress, decree, Aug. 12. Ramsey,
Other Side, 394-5. Smith, To Mexico, 171. Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 517.
S. Anna, Detall, 33, 35.

The cavalry were under Capt. Ford, the artillery under Capts. Kendrick
and Miller, and the infantry (six companies) under Lieut. Col. Black
(Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 471). Capt. Rowe, Ninth Infantry, commanded a
hospital that was persistently attacked. A considerable number of
the sick were able to do light duty. Some civilian employees helped.
Childs had authority from Scott to organize the convalescents into
companies and battalions (=65=Scott, gen. orders 246). Scott spoke of
the garrison as "competent" (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 303), and no doubt it
was as nearly equal to the dangers that appeared to threaten it as was
the army that advanced from Puebla. But the garrison was weaker than
Scott had intended it to be, for many convalescents had represented
themselves as well. Four Pennsylvania companies, Ford's company and
Miller's company held S. José, which was a poor building for the
purpose and badly placed. Guadalupe was occupied as a protection to
Loreto.

Guerillas entered Puebla Aug. 12. Childs at once gave notice to the
prefect that, should the people attempt to overpower the garrison,
"the City would probably suffer" from his artillery (=69=Aug. 12). The
first attack upon the Americans gave the guerillas about 700 mules
and some other property. The next day some fifty armed teamsters and
others went against the guerillas, and only fifteen of them returned.
The authorities of the city were disgusted with the operations of
the guerillas. About the first of September, by order of the state
congress, the National Guards moved to help recover the city from
the Americans, but the orders given them seemed to show little
determination to coöperate with Rea or fight in earnest, and hence
many became disheartened and deserted (=82=Ochoterena). Typhoid fever
broke out among the American sick and carried off many (Moore, Scott's
Camps., 218). News of the capture of Mexico was brought in by a courier
disguised as a lépero. S. Cristóbal was on the road from Mexico to
Puebla _via_ Apam, which Santa Anna chose to take. Alvarez went _via_
S. Martin.

29.12. Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 471 (Childs); app., 28 (Black); 34 (Morehead).
Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 1029 (S. Anna); 1030 (Childs). Ramsey, Other Side,
396. Brackett, Lane's Brigade, 113, 117. Moore, Scott's Camp., 218,
223-4. Rodríguez, Breve Reseña, 1848. =95=Puebla prefect to ayunt.,
Sept. 17. =95=Rea to prefect, Sept. 23. Negrete, Invasión, iv, app.,
314. _Flag of Freedom_, i, nos. 1, 5. =270=Moore, diary. =76=S. Anna to
Guerra, Sept. 23, 30. Gamboa, Impug., 60. S. Anna, Detall, 35-6.

29.13. Negrete, Invasión, iii, app., 460; iv, app., 295. Hitchcock,
Fifty Years, 347. _Flag of Freedom_, i, no. 3. Lawton, Artill. Officer,
324. Brackett, Lane's Brigade, 71, 80, 101. =152=Claiborne, mems.
=76=Isunza to Relaciones, Oct. 12. =76=S. Anna, Sept. 30; Oct. 4.
México á través, iv, 699. =82=J. A. Ochotorena, Oct. --. =82=S. Anna to
gov. Puebla, Oct. 6. =82=P. M. Herrera to Puebla sec. state, Oct. 7.
=82=_Id._, diary. Zirckel, Tagebuch, 50, 53, 61-2. =61=Taylor, order,
Aug. 16. Apuntes, 347-8. =321=Smith, diary. =327=Sutherland to father,
undated. Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 477 (Lane). Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 1030 (Lane);
1198 (Taylor). =246=Lane, Autobiog. Rosa, Impresiones. Semmes, Service,
234. Hartman, Journal, 14-5. Smith, To Mexico, 161. S. Anna, Detall,
36. Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 519.

From Perote, hearing that large Mexican forces were in his front, Lane
took four companies of the First Pennsylvania, Walker's company of
Mounted Riflemen, some convalescents and three guns under Taylor (Third
Artillery). Wynkoop of the First Pennsylvania commanded these men.
Before long they returned to Perote. Santa Anna reported that he took
from Puebla 3500 men. His worst trouble was with his Puebla National
Guards, who thought the expedition was a treasonable scheme of his to
get them away from Puebla. On finding his command melting away, he sent
all but about 1000 cavalry back to Puebla under Alvarez. From Puebla
Alvarez retired to Atlixco and thence to the south. Later he took
possession of Cuernavaca in the state of México.

29.14. _The Huamantla affair._ Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1031 (Lane). Sen. 1;
30, 1, p. 477 (Lane). Apuntes, 348. Perry, Indiana, 234. ("Peg-Leg")
=166=Pommarès to Conner, Aug. 4, 1846. Norton, Life, 154, 157.
Brackett, Lane's Brigade, 88-94. =129=_Id._, diary. Zirckel, Tagebuch,
96-8, 155. _Flag of Freedom_, Oct. 23; 24, extra; 27. Negrete,
Invasión, iii, app., 460-3; iv, app., 315-6. _Correo Nacional_, Mar.
30, 1848. S. Anna, Apelación, 65. =222=Hiney, diary. Grone, Briefe,
65-7. =152=Claiborne, mems. Gamboa, Impug., 61. =147=Chamberlain,
diary. Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 519. S. Anna, Detall, 37. Besides losing
Walker, Lane had 23 men wounded (Ho. 24; 31, 1).

Lane was born in 1814. For a time he was a trader at Lawrenceburg,
Indiana; and then he studied law in the manner of that time and region.
He was not a man of much education. He meant thoroughly well in a
rough way, but was rather careless about discipline. His men realized
that he did not look out for their comfort or husband their strength,
but admired his courage, energy and shrewd planning so much that they
forgave him. He was called the Marion of the war.

To guard his baggage, etc., Lane left at the hacienda the Fourth Ohio
(Col. Brough), three regular companies under Capt. Simmons, and Lieut.
Pratt (Second Art.) with two guns. Walker had his own company of
Mounted Riflemen, two companies of Louisiana cavalry, and one company
of Georgia cavalry (Brackett, Lane's Brig., 89). Lane had, in the
following order, the Fourth Indiana (Col. Gorman), four Pennsylvania
companies (Col. Wynkoop), five guns (Capt. Taylor), a battalion of
the Ninth Infantry (Maj. Lally) and six companies of regulars (Capt.
Heintzelman). Santa Anna, hearing that a few Americans were on their
way to Huamantla, sent a party of Puebla mounted police to protect the
town. Evidently this was the party that Walker saw approaching it.

Much was written about this fight. It was said that Walker was ordered
not to advance beyond supporting distance; that he was authorized
to act according to circumstances; that he dashed ahead because he
received word that the Mexican guns were being taken away, etc.; but
Lane reported that he ordered Walker to move ahead ("within supporting
distance") and, should the Mexicans be found in force, to wait for the
infantry (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 477). He reached the town about forty-five
minutes before the infantry did. Santa Anna was repulsed by the Fourth
Indiana. In spite of Lane, much plundering was done by the victors, in
whose defence it was urged that citizens fired from the houses. Though
Walker captured two guns, he had no priming tubes, and therefore could
make little, if any, use of them. Lane's loss was about twenty-five
killed and wounded. Santa Anna reported two killed, seven wounded, and
a number missing, but his loss was estimated by Americans at 100.

29.15. Brackett, Lane's Brigade, 108. =356=Whitcomb, diary. Perry,
Indiana, 253. Zirckel, Tagebuch, 103. =76=Scott to Childs, Sept. 16.
Negrete Invasión, iii, app., 460. Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 347. _Flag
of Freedom_, i, no. 5. Oswandel, Notes, 339-41. =76=Alvarez, Oct. 13.
=76=Rea to Alvarez, Oct. 13. Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 471 (Childs); 476
(Lane). ("Rough paw") =335=Trist to wife, Mar. 14, 1848.

Santa Anna overtook Lane at El Pinal, but admitted that the Americans
marched so cautiously that he could accomplish nothing. The loss of the
garrison, Sept. 13 to Oct. 12, was fifteen killed, thirty-seven wounded
(Ho. 24; 31, 1). The loss of the Mexicans was estimated by Americans at
300-500.

29.16. Diccionario Universal (_Atlixco_). México á través, iv, 662,
702. Calderón, Life, ii, 93. Zirckel, Tagebuch, 112. =76=G. Rodríguez,
Oct. 14. =76=Rea, Oct. 24. =356=Whitcomb, diary. Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 479
(Lane).

29.17. Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 479 (Lane). Ho. 1; 30, 2, pp. 75-6 (Marcy,
report). Grone, Briefe, 69. Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 522-3. Brackett,
Lane's Brigade, 146, 149-51, 164. Zirckel, Tagebuch, 110-3. _Flag
of Freedom_, i, nos. 1, 3. =76=Alvarez, Dec. 14. =76=Rea, Oct. 24,
1847; Feb. 10, 1848. =76=Memo. to head of plana mayor, Feb. 19, 1848.
=61=Dumont to Lane, Nov. 15. =307=Roberts to Iowa State Hist. Soc.,
Dec. 14, 1863.

Lane had the Fourth Ohio, Fourth Indiana, Lally's and Heintzelman's
battalions, Wynkoop's four Pennsylvania companies, Taylor's (3) and
Pratt's (2) guns, and a squadron of the Third Dragoons (Capt. Ford) on
the Atlixco expedition. When he entered the town the city authorities
met him, surrendered, and asked protection. Lane had one killed and one
wounded; the Mexicans admitted a loss of 219 killed and 300 wounded.
On his way back to Puebla Lane turned off with 450 men to Guexocingo
to capture two guns just made there. They had been removed, but he
destroyed the carriages (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 481).

October 29-30 an expedition from Puebla visited Tlaxcala
(=356=Whitcomb, diary). November 9-10 at night Lane with a force of
dragoons went over this road again, and recovered twenty-one loaded
wagons that had been captured by guerillas, besides seven that they had
set afire as he approached. Thirteen Mexican officers and many horses
and cattle were taken. This time he had about 100 cavalry, 200 Indiana
and 200 Ohio men. He returned to Puebla in the night of Nov. 12-13
without having lost a man. In the evening of Nov. 22 he left Puebla
for Izucar de Matamoros with about 200 mounted men. In the morning he
surprised (=76=Arenal to Rea, Nov. 26) a body of Mexican irregulars,
causing considerable loss, captured three cannon (=76=Peña y Barragán,
Nov. 28) and much ammunition, and rescued a number of American
prisoners. On his return, Nov. 24-5, he was attacked by Rea, but again
triumphed (Ho. 1; 30, 2, p. 87). One or two Americans were killed and
several wounded. If Rea's report can be believed, the Americans greatly
exaggerated, as was natural, his numbers and losses (=76=to Peña y B.,
Nov. 26). In January, 1848, Lane with four companies of Texas Rangers,
two of the Third Dragoons and one of Mounted Riflemen was sent from
Mexico to clear the roads of guerillas (Ho. 1; 30, 2, p. 75). In the
course of his rapid march he almost succeeded in capturing Santa Anna,
then residing at Tehuacán. He finally proceeded to Orizaba and Córdoba,
captured public property, recovered stolen merchandise, and released
American prisoners (Ho. 1; 30, 2, pp. 89-95). February 17 he set out
from Mexico with 250 Rangers and 130 of the Third Dragoons against the
guerillas north and northeast of the capital (_ibid._, p. 76). February
25 he captured the town of Sequalteplán after a stiff skirmish, killing
a considerable number and taking some fifty prisoners. It was said that
Jarauta led the guerillas here. For Lane's operations subsequent to
the Atlixco expedition: Brackett, Lane's Brigade, 168, 174, 192, 205,
234-45. Whitcomb, diary. Zirckel, Tagebuch, 122-3. =61=Dumont to Lane,
Nov. 15. =76=S. Anna, Feb. 1, 1848. _Id._, Apelación, 65. _Amer. Home
Journal_, Aug., 1906. _Flag of Freedom_, i, no. 1. T. F. Davis, diary.
Claiborne, memoirs. =76=Puebla comte. gen., Nov. 28. =76=Rea to Peña
y Barragán, Nov. 26. Ho. 1; 30, 2, pp. 75-6 (Marcy, report), 86-103.
Mention should also be made of Capt. Ruff, who on July 30, 1847, with
eighty-two Mounted Riflemen attacked about 300 Mexicans (guerillas
and infantry) entrenched in houses and a church at S. Juan near Ojo
de Agua. With a loss of one man wounded, he killed or wounded about
seventy to ninety of the enemy, it was believed (=69=Porter to Mrs. P.,
July 31; Sen. 1; 30, 1, app., 25-6 (Smith); Smith, To Mexico, 187).

29.18. (Destruction, etc.) Sen. 52; 30, 1, pp. 205-6 (Trist);
Exposición dirigida. =52=Trist, no. 16, confid., Sept. 27, 1847.
Negrete, Invasión, iii, app., 130-2, 134-6, 155-65, 421-6.
=13=Bankhead, no. 86, Sept. 28. Pacheco, Exposición. Colección de
Documentos, 4. S. Anna, Contestación al Oficio. México á través, iv,
700. =76=Rosa to Herrera, Sept. 29. =76=M. Ocampo to Herrera, Sept. 24.
=80=Méx. legislature, decree, Sept. 18. Rivera, Jalapa, iv, 74.

Real or at least additional reasons for the decree of Sept. 16 were
probably that Santa Anna intended to leave the country or desired to
let it try to get on without him. Rives (U. S. and Mexico, ii, 584)
denies that Peña was timid: but (1) Bankhead and Trist so described
him; and (2) his conduct in the negotiations with Slidell and with
Trist confirms their opinion. In the latter case all the strength of
his entourage was required to make him face the situation.

29.19. =76=Rosa to Herrera, Sept. 29. México á través, iv, 700. Gamboa,
Impug., 65. =52=Trist, nos. 16, confid., Sept. 27; 17, confid., Oct.
1; 18, Oct. 25. =52=_Id._ to Hetty Parker, Sept. 28. Colección de
Documentos, 110. =80=México legislature, decree, Sept. 23. =80=_Id._,
comtee. on constit. points, report, Sept. 18. =80=Olaguíbel to Méx.
legisl., Sept. 25. =80=Michoacán legislature, decree, Sept. 24. Roa
Bárcena, Recuerdos, 566. Negrete, Invasión, iii, app., 155-61. (Toluca)
_Revue de Paris_, Dec., 1844; Encarnacion Prisoners, 75. =73=Lozano,
no. 9, 1847.

Peña admitted that it was impossible to fulfil the constitutional
requirements, but said it was a public duty to establish a government
as near them as was practicable (Colec. de Docs., 110). The legislature
of México state denounced Peña as representing the peace element, and
refused to recognize any federal authority except the Lagos Coalition;
but its decree was not favorably received by the public, and Olaguíbel
would not promulgate it.

29.20. =75=Circular del ... Peña ... á los Gobernadores, Sept. 27.
=75=Circulares del min. de relac., Sept. 27. =75=Peña, manifesto,
Oct. 13. =75=Rosa to prest. of Congress, Oct. 14. =52=Trist, no. 16,
confid., Sept. 27. Communicaciones habidas. _Correo Nacional_, Oct. 18.
Negrete, Invasión, iii, app., 176, 408-11, 421-6, 469-83. S. Anna, Mi
Historia, 90. =6=Anderson papers. =76=Peña, circular, Nov. 16. =6=S.
Anna to J. M. Guerra, Oct. 25. _Id._, Contestación al Oficio. _Id._,
Comunicación Oficial. Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 385 (Scott). =75=S. Anna to
Congress, Nov. 1.

Scott assisted Peña by giving safe-conducts to several members of
Congress (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 385). Santa Anna took the ground that he
was still legally responsible for the government of the country, and
therefore must be allowed to exercise the powers of a President. Nov.
1 he made this demand formally (Negrete, Invasión, iii, app., 469).
He also tried to create trouble for the new government by proclaiming
that his removal from the command of the army was intended to cause
his personal destruction or to pave the way for a disgraceful peace.
He further said he could not be placed on trial until Congress should
declare there were grounds for trying him. But he found he had no
prestige left. Rosa said to Santa Anna that his resignation of the
Presidency had been consummated by actually giving up the executive
power, and that, in view of public opinion, it would be impossible to
prove Peña's impartiality and maintain discipline in the army, unless
the conduct of the general defeated at Cerro Gordo and in the later
battles were officially inquired into (_ibid._, 421). In reply to
another letter from Santa Anna he said (Nov. 11) that Peña would not
discuss the resignation further, that his authority had been recognized
by all the states and by Congress, and that Congress admitted no right
on Santa Anna's part to resume the Presidency. In January, 1848, Rosa
issued a circular reproaching Santa Anna for his past political conduct.

29.21. =76=M. Ocampo, Nov. 27. =76=Comte. gen. Oaxaca, Mar. 16, 1848.
=76=Guerra to Relaciones, Feb. 14. =76=Gov. Oaxaca to Relaciones, Dec.
27, 1847. =76=Milit. comte. Orizaba, Jan. 20, 1848. México á través,
iv, 699-700. Kenly, Md. Vol., 391-7. Sen. 52; 30, 1, pp. 205-6. =76=S.
Anna to Reyes, Oct. 16, 1847. _Correo Nacional_, Oct. 26, 1847; Apr.
4, 1848. =76=J. M. Miñón to Guerra, Oct. 20. Comunicaciones habidas.
=47=Perry, Nov. 3. _Eco del Comercio_, Apr. 6, 1848. Rivera, Jalapa,
iii, 927; iv, 8-9. _Monitor Repub._, Nov. 10, 1847. =179=Diario
Esactísimo, Sept. 15. Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 519-21, 532. =69=Thomas
to Twiggs, Mar. 6, 1848. =69=Seymour to Hughes, Mar. 27. =69=---- to
adj. gen. of the Amer. army, Mar. 29. =69=Hughes, safeguard to S. Anna,
family and attendants, Mar. 17. =69=Hughes to Twiggs, Mar. 15. S. Anna,
Detall, 37. =13=Doyle, nos. 29, 38, 1848.

Santa Anna's military reports had excited resentment because he had
been liberal with censures, particularly to relieve himself of blame.

Santa Anna was ordered to turn the command over to Rincón or
(temporarily) Alvarez. But he said that he did not know where Rincón
was, and that on account of the position of the Americans he could
not safely send his artillery to Alvarez. Reyes marched north. Santa
Anna then chose Tehuacán for a place of residence instead of going
nearer Guatemala, because he still had hopes of regaining power through
intrigue or revolution. His presence was not desired there by the
people, presumably because it endangered them. They made it difficult
for him to stay; and his friends, whose opinions he asked, now felt
that his remaining in the country would injure them. See also chap.
xxxii, p. 242. He sailed from La Antigua on or about April 4 in a
Spanish brig for Venezuela, it was understood, after expressing warm
appreciation of the treatment received at this time from the Americans
(=69=to Gutiérrez, Mar. 11, 1848). Some thought he had increased his
wealth since his return to Mexico.

29.22. Chief documents used. S. Anna, Apelación, app., 138-9. _Id._
Comunicación Oficial. Suárez y Navarro, Causas, 70-2. México á través,
iv, 700-1. Dublán, Legislación, v, 300-4, 307-14, 333-5. Apuntes,
339-40. Curtis, Buchanan, i, 590. Negrete, Invasión, iv, app., 399.
=335=Thornton to Trist, Dec. 5. =75=Anaya at meeting of govs., Nov. Roa
Bárcena, Recuerdos, 572. And from =76= the following. Director gen.
of artill., Dec. --, 1847. Suárez y Navarro, Nov. 9. J. de D. Peza,
Nov. 29. Sección de operaciones, Nov. --. J. M. Márquez to Mora, Nov.
29. Rincón, Jan. 8, 1848. Olaguíbel, Oct. 29; Dec. 24, 1847. _Id._ to
Alvarez, Oct. 23, 26. Bustamante, Oct. 2. Memorias of the chiefs of
sections, Nov. --. To plana mayor and to Filisola, Nov. 19. Orders
for reorganizing the army, Dec. 1, 20. Min. of war, memoria, Nov. 19.
Diario, división del oriente, Sept. 29-Oct. 15. Rosa to Herrera, Sept.
29. Comte. gen. Querétaro, Sept. 16. To Bustamante, Oct. 30; Dec. 30.
Quijano, Jan. 27, 1848. Gen. staff, memo., Dec. 31, 1847. Filisola,
Dec. 27. Alcorta (plana mayor), Dec. 27. Gen. in chief of infantry,
Oct. 14. Rosa, Nov. 2. Alvarez, Oct. 20, 28; Nov. 19. To Alvarez, Oct.
28, 31. Alvarez to Olaguíbel, Oct. 21. To Rea, Nov. 1. To Olaguíbel,
Oct. 23. Valencia, Jan. 4, 1848.

Nov. 19 a detailed statement of the available forces gave the figures
as 6785 scattered over twelve states. The largest body (2683) was at
Querétaro. Oct. 14 the Army of the East had only one 16-pounder, one
12-pounder, one 6-pounder, three 5-3/4-pounders, one 4-pounder and
two 24-pound howitzers. It was pointed out that even if men could be
raised, they would be of the poorest sort, and long before an efficient
army could be created, the Americans might be expected to attack them.
Herrera probably had about 4000 men when he left Mexico, but he could
not prevent wholesale desertion on the way to Querétaro. (Gamboa
asserted that Herrera took only 2-3000 infantry from Mexico, but his
statements are not always to be relied upon.) Jan. 2, 1848, Valencia
was captured by the Americans.

Filisola and Alcorta agreed substantially in recommending an elastic,
evasive plan of campaign: bodies of, say, 2000 men to be stationed at
strategic positions; the one attacked to fall back upon the next; these
to fight or join the third, as might seem best; those not otherwise
engaged, to strike for the American rear; and thus a campaign of
movements, in which the Mexicans would have the advantages of mobility,
of knowing the country, and of having the coöperation of the people,
would be pursued in order to wear out the Americans. But the means
of carrying out this system were lacking. In October the government
planned to have three sizable armies; but by the end of December it
limited its ambition to having two small brigades of infantry and one
of cavalry, each headed by a colonel.

29.23. Chief documents. Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 60-2. =108=Bancroft to Polk,
Dec. 3, 1846. =256=Barnard to Totten, Oct. 11, 1847. =66=_Id._ to
_Id._, Dec. 15, 1847 (Taylor) =169=Peyton to Crittenden, Jan. 25, 1848;
=169=Taylor to Crittenden, Nov. 15, 1847. =354=Welles papers. Davis,
Autobiog., 257-8. Wash. _Union_, Jan. 7, 1848, N. Y. _Sun_, May 17,
1847. _Niles_, Oct. 23, 1847, p. 114. Schouler, Hist. Briefs, 155. Sen.
1; 30, 1, pp. 60-2 (Marcy, report). Calhoun Corres., 718 (to Clemson).
_Public Ledger_, Jan. 4, 1848. =169=Rives to Crittenden, Feb. 8, 1847.
Richardson, Messages, iv, 542-4. =13=Crampton to Palmerston, nos. 71,
1847; 5, 1848. Claiborne, Quitman, ii, 7. Polk, Diary, Oct. 30, 1847.
=61=Scott, Sept. 18. Sen. 52; 30, 1, pp. 138-40, 211. =256=Totten to
Marcy, Nov. 23, 21. =256=Trist to Buchanan, Sept. 28. _Picayune_, Dec.
15. See chap. xxxii, p. 235.

Sept. 17, at a gathering of generals, one of the best proposed retiring
at once to Vera Cruz. For the defensive plan see chap. xviii, p. 348.
General Butler (Calhoun, Corres., 1146) and apparently Daniel Webster
(Boston _Courier_, Feb. 20, 23, 1847) favored this plan. Had it been
adopted we should in all probability have been forced sooner or later
to resume active operations after having given up the results of much
fighting. It seemed hardly possible that a majority in Congress would
soon be able to agree upon a policy, and it looked as if injurious
debates on the subject might occur. Marcy particularly advised Scott to
prevent the formation of a new Mexican army, but authorized him to use
his own judgment as to military operations. They were not, however, to
be modified in consequence of Mexican peace proposals (Sen. 52; 30, 1,
p. 140). For the difficult situation of the United States see the first
paragraphs of chap. xxxii.

29.24. Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 1031, 1033, 1036, 1039, 1047-50, 1067
(Scott); 1006-9 (Marcy); 1060, 1260 (Jesup). Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 98
(H. L. Scott). =364=Worth to S., Dec. 27, 1847. Sen. 52; 30, 1, pp.
140-4. =76=Comte. gen. Mexico, Jan. 10, 1848. =61=Scott to Twiggs,
Dec. 26, 1847. =65=_Id._, gen. orders 376, 389 of 1847; 7 of 1848.
=356=Whitcomb, diary. =12=Pell of sloop _Daring_ to Lambert, Nov. 30,
1847. =66=Lee to Totten, Jan. 1; Feb. 1, 1848. Hitchcock, Fifty Years,
310-1. =178=Davis, diary. _Picayune_, Feb. 27.

In June and August, 1847, the First and Second Illinois regiments
(12-months men) were replaced with "for the war" regiments bearing
the same names. As we have seen (note 29.8) Illinois and Georgia
were called upon about the first of July for mounted companies. June
23 Louisiana was asked to furnish two mounted, acclimated companies
to clear guerillas from near Vera Cruz. July 16 a Pennsylvania foot
regiment, organized some time earlier at Carlisle, was accepted.
July 16 a proposed battalion of Mississippi riflemen was accepted as
infantry. July 19 an Illinois horse company and a Delaware infantry
company were accepted. July 24 a Maryland artillery company was
authorized, and Missouri was requested to furnish an artillery company,
two infantry companies and two mounted companies. August 17 Polk found
that 6000 of the 50,000 volunteers authorized by the war bill had not
been called out, and that the Cabinet were in favor of calling more of
them (Diary). That day Ohio was asked for an infantry regiment. August
21 an infantry company, tendered by W. J. Corcoran of Washington, D.
C., was accepted. August 26 Tennessee and Kentucky were called upon
for two infantry regiments each, and an Indiana regiment was accepted.
Sept. 6 a North Carolina company was accepted on the condition that
it should be ready for muster by Oct. 10. Sept. 7, owing to the delay
of the Carlisle company, a Pittsburgh, Pa., company was accepted in
lieu of it. Sept. 8 two Ohio companies were asked for. Sept. 27 Marcy
stated that nearly or quite all of the 50,000 volunteers had been
accepted (_Niles_, Oct. 30, p. 144). Oct. 8 another Tennessee regiment
(ten extra companies were ready) and a Michigan regiment were called
for. Aug. 23 only one of the five Mississippi companies was ready.
The government explained that men did not wish to serve on foot. The
battalion was completed near the end of December (Rowland, Register,
416). Alabama and Virginia also were backward at this time. The Act of
March 3, authorizing individual enlistments of volunteers, provided
no means for its execution, no bounty and no clothing, and volunteers
received less pay than the regulars (=62=adj. gen. to Hamtramck, Feb.
28, 1848). Naturally men did not care to leave home singly and be kept
at dépôts for perhaps weeks, waiting for enough to be collected to be
sent on. In Aug. and Sept. the transportation of troops was embarrassed
by a serious epidemic of yellow fever at New Orleans. Transportation
difficulties at Vera Cruz caused delays later.

Nov. 30, 1847, the authorized regulars were 1336 commissioned officers
(eleven generals, thirty-five in general staff, 115 medical men,
thirty-one in pay department, forty-three engineers, thirty-six
topographical engineers, thirty-six ordnance officers, 118 officers in
three dragoon regiments, thirty-five in Mounted Riflemen, 208 in four
artillery regiments, 648 in sixteen infantry regiments, forty-seven in
one regiment of Voltigeurs and foot riflemen) and 28,960 enlisted men
(3408 dragoons, 1146 Mounted Riflemen, 5492 artillery, 17,664 infantry,
1104 Voltigeurs and foot riflemen, 100 engineer soldiers, forty-six
ordnance sergeants, seventeen military storekeepers); but according
to the returns (not all recent) the enlisted men numbered not more
than 20,333 (adj. gen.'s report in Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 72). Of 12-months
volunteers there were (mounted) one regiment of seven companies,
one battalion and four independent companies, and two companies of
infantry: aggregate, eighty-two officers, 2037 non-commissioned men
and privates. Of volunteers "for the war" there were theoretically
seven generals; 125 staff officers (including quartermaster's,
commissary's and medical departments, and twelve (additional) in the
pay department); of horse one regiment, two battalions, twenty-two
independent companies (total, 184 officers, 4871 others); of
foot artillery three companies (twelve and 342 respectively); of
infantry twenty-two regiments, five battalions, eight independent
companies (1159 and 27,603 respectively): aggregates, 1355 and 32,816
respectively. The number still on the rolls (Nov. 30) "for the war"
was not supposed to exceed 20,286. This number was believed by the
adjutant general to be "much beyond" the number of effectives.

There were supposed to be in the field 19,818 regulars and (aside from
803 on California service) 21,124 volunteers (officers and men); _en
route_ 1691 regulars, 100 volunteers: total (_including_ the California
men), 43,536. Scott's army (regulars) was figured as 15,071 in the
field, 1396 _en route_, 555 at Vera Cruz, 79 at Tampico; (volunteers)
in the field and at Tampico, 14,955. His operating army, including
the sick and the disabled, was estimated as about 30,209. Wool's army
was figured as (regulars) 3,642 in the field, 295 _en route_ and
(volunteers) 2790: total, 6727. Price was believed to have 255 regulars
(dragoons), 2902 volunteers; and Mason (California) 216 regulars (one
company of dragoons and one company of artillery), 803 volunteers (adj.
gen.'s report, Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 72). All the figures were approximate
and there were discrepancies in the reckoning.

Nov. 20 the adjutant general stated the regulars sent to Scott as
reinforcements thus: of the old establishment (absent companies,
reorganized companies and recruits), 5564; new establishment (troops
raised and organized after March 4, 1847), five companies of Third
Dragoons, the Ninth, Eleventh, Twelfth (nine companies), Fourteenth and
Fifteenth Infantry, the Voltigeurs, and recruits for the same, 6345
(=62=to Scott); and also six companies (360) of Marines under Lieut.
Colonel Watson. Scott's returns were infrequent or were lost on the
way. Perhaps he dared not run the risk of exposing them to guerillas.
Hence as a rule one must accept general statements. Quitman's division,
being now very small, was broken up, and he was permitted to report at
Washington for a new command (Claiborne, Quitman, i, 395). As a rule
no officer was permitted to leave the army except "with a view to the
good of the service or the recovery of health" (=61=Scott to Patterson,
Oct. 28, 1847). Oct. 22 even leaves of absence that had been granted or
promised were cancelled. The government ordered the reinforcements to
leave Vera Cruz promptly, and Bankhead was put in the place of Wilson
there in order to obtain more efficient management (=62=adj. gen. to
Scott, Nov. 9). After about the middle of October the troops at Mexico
were thoroughly drilled, and by the middle of November came to be
better disciplined than ever before.

April 29, 1847, although the 12-months army was about to disband,
Marcy requested Patterson and Butler to remain in the service as
major generals, and Marshall, Lane and Shields to remain as brigadier
generals. Marshall arrived at Mexico City January 21, 1848. It is not
possible to state how many troops came with each of the officers.
Col. Hays brought five companies of Rangers. Lt. Col. Johnston had
about 1300 men when at Puebla. In general about half of a command
fell out from sickness and other causes between Vera Cruz and Mexico
(=125=Bonham to mother, Dec. 7, 1847). Fruits, liquor, insufficient
clothing and at this time the measles were the chief causes of sickness.

Scott's announcement (=65=gen. orders 376) was dated Dec. 15. Jan.
6 Scott had 14,964, of whom 11,162 were effectives (Ho. 60; 30, 1,
p. 1061). By Feb. 13 his rank and file amounted to 26,910, and 2000
recruits were _en route_ (=62=adj. gen. to Cass, Mar. 9, 1848). Though
5546 of the rank and file and 181 officers were then sick, he had
been for some time strong enough to occupy Zacatecas and San Luis
Potosí, but the peace negotiations (chap. xxxii) affected his plans.
The new posts were at Río Frio (between Mexico and Puebla), and the
national bridge and San Juan (between Jalapa and Vera Cruz). Early
in March, 1848, a post was established at Ojo de Agua between Puebla
and Perote. The purpose of the posts was to defend the line against
the guerillas and furnish escorts for trains, couriers, etc. Jalapa
and Puebla were held somewhat strongly. At the former there were on
January 8, 1848, three infantry companies and a rifle company from the
District of Columbia, two infantry companies, a rifle company and a
battery (six guns) from Baltimore, four New Jersey infantry companies,
a Pennsylvania infantry company and a mounted company. Sickness and
other causes reduced the effectives, however, to 556 (=69=Hughes to H.
L. Scott, Jan. 8, 1848). Puebla was held, Feb. 22, by some 2500 men:
the Fourth Indiana, Fourth Ohio, Fourth Artillery, Fifth Ohio (five
companies), Second Artillery (two companies), and two Florida companies
(Perry, Indiana, 287). Pachuca was occupied Dec. 29 by the Ninth
Infantry (=178=Davis, diary). Cadwalader marched for Toluca Jan. 6 (Ho.
60; 30, 1, p. 1062). Jan. 29 Col. Clarke set out for Cuernavaca with a
brigade (=66=Lee to Totten, Feb. 1). His approach compelled Alvarez to
break up the small force he had been holding at that point and hastily
retire.

Ripley (War with Mexico, ii, 524) says that Scott neglected "the proper
military measures of occupation" in order to favor peace negotiations
contrary to the "policy" of his government; but the most fundamental
policy of that government was to bring about a satisfactory peace;
Scott had not sufficient forces to carry out a military occupation of
the country until late in December; and by that time peace was within
reach.

29.25. Twiggs to H. L. Scott, Jan. 16, 1848; to adj. gen., Jan. 17; to
Bankhead, Feb. 3. =69=_Id._ to Marcy, Feb. 19. =61=Scott to Twiggs,
Dec. 26, 1847. =61=Hughes to [Wilson], Sept. 13, 1847. Brackett, Lane's
Brigade, 241-2. _Free American_, Jan. 14, 1848. =152=Claiborne, mems.
Velasco, Geografía, iii, 176. Leclercq, Voyage, 386. Moreno, Cantón,
380. =88=Córdoba ayunt., proceedings, Feb. 16. _Picayune_, Feb. 27.

There was a convenient road from Orizaba to Paso de Ovejas on the
national highway about thirty miles from Vera Cruz. The recently
captured goods had been in charge of Lieut. Col. Miles (note 29.7).
Bankhead arrived at Córdoba Feb. 13 and left for Orizaba Feb. 17. The
Michigan volunteers remained there. Other reasons for this expedition
will be mentioned in chap. xxxiii.

29.26. Remarks of Gov. J. D. Porter of Tenn. to the author (vanity,
ignorance of war). Ill. State Hist. Soc. Trans., 1906, p. 178 (unfit to
serve as corporal). =180=Pillow to wife, Dec. 8, 1846 (_re_ Taylor).
Sen. 52; 30, 1, p. 252 (Trist's opinion). =307=B. S. Roberts, diary,
Nov. 26, 1847 ("ass by nature"). =335=Trist, notes for letter to
Ho. of Repres. ("Lie"; lack of probity; Scott's confidence, etc.).
=252=Mackall, Sept. 18, 1847 (no vainer peacock or greater ass; gave
no aid in the final battles). =292=Pillow to wife, Dec. 12, 1847 (eye
to Presidency). =335=Paper prepared by Trist (_re_ Polk's brother).
=277=Pillow to Maj.-- (beautifully illustrates "wriggling"). Scott,
Mems., ii, 416. Lawton, Artill. Officer, 338 (vanity). =297=Pillow
to Polk, May 30, 1844 ("fatal blow"). M'Sherry Puchero, 179 (not
considered a general). Chap. xxiii, note 23.29 (generalship).
(Recommendations) =180=Pillow to wife, Dec. 8, 1846. (Confidence)
=335=Trist, notes, _supra_. Pillow's letters generally.

For uncomplimentary opinions regarding Pillow see chap. xxvi, note
26.8. It should be remembered, however, that later he became a
political issue in Tennessee, and many things said of him then were
colored by partisanship; also that the prejudice of many regulars in
reference to the volunteers may have counted.

29.27. (After Monterey) =364=W. to S., Oct. 2, 1846. (Ambition) Scott,
Mems., ii, 416. (Restive) Lawton, Artill. Officer, 276. (Affection)
Grant, Mems., i, 151; =335=Trist, notes for letter to Ho., _supra_
(Pillow: Scott's fatherly affection for Worth will always get the
better of any resentment); Lawton, _ibid._ (Rejected) =364=W. to --,
Mar. 3, 1848. (Friend) =183=Drum, recolls.; =224=Hitchcock, diary, Apr.
14, 1846. (Ounce) =364=Worth to daughter, June 10, 1846.

29.28. (Told) Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1226 (Scott). (Brother officer)
=183=Drum, recolls. (his name was Lieut. Col. Black of Pa.). (Root)
=183=Drum, recolls.; Davis, Autobiog., 286. N. Y. _Sun_, Aug. 14,
1847. (Favorably) _Picayune_, Jan. 17, 1848 (the plan ripening
fast); =149=Eells to Chase, Feb. 24, 1848 (W. may be the Dem.
nominee); =185=Pillow to Duncan, June 4, 1849 (W. had a good chance
of nomination); =182=Bowdon to W., Mar. 18, 1848, strictly confid.
(Clashes, conciliate) _Infra_. (Antagonism) =169=Mills to Crittenden,
Jan. 28, 1848; Grant, Mems., i, 172.

For remarks on Worth's character see chap. xii, note 12.8 and chap.
xxiv, note 24.16. At Vera Cruz Worth ridiculed Scott's methods in
comparison with his own at Monterey (Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 528), and
his journalistic champion, the editor of the New York _Sun_, took
the same line (Aug. 16). He was determined to have an assault, in
which he would naturally have played a conspicuous part (_Mag. of Am.
Hist._, xiv, 569). He was enraged because Scott properly had Twiggs
lead the advance from that city (_ibid._, 562; see also chap. xxiii,
note 23.5). Apparently in order to become prominent in the coming
battle, he seems to have left Vera Cruz without a suitable supply of
provisions--contrary to orders (Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 528). Probably
because Scott, for reasons of policy, praised Twiggs's conduct at Cerro
Gordo in his report, Worth pronounced the report "a lie from beginning
to end" (=364=to S., Dec. 27, 1847). He was impatient and offensive
because Scott would not permit him to advance upon Puebla as soon as
he wished to go (Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 528; =364=W. to daughter, Apr.
30, 1847). Next, his wrath was excited there because, in accordance
with the verdict of a court martial, Scott censured--in the mildest
possible manner--his improper conduct (p. 361; _Delta_, Jan. 6, 1848).
Wholly without authority he announced that his division was to lead the
movement from Puebla against Mexico (=236=Judah, diary, May 6), though
it was Twiggs's turn to lead. He accused Scott of trying to belittle
his achievements at Churubusco (=364=to S., Dec. 27, 1847). He blamed
Scott for the losses resulting from his own imprudence at Molino del
Rey and for not permitting him to attack Chapultepec that day; and he
protested because Scott, doubtless by accident, did not credit him with
the technical distinction of actually passing the San Cosme garita
on Sept. 13 (p. 416; Sedgwick, Corres., i, 169). Unmoved by Worth's
conduct, Scott seems to have given him all the prominence to which
he was entitled. It was understood that he assigned him to command
on Sept. 8 with a special view to conciliating him (Grant, Mems., i,
151); and it is clear that he intended to have him capture the city
of Mexico (p. 412). It is probable that Scott had shown some egotism
and irascibility in the course of the strenuous campaign, but no doubt
almost every high officer had done the same, for all had tempers and
believed in themselves; and it is extremely doubtful whether any one
had shown more kindness and magnanimity than he--particularly toward
Pillow and Worth. Even after all the trouble, Scott wrote (Mems., ii,
416) that Pillow's nature was free from malignity, whereas Pillow's
letters prove the contrary strikingly.

29.29. (Intimate) =185=Duncan papers, _passim_. (Widow) =185=P. to D.,
Sept. 3, 1848. (Urged) =185=P. to Polk, June 21, 1849. (Made) Scott,
Mems., ii, 416; Cullum, Biog. Register, i, 447. (Trouble) Sen. 65; 30,
1, p. 305. (Gather) =329=Taliaferro to --, Apr. 26, 1848; Scott, Mems.,
ii, 417.

Pillow boasted of his power, and on that basis threatened men whom he
wished to control (Taliaferro, _supra_; Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 117). How
strong this influence was is illustrated by the fact that Col. Campbell
of Tennessee, who had stated repeatedly that Pillow had no military
ability (pp. 353, 377), recommended him for appointment as a major
general (=139=to Polk, Feb. 19, 1847). It is interesting to note, in
comparison with the character of the cabal against Scott, that he was
supported by such men as Trist, E. A. Hitchcock, Robert E. Lee and
Robert Anderson.

29.30. (Reports) Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 1015-20; Sen. 65; 30, 1, pp.
389-91, 629-34; Lawton, Artill. Officer, 319-20. (Same) Lawton, Art.
Off., 319-20; Weekly N. Y. _Courier and Enquirer_, Mar. 2, 1848;
=169=Mills to Crittenden, Jan. 28, 1848. (Terms) Remarks in note
29.28; =169=Mills to Crittenden, Jan. 28, 1848; =364=W. to ----, Mar.
3, 1848 ("an ass will be an ass"). (Trickily) Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 391;
Davis, Autobiog., 285; note 31. (Another) Semmes, Service, 358-9. (In
U. S.) _Picayune_, Oct. 8. (Tampico) Semmes, Service, 360. (Mexico)
Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 117. (Improper) _Ib._, p. 454 (Marcy). (Necessary)
=169=Mills, _supra_; Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 1087, 1225-6 (Scott).

29.31. (Gen. orders 349) Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 455. (Stigmatize)
=210=Alvord to Hammond, Apr. 21, 1848; =210=Bragg to Hammond, Dec.
20, 1847. (Assumed) _Picayune_, Oct. 8; Dec. 18. (Defiant) Stevens,
Stevens, i, 223. (Not written) _Infra_. (Seized) Semmes, Service,
361-4; _Spirit of the Age_, Mar. 9; Apr. 13, 1848. (Charges) Polk,
Diary, Dec. 30, 1847; Jan. 1; Apr. 18, 1848; _infra_. (Appeals)
_Infra_. (Arrest) =256=Marcy to Butler, Jan. 13, 1848.

See note 29.28. For the Leonidas letter see p. 376. This letter Pillow
seems clearly to have smuggled into a packet sent by Freaner, the
correspondent of the New Orleans _Delta_, to his paper, after Freaner
had rejected its twin (Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 14) on the ground that it
was incorrect, and the editor, inferring that it was endorsed by
Freaner, printed it (_ibid._, 250; _Delta_, Apr. 7, 1848). When Scott
finally opened his eyes (after August 20) to the rascality of Pillow
(=335=Trist, notes, _supra_), Pillow realized he had gone too far.
He refused to ask for a court of inquiry when challenged to do so
(=335=Hitchcock to Pillow, Nov. 24, 1847, and note by H.), told Quitman
that he could not face an investigation (=335=Trist, statement),
and wrote to his wife that he was going to resign and live quietly
(=292=Oct. 27, 1847). Then, it would appear, he induced Burns (=335=ed.
of _Delta_ to Trist, May 16, 1848), a paymaster in his division, to
assume the authorship of the Leonidas letter (the worst count against
him), and became confident, even defiant, with reference to Scott
(=180=to wife, Nov. 25). The friend to whom Duncan wrote, in sending
his letter to the press, modified it freely, and inserted in it a
passage regarding the Chalco route (p. 372) taken from a letter written
by a man named Chason. So he explained to Duncan (=185=---- to Duncan,
Jan. 1, 1848).

Gen. orders 349, Nov. 12, 1847, said (Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 455): "It
requires not a little charity to believe that the principal heroes of
the scandalous letters alluded to did not write them, or specially
procure them to be written, and the intelligent can be at no loss
in conjecturing the authors--chiefs, partizans, and pet familiars.
To the honor of the service, the disease--pruriency of fame, _not_
earned--cannot have seized upon half a dozen officers (present,)
all of whom, it is believed, belong to the same two coteries." The
next two sentences were still stronger: "False credit," "despicable
self-puffings and malignant exclusions of others," "the conceited
and the envious," "indignation" of the honorable officers. Though
in the right, Scott allowed himself to go too far in his use of
language, as he did at other times. Commenting on the order, Braxton
Bragg, though not one of Scott's friends, said in substance: Half the
reputations in the war have been made by false reports and newspaper
misrepresentations [this was to a large extent true], and it has gone
so far that Scott has at last issued a strong order (=210=to Hammond,
Dec. 20, 1847). Another correspondent of Gov. Hammond of South Carolina
said he was glad that Scott had undertaken to expose "such quackery,
charlatanry, imposture and lying braggadocio" (=210=Alvord, Apr. 21,
1848). This appears to have been the general sentiment of the officers
(numerous citations could be given).

On the publication of gen. orders 349 Worth asked Scott whether the
charge of scandalous conduct referred to him. Scott replied that it
referred to the authors and abettors of the Leonidas letter, and that
he could not be more explicit. Worth declared the reply unsatisfactory,
and handed to Scott a sort of appeal to the President that referred
insultingly to the former (=68=Scott, charges, Nov. 27). Scott
therefore charged him with "behaving with contempt and disrespect
towards his commanding officer." He was arrested for insulting Scott in
a letter to Marcy (Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 471). The charges against Duncan
were writing a (published) letter in violation of the army regulation
no. 650, and making in it a false statement about the adoption of the
Chalco route in order to magnify himself and Worth (=68=charges, Nov.
27). "Arrest" signified confinement to the city of Mexico. The New York
_Tribune_ said truthfully with reference to the troubles between Scott
and the generals: "The duties of a Commanding General in the heart
of an enemy country, with an army flushed with victory yet inactive,
and under the influences incident to so perilous a position, are very
delicate, and can only be met by firmness and the maintenance of
rigorous discipline" (_Nat. Intelligencer_, Dec. 28, 1847).

29.32. (Conviction) Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1218 (Scott); _infra_. (Censures)
Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 1229, 1248 (Marcy); Sen. 52; 30, 1, p. 131 (Marcy).
(Relieved) =256=Marcy to Butler, Jan. 13, 1848. (Rank) =60=Butler to
Marcy, Mar. 2. (Deposed) Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1044. Lee, Lee, 46. (Army)
=152=Claiborne, mems.; Oswandel, Notes, 481, 483; =221=Hill, diary;
=252=Mackall, Feb. 21; _Picayune_, Mar. 23; =13=Doyle, no. 27, 1848;
Lee, Lee, 44; =210=Alvord to Hammond, Feb. 24; Hitchcock, Fifty Years,
321. (Departure) Lowell _Journal_, Sept. 14, 1852; _Picayune_, Mar. 23;
Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 328. (Looked) =327=Sutherland to father, Feb.
15, 1848.

Jan. 9, 1847, a =137=correspondent of Calhoun wrote, "Unless some
powerful influence is soon brought to bear we [in Charleston, S. C.]
fear we shall stand forth discredited and degraded in the sight of all
the world." It is hard to see how the country, without Scott, could
have avoided this.

Scott's chief complaints were a failure to supply seasonably the
desired means for waging the campaign, interference with the rights
of the commanding general (_e.g._ in Harney's case), the plan to
place a civilian (Benton) over him, the apparent intention to let
Trist interfere in military affairs, and the refusal to provide a
chief of staff satisfactory to him (Lawton, Artill. Officer, 319).
See also chapter xxvii, p. 129. All the charges except those against
Pillow were withdrawn. The latter should have been placed before a
court-martial, and so Polk and the Cabinet decided (Polk, Diary, Jan.
3, 1848). But--probably because he feared that his friend would be
convicted--Polk concluded to have first a court of inquiry in order
to ascertain what the evidence was, and perhaps dispose of the matter
(_ibid._, Jan. 8). The court was selected by Polk--doubtless with a
view to Pillow's acquittal (_ibid._, Jan. 15). The fact that Pillow was
entirely satisfied with it (=180=to wife, Feb. 27) is almost enough to
prove this. The British chargé reported that it seemed to favor Pillow
(=13=Doyle, no. 39, 1848). Two of the members were brevetted later,
though one of them (Scott publicly stated) had no other connection with
the war, and the connection of the other had been slight (Scott in N.
Y. _Herald_, Nov. 3, 1857).

The principal charges against Pillow were, first, that Pillow's claim
to have won the battle of Contreras was unfounded, on which the verdict
went against him (Sen. 65; 30, 1, pp. 317, 333); and, secondly, that he
was directly or indirectly the author of the Leonidas letter. In order
to maintain that he wrote it (which he had strongly denied on three
occasions (_ibid._, 56-7, 131), Burns had to admit that he had spoken
falsely in it (_ibid._, 33, 388-9), and he swore that he believed he
wrote certain interlineations (_ibid._, 32) which it was found had
been written by the editor of the _Delta_ (_ibid._, 250); but he stuck
to it that he had dared to steal into Pillow's private office, and
remain there long enough to copy the substance and to a large extent
the phraseology of a long document (_ibid._, 32). And therefore,
although statements substantially equivalent to those of the Leonidas
letter were brought home to Pillow (_ibid._, 389-391), Pillow had to be
acquitted. John Sedgwick, later General Sedgwick, wrote: I think the
court must acquit Pillow, "but the sentiment of the army will never
acquit him" (Corres., i, 182). Naturally a lawyer like Pillow had a
great advantage at the trial over Scott, upon whom it was incumbent
to conduct the prosecution. His handling of the case was extremely
clever. The same court was instructed to inquire into the so-called
"council" of Puebla (p. 391), and thus Scott was virtually put on
trial, yet, contrary to the articles of war, had no opportunity to
question witnesses (Mo. _Republican_, Nov. 5, 1857). Pillow was before
another court of inquiry (Sen. 65; 30, 1, pp. 338-73), and the evidence
convicted him, morally at least, of attempting to appropriate, in
violation of the articles of war, a captured Mexican howitzer. Pillow's
appeal to the government grew out of Scott's approving the findings
of this court, and his arrest resulted from the disrespect shown in
connection with the appeal.

June 4, 1847, Scott wrote to Marcy: "Considering the many cruel
disappointments and mortifications I have been made to feel since I
left Washington, or the total want of support and sympathy on the part
of the War Department which I have so long experienced, I beg to be
recalled from this army the moment that it may be safe for any person
to embark at Vera Cruz, which I suppose will be early in November"
(Sen. 52; 30, 1, p. 131). This application was denied and (since
the circumstances on which it was based appeared to change) became
obsolete. A correspondent of Governor Hammond of South Carolina said
it was "absurd, unjust, ridiculous, and impolitic, in this crisis of
events here, to remove the victorious general, whose prestige with the
Mexicans is great, very great, both for war and peace" (=210=Alvord,
Feb. 24, 1848). He attributed the recall to "Mr. Quackery Pillow." The
recall was dated January 13 (Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1044). Scott turned over
the command to Butler on February 18 (=65=gen. orders 59). March 14 the
British chargé reported that signs of relaxed discipline were visible
(=13=Doyle, no. 27). As early as August 7, 1847, Polk had contemplated
substituting Butler for Scott (Diary). Nov. 25 Pillow wrote that this
was to be done (=180=to wife). Early in January, 1848, some members of
the Cabinet favored giving Taylor the place, but Polk would not (Diary,
Jan. 4).

May 6, 1848, the adjutant general stated that the army under Butler
consisted of 26,785 (aggregate present), of whom 174 officers and 4611
men were sick, and that it occupied the following places: Mexico,
Toluca, Cuernavaca, Pachuca, Río Frio, Puebla, Perote, Jalapa, national
bridge, Orizaba, Córdoba and Vera Cruz. Some of the returns, however,
on which the statement was based were several months old (=62=to
Cass). By May 1 Scott, Pillow, Pierce, Cadwalader, Quitman, Shields
and Cushing had left the country. May 23 S. W. Kearny was appointed
governor of Mexico City (=65=orders 103).


XXX. THE NAVAL OPERATIONS

30.1. Sen. 187, 263; 29, 1. Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 774-5 (Bancroft). Sen.
1; 29, 2, pp. 377-8. (War bill) Vol. i, p. 181. Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 973.
(Expense) Ho. 188; 29, 1; Sen. 139; 29, 2. In Jan., 1846, there were
also 3 receiving ships and 11 small unarmed vessels and storeships.
In ordinary and building there were 2 (5) ships-of-the-line, 5 (3)
frigates and razees, 6 (2) sloops-of-war, 2 (0) brigs and 3 (1)
steamers, carrying 576 (614) guns. (The figures in parentheses
represent vessels building.) The time of the crews of the _Savannah_
and _Warren_ expired before July 1 and Sloat was authorized to send
them east. Three schooners--the _Bonita_, the _Reefer_ and the
_Petrel_--built at New York for Mexico but not paid for, were purchased
(_Niles_, June 13, 1846, p. 226; see chap. xiii, note 13.31). In Oct.,
1847, there were also one ordnance transport and six storeships.

30.2. Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 945. U. S. Naval Institute, Proceedings, xiv,
539 (S. C. Rowan, recolls.). Griffis, Perry, 200. Ho. 24; 30, 2 (Mason
to Speaker). (Reputation) =73=Bermúdez de Castro, no. 445, 1847. Sen.
69; 30, 1 (punishments). =374=Shubrick to Conner, July 17, 1845: "The
time has been when the conviction of an officer of having told a
_deliberate, premeditated, official lie_ would be fatal to him, so far
at least as the opinion of a Court Martial would go, but that time has
passed--alas! for the Navy." In the course of a short cruise, 1847-48,
Farragut had to "rid the service" of five junior officers and bring to
trial a first lieutenant for drunkenness (Mahan, Farragut, 97). Mar. 5,
1847, =120=Capt. Mervine charged a lieutenant with being intoxicated
repeatedly while commanding at S. José, Calif., amidst a hostile
population. July 10, 1847, =120=J. H. Brown, S. Francisco, Calif.,
wrote to Biddle that officers got drunk at his house and did havoc.
=120=Commander Hull informed Biddle, Mar. 4, 1847, that a midshipman
came aboard intoxicated. Many seamen were of foreign birth, but only 26
out of 853 officers.

30.3. =354=Welles papers. Ho. 188, 191; 29, 1. Howe, Bancroft, i, 292.
Polk, Diary, Sept. 9, 1846; Feb. 20, 1847. =108=Buchanan to Bancroft,
Sept. 29, 1847. =256=Marcy to Wetmore, Nov. 28, 1845. Seward, Seward at
Wash., i, 51. "Bancroft" was of course George Bancroft, the historian.

30.4. =48=Bancroft to Conner, Aug. 30, 1845, secret. London _Times_,
June 11, 1846. =52=Bancroft, no. 25, 1847. =52=King, no. 28, 1846.
=52=Martin, no. 14, 1847. _Picayune_, May 7, 1846. =58=Spofford,
Tyleston & Co., Dec. 11, 1846. =13=Bankhead, no. 79, 1845. =58=Emory,
Stetson & Co., June 5, 1847. =46=Newell to J. Y. Mason, Nov. 25, 1846.
Sen. 1; 30, 1, 945 (Mason, report). Richmond _Enquirer_, Aug. 15, 1845.
Phila. _No. Amer._, June 20, 1845. Memoria de ... Guerra, Dec. 9, 1846.
México á través, iv, 569. =13=Pakenham, no. 42, 1846. =52=Saunders
(Madrid), nos. 9, 12, 1847. =52=Littlefield to Saunders, May 2, 1847.
N. Y. _Herald_ (weekly), May 16, 1846. Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 566 (Jesup).
Boston _Atlas_, May 18, 1846. Buchanan, Works, vii, 325-6 (to W. R.
J.), 355-6 (to T. N. C.). =49=Bancroft to Conner, Aug. 29, 1846. What
is said of Cuba applies to Porto Rico also.

30.5. (Action of Mexico) =13=Bankhead, nos. 68, 100, 147, 150, 161,
1846; London _Times_, Jan. 8, 13, 15, 1847; Dublán, Legislación, v,
161; =52=Slidell to Buchanan, Mar. 27, 1846; =52=Martin, no. 11, 1847;
=297=Mackenzie (S. Anna) to Buchanan, July 7, 1846; Semmes, Service,
80-1; México á través, iv, 569; =52=Consul Black, Sept. 28; Oct. 29,
1846; =73=Bermúdez de Castro, nos. 294, res., 368, 1846; =52=Bancroft,
no. 16, 1847; =76=Tornel, circular (regulations), July 26, 1846;
Memoria de ... Relaciones, Dec., 1846; =52=Memoria de ... Guerra, Dec.,
1846; _Diario_, July 27; Oct. 3, 1846. Irving (Madrid), no. 8, 1847.
London _Times_, Jan. 8, 13, 15, 1847. Semmes, Service, 80. Sen. 1; 29,
2, pp. 40-1. =52=Saunders (Madrid), no. 9, 1847. =76=Almonte, Dec. 10,
1846. Buchanan, Works, vii, 334-42 (to R. M. S.).

30.6. =52=Martin, no. 11, 1847. =52=Bancroft, no. 16, 1847. =52=Irving,
July 18, 1846. Richardson, Messages, iv, 495-6. Sen. 1; 30, 1, 945-6
(report). Wash. _Union_, July 22, 1847. The 29th Cong., second session,
provided for the punishment of the citizens (apprehended on privateers)
of those states having treaties with the U. S. which made their acts
piracy (Wash. _Union_, Mar. 9, 1847; =13=Pakenham, no. 26, 1847).
=108=Bancroft to Buchanan, Feb. 3, 1847. =13=For. Off. to Bankhead, no.
34, 1845. _Cong. Globe_, 29, 1, p. 811 (Berrien). Buchanan, Works, vii,
23, 52. The suggestion of commissioning American privateers excited
opposition in Europe. It was feared that they would molest neutrals.
Even in the U. S. it was opposed (Dayton in Senate, Jan. 27, 1847).
Nothing came of it.

30.7. (England) =13=Bankhead, nos. 79, 1845; 150, 1846; =13=To
Bankhead, nos. 34, 1845; 1, 1847; London _Times_, Jan. 22, 1847;
_Britannia_, Jan. 23, 1847; =52=Bancroft, no. 16, 1847; _Monitor
Repub._, Nov. 21, 1846; =52=Bancroft, no. 18, 1847; =108=_Id._ to
Buchanan, Feb. 3, 1847; =73=Bermúdez de Castro, no. 294, res., 368,
1846. (France) =52=Martin, nos. 11, 15, 1847; =52=Guizot to Martin,
Feb. 26, 1847. (Spain) =73=Bermúdez de C., nos. 294, res., 368, 1846;
=52=To Consul Campbell, May 14, 1846; =77=Mex. Consul, Havana, Dec. 10,
1846, res.; =76=Almonte, Dec. 10, 1846; =72=Instructs. to capt. gen.,
June 18, 1846; =52=Irving, July 18, 1846; nos. 5, 8, 1847; =71=docs.
relating to Cuban ports; Sen. 1; 29, 2, p. 40; Boston _Courier_, Jan.
20, 1847; Buchanan, Works, vii, 334 (to R. M. S.). Sen. 1; 30, 1, 945-6
(report). _Picayune_, Aug. 26, 1846. Conner, Home Squadron, 12.

30.8. Richardson, Messages, iv, 548-9, 561. Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 774-5
(Bancroft). Sen. 1; 29, 2, p. 377. Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 951. =59=Circular
to U. S. ministers, May 14, 1846. =47=Conner to Bancroft, May 14,
1846. =52=Consul Chase, Jan. 20, 1846. =76=Parrodi, July 2, 1846.
=52=McLane (London), no. 54, 1846. =13=Giffard (V. Cruz), June 30,
1846. =162=Morris to Conner, Oct. 24, 1846. =313=Conner, instructions,
May 14.

American vessels were excluded on the score of impartiality and also
because the admission of them would have defeated the main purposes of
the blockade (Richardson, Messages, iv, 571). A particular advantage
of the blockade is that it enables a belligerent to close ports that
it is not desirable or not possible to capture and hold. Under the U.
S. regulations vessels lying in Mexican ports on the announcement of
the blockade could remain twenty days and then leave with or without
cargo. Approaching vessels could not be captured or detained unless
previously warned in writing by a cruiser (=313=Conner, instructions).
Vera Cruz and Tampico remained open for British mail packets (_ibid._).
Fishing boats were not molested. _Bona fide_ British property,
including cochineal, could be embarked on British war vessels at Vera
Cruz (=13=Bankhead, no. 23, 1847). From the end of June, 1846, Conner
permitted British mail packets to land quicksilver and take bullion.
Engagements made before the war could be fulfilled (=313=Saunders to
Callaghan, June 23, 1846). A difficult question came up concerning the
floating property of neutrals residing in Mexico (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p.
1305). Mexico decreed that since her ports of entry were blockaded,
all her other ports might give free entrance to vessels forcing the
blockade (=70="Guerra," no. 1079), and that no tonnage dues should be
charged during the continuance of the blockade (=76=Guerra, circular,
Oct. 10, 1846). England had to admit that she was the last nation to
protest against a strict blockade, but warned us that difficulties
might arise in the enforcement of it (=52=McLane, no. 50, 1846); and
she would not have our announcement published in the London _Gazette_
since, said Aberdeen, it might check trade and after all not be made
good (=52=McLane, no. 55). Spain insisted upon neutral rights with
peculiar jealousy. The Spanish commander even claimed free access to
blockaded ports under arts. 14 and 15 of the treaty of 1795, but found
that art. 16 warranted the blockade. Spain's vessels were treated
with special indulgence, but she made many complaints. For Spain:
=72=Instrs. to capt. gen. of Cuba, June 18, 1846; =52=Irving, no. 2,
1846; =52=Istúriz to Irving, Aug. 5, 1846; =71=papers relating to
complaints; Buchanan, Works, vii, 240-1, 290-2; =47=Span. commander to
Conner, June 24, 1846; reply, June 26.

30.9. =48=Bancroft to Conner, Aug. 30, 1845, secret. _Picayune_, Mar.
11, 1847. Sen. 1; 29, 2, p. 377 (Mason, report). Ho. 1; 30, 2, p. 1163
(Conner). =76=Parrodi, May 20, 1846. =76=Capt. of port, Tampico, May
20. Semmes, Service, 106. Conner, Home Squadron, 9. Negrete, Invasión,
iii, 173. =313=Conner, proclam., May 14. =313=_Id._, instructions, May
14. =313=Saunders to C., June 20; Oct. 24; to Amer. consul, May 20.
=313=C. to Saunders, July 22; Sept. 30. =164=Conner, reports, spring of
1846. Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 525 (spec. orders 128). _Niles_, Oct. 10, 1846,
p. 85. =47=Conner, Oct. 8. (Goatzacoalcos) About 140 miles S. E. from
V. Cruz.

It does not seem worth while to follow the movements of particular
vessels. Sept. 30, 1846, the blockade was extended southeast to the
River S. Pedro y S. Pablo. (Difficulties) =47=Conner, Sept. 22, 1846;
_Picayune_, Mar. 11, 1847; Griffis, Perry, 210; =313=Saunders to Wash.
_Union_, Oct. 10, 1846; =313=_Id._ to Conner, Oct. 24; Semmes, Service,
106; =162=Conner, Jan. 28, 1847. (_Somers_) Sen. 43; 29, 2; Sen. 1; 30,
1, pp. 945, 950; =374=Semmes to Conner, Dec. 10, 1846; =13=Pakenham,
no. 151, 1846.

Just after the blockade began at Vera Cruz Gen. Bravo, commanding
there, permitted several American vessels to leave the port, and in
acknowledgment of his liberality two Mexican merchant vessels were
sent in to him with their cargoes, crews and passengers. Courteous
notes were exchanged (=76=Gacyores to Bravo, May 27; reply, May 28;
Bravo, May 26). At Tampico Capt. Saunders and the city authorities were
mutually considerate (=313=S. to Bancroft, June 6, 1846).

30.10. (Designed) London _Times_, Dec. 10, 1846. Comte. gen. V. Cruz.
July 9, 1846. Sen. 1; 30, 1, 945, 950-1. =13=Pakenham, no. 98, 1846.
=162=Conner, Dec. 18, 1846. Foltz, Report. _Niles_, Oct. 10, 1846,
pp. 84-5. =47=Conner, July 22, 1846. Semmes, Service, 100. Parker,
Recolls., 58, 62, etc. McClay, Navy, ii, 177-8. Bennett, Steam Navy,
98. Ho. 1; 30, 2, p. 1233 (Perry).

30.11. =73=Bermúdez de Castro, no. 441, 1847. Lerdo de Tejada, Apuntes,
ii, 540. Henshaw narrative, Mar. 17, 1847. Smith, To Mexico, 117-8. Ho.
1; 30, 2, p. 1233 (Perry). =13=Giffard, Jan. 31, 1847. _Picayune_, Mar.
11, 1847. Contributory tariff: pp. 261-3.

30.12. Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 775 (Bancroft). (Mex. navy) Balbontín, Estado,
19; _Diario_, Apr. 4, 5, 1846; =70="Guerra," no. 1120; =13=Giffard,
Dec. 20, 1846. =76=Acta of naval offs., Mar. 12, 1846. Memoria de ...
Guerra, Dec, 1846. =76=Mora y Villamil, Mar. 12, 1846. =76=Orders to
Marín, Mar. 9, 1846. =76=Marín, Apr. 26, 1847. N. Y. _Sun_, June 8,
1846. _Niles_, May 1, 1847, p. 131 (Hunter).

30.13. =375=Perry to Mason, Nov. 16, 1846. Conner, Home Squadron, 9,
11, 14. Parker, Recolls., 67, 71. =162=Morris to Conner, June 24; Oct.
24, 1846. Ho. 1; 30, 2, pp. 1172 (Conner), 1191-2 (Perry). =46=Perry,
Nov. 16, 1846. Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 252-3. Taylor, Broad Pennant, 287,
293. =166=Perry to Conner, Dec. 27, 1846. =166=Reports on condition of
engines, boilers, etc. Bennett, Steam Navy, 93. =47=Conner, Sept. 22,
1846. Soley, Porter, 64. =165=Conner, Nov. 24, 1846.

30.14. =162=Conner's letters to his wife. Curtis, Buchanan, i, 603
(Slidell). Soley, Porter, 53-4. Semmes, Service, 114, 128. Conner, Home
Squadron, 6, 23. =162=Bancroft to Conner, Dec. 10, 1845. =162=Matson to
_Id._, Feb. 27, 1847.

30.15. =48=Bancroft to Conner, Aug. 30, 1845, secret. Polk, Diary, Jan.
17, 1846. Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 774-5 (Bancroft). =69=Conner to Taylor,
Feb. 4. =47=_Id._ to Bancroft, May 14. =162=_Id._, May 20. =61=Bancroft
to Conner, Jan. 17. London _Times_, June 29; Dec. 10. Semmes, Service,
100. =76=Bravo, May 4. Tampico _Eco_, June 9, 16. =76=Parrodi, June 8,
17. =76=Vilar to Parrodi, June 8. =162=Saunders to Conner, June 20.
=313=_Id._ to _Id._, June 17. =313=_Id._ to Wash. _Union_, Oct. 10.
_Niles_, May 23, 1846, p. 178. Sen. 1; 29, 2, p. 377 (Mason, report).
Conner, Home Squadron, 9. Bennett, Steam Navy, 34-5, 43, 62-3, 67-8,
71. Ho. 1; 30, 2, p. 1163 (Conner). _Picayune_, Aug. 26. For Conner's
coöperation with Taylor see vol. i, pp. 466, 469.

The _Princeton_ was the earliest naval steam propeller. She was
rigged as a ship. Saunders opened fire, June 8, because he feared
new fortifications (near the mouth of the Pánuco) would make it hard
to capture Tampico. He did little damage. The enemy replied feebly.
Suspecting that the Mexican gunboats intended to sail out and raid
American commerce, he determined to capture them by surprise in
the night of June 14-15. He had no good pilot. The boats had much
difficulty in finding the channel, which had recently shifted, and
were even compelled to row more than half a mile against a swift
current within pistol shot of the shore. One of them grounded twice.
The moon came out. The Americans were discovered and fired upon.
They replied; and then, as a surprise was no longer possible, they
retired according to orders. May 28 Conner, on the _Cumberland_, was
at Pensacola; the _St. Mary's_ off Tampico; the _Mississippi_ and
_Falmouth_ off V. Cruz; the _Raritan_ there or on her way to that port;
the _Lawrence_ (which seems to have been a brig but was not mentioned
in the department's list of vessels under Conner on May 13) assisting
the army; and the _Somers_ on the Yucatan service (Ho. 1; 30, 2, p.
1163). Aug. 10 the _Cumberland_ (still the flag-ship), _Potomac_,
_Falmouth_, _Mississippi_, _Princeton_, _Flirt_ and the three gunboats
(_Bonita_, _Reefer_, _Petrel_) lay at Antón Lizardo; the _St. Mary's_
and _Porpoise_ were off V. Cruz; the _John Adams_ off Tampico; the brig
_Truxtun_ had gone to Chagres, and the brig _Perry_ had gone to look
for privateers near Cape S. Antonio (_Picayune_, Aug. 26). These data
give one an idea of the usual distribution of the vessels.

30.16. _The affair of Aug. 7._ =165=Conner to Bancroft, May 31.
=47=_Id._ to _Id._, Aug. 10. Ho. 4; 29, 2, p. 630 (Conner). _Picayune_,
Aug. 22, 26. N. Y. _Sun_, Dec 7. Sen. 1; 29, 2, p. 381. Semmes,
Service, 88. Parker, Recolls., 66-7. Taylor, Broad Pennant, 287.
=76=Landero, Aug. 10. =76=Comte gen. V. Cruz, July 15. _Esperanza_,
Aug. 27. _Locomotor_, Aug. 10. For Alvarado, vol. ii, p. 344. For Antón
Lizardo, vol. ii, p. 17. The Americans felt the more chagrined because
British naval men witnessed their failure.

30.17. _The Affair of Oct. 15._ =162=Morris to Conner, Sept. 21.
=47=Conner, Oct. 17. =162=_Id._, Oct. 16. United Service, July, 1895,
p. 33. Ho. 4; 29, 2, pp. 630-1. Taylor, Broad Pennant, 290, 293,
298-306. _Picayune_, Nov. 8. Sen. 1; 29, 2, p. 381. Griffis, Perry,
199. Semmes, Service, 88. Conner, Home Squadron, 17. =76=Marin to
comte. gen., Oct. 17. =76=Landero, Sept. 5, 14; Oct. 12. =76=Soto, Oct.
18. =76=Marin to Soto, Oct. 15. _Diario_, Oct. 29, 30. =76=Guerra,
circular, Oct. 21. Wash. _Union_, Nov. 30. London _Times_, Dec. 10.

According to Conner's son (Home Squadron, 17), the secretary of the
navy on Sept. 22 instructed Conner to attack Alvarado, supposing he
had been reinforced, and it has been said that the attack should not
have been made without more strength; but the difficulty was that the
American forces could not be made available. It is not easy to see how
Conner was at fault unless, as perhaps on Aug. 7, he might have landed
in boats under such protection as his cannon could give, stormed the
fort that stood near the beach, and then landed more men. Conner does
not seem to have thought that sailors could do much ashore. He had a
landing-force (Conner, Home Squadron, 15), but whether at this time and
place is not clear. Probably a bold, though unsuccessful, attack would
have been better than to back out. He is said to have argued, after the
failure of Aug. 7, that even success would not have been worth what it
would have cost (_Picayune_, Aug. 26); but this left moral effects out
of the account. It was said by a naval man that he should have added
the McLane's tow to his own and gone ahead; but it seems extremely
doubtful whether he could have advanced against the current. Conner's
report (Oct. 17) says the _Mississippi_ could not get near enough to
make any impression on the fort, but a Mexican account printed in _La
Esperanza_, Aug. 27, stated that some shot from our vessels struck more
than 200 yards behind the fort, and one sees no reason to suppose that
the statement was an invention. Conner seems to have thought of coming
to Alvarado again, for in Jan., 1847, the Mexicans reported that the
bar was being sounded (=76=Landero, Jan. 28). For the capture of the
place at the beginning of April, 1847, see vol. ii, p. 344. Apr. 2 a
naval expedition went up the river, returning on Apr. 4 (=66=J. L.
Mason to J. L. Smith, Apr. 9).

30.18. _The first Tabasco expedition._ (Perry) =46=Perry, Aug. 15, 17;
=165=Conner to P., Oct. 6; Conner, Home Squadron, 12-3. =162=Conner,
Oct. 30. Ho. 1; 30, 2, pp. 1165-70 (Perry's report, etc.). Ho. 4;
29, 2, pp. 632-9. _Diario_, Nov. 7, 1846 (Traconis' reports, etc.).
=47=Perry to Mason, Nov. 16. Taylor, Broad Pennant, 316. =76=Gov. of
Chiapas, Oct. 27. =60=Champlen to Polk, Dec. 4. Semmes, Service, 89.
Conner, Home Squadron, 9. Information given to the author by a Mexican
civil engineer residing in Tabasco. Apuntes, 389-90. =73=Bermúdez de
Castro, no. 445, 1847. Aldrich, Marine Corps, 97. Ho. 4; 29, 2, p. 639.
Sen. 1; 29, 2, p. 381. Parker, Recolls., 73-4. =76=Traconis, Nov. 16.
_Temístocles_, Dec. 31. =76=Santalo's testimony, Nov. 2. =76=Comte.
gen. Tab, Apr. 6. Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 950. =166=List of vessels captured.
=166=Perry to Conner, Nov. 11. =166=Merchants to Perry, Oct. 26.
=76=Traconis, proclam., Aug. 12. =13=Giffard, Jan. 31, 1847. Meade,
Letters, i, 169.

As Perry was assigned to the _Mississippi_ on Oct. 6, and commanded
this important expedition so soon afterward, it has been supposed
incorrectly that virtually, if not formally, the squadron was divided.
The hope of the United States at the beginning of the war had been that
Tabasco would be neutral. The orders were not to disturb it in that
case (=49=Bancroft to Conner, May 19). Perry's expedition was followed
in Nov. by a revolution in Tabasco based ostensibly on the failure of
the Mexican government to protect the state; but really the outbreak
was due to local rivalries, and probably it caused the national
government no material annoyance (=76=Alcorta, Jan. 4, 1848; México á
través, iv, 599; =13=Bankhead, no. 186, 1846; =76=Acta of garrison,
Nov. 19, 1846; Wash. _Union_, Jan. 18, 1847). Frontera was a valuable
point, for the Americans could obtain water and cattle there and hinder
illicit commerce. The Tabasco River is now called usually the Grijalva.

30.19. For the Tampico and Pánuco expeditions: vol. i, pp. 279, 281.
=162=Mason to Conner, Nov. 29, 1846, priv. and confid. Ho. 1; 30,
2, pp. 1175 (Conner), 1176 (Perry). Semmes, Service, 90. Bennett,
Steam Navy, 93. =47=Conner, Dec. 17. =166=Perry to C., Dec. 27; to
Benham, Dec. 23; to Sands and Parker, Dec. 21. =166=Benham to Perry,
Dec. 22. =166=Parker to Perry, Dec. 22. =166=Conner to Hunt, Feb. 8,
1847. =166=Sands to Conner, Feb. 20. =13=Giffard, Jan. 31, 1847. The
expedition set out on Dec. 17.

Many of the people of Tabasco supposed, when Perry arrived off Frontera
in Dec., that he was going to S. Juan Bautista to avenge his "defeat";
and as he did not, they presumably felt more haughty than ever
(_Temístocles_, Dec. 31).

30.20. _Niles_, Oct. 31, 1846, p. 132. Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 775.
(Bancroft) Mason to Conner, Oct. 26. Soley, Porter, 59. Farragut,
Farragut, 158, 197. _United Service_, Feb., 1897 (Conner). México á
través, iv, 419. Scott, Mems., ii, 422. N. Y. _Eve. Post_, June 10.
=165=Conner to Bancroft, June 11 (impregnable if properly equipped and
manned). Memoria de ... Guerra, Dec, 1846. Wash. _Union_, June 17.
Diccionario Universal (_Ulúa_). _Journal des Débats_, Aug. 11, 1838.
=162=Morris to Conner, June 10, 24; Oct. 24, 1846. See chap. xviii, p.
349, and note 18.2.

Oct. 3, 1846, the garrison were in a state of mutiny because hungry
(=76=Morales, Oct. 4; S. Anna, Oct. 14), but the Americans did not
know this. Conner suggested that he be given a landing brigade, so
that he could make a combined land and water attack (Conner, S. Juan
de Ulloa, 15). During the siege of Vera Cruz Perry planned to bombard
the fortress and attack it with boats on a dark night in conjunction
with the land forces (Ho. 1; 30, 2, p. 1191). Many original documents
bearing on the construction of Ulúa could be cited, but they would have
only an antiquarian interest. David D. Porter and David G. Farragut
are the men referred to. The eagerness of certain young officers led
to some enterprises that were not altogether felicitous. Contrary
to orders Lieut. Parker burned the _Creole_ (_Criolla_), the last
scrap of Mexican commerce, under the guns of Ulúa at night: but this
injured Hargous, the American merchant, who owned or had chartered her
(=374=Semmes to Conner, Nov. 28; Dec. 6, 1846; =374=Parker to Semmes,
Nov. 27). It has been said that this ended a secret correspondence by
which Conner obtained valuable information (Conner, Home Squadron,
7), but circumstances had probably put a stop to that about six weeks
before (=166=Pommarès to Conner, Oct. 17). A plan was laid to blow
up a Mexican powder magazine near V. Cruz, but this resulted in the
capture of Passed Midshipman R. C. Rogers and another man (=162=Semmes
to Perry, Dec. 6, 1846; =162=Wright to Semmes, Dec. 6; Semmes, Service,
91). For the capture of Vera Cruz and Ulúa see chap. xxii.

30.21. =162=Conner, Sept. 30, 1846. =374=Perry to C., Nov. 24.
=162=Morris to C., Oct. 24. _Picayune_, Jan. 6, 1847. Curtis, Buchanan,
i, 603-4. Griffis, Perry, 210-1, 221. =108=Appleton to Bancroft, Feb.
24; Apr. 27, 1847. Parker, Recolls., 92. Sen. 1; 30, 1, 945 (Mason,
report). =163=Semmes to Conner, Sept. 29, 1850. =165=Conner to Perry,
Mar. 20, 1847. =256=Marcy to Wetmore, Apr. 6, 1847. Conner's reputation
in the navy at the present day is that of a coward--one of the
numberless instances of historical injustice.

30.22. _Capture of Tuxpán._ Ho. 1; 30, 2, pp. 1192-8, 1202 (Perry and
others). Semmes, Service, 150-5. =76=Cos, Jan. 18; Apr. 4, 16, 29.
_Picayune_, Jan. 2. Griffis, Perry, 241. =76=Soto, Aug. 31, 1846.
=76=Cos to ayunt., Apr. 24. Parker, Recolls., 78, 106-7. =76=Proceeds.
of Tuxpán ayunt., Apr. 22. Captain of the port, Apr. 26. _American
Star_ (Jalapa), May 2. Wash. _Union_, May 13, 17; June 4; Sept. 11.
Soley, Porter, 72. _Eagle_ (V. Cruz), Apr. 28. Jones, Tattnall, 64-5.

Perry's force, consisting of the steamers _Mississippi_, _Spitfire_
(a vessel--similar to the _Vixen_--which had joined the squadron in
November), _Vixen_ and _Scourge_, the schooner-gunboats _Reefer_,
_Petrel_ and _Bonita_, the frigate _Raritan_ (carrying 180 officers
and men from the _Potomac_ besides her own complement), the sloops
_Albany_, _John Adams_, _Decatur_ and _Germantown_, the bomb-vessels
_Vesuvius_, _Ætna_ and _Hecla_, and 300 officers and men from the
ship-of-the-line _Ohio_, which stopped at Vera Cruz, on her way to the
Pacific, to assist Scott, who were distributed on the _Mississippi_ and
smaller vessels, gathered first at Lobos Ids., where the forces were
drilled about a day for the attack. Next, after having been separated
by a norther, they met off the bar. The Mexicans were driven a short
distance from the town, but further pursuit into the chaparral would
have been vain. An expedition went some distance up the river from
Tuxpán (Semmes, Service, 154). The city government had not wished Cos
to defend the town, and hence he withdrew all his troops from town
before the attack. Most of his troops soon scattered. The city would
not help support them, but furnished the Americans with supplies
cheerfully. At Perry's request steps were taken to maintain order. He
now left the _Albany_ and _Reefer_ off the river, and sent the _Hecla_
to blockade Soto la Marina, the _Germantown_ to search the coast north
of Lobos Ids., the _Ætna_ to occupy Tabasco River, the _Porpoise_ and
the _Vesuvius_ to hold Laguna. Besides the flotilla mentioned above he
probably had under his command at this time the gunboats _Falcon_ and
_Tampico_ (vol. ii, p. 338; Ho. 1; 30, 2, p. 1182). For the loss of
the _Truxtun_ in Aug., 1846, which led to a great deal of discussion
regarding the conduct of Carpender, her captain, see =162=Conner, Aug.
24; =47=_Id._, Aug 24; =47=Carpender to Conner, Aug. 24; Mason to Polk,
Oct. 28, 1846; Semmes, Service, 82; N. Orl. _Commerc. Bulletin_, Sept.
8; Parker, Recolls., 78; Docs. in Conner papers; comte. gen. V. Cruz,
Aug. 23 and docs.; Taylor, Broad Pennant, 260; Wash. _Union_, Sept. 12,
22; _Nat. Intelligencer_, Sept. 14.

30.23. (Small ports) Ho. 1; 30, 2, pp. 1204-8, 1223, 1228-9;
=76=Buchanan to authorities of Tapantla, May 10, 1847. The main
purposes of taking the small ports were to gather fresh provisions,
exclude contraband trade, and obtain funds under the contributory
tariff (chap. xxxiii). The usual terms required a renunciation of
Mexican allegiance during the war, obedience to American orders, and
the payment of all revenues to the United States.

An indefinite number of citations bearing upon the situation in Yucatan
could be given, but the following are deemed sufficient. Bankhead, no.
11, 1846. _Journal des Débats_, Sept. 13, 1842. _Constitutionnel_,
Nov. 2-3, 1846. Polk, Diary, Aug. 29, 1845; Feb. 27, 1847. Sen. 43;
30, 1. =49=Bancroft to Conner, May 19, 1846. =49=Mason to _Id._, Oct.
16, 1846; Feb. 25, 1847; to Perry, Mar. 17, 1847. Semmes, Service,
84. =335=Tinsley to Trist, Aug. 6, 1846. =335=Robira to _Id._, June
7, 1847. Sen. 40, 42, 43, 45, 49; 30, 1. _Gaceta de Ciudad Victoria_,
Jan. 27, 1846. _Picayune_, Oct. 8, 1846; Jan. 12, 1847. México á
través, iv, 599. Sen. 1; 29, 2, p. 382. Suárez y Navarro, Causas, 6-9.
Richardson, Messages, iv, 581-3. Memoria de ... Relaciones, Dec, 1846.
=76=Barbachano, procl., July 2, 1846. _Temístocles_, Dec. 27, 1846.
=13=Pakenham, no. 33, 1847. Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 256-7 (Walker). Wash.
_Union_, Jan. 18, 1847. =366=Declar. of Mérida. =166=Perry to Conner,
Dec. 27, 1846. =166=Conner to Sands, Feb. 8, 1847. =166=McFaul to ----,
Nov. 12, 1847. Buchanan, Works, vii, 222. Ho. 1; 30, 2, pp. 1175-6
(Conner), 1204 (Perry). =165=Gen. orders, Dec. 15, 1846. (May cruise)
=47=Perry, Dec. 27, 1846; Sept. 21, 1847. =47=Conner, Dec. 29. May 15
Laguna port was opened to commerce; May 18 Frontera.

30.24. _Second Tabasco expedition._ Ho. 1; 30, 2, pp. 1207-23, 28-32
(Perry and officers). =47=Perry, June 25. =47=Correspondence of Perry
and Bigelow, July 18-23. Bennett, Steam Navy, 97. Negrete, Invasión,
iii, 153-6. Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 526-8. =76=Correspondence of
Bigelow and Echagaray, July 1, 2; letters of E., May 31; June 9, 18,
23; July 5. México á través, iv, 703. (Later) Ho. 1; 30, 2, pp. 1233-6
(Perry); =47=Perry, Aug. 16.

On the way to S. J. Bautista Perry had six men wounded. Many fell from
exhaustion. June 30 on an expedition to Tamulté, about three miles
out, three were killed and eight wounded. The Mexican leaders were Bvt.
Gen. Domingo Echagaray and three Maldonado brothers.

Aug. 16, 1847, the squadron was disposed as follows: (_Raritan_ and
_Albany_ had gone home); _Mississippi_, Pensacola; sloop _Germantown_,
Antón Lizardo, preparing to distribute supplies; sloop _Decatur_,
blockading Tuxpán; sloop _Saratoga_, V. Cruz, maintaining connection
with the army and watching the police; sloop _John Adams_, expected
from Tuxpán probably to join bomb-vessel _Stromboli_ in Goatzacoalcos
River; gunboats _Reefer_ and _Petrel_ at Tampico; gunboat _Falcon_
at Alvarado; steamer _Scourge_, bomb-vessel _Ætna_, gunboat _Bonita_
at Frontera; bomb-vessel _Vesuvius_, gunboat _Mahonese_ at Laguna;
steamers _Vixen_ and _Scorpion_ in reserve; steamers _Spitfire_ and
_Petrita_ laid up with injured engines; bomb-vessel _Hecla_ ashore on
Alvarado bar. Aug. 18, 1847, Perry ordered that all merchant vessels
should be visited on their arrival in port to detect irregularities
(Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 788).

30.25. For the share of the navy in the conquest of California see
chap. xvii. (Impossible) =13=P. J. Blake of _Juno_, Apr. 10, 1848;
=53=Pakenham to Buchanan, Dec. 14, 1846; =13=_Id._, no. 57, 1846.
(Proclam. and orders) Ho. 4; 29, 2, pp. 670, 673-4. Du Pont, Official
Despatches, 9. (Cancelled, etc.) =53=Pakenham to Buchanan, Dec. 14;
=12=Walker to Seymour, Mar. 26, 1847; =132=Howland & Aspinwall to
Buchanan, Sept. 22, 1847; =13=Pakenham, no. 139, 1846; Sen. 1; 30,
1, p. 1303 (Mason); =48=Mason to Biddle, Mar. 30, 1847; =48=Orders,
Dec. 24, 1846; =247=Biddle to Larkin, Mar. 6, 1847. =47=Stockton to
Du Pont and to Hull, Aug. 20, 1846. =47=_Id._, reports, Aug. 22; Nov.
23. =47=Hull to Stockton, Sept. 12. =47=Du Pont to Stockton, Oct. 12.
=76=Peinbert to ----, res., undated. _Calif. Star_, i, no. 9. (Guaymas)
Du Pont, Official Despatches, 13; =47=Correspondence of Du Pont,
Spanish vice consul, and Campusano; _Sonorense_, Oct. 9; =76=comte.
gen. of Sinaloa, Nov. 11; =76=gov. Sonora, Oct. 16; =76=Campusano,
Oct. 5; _Cyane_, journal; U. S. Naval Instit. Proceeds., 1888, p. 539
(Rowan). (Mazatlán) =171=Cyane, journal and abstract of journal; =47=Du
Pont to Stockton, Dec. 1; _Id._, Official Despatches, 19; =12=Walker
to Seymour, Mar. 26, 1847; =76=Téllez to Bustamante, Feb. 17, 1847;
=13=A. Forbes, Apr. 17, 1847; =13=Bankhead, no. 9, 1847. Sen. 1; 29,
2, pp. 378-80. Sen. 1; 30, 1, 948. Balbontín, Estado, 19. Memoria
de ... Guerra, Dec., 1846. (Spring) =120=Shubrick to Biddle, May 4,
1847; =120=list of captures. Wise, Gringos (N. Y., 1849), 82-100.
=76=Letter from Mazatlán, May 5; =247=Biddle to Larkin, Mar. 6, 1847.
=47=Shubrick, May 31; June 1; Aug. 11, 1847. (Monopoly) =12=Seymour,
Dec. 26, 1846, no. 70. (After May) =61=R. B. Mason to adj. gen., Feb.
1, 1848; =47=Shubrick, May 31, 1847. _Journ. Milit. Serv. Instit._,
xxxii, 249.

Stockton intended to cruise for the protection of our whalers, etc.,
and also to invade Mexico by way of Acapulco (vol. i, p. 338); but
affairs in California prevented. The _Malek Adel_ was bravely cut
out at Mazatlán, Sept. 7, 1846, under the Mexican guns. Guaymas was
cannonaded because the Mexicans refused to give up two gunboats,
preferring to burn them. As there were two harbors at Mazatlán, a
single vessel could not blockade the port satisfactorily. In the
spring of 1847 Shubrick was ordered to blockade both Mazatlán and
Guaymas, but for this reason he kept both the _Independence_ and the
_Cyane_ at Mazatlán. In Feb. and March, 1847, there might have been
serious trouble between the British commander, Sir Baldwin Walker, and
Captain Montgomery of the _Portsmouth_ owing to conflicting orders and
interests; but the former, having far the stronger force, knew he
could afford to be considerate, and the latter treated British commerce
so well that our government was thanked by England (=13=to Crampton,
June 30, 1847; Sherman, Sloat, xxiv; and note particularly _Journ.
Milit. Serv. Institute_, xxxii, 249-53). Shubrick was at Mazatlán in
May, 1847, but left at the beginning of June. The _Cyane_ remained a
little longer. She and the _Portsmouth_ anchored there, at the end of
June, but both sailed away within two days. Biddle was ordered Jan. 6,
1846, to take command of the squadron, but did not receive the orders
until Dec. 31 (at Lima). Mar. 2 he took command. His vessels then were
the _Columbus_ (74 guns) on which he arrived, _Independence_ (razee,
54), frigates _Congress_ (44) and _Savannah_ (44), sloops _Portsmouth_
(20), _Levant_ (20), _Cyane_ (20), _Warren_ (20), _Dale_ (16) and
_Preble_ (16), storeships _Erie_ (8), _Lexington_ (8) and _Southampton_
(6), and the captured _Malek Adel_ (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 948; =48=Bancroft
to Shubrick, Aug. 21, 1846). The _Savannah_ and _Levant_ went home;
and the _Warren_, on account of its condition, was assigned to guard
duty (=120=Shubrick to Stockton, Mar. 1, 1847). The _Ohio_ reached the
squadron in the early part of 1848. Besides blockading, cruising for
prizes, looking after the American whalers, and watching for possible
privateers, long voyages were necessary to obtain provisions and
instructions. The latter were usually very tardy and the commanders
had to follow their own judgment in the main. Monterey, Calif., was in
general the base of operations.

30.26. (Succeeded) =49=Bancroft to Shubrick, Aug. 21, 1846;
=120=Shubrick to Biddle, Mar. 5; July 20, 1847; =47=Shubrick, July
21. (Notice) =47=_Id._, Aug. 11. Ho. 1; 30, 2, pp. 1072-5 (Shubrick).
=76=Téllez, Nov. 4, 1847. (Guaymas) Ho. 1; 30, 2, pp. 1075-83
(Lavallette _et al._), 1110 (Shubrick); _Correo Nacional_, Nov. 30;
=13=Wooldridge, Nov. 18. (Mazatlán) Wise, Gringos (N. Y., 1849),
95; Lummis, Mex. of To-day, 150; Mofras, Explor., i, 173; Gaxiola,
Invasión, 162.

Guaymas, a place of considerable importance, was summoned Oct. 19. The
Mexican troops and people decamped, and the cannon were removed. Hence
the cannonade did little harm. A civil official reported the evacuation
to Lavallette of the _Congress_, who was there with the _Portsmouth_
(Montgomery). As Campusano, who was believed to have 600-800 troops and
6-8 guns, remained in the vicinity and cut off water and provisions,
the town was abandoned by its foreign residents also. American marines
landed, but soon reëmbarked. Nov. 17 a landing party was ambushed in
the town, and the _Dale_, then occupying the harbor, took part in the
firing. One American was wounded. The harbor of Mazatlán was open to
the worst winds.

30.27. The references to Téllez in =76= are almost innumerable. It
seems enough to cite here: M. Gutiérrez, May 19, 1846; To J. I.
Gutiérrez, May 13, 17; To Téllez, Aug. 18; J. I. Gutiérrez, May 9; also
Gaxiola, Invasión, _passim_; Apuntes, 371-3; =13=Bankhead, no. 74,
1846; Wise, Gringos (N. Y., 1849), 99. See also chap. xvi, note 16.5.
Téllez, who was a generous, careless person, arrived at Mazatlán at
the head of an expedition bound for Upper California. During the year
before the war the receipts from the customhouse were about $3,000,000.
He pronounced May 7, 1846, in favor of federalism as an excuse for
insubordination. In Jan., 1847, fearing the government might overpower
him, he pronounced for Santa Anna as dictator. He pretended to be a
loyal Mexican, and the government wavered between recognizing him as
comandante general of Sinaloa and trying to crush him. Finally it
decided on the latter course. Cut off from his financial resources
by the Americans, he could not support his forces, and toward the end
of Jan., 1848, he gave up. J. P. Anaya was then comte. gen. (Capture
of Mazatlán, etc.) Ho. 1; 30, 2, pp. 1089-92, 1104, 1110, 1117; Wise,
Gringos (N. Y., 1849), 144-5; Apuntes, 374-5; =76=Téllez, Nov. 10,
14, 15; =61=Shubrick to R. B. Mason, Dec. 6; =13=Wooldridge, Nov. 18;
Gaxiola, Invasión, 163-6. The _Erie_ had arrived at M. on Nov. 1.

(Nov. 20) Ho. 1; 30, 2, pp. 1105-8; Wise, _op. cit._, 150-7;
=76=Téllez, Nov. 20; U. S. Naval Instit. Proceeds., 1888 (Rowan, p.
555); Apuntes, 376; =76=Horn, Nov. 15, 21; Gaxiola, Invasión, 186.
A land party of 94 and a boat party of 62 set out from Mazatlán at
about 1 A.M. The Mexicans, who were commanded by Lieut. Carlos Horn,
a Swiss, ought to have been routed, but they had received notice of
the expedition and were on the alert. The American land party fell
partially into an ambuscade, and the boat party were misled. After some
desultory fighting both sides retired. The Americans lost 1 killed and
21 wounded. The Mexican loss was probably somewhat larger.

Dec. 13 Americans routed a Mexican advanced party about twenty miles
from the city, inflicting some loss and suffering none (Ho. 60; 30,
1, p. 1083-4; Ho. 1; 30, 2, p. 1121). The Mexican blockade was evaded
easily by bribery.

(Fortifications) Ho. 1; 30, 2, p. 1120 (Halleck), 1131 (Shubrick);
=76=J. P. Anaya, Mar. 11, 1848. (Safe) Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1083
(Shubrick).

(S. Blas) Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1084 (Shubrick); comte. gen. of Jalisco,
Jan. 11; Feb. 22, 1848; Ho. 1; 30, 2, pp. 1127 (Bailey), 1128
(Chatard). S. Blas was blockaded under a fresh notice issued Jan.
1, in consequence of the delay. (Manzanillo) Ho. 1; 30, 2, p. 1129
(Shubrick); princ. comte., Colima, Jan. 18; comte. gen. Jalisco, Feb.
1, 29. Altata was blockaded Feb. 13 by a hired schooner, the _Triton_
(=76=comte. gen. Sinaloa, Feb. 21). (Expeditions) Ho. 1; 30, 2, pp.
1133-7, 1158-61; comte. gen. Jalisco, Feb. 1. Jan. 31 Shubrick reported
that not one Mexican cannon was mounted on the coast except at Acapulco
(Ho. 1; 30, 2, p. 1129). Early in Nov., 1847, T. A. C. Jones set out
from the east to meet the _Ohio_ at Valparaiso and succeed Shubrick.

30.28. The fort at Acapulco was now in a ruinous condition. The cannon
were removed and (it was reported) sold by Juan Alvarez. Shubrick
(=47=Aug. 11, 1847) said it was worse than useless to blockade Mazatlán
without blockading S. Blas, because vessels unable to enter at M. would
then enter at S. B. and pay duties to the Mexicans. He forcibly urged
upon Scott and Col. Mason, commanding in California, the importance of
providing troops (Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1035; =61=Dec. 6, 1847), and Mason
sent as far as Oregon for volunteers (Sherman, Memoirs, i, 38); but
every effort to find men was in vain (=61=Mason, May 19, 1848). All
that Mason could spare went to Lower California. With the men who were
ashore Shubrick said he could have sealed up the west coast (Ho. 60;
30, 1, p. 1084).

Mason to Stockton, Jan. 11, 1847. S. José was occupied Mar. 30;
S. Lucas Apr. 3; La Paz Apr. 13. In August two companies of N. Y.
volunteers under Lt. Col. Burton arrived on the ground. The passing of
men and munitions from the mainland to the Peninsula was promptly cut
off by our navy. The towns of Mulejé (opposite Guaymas) and Comandú,
several hundred miles to the north of La Paz, were the centres of the
opposition. Citizens of the former under Vicente Mejía and of the
latter under J. M. Moreno, all commanded by Manuel Pineda, marched
south with no little devotion. Pineda moved against La Paz (held by
Burton); the other two leaders against S. José (held by Lieut. Heywood
of the navy). The latter were repulsed without much difficulty, but
only the arrival of the _Cyane_, Dec. 8, ended a series of small
skirmishes at La Paz. In Jan. S. José had to undergo a more serious
attack. By the twelfth our garrison (27 marines, 15 seamen, some 20
volunteers) found itself, after a desultory siege of about three weeks,
in a critical situation; but on the fourteenth Du Pont arrived in the
_Cyane_, and this ensured the defeat of the Mexicans on the following
day. March 22 about 150 American troops, who had left Monterey Mar.
5, arrived at La Paz. Burton, having now about 270 men, assumed the
offensive, and the skirmish of Mar. 30 at Todos Santos (without loss on
the American side) ended the hostilities. The American casualties in
all the skirmishing were insignificant. For the principal documents see
Ho. 1; 30, 2, pp. 103-12, 1055-64, 1086-8, 1095-1102, 1110-2, 1117-8,
1122-7, 1129-31, 1137-55; Ho. 17; 31, 1; Sen. 18; 31, 1, pp. 293,
299, 488-504; Du Pont, Official Despatches, 23, 31, 35; =76=Pineda to
comte. gen. Sonora, Oct. 3, 1847; =47=Shubrick, Dec. 4, 21; =76=Princ.
comte. of Mulejé to V. Mejía, Oct. 3; =76=Pineda and Mejía, Oct. 3;
=76=Relaciones to Guerra, Feb. 26, 1848. U. S. Naval Instit. Proceeds.,
xiv, pp. 304-25.

30.29. =13=Bankhead, no. 168, 1846. London _Times_, Jan. 30, 1847.
=73=Bermúdez de Castro, nos. 441, 445, 1847. =163=Semmes to Conner,
Sept. 29, 1850. Conner, Home Squadron, 3-4, 21. Bennett, _Monitor_,
40-1. =162=Matson to Conner, Mar. 28, 1847. =162=Mason to _Id._,
Nov. 29, 1846, priv. and confid. Richardson, Messages, iv, 570-2.
=13=Giffard to Bankhead, May 27, 1846. =166=Shubrick to Conner, Aug.
19, 1845, priv. Buchanan, Works, vii, 240-1, 290-2. =47=Conner, June
30, 1846.

Spain complained of us, but unjustly. Some thought inefficiency was
shown by the number of American vessels lost (besides the _Somers_
and the _Truxtun_, the _Boston_, the _Hecla_ and the _Neptune_ were
wrecked, the _Perry_ and the _Cumberland_ were damaged, and some minor
losses were suffered), but considering the character of the coast
this opinion seems unfair. An important feature of the war was the
demonstration of the superiority of steam vessels.

30.30. =76=Lavallette, proclam., Oct. 26, 1847. Apuntes, 375-9. Conner,
Home Squadron, 14. Negrete, Invasión, iii, 139-46; app., 399. Ho. 1;
30, 2, pp. 1092 (articles), 1109, 1129-33 (Shubrick). =47=Letter to
Shubrick, Dec. 23, 1847. =47=Lavallette, orders, 5, 6, 1847; 3, 5,
1848. Semmes, Service, 85-7. Gaxiola, Invasión, 166-81, 217, 223.
Duties to the amount of $150,000 were collected. Conner reported, June
30, 1846, that the blockade had deprived Mexico of $500,000 in duties.
This paragraph belongs logically in chap. xxxi, but is placed here to
complete the subject.


XXXI. THE AMERICANS AS CONQUERORS

31.1. For the conduct of naval men see pp. 208-9 and note 30.30 of that
chapter.

31.2. _The American policy._ Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 155-8, 165-6, 284.
_Matamoros Flag_, July 14, 1846. =60=Marcy to McElroy, May 19, 1846.
Polk, Diary, May 19-20. Our proclamations had some effect upon the
people, but probably not much. They were accustomed to meaningless
promises.

31.3. Gen. Patterson once asserted that volunteers were no worse than
regulars, but the evidence of other officers and of the Mexicans was
overwhelmingly against him. Regulars committed offences, but these
appear to have been commonly pilfering, and to have been chargeable
mostly to fresh recruits. It is probable, however, that the volunteers
often bore the blame for acts done by soldiers dishonorably discharged,
deserters, teamsters and other civilian employees and by the many
"black legs" and "human vultures" who followed the army. The great
difficulty was to identify the culprits. Mexicans were often afraid to
testify against our soldiers.

31.4. After Matamoros was captured, crowds of women and girls continued
to bathe naked in the river. The same thing occurred elsewhere.

31.5. A Mexican wrote to Gen. Mejía that Taylor expressly refused to
accept any responsibility for such men, and that he said the people
might kill them.

31.6. _The Matamoros district._ =91=Ayuntamiento archives. Davis,
Autobiog., 102. Meade, Letters, i, 86, 91, 105, 108-9, 147.
=218=Hershaw narrative. Tilden, Notes, 21. Robertson, Remins., 71.
Scott (=256= to Marcy, Jan. 16, 1847, private) gave an appalling
account of the outrages and added, "As far as I can learn, not one of
the felons has been punished." =291=Cushing to Pierce, May 4, 1847.
Smith, Chile con Carne, 292-4. Brackett, Lane's Brigade, 22. Buhoup,
Narrative, 50. Oswandel, Notes, 37, 49, 193. V. Cruz _American Eagle_,
Apr. 10, 1847. =13=Giffard to Pakenham, May 28; to Bankhead, May 20;
June 9. =13=Bankhead, no. 118, 1846. French, Two Wars, 58. =65=Taylor,
gen. orders 62, May 17; 65, May 23; 94, Aug. 2. =65=Patterson, orders,
Sept. 29; Oct. 14. _Picayune_, Aug. 4, 25. New Orl. _Commer. Bulletin_,
Sept. 22. =69=Cushing, order, Sept. 24, 1847. =69=Longoria, statement,
Aug. 17. =60=Patterson to Bliss, Oct. 21. =60=Taylor to Hepburn _et
al._, Nov. 2. Zirckel, Tagebuch, 45-6. Matamoros _Reveille_, June 24.
Henry, Camp. Sketches, 118, 122, 124, 137. Giddings, Sketches, 89.
Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1178. _Niles_, Aug. 1, 1846, p. 341; Sept. 12, p.
23. Davis, Recolls., 236. _Spirit of the Times_, July 4. Sedgwick,
Corresp., i., 4-5. New London _Morning News_, Dec. 10. _History
Teacher's Mag._, Apr., 1912 (Vieregg). =308=Shields to Walker, Aug. 3.
_Nat. Intelligencer_, Dec. 23, 1846. =193=Foster to father, Aug. 14,
1846 (Matamoros a "complete sink of pollution"). =180=Pillow to wife,
Sept. 6, 1846. =76=Mejía, June 20. =76=Spanish consul, Matamoros, June
7. =76=García to Parrodi June 20; Aug. 10. =76=Division of the North,
_Noticias_, July 8. =76=_Gaceta de Tamaulipas_, July 16. =76=Parrodi,
June 3. =76=Carroll to Faulac, Aug. 9.

31.7. In June, 1847, Taylor expressed the opinion that the Texan horse
had scarcely made one expedition without committing murder, and asked
that no more should be sent to him (Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1178). Some of
them committed outrages at Parras, where the Americans had been kindly
treated, and Wool then ordered that Texan volunteers should not be
sent on distant expeditions except under "extraordinary circumstances"
(=69=McDowell to Hamtramck, Dec. 10, 1847).

31.8. _E.g._: No soldier quartered outside the town (as nearly all
were) could enter it without a pass signed by his captain and his
colonel. Such passes were good for only one day, and only two could
be issued the same day in the same company. Soldiers could use only
a particular road and had to leave the city before the retreat was
sounded (Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 508). Besides punishing offences, our
commanders endeavored, first of all, to prevent the sale of liquor;
secondly, to shut out gamblers and other undesirable followers of the
army; and, thirdly, to inculcate a sense of humanity and a regard for
the rights of the people. In April, 1847, well-to-do refugees were
ordered to return to Monterey under the threat of occupying their
houses, for while absent they were beyond the reach of American taxes
and were encouraging guerillas (=97=Monterey judge, Apr. 14, 1847). A
similar policy was followed elsewhere.

31.9. American officers were not, however, flabby in protecting the
lives of their men, and sometimes the authorities or the people of
a place where one of these fell a victim to Mexican hate were held
responsible until the culprit was discovered (_e.g._, =61=Wool to
Pleasanton, Jan. 15, 1848). Such wholesale justice was often the
only possible kind, and there is ample evidence that even the cruel
retaliation practised by our soldiers had good effects.

31.10. _The Monterey district._ Meade, Letters, i., 108, 130, 147,
161. =218=Henshaw narrative. _Picayune_, Jan. 27, 1847. =212=Hastings,
diary, May 28, 1847. Giddings, Sketches, 221, 325. Buhoup, Narrative,
108. Thorpe, Our Army at Monterey, 120. =144=Cassidy, recoils. Anon,
diary. =97=Ayunt., Saltillo, Apr. 14, 1847. =93=Ayunt., Monterey, Oct.
8, 1846; May 18, 1847. Durango _Registro Oficial_, Oct. 15, 1846.
_Epoca_, Oct. 17. London _Times_, June 15, 1847. =221=Hill, diary.
=280=Nunelee, diary. =303=Orders 149, Dec. 3, 1846. Everett, Recolls.,
216-9. =13=Giffard to Bankhead, May 20, 1846. =13=Bankhead, no. 118,
1846. _Diario_, Oct. 9, 24; Nov. 2. _Monitor Repub._, Oct. 18, 28;
Nov. 20. Washington _Union_, Dec. 29. _National Intelligencer_, Sept.
10; Nov. 11; Dec. 7, 23. _Metropol. Mag._, Dec., 1907 (Hamilton).
Henry, Camp. Sketches, 222-5. Smith, To Mexico, 85, 89. =61=Hamtramck
to McDowell, Jan. 20, 1848. =65=Wool, orders 67, Feb. 26, 1848.
=65=Taylor, gen. orders, 126, Oct. 5, 1846; 149, Dec. 2. =65=Patterson,
orders, Sept. 29; Oct. 14. =65=Wool, orders 7, 15, 25, 31, 64, 66-7,
94, 112, Jan.-Mar., 1848. =65=Taylor, special orders 114, Sept., 1847.
=65=Wool, special orders 147, 156, Dec., 1847. =61=Wool to Hamtramck,
Dec. 18, 1847. =61=McDowell to Hamtramck, Dec. 10, 1847; to Butler,
Mar. 2, 1848. =61=Wool to Pleasanton, Jan. 15, 1848. =307=Roberts,
diary, Nov. 28; Dec 5, 1846. _Delta_, Aug. 15, 1847. =147=Chamberlain,
diary. Apuntes, 65. _Gaceta Extraordinaria_, Victoria, Aug. 17, 1846.
Wilhelm, Eighth Infantry, i, 281. =69=Morales to Taylor, Sept. 29;
Oct. 6. =65=Worth, orders, Oct. 8. =69=_Id._ to Bliss, Sept. 27; Oct.
5. =61=_Id._, endorsement on statement of Gaines. =61=Taylor, June 4,
1847. =61=Wool to Jones, May 9, 1848. J. Davis in _Cong. Globe_, 37,
1, app., p. 1034. =93=Mitchell, proclam., Apr. 6, 1847. =93=Tibbatts,
orders, Sept. 8, 1847. _Republicano_, Apr. 14, 1847. Carpenter,
Travels, 13, 29, 30. =52=Dimond, no. 341, May 24, 1846. Ho. 60; 30,
1, pp. 430-1, 1125, 1138, 1178 (Taylor); 508, 512-3, orders 126, 146,
149; 533, spec. orders 113. _Niles_, Nov. 14, 1846, p. 165; Nov. 21, p.
180; Apr. 10, 1847, p. 89; Oct. 23, p. 115. =370=Taylor to Louisville
Legion, Dec. 1, 1846. _Hist. Mag._, May, 1870 (Deas). Sen. 32; 31, 1,
p. 43. =214=Hays and Caperton, Life of Hays. _Observador Zacatecano_,
Dec. 27, 1846, supplement. =76=González to S. Anna, Nov. 21, 1846.
=76=Garcia to Parrodi, Aug. 10, 1846. =76=Ampudia, Oct. 4, 1846. =76=J.
F. Rada, Oct. 17. =76=Letter from Cadereita, Apr. 5, 1847. =76=Many
others.

By the end of the war desolation marked the route from the Rio
Grande to Saltillo except at the sizable towns. To the credit of the
volunteers it should be added that on Mar. 9, 1847, two priests and
other citizens of Monterey presented a =93=petition to Taylor to
let the Kentucky regiment garrison the city, not only because those
soldiers were accustomed to it, but because their "well known morality
and good conduct" inspired "security and confidence."

31.11. Some of the orders were: Strangers now here and Mexicans
arriving must report for examination, no Mexican may have arms or leave
town without permission, all Mexicans conducting themselves properly
are entitled to civil and kind treatment as well as protection, and the
troops must not molest them under pain of severe punishment (Jan. 25,
1847); All officers are to see that soldiers annoying the Mexicans are
punished (Feb. 1); Not only officers but men are to arrest any soldier
maltreating a Mexican (Feb. 12); Gambling-houses and drinking-houses
must be broken up, no one may stay in town who would countenance such
things, "improper intruders" will not be tolerated, and quiet must be
maintained (March 16); Officers in town without my express permission
must return to the camp at Buena Vista (June 6); No one may reside at
Saltillo, if able to work, without some honest vocation, a tariff of
prices will be issued from time to time, public exhibitions and dances
without permission are prohibited, Mexican houses may not be taken for
private uses without the consent of the owners (July 9). Some of these
orders were merely repetitions of orders previously given. The policy
was to have no more troops in town than were needed to guard property,
etc. To prevent serious outrages, soldiers were forbidden to leave the
camp at Buena Vista armed (=65=Aug. 10, 1847); and this was the rule
elsewhere.

31.12. _The Saltillo district._ Wilhelm, Eighth Infantry, i., 299.
=300=Prickett, letters. =97=Ayuntamiento archives. =97=Jefe político
to ayunt., Nov. 30, 1846. =34=Stokes to Graham, Aug. 8, 1847. Perry,
Indiana, 138, 142. =61=Paine to Porterfield, Jan. 24, 1848. =69=Worth
to E. González, Dec. 16, 17, 1846. =65=Wool, orders 202, 209, 219,
245, etc., Jan.-Mar., 1847. =65=_Id._, orders 275, 286, 308, 315, 341,
350, 394, 455, May-Sept., 1847. =65=_Id._, orders 138, Dec. 14, 1847.
=61=McDowell to Hamtramck, Dec. 28, 1847. _Picayune_, June 1; July 2,
1847. =65=Worth, orders, Nov. 16, 19, 23. =97=_Id._, proclam., Nov. 19.
=69=_Id._ to Saltillo officials, Nov. 17, 23. =69=Gov. Saltillo, order,
Jan. 11, 1848. _Correo Nacional_, Mar. 3, 1848. =348=Pattridge to Miss
W., Aug. 25, 1847. Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 1111, 1125 (Taylor). _Littell_,
no. 165, p. 88 (Saltillo, May 11, 1847). =364=Worth to daughter, Jan.
4, 1847. _Monitor Repub._, Mar. 29, 1847. Arnold, Jackson, 87-90. And
from =76= the following and many more. González to Worth, Nov. 30;
reply, Dec. 2. Relaciones, Feb. 1, 1848. González to S. Anna, Nov. 21,
1846. Orders of Worth, Nov. 16, 19, 22, 23, 1846. González, protest,
Nov. 22, 1846. Worth to González, Nov. 28; Dec. 17, 1846. S. Anna,
Jan. 4, 1847 (with docs. from González). Worth to ----, Nov. 17, 1846.
Hunten to González, Mar. 29, 1847. Filisola, Aug. 10, 1847. Avalos,
Aug. 5, 1847.

31.13. It was left for a regular to show the benefit of discipline,
for he visited a suburban village, terrorized some 250 able-bodied
Mexicans, and went calmly from house to house collecting blackmail.

31.14. _The Tampico district._ =99=Ayuntamiento archives. =146=Caswell,
diary, Apr. 1, 1847. _Eco_, Dec. 9, 1846. =99=Shields to ayunt.,
Dec. 28, 1846; Jan. 2, 1847. =13=Consul Glass, Aug. 21, 1847.
=69=Gates, orders 17, 26, 28, 35, Mar.-Apr., 1847. =159=Collins, diary
(introduction). =65=Gates, orders 30, 48, 49; special orders 7, 10,
30, 41. _Picayune_, Jan. 2, 8; Feb. 18; Mar. 19. =69=Shields, orders
3, Dec. 22, 1846; to Bliss, Jan. 13, 1847. =61=J. L. Gardner, Nov.
23, 1846. =61=Gates, Dec. 4, 1846. =61=_Id._, orders, Sept: 18, 1847.
=61=Shields, orders, Jan. 1, 2, 6, 1847. =61=_Id._, Dec. 23, 1846; Jan.
19, 1847. =75=Hacienda to Relaciones, Dec. 3, 1847. Lawton, Artillery
Officer, 12, 24, 37, 39, 40, 46-7. Ballentine, English Soldier, i,
276-81. Wilhelm, Eighth Infantry, i, 299. =76=I. Múñoz, Nov. 26, 1846,
=76=R. M. Núñez, Jan. 25, 1847. =76=Testimony of Mateo Dorante. =76=F.
de Garay, Jan. 22, 1847. =76=Docs. sent by Garay. =76=A. González to
Urrea, Feb. 1, 1847. =76=Many others.

31.15. Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 333-6 (Marcy). =224=Hitchcock, diary, Mar.
26, 1846. =52=W. S. Parrott, Oct. 4, 1845. =52=Slidell, no. 3, Dec.
17, 1845. =61=Taylor, no. 10, Feb. 7, 1846. =61=Carbajal to Taylor,
Feb. 6, 1846. =61=_Id._, memo., Feb. 6. =61=Canales to Taylor, Jan.
29, 1846. =61=[Mesa to Taylor], statement. _Monitor Repub._, June 14,
1846. =93=Ayunt. to gov. N. León, Dec. 31, 1846. London _Times_, June
15, 1847. _Picayune_, Aug. 11, 1846. Ampudia, Manifiesto, 1847. Henshaw
narrative. =69=Unsigned statement. =285=Mejía to Paredes, July 20,
1846. =52=Butler, Aug. 1, 1832. Smith, Annex. of Texas, 46-7. _Niles_,
Nov. 21, 1846, p. 180. =76=Comte. gen. Nuevo León, broadside, Aug. 12,
1846. =76=Ampudia, Sept. 9, 1846. =76=Mora y Villamil, Apr. 19, 1847,
res. =76=Many others.

The number of citations could be multiplied, and the author may write
an article or brief monograph on the subject.

31.16. July 7, 1847, the veteran ex-editor of the Washington _Globe_
said in a =345=letter: My son [Frank P. Blair, who had been U. S.
district attorney of the province] "represents the state of things in
New Mexico as horrible. It seems that even respectable men at home,
have become so depraved by the license of the region they are in, that
they stick at no enormity whatever." A little later the most concise
report from Santa Fe ran thus, "All is hubbub and confusion here,
discharged volunteers are leaving, drunk, and volunteers not discharged
are remaining drunk" (_Niles_, Nov. 6, 1847, p. 155).

31.17. Here, as in California, military rule was softened by having
a subordinate civil administration. The reader will understand, of
course, that not everything was bad. In the scanty space that can be
given to the subject here it is necessary to speak in broad terms.

31.18. _New Mexico._ _Nat. Intelligencer_, Dec. 8, 1846; Apr. 1;
May 13; Aug. 11, 1847. Wash. _Union_, Mar. 18; Apr. 21, 1847. N. Y.
_Tribune_, Nov. 22, 1847. Prince, Concise History, 182-6. =13=Doyle,
no. 29, Mar. 14, 1848. Sen. 1; 29, 2, pp. 58-9. =52=Alvarez, Sept. 4,
1846. =63=Marcy to Kearny, May 10, 1847. =61=Kearny order, Sept. 22,
1846. =61=Grier, Feb. 15, 1847. =61=Newby, Sept. 18; Oct. 8, 1847.
=61=Price, Feb. 26; Aug. 14, 1847. =60=Marcy to Price, Mar. 30, 1847;
to Edwards, Mar. 25, 1847. =61=Ingalls, Feb. 16, 1847. =61=Fischer,
Feb. 16, 1847. Bancroft, Pacific States, xii, 431. =61=Broadside, Feb.
15, 1847. =68=Court-martial, Feb. 4, 1848 (S. Fe). =69=Vigil, Mar.
26, 1847. Sen. 18; 31, 1, pp. 183-6. Inman, Old S. Fe Trail, 113-40.
=345=Blair to Van Buren July 7, 1847. =73=Bermúdez de Castro, no. 445,
1847. _Anzeiger des Westens_, Sept. 24, 26; Nov. 16, 1846; June 21,
1847 (Kribben). =243=Kribben, letters. Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 172, 174-7
(Kearny). Ho. Report 52; 37, 3. _Niles_, Apr. 24, 1847, pp. 119, 121;
June 19, p. 252; Aug. 14, p. 375; Nov. 6, p. 155. N. Y. _Courier and
Enquirer_, Aug. 13, 1847. Ho. 5; 31, 1, p. 104. Report of Conner,
Indian Affairs, 1858, p. 188. Ho. 70; 30, 1, pp. 11, 13, 17, 21, 24,
31, 33, 34, etc. Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 520, 524, 531-5, 545. =256=Polk to
Marcy, June 2, 1846. =201=Gibson, diary. _Picayune_, Mar. 5, 1847.
Ho. 41; 30, 1, pp. 498, 511-2, 551. Richardson, Messages, iv, 507,
594, 639. Wash. _Union_, Oct. 3; Nov. 25, 1846. Parkman, Calif, and
Ore. Trail, 416-20. Elliott, Notes, 233, 247. =224=Santa Fe letter
(printed). Sen. 23; 30, 1 (Abert). Ruxton, Adventures (1847 ed.), 185,
189. Benton, View, ii, 683. =61=Price, Sept. 18, 1847. =212=Hastings,
diary. Cooke, Conquest, 39, 41, 50. =239=Mead to Kemper, July 26, 1841.
Hughes, Doniphan's Expedition, 131. =61=Wooster, Sept. 25, 1846. Sen.
7; 30, 1 (Emory). Ho. 24; 31, 1. Price, portrait (Mo. Hist. Soc.).
=61=_Id._ to delegates; to adj. gen., Feb. 6, 1848. =65=_Id._, orders
10, Feb. 5. =61=Prince to Vigil, Dec. 21, 1847. Numerous documents
relating to the subject may be found among the Vigil papers (N. Mex.
Hist. Soc.). Cutts, Conquest, 217-35, 240-3. =76=Varela, Sept. 6, 1847.
=76=Chávez to Armijo, Aug. 24, 1847. =76=Ugarte to Filisola, July 2,
1847. =76=Bent, proclam., Jan. 2, 1847. =76=Many others. The American
loss in fighting the insurgents was 8 killed, 52 wounded.

Chihuahua was merely an addendum to Santa Fe. The people seemed to
regard our troops "as a race of devils and with just reason," wrote a
soldier in his diary. Once two Americans, fighting in their cups, tore
each other's clothes off and went stark naked through the streets. Of
course property suffered. The women, however, in spite of husbands,
fiancés and priests, were devoted to the Americans, and when the time
for evacuation came some followed their lovers for leagues, and a few
even for days. For the state of things in Chihuahua: Sen. Misc. 26; 30,
1. _The Anglo-Saxon_, (Chihuahua), no. 1. Bustamante, Nuevo Bernal,
ii, 110. Ho. Report 404; 30, 1, pp. 6, 13. Rondé, Voyage, 136, 138-9.
=212=Hastings, diary. =201=Gibson, diary. _Anzeiger des Westens_, June
21, 1847 (Kribben). _Republicano_, April 10, 1847.

31.19. Kearny claimed the right to govern, but Stockton and Frémont
insisted that his instructions to take possession of California
and establish a civil government there had been made obsolete by
events. Kearny perforce accepted the situation for a time, and
with his dragoons went north at the end of January. The friction
between him and Frémont was acute. Finally, when both were on their
way east, Kearny had Frémont arrested. On charges--essentially
insubordination--preferred by the General, Frémont was tried by a
court-martial and sentenced to be dismissed from the army (=65=adj.
gen., orders, Feb. 17, 1848). Polk remitted the sentence, but Frémont
resigned. This controversy having been merely incidental to the war,
more space cannot be given to it; but, as the opinion of the author may
be desired, he will say, after reviewing all the documents of the case,
that he thinks Frémont was a provokingly unprincipled and successful
schemer, and that Kearny showed himself grasping, jealous, domineering
and harsh.

31.20. The Mormons were free July 16, 1847, and but one company could
be recruited from the battalion. This served till March 14, 1848. A
part of the New York regiment was sent to Lower California (chap. xxx,
note 28, and the gold-diggings led some to desert. February 1, 1848,
Mason had only 621 effectives (=61=Mason to adj. gen., Feb. 1, 1848).

31.21. _California._ (This note, as written, included nearly two
hundred items; but, as the subject concerns the history of the Mexican
War only incidentally, it has been condensed.) Reports from military
and naval officers in the adjutant general's office and the navy
(squadron and captains' letters) archives. =323-5=Stevenson, letter
book, gen. order book, regtal. ord. book. Colton, Three Years, 24,
32, 155, 172, 175. Cooke, Conquest, 45, etc. Ho. 70; 30, 1, pp. 28,
etc. Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 160, 229, 242, 245-6. Benton, View, ii, 715,
718. Clark, First Regt., 12, etc. =316=Sherman papers. Sen. 1; 29,
2, pp. 49-50, 65. _Calif. Star_, Mar. 6, 1847. London _Times_, Aug.
13-4, 1846. Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 55-7, 947. Sherman Letters, 39. Wise,
Gringos, 47, etc. Hughes, Doniphan's Exped., 204-30, 244-8. =256=Marcy
papers. =247=Larkin papers. Bancroft, Pacific States, xii, 478; xvii,
417, etc. =4=Amador, Memorias, 172. =122=Bidwell, California, 180.
=210=Hammond papers. _Annals Amer. Acad._, xii, 70-1 (R. D. Hunt).
=349=Watterston papers. =120=Biddle papers. Cutts, Conquest, 65, 71,
123, 164, 248. Wash. _Union_, Sept. 30; Dec. 9, 1846. N. Y. _Journ.
of Commerce_, Dec. 30, 1846. _Diario_, Oct. 16, 1846. _Cong. Globe_,
30, 1, p. 604 (Benton). _Annals of the Am. Acad._, xii, 71 (Hunt).
_Nat. Intelligencer_, Sept. 22, 1846. Buchanan, Works, vii, 332.
=132=Buchanan papers. Hall, S. José, 154-6. Sherman, Home Letters,
96, 113. _Id._, Mems., i, 29, 34, 56. _Niles_, Aug. 29, p. 416; Sept.
12, 1846, p. 20; Oct. 23, 1847, p. 115. Sen. 33; 30, 1. Ho. Rep.,
817; 30, 1. Sen. 439; 29, 1. Ho. 17; 31, 1. Ho. 1; 30, 2, pp. 47,
51, 53, etc., 1037, 1069. Revere, Tour, 78. Sen. 7; 30, 1. Sen. Rep.
75; 30, 1, pp. 14-5. Sen. 31; 30, 2, pp. 23, 28-30. Sen. 18; 31, 1,
pp. 398-401. Tuthill, Calif., 208-13. Schafer, Pacific Slope, 269.
Porter, Kearny, 31. Willey, Trans. Period, 66, 70. Royce, Calif., 197.
=120=Cits. to Biddle, Mar. 2, 1847. Tyler, Concise Hist., 202-52, 277,
288. Stockton, Life, 158. =372=Hyde, statement. =70="Californias" (see
Richman, California, for many of the most important). =76=Pérez, Oct.
22. =76=Comadurán to comte. gen. Sonora, Nov. 14; to Cooke, Dec. 16.
=76=_Id._, Nov. 21; Dec. 17. =76=Cooke to Gándera, Dec. 18. =76=Cuesta,
Dec. 30, 1846; July 23, 1847. =76=Estado, Tucson, Dec. 3, 1846.
=76=Limón to Cooke, [Dec. 16]; reply, [Dec. 16]. =76=Cuesta to mil.
comte. Arispe, Dec. 18. =76=Vanguard section, estado, Dec. 23; etc.

For the Mormons see vol. i, p. 290. P. St. G. Cooke, acting as It.
col., led the Mormon battalion from Santa Fe, New Mex., to California.

31.22. "_Head Quarters of the Army_, Tampico, February 19, 1847.
_General Orders, no. 20._ 1. It may well be apprehended that many
grave offences not provided for in the act of Congress 'establishing
rules and articles for the government of the armies of the United
States,' approved April 10, 1806, may be again committed--by, or upon,
individuals of those armies, in Mexico, pending the existing war
between the two Republics. Allusion is here made to atrocities, any
one of which, if committed within the United States or their organized
territories, would, of course, be tried and severely punished by the
ordinary or civil courts of the land. 2. Assassinations; murder;
malicious stabbing or maiming; rape; malicious assault and battery;
robbery; theft; the wanton desecration of churches, cemeteries or
other religious edifices and fixtures, and the destruction, except
by order of a superior officer, of public or private property, are
such offences. 3. The good of the service, the honor of the United
States and the interests of humanity, imperiously demand that every
crime, enumerated above, should be severely punished. (Paragraphs
4-6 demonstrate the necessity of a code supplemental to the rules
and articles of war.) 7. That unwritten code is _Martial Law_, as
an addition to the written military code, prescribed by Congress in
the rules and articles of war, and which unwritten code, all armies,
in hostile countries, are forced to adopt--not only for their own
safety, but for the protection of the unoffending inhabitants and
their property, about the theaters of] military operations, against
injuries contrary to the laws of war. 8. From the same supreme
necessity, martial law is hereby declared, as a supplemental code in,
and about, all camps, posts and hospitals which may be occupied by
any part of the forces of the United States, in Mexico, and in, and
about, all columns, escorts, convoys, guards and detachments, of the
said forces, while engaged in prosecuting the existing war in, and
against the said republic. 9. Accordingly, every crime, enumerated in
paragraph No. 2, above, whether committed--1. By any inhabitant of
Mexico, sojourner or traveller therein, upon the person or property
of any individual of the United States' forces, retainer or follower
of the same; 2. By any individual of the said forces, retainer or
follower of the same, upon the person or property of any inhabitant
of Mexico, sojourner or traveller therein, or 3. By any individual of
the said forces, retainer or follower of the same, upon the person
or property of any other individual of the said forces, retainer or
follower of the same--shall be duly tried and punished under the
said supplemental code. 10. For this purpose it is ordered, that all
offenders, in the matters aforesaid, shall be promptly seized and
confined, and reported, for trial, before _Military Commissions_ to
be duly appointed as follows: 11. Every military commission, under
this order, will be appointed, governed and limited, as prescribed
by the 65th, 66th, 67th, and 97th, of the said rules and articles of
war, and the proceedings of such commissions will be duly recorded, in
writing, reviewed, revised, disapproved or approved, and the sentences
executed--all, as in the cases of the proceedings and sentences of
courts-martial; _provided_, that no military commission shall try any
case clearly cognizable by any court-martial, and _provided_ also that
no sentence of a military commission shall be put in execution against
any individual, whatsoever, which may not be, according to the nature
and degree of the offence, as established by evidence, in conformity
with known punishments, in like cases, in some one of the States of the
United States of America. 12. This order will be read at the head of
every Company serving in Mexico." This order helps to explain the later
improvement at the north which we have noted.

31.23. The ordinary safeguard ran thus: "By authority of ... The
person, the property, and the family of ... [or such a college, mill,
etc., and the persons and things belonging to it] are placed under the
safeguard of the United States. To offer any violence or injury to them
is expressly forbidden; on the contrary, it is ordered that safety
and protection be given to him, or them, in case of need." Safeguards
were given to towns also. The following is a specimen: "_Safeguard._
Office of the Civil & Military Governor, Puebla, 22nd January, 1848.
Whereas the Municipality of the town of San Martin, on the main road
to Mexico, has presented a Solicitation to this Government with
regard to certain permissions and protection this Safeguard is given
to said Municipality in the following terms.--1. The authorities and
inhabitants of San Martin, their families and private property are
placed under the protection of the United States forces, as long as
they remain quiet, neutral and peaceable and will therefore be left
unmolested and not interfered with by the troops and followers of the
United States army. On the contrary their civil authorities will be
respected, and protection and assistance will be given to them such as
they should need or claim.--2. All honorable and peaceable inhabitants
guaranteed to be such by the Municipality have permission to carry arms
for the defence of the community, their persons and their property
against robbers.--3. They are allowed to organize a neutral police
force of twenty five armed and mounted men for protection of the town
against robbers and for assisting the authorities in executing their
duties, the criminals taken prisoners by them to be delivered over to
the Governor of Puebla.--4. Permission is likewise granted to said
authorities and inhabitants to defend themselves against any one who
comes to plunder, rob or attack them, may he be robber, guerrillero
[_i.e._, "guerilla"], or an American soldier.--5. The Municipality of
San Martin has permission, to arrest and remit to their commanding
officers all American soldiers, they may find within the district of
San Martin, drunk dispersed or deserters.--6. It is strictly prohibited
to the troops and followers of the United States army to open the
prison at San Martin and put the criminals in liberty.--7. A copy of
this Safeguard has been forwarded to the General in chief of the United
States forces in order to communicate it to the commanding officers of
the army, and of divisions, which have to pass by San Martin. Another
copy has been remitted to the commanding officer of the military post
at Rio Frio.--"

31.24. Numerous large monasteries, occupied by only a few monks, were
found useful, and the use of them for such a purpose gave no offence
(Scott, Mems., ii, 580).

31.25. _Scott's policy._ Scott, Mems., ii, 393-6, 547-9, 580. Hitchcock
in _Republic_, Feb. 15, 1851. Lawton, Artillery Officer, 147.
=69=Safeguard. =60=Scott, May 26, 1846. =65=Gen. orders 20, Feb. 19,
1847. Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 873. Sen. 1; 29, 2, p. 55. _So. Qtrly. Review_,
Jan., 1852, p. 133.

31.26. Scott called upon "the 97 honorable men in every 100" to seize
in the act and report the "scoundrels" committing outrages (Ho. 60;
30, 1, p. 914). He thus enlisted, he believed, the coöperation of
"thousands of good soldiers" (=60=to Marcy, Apr. 5, 1847). As in civil
life, it was of course impossible to apprehend all the criminals.

31.27. The impracticable attempt to keep liquor out of the city was not
tried here. A system of license and supervision was adopted. April 1
two taverns were authorized to sell liquor (to be used on the premises).

31.28. Worth's successors in the governorship were Col. Henry Wilson up
to about the middle of December, 1847; Gen. James Bankhead for a few
days; Gen. Twiggs until Mar. 25, 1848; Col. Wilson for a day or two;
Gen. S. W. Kearny. When Wilson left in December, 1847, the merchants
and consuls gave him a vote of thanks (Lerdo de Tejada, Apuntes, ii,
585). Mar. 30, 1848, the Mexican ayuntamiento was restored.

31.29. Thompson, Recolls., 4. Dysentery was prevalent and dangerous.
Dec. 29, 1847, a responsible writer at Vera Cruz stated that not less
than 1,200 Americans had succumbed there to the climate since April.

31.30. _The Vera Cruz district._ =52=Trist, May 7, 1847. Bullock, Six
Months (1825 ed.), i, 19, 20. =100=Ayuntamiento archives. Lerdo de
Tejada, Apuntes, ii, 572-3, 584-5. Lyon, Journal, ii, 214, 221. _Flag
of Freedom_, i, no. 4. Lawton, Artillery Officer, 112, 115, 117, 119.
_Niles_, Sept. 25, 1847, p. 53, etc. =361=Woods, recolls. =144=Cassidy,
recolls. =327=Sutherland, letters. =322=Smith, diary. =152=Claiborne,
mems. =270=Moore, diary. Oswandel, Notes, 105-6. =86=S. Anna to Soto,
Apr. 14, 1847. Wash. _Union_, July 26, 29, 1847. _Amer. Eagle_, V.
Cruz, Apr. 3, 13; Oct. 11, 16, 1847. =76=J. Soto, July 3, 1847. =256=J.
Parrott to Marcy, Apr. 19, 1847. =13=Giffard, Apr. 13; May 15; June
15, 1847. =221=Hill, diary. =69=Scott to Patterson, Mar. 30, 1847.
=65=Wilson, orders (1847) 20, 23, 64, 116, 128, 142. =65=Bankhead,
orders 167. =65=Twiggs, orders 11, 14. =65=Wilson, orders (1848), 130.
=65=Kearny, orders 172. =65=Scott, gen. orders 75, 87, 101. =60=Wilson
to Marcy, Aug. 1, 1847. =61=Worth, orders 1-7. =61=Kearny, Apr. 9,
1848, and endorsement. _Don Simplicio_, Apr. 21, 1847. _Diario_, Apr.
13, 1847. Long, Lee, 68. =60=Scott, Apr. 5, 1847. Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp.
914 (Scott); 938 (Dorich). =166=Pommarès to Conner, Oct. 7, 1846.
Stevens, Stevens, i, 117-8. =12=Pell of Sloop _Daring_, Nov. 30, 1847.
Kenly, Md. Vol., 288-9.

31.31. _The Córdoba district._ =88=Ayuntamiento archives. Moreno,
Cantón, 378, 380, 382-3. London _Saturday Review_, 1865, p. 6.
=65=Bankhead, orders 11, 12, 28.

31.32. _The Orizaba district._ =94=Ayuntamiento archives. Cubas,
Cuadro, 54. Velasco, Geografía, iii, 179. Diccionario Universal
(_Orizaba_). =65=Bankhead, orders 38, 100. =69=Colección de Itinerarios.

31.33. Neither at Jalapa nor elsewhere were there many complaints from
women. Here the soldiers gave parties. Harlots were the only women
present, but they were treated--to the great amusement of the town--as
ladies (Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 247).

31.34. _The Jalapa district._ =90=Ayuntamiento archives. Brackett,
Lane's Brigade, 62-3. Vigne, Travels, i, 14-16. Bullock, Six Months
(1825 ed.), i, 55. Velasco, Geografía, iii, 28, 37, 54, 97. =257=Orders
and letters from G. H[ughes] to Frank [Markoe]. Oswandel, Notes, 196,
389. Semmes, Service, 205, 215. _Nacional_, Dec. 22, 1847; Jan. 5,
1848. =69=Alcalde to gov., Nov. 25, 27, 1847. =69=Orders, Dec. 3, 10,
15, 1847; Feb. 4; Apr. 25; May 7, 1848. =69=Patterson to Pillow, Sept.
22, 1846; to ----, Nov. 24, 1847. =69=Am. gov. to alcalde, Nov. 26;
Dec. 13, 1847; Jan. 17; Feb. 28; Mar. 15, 1848. =69=Hughes, proclam.,
Nov. 30, 1847. =287=Parrish, diary. =332=Tennery, diary. _Picayune_,
May 28; Dec. 19, 24, 25, 1847. Kenly, Md. Volunteer, 365-8, 382. Wash.
_Union_, May 22, 1847. =159=Collins papers. Lyon, Journal, ii, 186.
Ward, Mexico, ii, 193. Negrete, Invasión, iii, app., 58-9. Grone,
Briefe, 62. Rivera, Jalapa, iii, 900-2; iv, 20, 28-34. =69=Hughes to
prefect, May 31, 1848; to Scott, Jan. 5, 1848; to first alcalde, Mar.
27, 1848; orders, Nov. 29, 30, 1847; Jan. 10; Feb. 19; May 4, 5, 1848.
=69=_Id._ to officers, Jan. 15, 1848. =68=Court of inquiry, Jalapa, May
31, 1848. _Arco Iris_, Dec. I, 1847. Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1029. _Niles_,
Jan. 1, 1848, p. 276. =76=Soto, proclam., Sept. 10, 1847. Roa Bárcena,
Recuerdos, 235-6, 245-7. Hartman, Journal, 13. =327=Sutherland to
father, undated. =13=Bankhead, no. 42, 1847 (the conduct of Scott and
his officers at Jalapa is "highly extolled").

31.35. Lawton, Artill. Officer, 272. The presence of Scott, Worth and
other superior officers who, as the soldiers knew, could not be trifled
with, may help to explain the mystery. (Later some outrages occurred.)
The troops were kept within a large square space with sentries at each
corner, and the boundaries of it could not be crossed after dark by
either civilians or soldiers (_Republicano_, June 14). At one place on
the way to Puebla, wrote a soldier in his diary, a sentry was placed at
every shop, and even women selling bread on the street were guarded.

31.36. Personally Lane discouraged outrages. Once when some of his
famished men had robbed a poor man's cornfield Lane, besides having him
paid the full amount of the damages, added as much more from his own
pocket (Brackett, Lane's Brig., 74-5). It was said that priests were
sometimes ill-used, but this was natural enough when they were capable
of coöperating with guerillas, inducing American soldiers to desert,
and harboring such deserters.

31.37. _The Puebla district._ _Flag of Freedom_, i, nos. 1, 5. Lawton,
Artillery Officer, 272. =270=Moore, diary. =95=Childs, proclam.,
Nov. 11, 1847 (placard). Oswandel, Notes, 345, 390. =95=Ayuntamiento
archives (proceedings, correspondence with Worth, orders of Worth,
etc.). =95=Fúrlong, proclam., Oct. 14, 1847. =95=Childs, proclam., Oct.
25, 1847. =95=The bishop to Scott, Dec. 1, 1847. =95=Fúrlong to Scott,
Dec. 1, 1847. =95=Ayunt. to prefect, Oct. 26, 1847. =304=Worth, orders,
May 16, 1847. Brackett, Lane's Brigade, 121, 125, 131, 136, 165, 210.
=356=Whitcomb, diary. _Republicano_, June 13, 14, 21 (_El National_),
24, 1847. =69=Fúrlong to Am. gov., Aug. 10, 1847. =69=Prefect to
Childs, Oct. 14; Nov. 2, 8; Dec. 20, 1847; Feb. 8, 1848. =69=Childs's
official papers =61=Scott, gen. orders 187, 1847. _Nacional_, Dec.
18, etc, 1847. =95=Report of the committee appointed to confer with
Scott, Jan. 4, 1848. =75=Jefe político Tlaxcala to Scott, Nov. 23,
1847. Negrete, Invasión, iii, app., 122-3. Donnavan, Adventures, 100.
Colección de Documentos (Childs, orders, Oct. 16). Ho. 60; 30, 1, p.
1030 (Childs).

There was special feeling about churches. The bishop of Puebla
complained to Scott that our soldiers desecrated a church at Tlaxcala,
and stole some priests' robes. But the soldiers had found that the
church was the base of the guerillas they were pursuing, and discovered
the robes on the floor. Our officers made great efforts to prevent
outrages here and to restore the stolen property (Brackett, Lane's
Brigade, 211; Zirckel, Tagebuch, 123; etc.). It seems to have been true
that no church was desecrated by Americans that had not been desecrated
by Mexicans, and used for hostile purposes.

31.38. The lépero dared not attack a sober American soldier. The scheme
was to get the soldiers intoxicated, and, when they staggered and fell,
knife them. After a time our men invented a trick to meet it. They
would pretend to be intoxicated, fall to the ground, and make ready for
the would-be assassin; and finally the léperos feared a drunken soldier
even more than a sober one. Carrying concealed weapons was forbidden;
suspected persons were searched; and any one found guilty was given
twenty lashes on the bare back. This had an excellent effect.

31.39. A specimen case was that of private Gahagiun of the Seventh
Infantry (=65=gen. orders 378). For breaking into a house and taking
some ladies' clothing he was sentenced to receive fifty lashes on his
bare back "well laid on with a rawhide," to be confined at hard labor
during the rest of his term, to be then dishonorably discharged and
drummed out--$250 of his pay to go to the person robbed and the rest to
be confiscated. Mexicans as well as Americans were publicly flogged. In
extreme cases hanging was the punishment.

Scott made the following daily details in order to ensure order and
discipline (=65=gen. orders 298, September 24, 1847): "1. A general
officer of the day to report to me; to superintend the good order and
discipline of the garrison, visit the guards and outposts, organize
patrols, and receive reports regarding order and discipline. 2. A
field officer of the day of each division and of the cavalry brigade
to superintend the troops in quarters, be present at the mounting and
dismounting of the guards, have control of the in-lying pickets, etc.
3. One third of each regiment not on other duty will constitute its
portion of the in-lying guard. 4. A captain or subaltern of the day of
each regiment will superintend the quarters, attend the parading of
regimental guards, have the roll called frequently and at unexpected
times, visit company kitchens and messes, etc." The drill of the
troops was kept up, and of course it was only when off duty that they
could be disorderly. Doyle reported that a gentleman from Pachuca, a
place at some distance from Mexico, said: "Nothing can be better than
the behavior of the American troops at Pachuca" (no. 5, 1848). On
the other hand Lane's men were guilty of excesses at Tulancingo. In
=65=gen. orders 395, December 31, 1847, Scott said: "Men free at home,
must maintain the honor of freeman when abroad. If they forget _that_,
they will degrade themselves to the level of felons and slaves, and may
be rightfully condemned and treated as such; for felons, according to
the laws of God and man, are _slaves_" (Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1066).

31.40. Quitman strictly forbade (Sept. 21) "any interference with or
mutiliation of the books, papers, or records contained within the
Palace."

31.41. Matamoros, Monterey, Tampico, Jalapa and Puebla had an American
newspaper; Vera Cruz and Mexico two.

31.42. In consequence of the incapacity of our medical men and
particularly their ignorance of the effects of the climate, diseases
not considered dangerous by residents often proved fatal to the
American soldiers (=13=Thornton, no. 5, 1847).

31.43. _The Mexico district._ Davis, Autobiog., 246, 258, 261-2,
277. Henshaw narrative. Donnavan, Adventures, 93, 97. Instrucciones
Otorgadas. Wise, Gringos, 260. Lawton, Artillery Officer, 314-5, 321.
Jameson, Calhoun Corresp., 1163-5. Quitman, orders, Oct. 6, 1847, in
Papeles Varios. _Journ. Milit. Serv. Instit._, xv, 627. McSherry,
Puchero, 163. _Vedette_, ii, no. 10 (Brooks). Norton, Life, 172.
=321=Smith, diary. =358=Williams to father, Dec. 27, 1847; Feb. 22,
1848. =152=Claiborne, mems. Oswandel, Notes, 431, 433, 455, 525,
583. =92=Ayuntamiento archives. =69a=Archives of Federal District.
=80=Archives of México state. Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 307. =80=Gracida
to Butler, Feb. 25, 1848. =13=Doyle, nos. 1, 5, 27, 1848. _Britannia_,
Sept. 28, 1847 (_Daily News_). Claiborne, Quitman, i, 395. Calderón,
Life, i, 139-40. _National_, Nov. 14, 1847. =60=N. C. to J. L. Miller,
May 7, 1848. =62=Jones to Bedinger, Mar. 11, 1848. Captain of Vols.,
Conquest, 27. =65=Scott, gen. orders, Sept. 14, 16, 17, 24; Dec. 18,
31, 1847. London _Times_, Nov. 12, 13, 1847. Sen. 52; 30, 1, pp.
205-12. _Picayune_, Oct. 15; Nov. 14; Dec. 19, 29, 1847. _Delta_, Nov.
6, 7, 12; Dec. 19, 24, 1847. Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 384 (Scott). Kenly, Md.
Vol., 413. México á través, iv, 703-4. =65=Scott, gen. orders 190, 355.
Rodriguez, Breve Reseña, 1848, 1849, p. 5. =13=Bankhead, no. 86, Sept.
28, 1847. =73=Lozano, no. 8, res., Sept. 17, 1847. Ramírez, México,
318. N. Y. _Journ. Comm._, Feb. 28, 1848. _Monitor Repub._, Dec. 7,
20, 1847. =277=Veramendi to Quitman, Oct. 8, 1847. =366=Memb. municip.
council to ----, Nov. 14 and reply. (Mexican letter) _Nacional_, Nov.
14, 1847. Ballentine, Eng. Soldier, ii, 260-3, 270-1. Apuntes, 362-7,
369. Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1065. Sen. 34; 34, 3, p. 37. =132=Nowell to
mother, Oct. 21, 1847. Sedgwick, Corresp., i, 153. Stevens, Stevens, i,
219. =121=Placards and Notices. _Lancaster Co. Hist. Soc. Mag._, Mar.
6, 1908. =214=Hays and Caperton, Life of Hays. London _Chronicle_, Nov.
12, 1847. Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 543. Lane (Adventures) shows that
our officers were by no means all saints, but this is not a fact to
occasion surprise.

Ripley (War with Mexico, ii, 571) complains that immorality was
promoted at Mexico by giving licenses to gambling places; but it would
not have been possible to prevent the soldiers from gambling among
themselves and in "dives," and no doubt Scott believed it would be best
to have the gambling done where some control could be exercised over
it, and where the men would not be in danger of the assassin's knife.
Ripley admits that gambling "flourished" before licenses were given (p.
570). Ripley suggests (p. 574) that "active operations would have been
the immediate and effectual remedy" for the immorality; but, as we have
seen, there were not enough troops, etc., for active operations, and
perhaps shooting Mexicans needlessly would have been no better business
than gambling. Ripley admits (p. 577) that most of the troops were kept
outside the city. Riley's brigade was at Tacubaya, Patterson's division
at S. Angel, and a part of Butler's division at El Molino del Rey. The
other part and Smith's brigade remained in town.

31.44. Probably fearing American interference or influence, the
Mexican government at Querétaro discountenanced such elections (México
á través, iv, 704). As the records are by no means complete, it is
necessary in this and other cases to assume that like causes produced
like effects, unless there is some evidence to the contrary. General
conclusions could not otherwise be reached.

31.45. At Tampico Shields appointed three Mexican alcaldes and also (to
act with these in cases between Americans and Mexicans) an American
court of three American citizens.

31.46. _Gaceta de Tamaulipas_, July 16, 1846. =65=Scott, gen. orders
238. Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 314-5. Davis, Autobiog., 246. =224=Letter
from C. to Scott, Nov. 14, 1847. Instrucciones Otorgadas. Wilhelm,
Eighth Infantry, i, 299. Moreno, Cantón, 378, 380, 382. Quitman, order,
Oct. 6, 1847, in Papeles Varios. Defensa de Iriarte. McSherry, El
Puchero, 163. =358=Williams to father, Feb. 22, 1848. V. Cruz _American
Eagle_, May 22; Apr. 3, 1847. Ayuntamiento archives, Jalapa, Córdoba,
Orizaba, Puebla, Mexico, Tampico, Saltillo. =92=Quitman, proclam., Oct.
6, 1847. =366=_Id._, poster, Sept. 16. =95=Worth to Puebla ayunt., May
31, 1847; to alcalde, May 17, 1847; reply; proclam., May 22, 1847; to
alcalde, May 22. =303=_Id._, orders 34. _Nacional_, Jan. 28, 1848.
=13=Doyle, No. 5, 1848. Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 251, 549. _Diario_, May
14, 1847. Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1047 (Scott). =65=Bankhead, orders, Feb.
16, 1848. =61=Hamtramck to McDowell, Jan. 20, 1848. Lawton, Artillery
Officer, 17, 39, 40, 194, 208. =63=Marcy to Davenport, Aug. 6; Dec.
14, 1847. Brackett, Lane's Brigade, 165. =69=Gov. Jalapa to alcalde,
Nov. 26; Dec. 13, 1847; Jan. 17; Mar. 15, 1848; orders 352; to ayunt.,
Feb. 28, 1848. =69=Gates, orders 26, 35. =65=Wilson, orders 116, 142,
1847. =65=Twiggs, orders 11. =65=Kearny, orders 172. =65=Wool, orders,
July 9; Dec. 14, 1847; Jan. 26, 1848. =65=Butler, orders 43, 1848.
=61=McDowell to alcalde, Dec. 30, 1847. Sen. 52; 30, 1, p. 205 (Trist).
_Picayune_, Jan. 2; Mar. 19; Dec. 19, 23, 1847. _Republicano_, June
14, 1847. Kenly, Md. Vol., 380. =61=Worth to Bliss, Sept. 28, 1846.
México á través, iv, 703-4, 711. Rivera, Jalapa, iii, 900, 902; iv,
28-34. =69=Worth to commrs., Nov. 23, 1846; orders 61, 1846. =69=Scott
to Hughes, Jan. 28, 1848. =61=Shields, Jan. 19, 1847; orders, Dec. 26,
1846; Jan. 1, 2, 6, 1847. =61=Worth, orders 2, Mar. 30, 1847. =76=Worth
to E. González, Nov. 23, 28, 1846. =76=S. Anna, Jan. 4, 1847, with
docs. =76=Garay, Jan. 22, 1847, and docs. =76=Worth, proclam., Nov. 30,
1846. =76=Morgan to Martinez, Jan. 18, 1847. =76=Aldrete to Mejía, Aug.
30, 1846. For taxes, etc., see chap. xxxiii. =76=Mora, Feb. 18; Mar. 8,
1848. =76=Many others.

31.47. An English soldier in our army said with reference to the
better class at Tampico: they were shy of "the strange, wild-looking,
hairy-faced savages of the half-horse and half-alligator breed, who
galloped about the streets and plazas mounted on mules and Mexican
ponies, and armed with sabres, bowies, and revolvers, and in every
uncouth variety of costume peculiar to the American backwoodsman";
adding that the Mexicans addressed them as "Gentlemen," but in their
absence spoke of them with intense bitterness as "cursed volunteers"
(Ballentine, Eng. Sold., i, 276-7).

31.48. The foreigners residing at Mexico generally received the
American army well.

31.49. In a soldier's written vocabulary occurred these words: weaves
(for _huevos_), chickketer (_chiquita_), sennereters (_señoritas_),
irrancus (_naranjas_), onerpas (_un peso_), leavero (_libro_). There
were cases in which women went long distances to give information to
officers they had never seen. After the battle of Cerro Gordo ladies
at Mexico wore their hair loose "à la Scott," and were rebuked by the
press.

31.50. _Social relations._ Scott, Mems., ii, 580. Grant, Mems., i, 118.
Meade, Letters, i, 86, 180, 185. =148=Chamberlain, recolls. Bullock,
Six Months (1825 ed.), i, 55-6. _Flag of Freedom_, i, no. 5. =257=G.
[Hughes] to Frank [Markoe], Dec. 13, 1847. =242=Kingsbury to mother,
Oct. 14, 1846. =8=Anon. diary. Oswandel, Notes, 211, 433. Jamieson,
Campaign, 48. Semmes, Service, 173, 205, 215, 263. Biog. de Alamán,
40. =221=Hill, diary. Brackett, Lane's Brigade, 131, 136, 138. Rivera,
Jalapa, iii, 912. _Picayune_, May 28, 1847. Kenly, Md. Vol., 368.
=69=Hughes to Scott, Jan. 5, 1848. =349=Pattridge to Miss W., May
22, 1848. Apuntes, 363. Wilhelm, Eighth Infantry, i, 430. Sedgwick,
Corresp., i, 145. Ballentine, English Soldier, i, 276-7. _Spirit of the
Times_, July 4, 1846. Perry, Indiana, 141. =76=Document sent by Garay,
Dec. 30, 1846. =335=Belton to Hitchcock, Aug. 23, 1847.

31.51. This money had a powerful influence in keeping the people quiet.

31.52. Scott, Mems., ii, 396, 580. Grant, Mems., i, 102. Gutiérrez de
Estrada, Méx. en 1840. =110=Barbour, diary. =95=Belton, proclam., July
16, 1847. =13=Doyle, no. 1, 1848. _Delta_, Jan. 19, 1847. Rodríguez,
Breve Reseña, 1848. Lawton, Artillery Officer, 24. New London _Morning
News_, Dec. 10, 1846. Apuntes, 368. =350=Weber, recolls. _Cong. Globe_,
45, 3, pp. 1627-8 (Shields). _Picayune_, Sept. 14, 1847.


XXXII. PEACE

32.1. =52=Trist, nos. 16, confid., 17, confid., 18, 22-3. (Trist's
despatches, as printed in Sen. 52; 30, 1, are not in all cases
complete.) Sierra, Evolution i, 223. (Outrages) _Arco Iris_, Nov. 9,
1847. _Razonador_ in _Nacional_, Jan. 5, 1848. _Nacional_, Jan. 19,
1848. =80=Almonte to Olaguíbel, Sept. 16, 1847. =335=Thornton to Trist,
Dec. 5, 1847. Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 308-9, 315. Calhoun Corresp.,
1163, 1166. =349=Partridge to Miss W., May 22, 1848. =125=Bonham to
mother, Dec. 7, 1847. Ills. State Hist. Soc. Trans., 1912, pp. 17-23.
Lawton, Artill. Officer, 327, 331. Wash. _Union_, May 22, 1847. =291=P.
F. Smith to Pierce, undated. _Monitor Repub._, Dec. 3, 14, 1847.
_Picayune_, Dec. 23, 1847; Jan. 7, 8, 1848. =13=Doyle, no. 18, 1848.
(Damages) =76=Circular, Oct. 3, 1847.

32.2. Sierra, Evol., i, 223. =13=Thornton, no. 6, 1847. Roa Bárcena,
Recuerdos, 571. =52=Trist, nos. 18, 22-3. _Picayune_, Nov. 30, 1847;
Feb. 20, 1848. Protesta de la Diputación. Tributo á la Verdad, 58.
_Nacional_, Jan. 8, 19, 1848. =80=Olaguíbel, proclam., Dec. 9, 1847.
=335=Thornton to Trist, Dec. 5, 1847. Rivera, Jalapa, iv, 23, 40,
45, 74. _Correo Nacional_, Feb. 7, 19; Mar. 21, 1848. (Aguas Cal.)
=76=Guerra to Relaciones, Jan. 24, 1848. =76=Olaguíbel, Nov. 29.
=76=Gov. Oaxaca to Relaciones, Dec. 27. _Monitor Repub._, Nov. 15,
27, 29; Dec. 29, 1847. =366=Correspondence between gov. S. L. Potosí
and A. O. de Parada. =335=Trist, memo, of second conference. =256=J.
Parrott to Marcy, Dec. 20, private, 27 private, 28, private, 1847. _No.
American_ (Mexico), Dec. 14, 1847. =169=Taylor to Crittenden, Nov. 1,
1847. =304=Duncan to Quitman, Nov. 27, 1847. Webster, Letters, 343.
=61=Scott, Sept. 18. (Bankhead) =132=Cushing to Buchanan, Oct. 31,
1847. =125=Bonham to mother, Dec. 7, 1817; Jan. 12, 1848. Gallatin,
War Expenses. =345=Poinsett to Van Buren, June 4, 1847; Mar. 9, 1848.
=304=Duncan to Quitman, Nov. 27. _No. American_ (Mex.), Dec. 14. P. F.
Smith, _supra_. _Eco del Comercio_, May 9, 1848. _Correspondant_, Nov.
15, 1847. _Times_, Jan. 15, 1848.

The substantial war elements were the Eventualists, Monarchists and
Santannistas. The =76=archives for this time are full of reports of
political disturbances.

32.3. Polk, Diary, Nov. 20, 23, 30; Dec. 4, 18, 1847. =132=Donelson
to Buchanan, May 15, 1847, private. Ho. 60; 30, 1, 1037 (Marcy).
=52=Trist, no. 22. P. F. Smith: note 1. Richardson, Messages, iv,
537-46. See chap. xxix, p. 183. Had the war continued it would not
have been against Paredes or Santa Anna and the military class. It
would have seemed to be a war of conquest directed against the Mexican
nation, and even the peace party would have had to turn against us.

32.4. Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 585. =13=Thornton, nos. 6, 7, 1847.
=52=Trist, nos. 16, confid., 18-20. =335=_Id._ to Rosa, Oct. 20, 1847.
_Monitor Repub._, Nov. 8, 10, 13; Dec. 29. Ho. 69; 30, 1, p. 58 (Rosa).
Richardson, Messages, iv, 572. Rivera, Jalapa, iv, 22-3. México á
través, iv, 704-5. Exposición ó Programa. Negrete, Invasión, iii, app.,
483, 516.

Trist reopened the negotiations naturally by forwarding to Luis de la
Rosa, the minister of relations, a letter (dated Sept. 7) written by
him as a reply to the note and counter-projet of the Mexican peace
commissioners dated Sept. 6. In this he argued that Texas possessed
good grounds for rebelling, and became independent; that, having been
rightfully annexed by the United States, she had to be protected
against invasion; that any previously existing boundary between her
and Mexico had been obliterated by the revolutionary war, and she had
a right to _claim_ the Rio Grande as the boundary; that as Mexico
would not negotiate on the subject, Polk was compelled to accept that
delimitation; that in the resulting war the United States had occupied
Mexican territory and now justly held it by right of conquest, yet
not by the odious title of conquest resulting from war without good
cause--not from a mere desire of obtaining territory (Sen. 20; 30, 1,
p. 21). This letter and a brief accompanying note, which stated that
his powers had not been withdrawn and expressed a desire to resume
the negotiations, were transmitted by Thornton, now acting (in the
absence of Bankhead and Doyle) as British chargé, who strongly urged
upon Rosa the renewal of the negotiations (=52=Trist, no. 19). Rosa
replied favorably, but said he was too busy just then, and needed
certain documents. Later Peña explained the delay as resulting from the
provisional character of his administration (=52=to Trist, Nov. 22). In
reality the government desired to ascertain and influence public and
Congressional sentiment before acting (Exposición dirigida). Rosa's
reply to Trist said there appeared to be little hope of peace, but this
was for self-defence (Trist, no. 20).

32.5. =52=Trist, nos. 19, 23. Sen. 52; 30, 1, p. 239. Rivera, Jalapa,
iv, 23. _Monitor Repub._, Nov. 17, 18, 23, 27; Dec. 26. (Deserters)
_Nat. Intellig._, June 24, 1848. =76=Rosa to govs., Oct. 20. =75=Report
of the meeting of governors. México á través, iv, 706. =335=Thornton
to Trist, Nov. 25, 1847. Dublán, Legislación, v, 305. Roa Bárcena,
Recuerdos, 567-8, 571-6. =335=Davidson to Thornton, Nov. 23.
_Picayune_, Nov. 30.]

At the meeting Puebla, Querétaro, Michoacán, Guanajuato and S. L.
Potosí states were represented by their governors, Zacatecas by her
vice governor, and Jalisco by a commissioner. The President and the
ministers were present. The meeting was advisory and confidential. The
government took the ground that the war could not be continued and
that Mexico should endeavor to obtain, not an honorable peace, but one
as little humiliating as possible, and one that would save Mexican
nationality; but it preferred war and promised to carry it on if given
the necessary men and supplies. The governors naturally showed their
repugnance to peace on such a basis, but could not offer adequate
resources, and the one rational conclusion was inevitable. A report of
the discussions may be found in the Gobernación archives, Mexico. The
sessions began on Nov. 19 and concluded on Nov. 27. The insurrection
came to a head on Dec. 19. News of Trist's recall helped to quiet the
war party (=52=Trist, no. 22).

32.6. Pillow, address in Chicago _Daily Democrat_, Sept. 15, 1857.
Polk, Diary, Oct. 4, 5, 20-3, 25; Dec. 30, 1847; Jan. 2, 1848. =52=Sec.
state to Trist, Oct. 6, 25. Richardson, Messages, iv, 541. =335=Memo.
of Trist on despatch of Oct. 6. Sen. Rep. 261; 41, 2. Ho. 69; 30, 1,
pp. 59-61 (Trist).

A private =335=note (Oct. 24) from Buchanan to Trist, taken in
connection with Polk's Diary, suggests a suspicion on the part of
the administration that, in intimating that the United States might
possibly not insist upon the Rio Grande line, Trist had purposely
played into the hands of the Whigs, who were now asserting that the
intermediate region did not belong to us. This suspicion and the idea
that Trist was helping Scott to injure the President's friends in the
army would explain a great deal of wrath. Another personal =335=note
(Oct. 24) from Buchanan shows that the terms offered by Trist in
September were now regarded as too moderate to be popular, and gives
one the feeling that, especially since Trist had shown a disposition
to weaken them, the prestige of the administration demanded his
recall. Oct. 25 Buchanan said Trist had offered to give up a part of
California, but Trist denied this (=335=memo.). Oct. 6 Marcy directed
Scott to inform the Mexican authorities of Trist's recall (Ho. 60;
30, 1, p. 1008). Trist's patriotism and sense of duty do not seem to
have been affected by his recall. Nov. 27 he wrote to Buchanan that a
commission should be sent to take up his work on the spot (Sen. 52;
30, 1, p. 230); and the next day, through Mrs. Trist, he =335=adjured
Buchanan to lose "_not a minute_" about this, proposing Scott and
Butler. Dec. 31 Polk received indirectly a similar recommendation from
Gen. Twiggs, and Sen. Davis (the Col. Davis of Monterey and Buena
Vista) pointed out to him that, should Mexican commissioners go to
Washington, probably their government would be overthrown during their
absence, and they might be shot as traitors on their return (Diary,
Dec. 31). Polk therefore virtually decided that Butler should take
Trist's place as well as Scott's (_ibid._, Dec. 31; Jan. 2). Pillow
(Address) attributed to his letter the recall of Trist.

32.7. Sen. Report 261; 41, 2. Ho. 69; 30, 1, pp. 59-66 (Trist). Sen.
60; 30, 1, p. 61 (Peña). =52=Trist, nos. 21, 23. =13=Thornton, nos. 11,
14, 1847. =335=_Id._ to Trist, Nov. 22, confid.; Nov. 22, private; Nov.
25. Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 583, 585. =335=Trist to Thornton, Nov. 24,
confid., Nov. 25, private. =75=Peña at meeting of govs. =52=Peña to
Trist, Nov. 22. Trist's departure had to be delayed by the necessity of
testifying at Pillow's trial.

32.8. (Traitorous) London _Times_, Mar. 15, 1848. Sen. 52; 30, 1, pp.
140, 144 (Scott). =256=Marcy to Wetmore, Jan. 28, 1848. Scott, Mems.,
ii, 576. =13=Thornton, no. 21, confid. _Id._ to Trist: note 7. Sen.
Rep. 261; 41, 2. Trist, no. 22. =13=_Id._ to Thornton, Dec. 4, 1847.
=335=_Id._ to _Id._, Nov. 24. =335=_Id._ to wife, Dec. 4.

It has been said that Trist's decision was due to Scott, but Trist was
not under Scott's control. Scott tried without success to dissuade
him from breaking with Polk (=335=statement by Trist in his papers).
Trist =335=wrote to his wife, Dec. 4, "_Knowing_ it to be the very last
chance, and impressed with the dreadful consequences to our country
which cannot fail to attend the loss of that chance," I decided to-day
at noon to attempt to make a treaty; the decision is altogether my own.
Sen. Rep. 261, the basis of which was evidently supplied by Trist,
says that Freaner, the correspondent of the New Orleans _Delta_, was
"the only man who had been in any way instrumental in determining Mr.
Trist to make the attempt." It has also been said that Scott and Trist
wished to make the treaty because Polk now wanted more of Mexico,
and they desired to "spite" him; but neither man was of such a type,
no suggestion of the scheme appears in Trist's official or personal
letters or in Thornton's reports to the Foreign Office, and public
considerations are quite enough to explain Trist's course. Sen. Rep.
261 says that on Dec. 4 occurred an incident "in itself of the most
casual, and trivial, and commonplace kind," which led to Trist's making
the treaty. This has been thought to mean the postponement of the train
with which he was to have gone down; but the above description does
not seem to fit this important occurrence, and the author is inclined
to believe that it refers to a chance meeting of Trist and Freaner,
while Trist's decision hung in the balance. Freaner was regarded by
Trist as an honest man of unusual sagacity, and he was a strong,
sympathetic character. Peña held that, since his peace commissioners
had been appointed, he could deal with the subject through them only,
and hence, as they were at a distance, he could not possibly send a
proposal to Mexico for Trist to carry home, as it was suggested to him
to do. Trist counted on one fact as lessening his responsibility: the
government could disavow his work without embarrassment (=52=no. 22).
See Napoleon's dictum (chap. xxvii, note 27.17, p. 398).

32.9. =13=Thornton, no. 21, confid., 1847. =13=Doyle, nos. 1, 3,
1847; 10, 1848. =52=Trist, nos. 23-5. =256=J. Parrott to Marcy,
Dec. 27, 1847, private. Sen. 60; 30, 1, pp. 61 (Peña), 62 (Trist).
(Rincón) México á través, iv, 705-7. =335=Memo. _re_ withdrawal of
notice. =335=Thornton to Trist, Nov. 24, priv.; Dec. 5, 11, confid.
Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 590. =335=Trist to Peña, Dec. 26, 1847. Lee,
Gen. Lee, 43. Noticias Muy Importantes. Richardson, Messages, iv, 545.
=335=Powers of the commrs. =335=Trist, minutes of meetings, etc.

Doyle arrived at Vera Cruz on Nov. 30, and soon received from the
Foreign Office a despatch (=13=no. 40) making clear its attitude of
benevolent neutrality (Doyle, no. 3). Polk's message encouraged the
Eventualists, because it showed that if they could defeat the present
negotiations, the war would continue, the peace party would fall from
power, and then the Eventualists would have American support in setting
up a government according to their ideas. Rincón pretended to be ill.
Associated with the ministry of Relaciones at this time as confidential
advisers were such men as Pedraza, Lafragua and Cuevas.

32.10. Sen. 20; 30, 1, p. 21. =335=Buchanan to Trist, Oct. 24,
personal. =335=---- to _Id._, Oct. 25. =335=Dimond to _Id._, Oct.
27. =73=Lozano, no. 3, res., 1847. =335=Trist, notes and memoranda.
=335=Notes of Trist and Couto. =335=Thornton's translation of Mexican
draft of treaty. =335=Notes from Doyle and Thornton. (Unreasonable)
México á través, iv, 706. Sierra, Evolution, i, 223. Roa Bárcena,
Recuerdos, 592, 596-7. =13=Doyle, nos. 10 (with memoranda), 29, 1848.
=13=Palmerston to Mora, June 20, 1848. =52=Trist, no. 27. Exposición
dirigida, 6. (Trist's conduct) Negrete, Invasión, iv, 324.

Trist relied for guidance on his original instructions (Ho. 69; 30,
1, pp. 43-7), the _projet_ of a treaty accompanying the instructions
(_ibid._, p. 47), =52=instructions of July 13 and 19, 1847, former
treaties of the United States, and our general principles and policy
(=52=Trist, no. 27). See also Polk's Diary, Apr. 13, 1847. In regard
to the western end of the boundary the instructions were faulty, and
Trist found it necessary to use his judgment (=52=enclosure in his no.
27). Greatly fearing the designs of the Monarchists, he desired to have
a secret article binding upon Mexico the constitution of 1824, and was
willing to promise in return that enough American troops to support the
government should remain five years; but the proposition was declined
(=13=Doyle, no. 10, 1848). There was a difficulty in doing anything
about Tehuantepec, for British interests were involved, and that matter
was dropped by Trist in order to facilitate the adjustment of the
boundary (Exposición, _supra_). It did not signify much now, for the
United States had its eye upon a better route (J. S. Reeves in _Amer.
Hist. Rev._, x, 323). The subject that consumed the most time was the
status of the people of the surrendered territory (Trist, no. 27). The
Mexicans asked that their civil law should continue to rule there until
the territory should be organized into states, but Trist (perhaps in
the interest of slavery) would not consent (=13=Doyle, no. 10).

32.11. =13=Doyle, nos. 10, 12, 13, 1848. Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 568,
579, 591, 602-3, 605-6. Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1039 (Scott). =52=Trist,
nos. 25-7. México á través, iv, 706-8. =335=Trist to wife, Dec. 26,
1847; to Scott, Jan. 28, 1848; to commrs., Jan. 29, 1848. =13=Doyle to
commrs., Jan. 28-9. (S. L. P.) =83=Gov. S. L. P. to gov. Querétaro,
Feb. 5, 1848; =77=Relaciones, circular, Jan. 17; _Nacional_, Jan. 26
(plan); Feb. 2; Rivera, Jalapa, iv, 41, 43; México á través, iv, 706.
=256=Marcy to Wetmore, Jan. 28.

Peña became the chief executive again because the expiration of Anaya's
term (ordered by the Congress that elected him to occur on Jan. 8,
since it was expected that the new Congress would have assembled by
that date) left the country without a head, and the position devolved
upon him as chief of the supreme court. L. de la Rosa was then
appointed minister of relations. The plan of the S. L. P. governor was
that four states--S. L. P., Zacatecas, Guanajuato and Jalisco--should
combine, repudiate the national government, and continue the war,
expecting other states to join them; but public opinion, even in his
own state, failed to support him. Almonte was actively working against
peace at this time, basing his arguments particularly on the attitude
of the peace party in the United States and the poverty of the American
treasury. Jan. 30 he called attention to the Whig majority in our
House, said our Congress would probably refuse to send more troops to
Mexico, and urged the Mexican government to procrastinate. The reply
of the government was a mere acknowledgment of receipt. Feb. 14 he
argued that Walker's report showed we could not continue the war much
longer. On the other hand there seems to be some reason to believe
that personal relations and interests may have influenced the Mexican
commissioners in favor of making the treaty (Puga y Acal, Documentos,
letter no. 74). Marcy to Scott, Oct. 6, 1847: Your military operations
are not to be modified by Mexican proposals to negotiate (Sen. 52; 30,
1, p. 140).

32.12. =13=Thornton, no. 11, 1847. =13=Doyle, nos. 4, 1847; 13, 14
and 18, 1848. Sen. 60; 30, 1, p. 65 (Trist). Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1082
(Scott). Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 604-7. =13=Doyle to commrs., Jan. 28,
29; to Rosa, Jan. 29. Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 315-6. México á través,
iv, 706-8. =335=Memo. from Freaner.

The Mexican government naturally desired to keep all information about
the treaty from its enemies. The public came to believe, however, that
an important act had taken place on Feb. 2. Freaner carried the treaty
to Washington. For two weeks escorts had been waiting at the proper
points on the road to Vera Cruz. The Spanish representative, under
his instructions, took no part in these negotiations. The Prussian
minister, lacking both official authorization and personal influence,
was equally inactive. France had no minister on the scene.

Ripley (War with Mexico, ii, 557) says that "no man who so palpably
disobeys the direct instructions of his government" as did Trist, could
be fit to negotiate a treaty; suggests (p. 564) that it was improper to
let the British coöperate in the matter; and argues (pp. 582-4) that
Scott should have broken up the negotiations or else assumed the full
responsibility for them, withholding from the Mexican government the
fact of Trist's recall. All this and the rest are mere fault-finding,
and the critic could and would have been much more severe, had the
course he recommended been adopted. Of course he proves the obvious
facts that Scott and Trist, in the interest of two nations and to
accomplish what their government ardently desired, at great personal
risk disregarded mistaken instructions, accepted British assistance
without which they would probably have failed, and obtained a treaty
which Polk himself, though he hated both of them, felt constrained
to accept; but this was a truly glorious achievement. Scott had no
right to act as Ripley says he should have done. The armistice, a
military affair, was properly his concern, but negotiating a treaty
was diplomatic business. Mackintosh, says Ripley (p. 563), had a hand
in the negotiations, but this seems to be an error. Rives (U. S. and
Mexico, ii, 524-5) says "it might perhaps have been well to replace
Trist by a stronger man." But every possible man had been considered
(p. 126), and a stronger man would probably have tried to drive the
Mexicans and have failed. Trist they liked and trusted, yet could not
deceive or frighten.

The chief points of the treaty signed on Feb. 2 were as follows (Sen.
52; 30, 1, p. 38): Art. 1. Peace. 2. Immediate armistice, and so far
as possible a restoration of the constitutional order in the places
occupied by the Americans. 3. After ratification by both governments
the blockade to cease, the customhouses held by the Americans to be
given up, and the interior to be evacuated as soon as practicable.
Mexico to assist. Duties collected after Mexico's ratification to be
paid over to her. 4. Immediately on the exchange of ratifications all
Mexican places and public property to be given up, and all prisoners
surrendered. The process to be completed within three months, unless
the sickly season should require American troops to remain longer
at designated points. 5. The new boundary (Rio Grande, southern and
western lines of New Mexico, the Gila, the Colorado, the line between
upper and lower California). The line to be run and marked by a joint
commission within a year after the exchange of ratifications. No change
in it to be made except with the free and formal consent of both
nations. 6. The United States may navigate the Gulf of California and
the Colorado to the Gila, and the two governments will arrange for "a
road, canal, or railway" within a marine league of the Gila, should
it be found practicable. 7. The navigation of the Gila and of the Rio
Grande to New Mexico to be free to both countries. 8. All Mexicans
in the transferred territory may go or stay, will have full power
over their property, and may elect within a year to remain Mexican
citizens. 9. Mexicans not so electing shall be "admitted as soon as
possible, according to the principles of the federal constitution, to
the enjoyment of all the rights of citizens of the United States," and
meantime shall have the rights "now vested in them according to the
Mexican laws." No interference with Roman Catholic worship, property or
ecclesiastical administration. 10. Mexican grants of lands (made before
May 13, 1846) to be valid, and the period for fulfilling conditions to
be reckoned from the exchange of ratifications. 11. The United States
to prevent or punish Indian incursions from its territory, and exact
satisfaction for damage done, etc. 12. The United States to pay Mexico
$15,000,000. (As to method of payment, see p. 248.) 13. The United
States to pay the claims against Mexico already decided. 14. Also to
assume all other claims arising before Feb. 2, 1848. 15. The latter
claims are to be passed upon by an American commission (which will be
supplied by Mexico, on demand, with needed books, etc.), and not more
than $3,250,000 may be paid to satisfy the claims. 16. Each nation may
fortify any point within its territory. 17. The commercial treaty of
1831, so far as compatible with this treaty, revived for eight years.
18. Supplies for American troops in Mexico to enter free of duty. 19.
Provisions respecting merchandise brought into Mexican ports occupied
by the Americans. 20. A provision regarding certain merchandise
arriving at Mexican ports shortly after the restoration of the
customhouses. 21. Should difficulties arise between the two countries,
negotiations and arbitration--not reprisals or hostilities--to be
employed, unless the circumstances forbid. 22. Provisions for resident
merchants and prisoners in case of war between the two nations. 23.
Ratifications to be exchanged at Washington in four months or, if
practicable, sooner. _Secret article._ The four months of Art. 23 may
be extended to eight months.

32.13. If we hold that Texas extended only to New Mexico, the treaty
gave us 619,275 square miles (Donaldson, Public Domain, 124, 134).
(Little) =198=Gallatin, note on peace treaty; Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos,
618; =13=Palmerston to Mora, June 20, 1848. The U. S. Supreme Court
held (Merryman _vs._ Bourne, 9 Wallace, 592) that the acquisition
of California was "complete on the seventh of July, 1846." It said,
"Conquest is a valid title, while the victor maintains the exclusive
possession of the conquered country"; and the United States intended
to do this in the region we took. On this and other points see Klein,
Treaty, 247-81; Butler, Treaty-Making Power, i, 78, 168-9; _U. S.
Cavalry Journal_, xxv, p. 18; Reid, Problems, 271-5. It was necessary
to take territory from Mexico to offset our claims, quashed by the war
(Richardson, Messages, iv, 537), and partially offset the costs of a
war forced upon us, for, had the treaty awarded us a money indemnity,
she would not have been willing and morally able, even if theoretically
able, to pay it. (See Benton, Abr. Deb., xvi, 40-1.) Aside from the
question of right, too, the American people would have been profoundly
dissatisfied to see our armies return empty-handed, and this feeling
would probably have meant more, to Mexico than the loss of her nominal
territory (see Root in _Cong. Globe_, 30, 1, app., p. 395). Mexico
could give up more easily what she did than any equivalent territory.
(Map) Gadsden line at N. E. is disputed.

An apparent inconsistency may be noted here, for on p. 138 of vol.
i it was intimated that an agreement with Mexico was needed to fix
the boundary of Texas. The explanation is that the United States
had demonstrated its ability to hold the line, but the republic of
Texas was not strong enough to prevent Mexican troops from going and
remaining north of the Rio Grande.

The Mexican commissioners rejected the line of 32°, desired by the
United States (Sen. 52; 30, 1, p. 91), for three reasons: 1, it would
be for a long distance only a mathematical boundary; 2, it was liable,
when surveyed, to cut off important points like Paso del Norte; 3, it
would prevent land communication between Sonora and lower California
(Exposición dirigida). It was proposed at one time to divide S.
Diego, but for that concession Trist demanded too much. Besides, S.
Diego belonged distinctly to upper California. Lower California was
relinquished because inaccessible and poor. Not only for sentimental
reasons but because otherwise the treaty, they believed, could not
possibly be ratified, the Mexican commissioners were determined to hold
all of Sonora and Chihuahua. Tamaulipas, happily, had made no protest
against relinquishing her claim to the intermediate region (=52=Trist,
no. 27). To ask the consent of the people in the acquired territory
was not deemed necessary by the United States (Butler, _op. cit._,
i, 83-4), but citizenship was not forced upon Mexicans by the treaty
(art. viii). Art. x was demanded by the Mexicans (=13=Doyle, no. 10,
1848). Art. xix harmonized the American pledge that goods imported
during our occupation of the ports should pay only the American tariff
(=52=Buchanan to Trist, June 14, 1847), with the Mexican view that
our tariff could not be operative beyond the limits of our occupation
(Exposición dirigida).

An error regarding the assumption of our claims has prevailed. Two
classes of claims were provided for: 1, those liquidated under the
convention of 1839 but not covered by the three Mexican instalments
(vol. i, p. 81); 2, all unliquidated claims antedating Feb. 2, 1848.
Under the first head the United States paid, under the act approved
July 29, 1848 (Statutes at Large, ix, 265), $2,090,253.19 including
interest (A. J. Peters, asst. sec. treas. to the author, Nov. 30,
1915); under the second head the claims commission awarded (in 1852)
$3,208,314.96, including interest (Sen. 34; 32, 1; documents preserved
in the state dept.). The treaty provided that under the second head the
U. S. should not be liable for more than $3,250,000. The phraseology
of _our projet_ regarding this matter, when literally translated, did
not readily penetrate the Mexican mind, and hence was re-worked (Sen.
52; 30, 1, p. 294). Roa Bárcena (Recuerdos, chap. xxxiv) gives many
interesting details derived from the papers of Couto. Other details
may be found in the Trist papers, Doyle's reports, and the Exposición
dirigida (Negrete, Invasión, iv, 296).

32.14. _The armistice._ =13=Thornton, no. 21, 1847, confid. Roa
Bárcena, Recuerdos, 590-1. =13=Doyle, nos. 10, 28, 29, 1848. =52=Trist,
no. 26. =335=Thornton to Trist, Nov. 22, 1847, confid. =335=Trist to
Scott, Jan. 28, 1848. =335=[Peña] to Mex. commrs., Jan. 11, private.
=76=Many communications, principally between the Mexican government
and the Mexican armistice commrs. (instructions, reports, etc.), Feb.,
1848. =60=Butler to Marcy, Mar. 3, 13. =76=_Id._, Feb. 21, appmt.
of W. and S. =76=Lay to Mora, Apr. 27. =76=To Lombardini, Mar. 4.
(Terms) Dublán, Legislación, v, 345-8; Negrete, Invasión, iv, 334, 342;
=111=Butler, gen. orders, no. 18, Mar. 6, 1848. =76=Circular, Mar. 10.
México á través, iv, 706, 709. =76=Otero, Mar. 31. =291=Winship to
Pierce, Mar. 5. Sen. 52; 30, 1, p. 140 (Scott).

As we have seen, the Mexican government had frowned on elections held
in occupied territory, probably fearing American pressure upon the
voters. The reader may note an apparent inconsistency here. The war
is represented sometimes as so lucrative that its continuance was
desired by Mexicans, and yet it is said that the districts occupied
by our troops felt its burdens, and for that reason desired peace.
Both currents of sentiment existed. In some districts and at some
times the one predominated; in other districts and at other times
the other. Doyle assisted materially in the armistice negotiations.
The armistice was signed on Mar. 2. Its terms were: 1, suspension of
hostilities; 2, neither side to extend its occupation of territory; 3,
all civilians to travel freely, all military persons under white flag;
4, "contributions" for February and March under American =65=orders 376
and 395 to be suspended, etc.; 5, Mexicans to exercise full political
rights, and officials recognized by the Mexican government to be
recognized by the Americans; *6, no Americans to interfere with Mexican
elections; *7, Mexican authorities to levy and collect taxes; *8,
Mexican postal facilities might be re-established, and the Americans
would protect them; *9, the Mexican government might take the stocks of
monopolized articles; *10, public offices not occupied by Americans to
be given up, and also, as soon as conveniently possible, all religious
and charitable buildings; *11, Mexican courts to act exclusively except
when a person belonging to the American army was originally a party,
or the interest of the American government is concerned; *12, police
to be established; *13, person and property to be protected; *14,
Mexico to act freely against savages on the northern frontier, and
American commanders to help with influence; 15, church property to be
respected; 16, armed bodies assembled anywhere, to commit hostilities
not authorized by either government, to be opposed by both governments;
17, the armistice to remain in force during the period fixed by the
treaty, unless notice of terminating it is given. The starred articles
have particular reference to territory occupied by the Americans. Some
of the articles merely make obligatory what the Americans had been
doing. Next after Art. 1, Art. 16 was chiefly important. The purpose
of it was to prevent insurrections, and it could not fail to have that
effect. The first intention was to keep Art. 16 secret, but the wisdom
of publishing it soon became clear. The armistice was published at
Querétaro on March 11. Some slight and unavoidable violations of it,
particularly in the pursuit of guerillas, occurred, but no serious
trouble.

32.15. Polk, Diary, Feb. 19. (Learned) Vol. i, p. 123. Calhoun
Corresp., 1119-21. =137=Fisher to Calhoun, May 25, 1847. =52=Trist,
no. 27. =210=Simms to Hammond, Jan. 15, 1847. _Nat. Intellig._, May
19; Nov. 20, 1847. N. Y. _Sun_, May 17, 20; Aug. 20-1, 1847. London
_Times_, Oct. 29, 1847. Dodd, Walker, 25. Bourne, Essays, 227-36.
Benton, View, ii, 704. =108=Storms to Bancroft, July 23, 1846. (Baker)
_Cong. Globe_, 29, 1, p. 279. (Secession) Smith, Annex. of Texas,
204-14, 287. _U. S. Mag._, Feb., 1847, p. 100.

32.16. Polk, Diary, May 13, 1846; Nov. 23; Dec. 7, 1847; Feb. 21, 1848.
=13=Crampton, nos. 59, 1847; 8, 9, 1848. =108=Bancroft to Greene,
Nov. 3, 1847. Richardson, Messages, iv, 541. =345=Niles to Van Buren,
Jan. 20, 1848. =108=Buchanan to Bancroft, Dec. 29, 1846, priv. _Cong.
Globe_, 30, 1, app., 197. Foote, Remins., 220. _Monitor Repub._, Mar.
10, 1848 (C. Landa). Calhoun Corresp., 741 (to A. P. C. and Mrs. C.).
N. Y. _Journ. Comm._, Dec. 11, 1847; Feb. 4, 1848. N. Y. _Herald_
(weekly), Nov. 30, 1847. N. Y. _Sun_, Jan. 24, 1848. _Cong. Globe_, 30,
1, pp. 157-60 (Dickinson), 215 (Crittenden), 219 (Foote), 256 (Dix),
302 (Sevier), 321 (Cass); app., 488 (Tompkins), 349 (Breese). _Nat.
Intellig._, Jan. 31, 1848 (Cass). =345=Blair to Van Buren, Dec. 29,
1847.

32.17. =13=Crampton, no. 19, 1848. =345=Niles to Van Buren, Jan. 20,
1848. =345=Dix to _Id._, Jan. 27, 1848. (Mad) =335=Statement by Trist,
Nov. 4, 1857. Calhoun Corresp., 742 (to C.), 751 (to J. E. C.). _Public
Ledger_, Jan. 4, 1848. N. Y. _Sun_, May 17, 1848. Bourne, Essays, 235.
_Cong. Globe_, see note 32.16; also 428 (Cabell). Meade in Ho., Jan.
31, 1848, and Ho. debate on Ten Regt. Bill, Jan. 24-Feb. 3, _passim_.
_Niles_, Feb. 5, 1848, p. 354. Sen. Misc., 8; 30, 1. =137=Hatcher to
Calhoun, Jan. 5, 1848.

32.18. Polk, Diary, Sept. 4, 7, 1847; Jan. 4, 15, 24-5, 1848. Sen. 52;
30, 1, pp. 146, 148 (Marcy). =52=Trist, nos. 22, 25. =335=Buchanan
to Trist, Oct. 27, 1847, priv. =335=Trist to Thornton, Nov. 24,
confid.; to wife (for Buchanan), Nov. 28. =13=Crampton, no. 38, 1847.
=132=Buchanan, memo., Jan. 5, 1848. =60=Butler to Trist and reply, Mar.
17, 18, 1848.

32.19. Polk, Diary, Jan. 4, 5, 23, 1847; Feb. 19-21, 1848. =52=Buchanan
to Trist, Oct. 6, 25, 1847. _Amer. Rev._, Feb., 1848, p. 110
(Everything done by Congress for the war has been done under Polk's
pledge to make peace as soon as justice and honor could be satisfied.).
Richardson, Messages, iv, 544, 573-5. (P.'s looks) _Monitor Repub._,
Mar. 10, 1848 (C. Landa); Tyler, Tyler, ii, 457. W. E. Dodd in Ills.
State Hist. Soc. Trans., 1912, pp. 17-23. _Id._, Walker, 25-6.
_Picayune_, Feb. 26; Mar. 3, 1848. (Sevier) Wash. _Union_, Feb. 4,
1848. =13=Crampton, no. 19, 1848.

Polk intimated to the Senate that the treaty would need to be amended.
Trist was confidentially authorized to pay $20,000,000 for what he
actually obtained, $5,000,000 more for Lower California, and $5,000,000
for the right of transit across the isthmus of Tehuantepec (Polk,
Diary, Apr. 13, 1847; Ho. 69; 30, 1, p. 44).

32.20. Polk, Diary, Feb. 19-21. =297=Report of Cabinet meeting, Feb.
20, certified by Polk's private secy. Sen. Report 261; 41, 2. Sen. 69;
30, 1, pp. 66-72 (Buchanan). =13=Crampton, no. 21, 1848. Richardson,
Messages, iv, 573-5. Klein, Treaty, _Public Ledger_, June 15, 1849
(Dallas).

Buchanan probably desired to have the treaty go to the Senate. He
would then share in the credit of the administration, should it be
popular, and in the contrary event would be able to say that he opposed
it (Polk, Diary, Feb. 21). Polk's accepting the treaty as the best
agreement that could be obtained under the circumstances completely
vindicated Trist's decision to make it and Scott's coöperation.

In April, 1848, the question of occupying Yucatan came up. The
indigenes appeared to be on the point of exterminating the whites
and as a desperate resource Yucatan offered herself simultaneously
to England, France and the United States. Apr. 29 Polk recommended
intervention to Congress, and this has been thought (Ills. State Hist.
Soc. Trans., 1912, 17-23) to mean that he was ready to take Yucatan,
upset the treaty, and bring about the dismemberment--perhaps the
annexation--of Mexico. But the treaty, which had now been ratified
by our Senate, contained in art. 5 a provision expressly intended to
prevent us from annexing more of Mexico's territory without her consent
(see Buchanan to Hilliard, Works, viii, 56), and to believe that
after giving this pledge our Executive proposed to reverse his entire
policy regarding Mexico and be guilty of such bad faith would require
much more evidence than we have. It seems to the author that humanity
combined with an avowed desire to keep European powers out of Yucatan
fully explain what Polk did (see Polk's Diary, Apr. 25). Congress
decided against occupying Yucatan. Its troubles were settled by an
agreement between the two parties (_Nat. Intelligencer_, May 17).

32.21. Sherman Letters, 46-7. Polk, Diary, Feb. 28. _Public Ledger_,
June 15, 1849 (Dallas). N. Y. _Journ. Commerce_, Feb. 25-6; Mar. 1,
11. _Niles_, Feb. 26, 1848, pp. 401-3. =139=Fulton to Campbell, Mar.
5. =198=Berrien to Gallatin, June 7. Morse, J. Q. Adams, 307-8. Adams
was stricken down two days after the treaty reached Washington. By this
time the Senators understood its contents fairly well, no doubt.

32.22. Polk, Diary, Feb. 25-Mar. 10; Apr. 27. =13=Crampton, no. 21,
1848. Meigs, Benton, 378. Benton, View, ii, 694. =210=Woodward to
Hammond, Feb. 23. =210=Alvord to _Id._, Feb. 24. Calhoun Corresp., 743
(to Mrs. C.), 745 (to T. G. C.). (Politicians) Benton, View, ii, 710.
=253=McLean, remarks. =345=Blair to Van Buren, Mar. 3, 1848. N. Y.
_Journ. Commerce_, Feb. 25; Mar. 1-3, 7, 11. Sen. 52; 30, 1, pp. 3-37
(proceedings). Wash. _Union_, Mar. 2, 4. Balt. _Clipper_, Mar. 4. Balt.
_Patriot_, Mar. 3. _Nat. Intellig._, Feb. 28; Mar. 4. _Public Ledger_,
Feb. 24. N. Y. _Herald_, Oct. 30, 1847. Johnson, Douglas, 123. Webster,
Writings, x, 3-33. Boston _Courier_, Feb. 24, 1848. _Cong. Globe_, 30,
1, app., 497 (Dayton).

The Whigs were suspected of trying to gain enough Democratic support
so that they could not be charged with beating the treaty as a party
(Polk, Diary, Mar. 3; _Public Ledger_, Mar. 8). Webster's policy was
not only unpatriotic but unintelligent, for a continuation of the war
would probably have led either to defeat or to larger acquisitions;
but perhaps he believed no bad results would occur before the next
Presidential election. He knew the country as a whole wanted the treaty
ratified for the sake of peace (Writings, x, 7), and he was unable to
make the New England Whig Senators join him against the treaty. Calhoun
wrote to Gallatin that, owing to diversity of opinion in the Senate,
not even a majority could have been obtained for any proposition
different from the corresponding proposition of the treaty (=198=Mar.
13, 1848). What increased the danger involved in rejecting the treaty
was the prospect that, with both Scott and Taylor out of the field,
operations--even should they not become unsuccessful--would lack the
interest which had largely prevented the public from thinking of the
cost and other ills of the conflict, and hence it would be impossible
to support the war (=132=W. R. King to Buchanan, Oct. 5, 1847; Seward,
Seward at Wash., i, 62). Feb. 28 the committee on foreign relations
reported the treaty without recommendation. Webster at once proposed a
commission. His motion was tabled Mar. 2 (Sen. 52; 30, 1, pp. 4, 9).

For Frémont (Benton's son-in-law) see chap. xxxi, note 31.19.

Benton was probably opposed to the treaty also because he had held that
Texas ended at the Nueces. There was a particular reason for saying
that we obtained the new territory by cession rather than by conquest.
The latter construction would have raised the troublesome questions,
What place is there under our Constitution for a conquered province,
and what right has our government to hold foreigners in subjection
(=210=B. Tucker to Hammond, Mar. 16, 1848)? Four senators did not vote.
For an analysis of the vote see Rives, _op. cit._, ii, 636-7.

32.23. Dallas in _Public Ledger_, June 15, 1849. Sen. 69; 30, 1, pp.
66-72 (Buchanan). Art. 10 was thought insulting to Texas and contrary
to the terms of annexation. Probably American courts would not have
enforced it, and almost certainly it would have caused much litigation.
Sevier and Clifford were authorized to give Mexico (if necessary),
after her ratification of the amended treaty, a choice between the two
methods of payment (=52=to S. and C., Mar. 22, 1848). For the treaty as
drawn and as amended see Ho. 50; 30, 2.

32.24. Polk, Diary, Mar. 11, 12, 14-18, 20, 23. Welles papers.
=52=Buchanan to Clifford, Mar. 18, 1848. Polk to Senate, Mar. 18:
Richardson, Messages, iv, 577. Claiborne, Quitman, i, 318. Ho. 50; 30,
2, pp. 47-52 (Buchanan), 55 (Clifford, Sevier). Benton, View, ii, 711.
=335=Memoranda.

The amount paid for nominal services in securing the consummation (in
Mexico) of Trist's treaty was $28,728.67, while he received nothing for
doing the real work. Years later he was paid (Sen. Rep. 261; 41, 2). It
is true that disgust with Polk's course toward Scott and himself, and
particularly with Polk's employing a man like Pillow, led Trist to say
he would not serve again under Polk (=335=Nov. 28, 1847); but had the
President now acted a manly part, Trist would no doubt have accepted
the appointment given to Sevier. For R. E. Lee's feeling on the matter
see Lee, Gen. Lee, 46. In the night of Mar. 11 Maj. Graham left
Washington to notify Butler of the ratification of the treaty (Polk,
Diary). Buchanan's letter to the minister of relations (Ho. 50; 30, 2,
pp. 47-52) gave a conciliatory explanation of the amendments.

32.25. =13=Doyle, nos. 18, 29, 1848. =83=Relaciones, circular, Feb. 6.
=76=Circulars, Feb. 16, 18. _Atalaya_, Feb. 2, 1848. _Correo Nacional_,
Feb. 7. Kenly, Md. Vol., 464. Exposición dirigida. Negrete, Invasión,
iv, 296-334. Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 615, 619. Rejón, Observaciones.
Communicación circular. México á través, iv, 708-9. _Eco del Comercio_,
Mar. 15. =80=Junta legislativa of Méx. state to gov., Dec. 17, 1847;
reply from Peña, Dec. 28. In view of previous notes, further citations
here seem unnecessary.

32.26. (Impression) Polk, Diary, Mar. 9; Calhoun Corresp., 757 (to
T. G. C.). =60=Butler to Marcy, Mar. 3, 13; Apr. 7. =13=Doyle, nos.
18, 29, 41, 52, 1848. Ho. 50; 30, 2, pp. 55-6 (S. and C.), 72 (Rosa).
_Correo Nacional_, Feb. 7. México á través, iv, 710. Long, Memoirs, 62.
Apuntes, 393. (Hunt up) =291=Winship to Pierce, Mar. 5. =52=Trist, nos.
25, 27, 29. Rivera, Jalapa, iv, 64. =125=Bonham to mother, May 14.
_Picayune_, Feb. 27. (Hawked) Wash. _Union_, Apr. 9, 25 (letters from
Mexico).

It was feared that Polk's haste in sending Sevier and Clifford would
lead the Mexican Congress to feel that we were eager for peace; that
the inexperience of those diplomats might tempt the Mexicans to test
their ability; that the recall of Scott and Trist would have an
unfavorable influence, and that Mexican Congressmen might hold off
in order to be bought by the Americans with funds said to have been
provided for the purpose (Polk, Diary, Feb. 7). On the other hand
the refusal of the government to appropriate any part of the fifteen
millions coming from the United States produced a good effect. It was
an excellent sign that Almonte failed to get elected to the Senate. A
quorum assembled May 3. Congress opened formally May 7. By May 9 the
treaty was before it.

32.27. Ho. 50; 30, 2, pp. 61 (S. and C.), 62-72, 76. Apuntes, 393-5.
Exposición dirigida. Negrete, Invasión, iv, 296; app., 399. Ballentine,
Eng. Soldier, ii, 295-6. México á través, iv, 710. _Public Ledger_,
June 15, 1849 (Dallas). (Preparations) Richardson, Messages, iv, 544,
546. Wash. _Union_, June 9. _Nat. Intellig._, Mar. 14. =13=Crampton,
no. 19, 1848. =13=Doyle, no. 54, 1848.

Peña said he regretted the amendments but--especially since no new
negotiation was deemed possible--did not think the treaty should be
rejected on account of them. The vote in the Chamber of Deputies,
May 19, was 51 to 35; in the Senate, May 24, 33 to 4 (=60=Butler to
Marcy, May 26). Action of the New Mexico Legislative Assembly looking
toward absorption in the United States was of great assistance, for
it stopped the cry that loyal citizens were being sold. Some 300-500
American deserters, who were at Querétaro, took a strong stand for
peace, because they were likely to be captured and shot, should the
war continue; and the Mexicans felt considerable responsibility for
the deserters. Polk's Message of Dec. 7, 1847, declared strongly for
pushing the war at the expense of Mexico, if she would not make a
treaty, and announced that California and New Mexico would not in any
event be relinquished. Under this spur our Congress voted additional
forces. The Whigs held off, but dared not refuse to support the war
(p. 291). The speeches particularly worthy of attention were those of
Cass (Mar. 14) and Webster (Mar. 23). Noisy popular demonstrations of
joy were lacking because there had been no business disturbances, no
invasion and no sinking of ships, the seat of war was distant, for nine
months nothing striking had occurred there, Taylor and Scott were out
of the field, and few had personal reasons for feeling interested in
our Mexican relations.

32.28. Richardson, Messages, iv, 679-87. Sen. 69; 30, 1, pp. 72-3.
Ho. 50; 30, 2, pp. 56-79. =60=Butler to Marcy, May 21. Calendario
de Ontiveros, 1847. Kendall, Narrative (N. Y., 1844), ii, 185, 192.
(Distance) Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1047 (Scott). Wise, Gringos (N. Y., 1849),
267-70. Richardson, Messages, iv, 630, 644. _Nat. Intellig._, June 24,
1848. Portrait of Peña: city hall, Mex.

Apparently the Mexican government deferred the appearance of Sevier
and Clifford at Querétaro (especially as they insisted upon having an
American escort) lest it should seem to be acting under pressure or
lest some untoward accident should occur. This course was doubtless
wise. May 19 they were invited to come, for the Deputies had just
ratified the treaty and the Senators were sure to do so. Sevier was ill
on May 26. He returned to the United States soon after the formalities
were concluded, but Clifford remained as our minister. Rosa arrived at
Washington in November, 1848, as the minister of Mexico. During their
stay at Querétaro our commissioners were led to embody in a protocol
some explanations of the treaty. In 1849 the Mexicans asserted that the
protocol gave them additional advantages; and the Whigs--apparently
encouraged by Benton, who was accused of acting in collusion with the
Mexican minister--undertook to make trouble for the administration
and perhaps invalidate the treaty. But it was unreasonable to pretend
that such a document could modify a treaty previously ratified by the
American Senate and the Mexican Congress. Besides, Sevier and Clifford
gave explicit notice, before drawing up the protocol, that they had no
power to modify the treaty (=52=Clifford to Cuevas, Apr. 30, 1849). At
length the Mexican government admitted formally that the protocol was
merely explanatory (=52=Lacunza to Clifford, July 13, 1849). See also
on this subject Ho. 50; 30, 2, pp. 76-9. Polk, Diary, Feb. 4, 6, 8,
10, 1849. Foote, Remins., 332-5. Sen. 1; 31, 1, pp. 69-89. Ho. 5, pt.
1, 31, 1, pp. 69-89. Meigs, Benton, 378-9. Richardson, Messages, iv,
679-87. Foster, Amer. Diplom., 320. Buchanan, Works, viii, 350 (to C.).

32.29. Memoria de ... Relaciones, Jan., 1849. The chief cause of
difficulty was that Clifford referred certain matters to Washington
that he should have settled himself, and thus caused delay. The worst
consequence was that the customhouse at Vera Cruz did not pass into
Mexican hands at the appointed time, because no one had authority to
surrender it. At length, however, Gen. Smith assumed the responsibility
of doing this, and Clifford endorsed his action. Similar difficulties
arose at Tampico and Mazatlán. (On this topic one may consult:
=52=Buchanan to Clifford, Aug. 15, 1848; =13=Giffard, Apr. 10; July 16;
=52=Clifford to Smith, June 27; July 4; =52=Smith to Clifford, July 8;
and reply, July 18; =52=Otero to Clifford, June 21; July 1; Buchanan,
Works, viii, 177, 268, 272, 284.) Complaint was made because a body of
our troops, in order to go from Monterey, Mex., to New Mexico, crossed
territory not actually in our possession. June 30 arrangements were
completed for paying the $3,000,000 which Trist, and then Butler, had
been authorized to draw (Polk, Diary, Feb. 23; =52=Clifford, no. 15;
Sen. 52; 30, 1, pp. 107-9). July 4 the treaty was duly proclaimed by
Polk (Richardson, Messages, iv, 627; Ho. 1; 30, 2, p. 173); and two
days later he recommended that provision be made for carrying it into
effect (details in note 32.31). Mexico appropriated funds to bring from
the surrendered territory such of her citizens as might desire to leave
it (Negrete, Invasión, iv, 342-9).

32.30. _Evacuation of northeastern Mexico._ =61=Wool to Jones, Mar. 21;
June 8, 15; =61=Jones to Butler, May 17; =61=_Id._ to Wool, June 7, 17;
65gen. orders 25; =65=Wool, orders 156, June 12 (announcing that peace
had been made); =76=A. de Leano, Monterey, June 25 (possession given
yesterday); =76=Aguirre to _Id._, Saltillo, June 29 (S. evacuated, June
14). =76=Clarke to Mex. commander, Mazapil, Mar. 18. July 6, =61=Wool
wrote to the adj. gen. from the Brazos that four cos. of dragoons
would soon set out for California, and Bragg's battery and one co. of
dragoons for S. Fe under orders from the war dept.; and that all the
volunteers except five mounted cos. had embarked.

_The northwest._ =61=Price to Rails, Apr. 16; =61=_Id._ to vice gov.
Chihuahua, Apr. 16; México á través, iv, 710; =76=Price to Mex.
commrs., May 1; =69=Wool to Marcy, June 22; =61=_Id._ to adj. gen.,
July 6. On Aug. 6 news of peace and the retention of upper Calif.
(which went overland from La]* Paz in Lower Calif.) reached Mason at
Monterey. He then ordered the N. Y. vols. discharged. This process was
completed on Oct. 26 (Sen. 18; 31, 1, pp. 573, 626). =61=Mason to adj.
gen., Aug. 19 (anticipatory orders given to Burton in Lower Calif.
to evacuate on learning of peace). Sen. 18; 31, 1, p. 513 (Burton to
Mason, June 27: official news of peace have come).

_Naval evacuation._ Ho. 50; 30, 2, p. 52 (Buchanan). =48=Mason to
Shubrick or Jones, Mar. 11, confid. =48=_Id._ to Jones, June 27 (Polk
wished to retain Lower Calif., but did not wish to prevent peace by
insisting; do what you rightfully can to help friendly Mexicans come
to the U. S., if they wish to do so). July 15 at La Paz =47=Jones
and Shubrick agreed that such persons should be transported to
California, and that, in extreme cases of destitution caused by Mexican
vengeance, reasonable compensation should be made out of the military
contributions collected in that quarter. =76=Comte. gen. Sonora,
July 13 (U. S. vessels left Guaymas July 5). Gaxiola, Invasión, 215
(Lavallette evacuated Mazatlán June 17). The treaty had been received
at Mazatlán on June 13. Ho. 50; 30, 2, p. 52 (B.). =52=Jones to Anaya,
June 13.

32.31. =60=Butler to Marcy, May 21; June 2. =80=Memo., May 30.
=13=Doyle, no. 66, 1848. =52=Clifford, no. 13, 1848. México á través,
iv, 711. Rivera, Jalapa, iv, 88. (Herrera) =52=Rosa to Sevier and
Clifford, June 2; =80=Relaciones circular, June 13. Grant, Mems., i,
118. Sen. Rep. 32; 34, 1 (Naylor).

Arrangements were made by Butler and the ayuntamiento so that local
Mexican guards began to patrol the city as soon as the Americans
marched out (=92=memo.). Our troops began to leave the capital on
May 30 (=60=Butler to Marcy, June 2). The order of march was: heavy
artillery; Patterson's division (vols.); Marshall's division (vols.);
Col. Bonham and third division (regulars); Kearny and second division
(regulars); Butler and first division (regulars). Divisions were as a
rule two days apart. Worth remained at the capital for a time after
June 12 to dispose of surplus property. After Butler sailed (June 21)
Worth was in command. July 6 Polk presented the consummated treaty to
Congress, recommending the appropriation of $12,000,000 for Mexico,
provision for a commissioner and a surveyor to run and mark the
boundary line, and provision for commissioners to adjust the American
claims against Mexico assumed by the United States (Richardson,
Messages, iv, 587-93). Herrera was declared President on May 30.

32.32. =61=Thomas to Brooke, May 21. Lerdo de Tejada, Apuntes, ii,
585. =13=Giffard to Doyle, Aug. 1. México á través, iv, 711. =61=P. F.
Smith, July 11. =61=Worth to Smith, June 27. =254=McClellan to "Tom,"
May 23. (Symbol) Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 911 (Scott). (Verse) Oswandel,
Notes, 587.

It seems unnecessary to cite the numerous orders regarding details.

For the embarkation see Ho. 1; 30, 2, p. 201. For one reason or another
a few men remained in Mexico. There was a plan to march some of the
troops north from the capital, but it did not seem wise to ask the
consent of the Mexican Congress. The original intention was to have the
men going by water land as near their homes as practicable, but the
northern men objected strenuously to the tedious voyage. The Mexicans
and Americans awaiting execution were released. The members of the
Mexican Spy Co. were offered $20 apiece and a trip to Texas. Our sick
and wounded soldiers were provided for on their arrival in the United
States.


XXXIII. THE FINANCES OF THE WAR

33.1. On Mexican finances see also vol. ii, pp. 6-8.

33.2. Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1070, table. Sen. 14; 30, 1, pp. 13-24.
=61=Scott, memoir on Mexican finances received at the war dept., Jan.
6, 1848. Mexican national accounts were kept in so peculiar a way, and
the officials were so much more anxious to conceal than to reveal the
truth, that it would be extremely difficult and very likely impossible
to state precisely all the details regarding the finances of the
government.

33.3. Ramírez, México, 243-4. Dublán, Legislación, v, 135, 172, 211,
240, 246, 255, 261-3, 286. =80=Guerra to Hacienda, Sept. 8, 1847.
_Diario_, Dec. 31, 1846; June 17; July 6, 1847. =76=Guerra, circulars,
June 17; July 6, 1847. S. Anna, Apelación, 67. =82=Proclam. of act'g.
gov. Puebla, Nov. 30, 1847. =80=Méx. state legislature, address, Apr.
26, 1847. =76=S. Anna, Nov. 16, 1846. Vera Cruz state, or at least her
governor, showed much zeal, but all her resources were needed for home
use. See also chap. xxi, p. 9.

33.4. =75=Report of meeting of govs., Nov., 1847. S. Anna, Apelación,
45, 67. _Courrier des Etats Unis_, May 22, 1847. Encarnacion Prisoners,
69. México á través, iv, 667. Apuntes, 206-7. _Republicano_, June 17,
1847. =76=Memo., Apr. 6, 1847. _Picayune_, Aug. 7, 8, 1847. London
_Times_, Sept. 6, 1847. Semmes, Service, 313. Ramírez, México, 238.
Gamboa, Impug., 67. Dictamen de la Comisión, 29-30. =92=Mexico ayunt.,
Sept. 9, 1847. =92=Tornel to Mexico ayunt., Sept. 12. Ho. 60; 30, 1, p.
1063 (Scott). Ripley, War with Mexico, ii, 126, 489.

The clergy may have given something in addition to the $1,500,000.
See the end of chap. xxi, p. 15. The arrangement with the bondholders
was known as the "conversion of 1846." This loan gave Mackintosh a
particular reason for desiring to have peace made. The loan was to
have been repaid in nine months. During July and August, 1847, Santa
Anna appears to have raised in one way and another, as indicated
in the text, about $1,000,000. The pay of officials was reduced or
withheld. For forced loans see chap. i, note 1.7. In July, 1847,
though foreigners were exempt from forced loans, Santa Anna evaded
the agreement by taking money without going through the ceremony of
promising to repay it.

33.5. =80=Lombardini to Mexico ayunt., Aug. 13, 1847. =75=Meeting
of govs., Nov., 1847. _Diario_, July 1, 1847. Ramírez, México, 260.
=90=Jalapa ayunt., Apr. 10, 1847. =94=Canalizo to Orizaba ayunt., Apr.
4, 1847. =82=Comte. milit., S. Martín, to Puebla sec. state, Mar. 31,
1847. =312=Anaya to S. Anna, Apr. 9, 1847. =76=Many memoranda, orders,
etc. There was waste, of course, as well as injustice and peculation.
This was brought out at the meeting of governors.

33.6. Ho. 6; 29, 1 (Walker, report, Dec. 3, 1845). Sen. 2; 29, 2
(_Id._, report, Dec. 9, 1846). Ho. 9; 29, 1 (_Id._, estimates, Dec.
4, 1845). Ho. 51; 29, 1 (war dept. contracts). Ho. 56; 29, 1 (Marcy,
report, Jan. 9, 1846). Ho. 81; 29, 1.

33.7. _Bankers' Mag._, ii, 202-4. [B]N. Y. _Herald_ (weekly), May 16,
23; June 6; July 3; Aug. 8, 15, 29, 1846. London _Times_, July 15,
1846. =198=Gallatin to Everett, Dec. 16, 1847. =354=Welles papers
(Hist. of 29 Cong., 2 sess.). _Nat. Intelligencer_, Nov. 28, 1846.

[Footnote B: All the citations of the _Herald_ in the notes on this
chapter refer to the financial articles.]

33.8. Wash. _Union_, Nov. 30, 1846. N. Y. _Herald_ (weekly), May 16;
June 6, 1846; June 19, 1847. Scott, Repudiation, 37, 47, 162. Green,
Repudiation, 11, 13, 15. _Niles_, Dec. 4, 1847, p. 218. (Sévigné)
Buchanan, Works, vii, 66. London _Spectator_, May 30, 1846. =354=Welles
papers. Dewey, Financial History, 245. Bolles, Financial History,
580-2. _Journ. Mil. Serv. Instit._, xiv, 198.

The huge state debts were mostly due to extravagant enterprises often
supported by fraudulent banking. Delinquency was in reality a salutary
suspension of payments that prevented bankruptcy, but the creditors did
not know this at the time, and felt little disposed to be charitable.

33.9. Taussig, Tariff Hist., 113-5. _Niles_, June 6, 1846, p. 212;
Aug. 1, 1846, p. 345; Aug. 14, 1847, p. 369. Boston _Atlas_, Jan. 6,
1847. Ambler, Ritchie, 264. Webster, Letters, 337-9. =308=Shields to
Walker, Aug. 3, 1846. Sen. 105; 29, 2 (Walker to Dallas, Feb. 1, 1847).
Ho. 227; 29, 1. Ho. 7; 30, 2 (Walker, report, Dec. 9, 1848). (Walker,
Jarnagin) Welles papers. (Haywood) =1=Allen to "Effie," July 25, 1846;
=210=McDuffie to Hammond, July 20, 1846. N. Y. _Herald_ (weekly), Aug.
1, 29; Dec. 19, 1846; Jan. 29, 1848. N. Y. _Globe_, Jan. 9, 1847.
_Bankers' Mag._, i, 136; ii, 74. Ho. 6; 29, 1 (Walker, report, Dec.
3, 1845). Sen. 2; 29, 2 (_Id._, report, Dec. 9, 1846). U. S. Stat. at
Large, ix, 42, 53, 59, 106. Lalor, Cyclop., ii, 495; iii, 864. Phila.
_No. American_, July 16, 1846.

Walker's report of December 3, 1845, enunciated and defended his
tariff principles (Ho. 6; 29, 1). These were: 1, to collect only
enough revenue for the economical administration of the government;
2, to have no duty higher than the lowest rate that will yield the
greatest revenue (_e.g._ some luxuries are so easily smuggled in that
a high duty would produce little); 3, below such a rate to permit
discrimination, if thought desirable (_e.g._ less on necessaries than
on luxuries); 4, to lay the maximum rate on luxuries; 5, to have only
_ad valorem_ duties; and, 6, to discriminate against no section or
class of the nation. He expressed the opinions that many of the high
duties were becoming prohibitive and therefore unprofitable, and that
the increased risk and costs of transportation during a war would
cause nearly all of them to become so. Besides, he said, "at least two
thirds of the taxes imposed by the present tariff are paid, not into
the treasury, but to the protected classes" (_Niles_, Aug. 1, 1846,
p. 349). Walker also charged that the specific duties, which formed a
part of the 1842 tariff, taxed most highly the cheapest articles and
therefore produced relatively little (Sen. 105; 29, 2: to Dallas). It
was argued by others that war would sufficiently hinder importing to
make a protective tariff unnecessary (Wash. _Union_, May 28, 1846).

The essential idea underlying the tariff of 1846, though it was not
strictly a revenue tariff, was that it would increase the revenue by
stimulating importation. But opponents argued that unless Europe should
take a greatly increased quantity of our agricultural products--which
there was no reason to expect--we could not pay for larger imports;
while, should foreign goods be "dumped" at low prices upon our markets,
American manufacturers would be ruined. Even in the year ending June
30, 1845, the balance of trade had been $7,251,589 against us, and we
had exported $8,606,495 in specie (_Bankers' Mag._, i, 136). Under the
tariff of 1842 the average rate of duty was 24 per cent; under that of
1846, 18 per cent.

One natural effect of the uncertainty caused by the new fiscal laws
was to check business, but this was offset by its tendency to check
speculation and inflation. The specie feature tended to contract
the currency, and many deemed this unfortunate in view of the large
calls for money likely to result from the war. Good judges thought
its enforcement would have to be deferred, therefore. A special cause
of alarm was that in preparing for the second war with England the
duties had been increased instead of reduced. Senator Haywood of North
Carolina opposed the new scale of duties as sure to plunge the country
into debt, opposed putting them into effect so promptly (Dec. 1,
1846), and opposed the adoption of such a combination of new financial
measures (Wash. _Union_, Aug. 18, 1846). He therefore resigned, and
this endangered the plan of the administration.

The warehouse system consisted in deferring the payment of assessed
duties without an interest charge, the government retaining the goods
meanwhile as security for the eventual payment of them. Goods could
therefore wait for a purchaser, instead of going--if not at once in
demand--for what they would bring at a forced sale. This encouraged
importation and built up extensive stocks, which in turn attracted
purchasers from afar (Walker, report, Dec. 9, 1846, in Sen. 2; 29, 2).
This system, like that of the sub-treasury, proved highly advantageous.
The specie provision of the sub-treasury bill required the government
to accept only specie after Dec. 31, 1846, and to pay out only specie
after Mar. 31, 1847 (U. S. Stat. at Large, ix, 64), with the exception
of treasury notes.

33.10. N. Y. _Tribune_, Jan. 24, 1848. Sen. 105; 29, 2 (Walker to
Dallas, Feb. 1, 1847). Sen. 392; 29, 1 (Polk, Message, June 16; Walker,
June 15, 1846, etc.). Polk, Diary, Sept. 29, 1846. Ho. 6; 29, 1
(Walker, report, Dec. 3, 1845). Sen. 2; 29, 2 (_Id._, report, Dec. 9,
1846). Ho. 6; 30, 1 (_Id._, report, Dec. 8, 1847). Ho. 2 and 10; 29, 2.
Ho. 9, 51, 56, 81, 82; 29, 1. Sen. 1; 29, 2, p. 395. Sen. 27; 30, 1.]

The warehouse bill also delayed the payment of duties. Walker's
estimate of the customs revenue for 1846-7 was $27,835,731 (report,
Dec. 9, 1846, in Sen. 2; 29, 2). The receipts were actually $23,747,865
(report, Dec. 8, 1847, in Ho. 6; 30, 1). Walker pointed out that nearly
half a million was due on warehoused goods (_Niles_, July 31, 1847, p.
337); but these goods might not all have been imported, had it been
necessary to pay the duties at once, and some of them were practically
sure to be exported, and hence not all the duties assessed upon them
could be considered a part of the revenue, as Walker intimated. The
Democrats feared that taxes would make the war unpopular, and the Whigs
hoped to obtain that result by less expensive methods.

33.11. Sen. 392; 29, 1 (Walker to Polk, June 15, 1846). Gallatin, War
Expenses, 15-6. _Niles_, Sept. 19, 1846, p. 48; Oct. 3, 1846, p. 80.
_Bankers' Mag._, i, 193-4, 322. N. Y. _Herald_ (weekly), July 18; Aug.
15; Sept. 19; Oct. 31, 1846; Jan. 9, 1847. Bayley, National Loans,
70-2. _Polit. Sci. Qtrly._, i, 375-84. N. Y. _Tribune_, Jan. 24, 1848.
U. S. Stat. at Large, ix, 39. Knox, U. S. Notes, 63-4.

The Act of July 22, 1846, was based upon and virtually embodied that
of Oct. 12, 1837. Notes redeemed could be reissued. Any fraction of
the $10,000,000 could be issued in notes or in stock (bonds) at the
President's discretion, but the amount of both could not exceed that
figure. The bonds were to conform to the Act of Apr. 15, 1842, and to
"be redeemable at a period not longer than ten years from the issue
thereof." Walker thought that only a war with a powerful maritime
nation, exposing our commerce to peril and causing a great loss in
customs revenue, would be thought to warrant excise and direct
taxes. (The idea of a direct tax was widely unpopular, because such
a tax would be based upon population, and therefore would favor the
capitalistic sections.) Before issuing treasury notes Walker used
up much of the surplus lying in the banks. The notes were issued
at par. They could not become a circulating medium. For redemption
they went to the city banks. So long as these banks had deposits of
public funds, they were accepted as cash. After that, their tendency
was to fall. About Oct. 1, 1846, the notes were quoted at 98-1/2 in
St. Louis. For a time the New Orleans banks would not receive the
notes, but retaliation brought the banks round. Since only specie and
treasury notes were to be receivable after Jan. 1, 1847, for dues to
the government, the sub-treasury Act aided the notes. On the other
hand the issuance of the notes offset the specie requirement of that
Act, and therefore prevented or modified some of its anticipated
consequences--particularly a drain upon the specie of the banks. One
advantage of the notes was that, should the war suddenly end, they
could be withdrawn and the interest on them stopped. This was not true
of loans.

33.12. Ho. 6; 29, 1 (Walker, report, Dec. 3, 1845). Polk, Diary, Sept.
29, 1846. Gallatin, War Expenses, 14-6. _Niles_, Sept, 12, 1846, p.
17. De Knight, Currency, 69. N. Y. _Herald_ (weekly), June 6; Aug. 15,
1846; Jan. 9, 1847; Jan. 29, 1848. _Bankers' Mag._, i, 193-4.

The authority to issue these notes was limited to one year; but on Jan.
28, 1847, the time was extended to six months after the ratification
of peace with Mexico, with the proviso that the notes thus authorized
should not exceed $5,000,000 in amount (§ 15, U. S. Stat. at Large, ix,
121-2). In his report of Dec. 9, 1846, Walker stated that $3,853,100 of
these notes had been issued, $1,766,450 bearing interest at one tenth
of 1 per cent (De Knight, Currency, 69), and the residue at 5-2/5 per
cent per annum payable on redemption. Nov. 2, 1846, treasury notes of
prior issues amounting to $412,283.97 were outstanding. The surplus,
July 1, 1846, was $9,126,439. Sept. 29, 1846, the treasury contained
"only a fraction over" four millions (Polk, Diary, Sept. 29).

33.13. =13=Pakenham, nos. 127, Oct. 29; 130, Nov. 12, 1846. (Walker)
Wash. _Union_, May 10; Dec. 9, 1847; N. Y. _Express_, Dec. 12, 1846;
Welles papers; Boston _Courier_, Feb. 17, 1848; =345=G. A. Worth to
V. Buren, Dec. 16, 1847; =198=Gallatin to Newboldt, Feb. 8, 1848;
=198=_Id._ to Rockwell, May 8, 1848; =181=Buchanan to Donelson, May
13, 1847. Miss. Hist. Soc. Pubs., vi, 363. Dodd, Walker, 24, etc.
Wash. _Union_, Nov. 16; Dec. 8, 1846. N. Y. _Express_, Nov. 18, 1846.
_Bankers' Mag._, i, 321-2. N. Y. _Herald_ (weekly), Sept. 19; Nov. 7,
14, 28, 1846. Bayley, National Loans, 71. De Knight, Currency, 70.
_Niles_, Oct. 10, p. 81; Oct. 17, p. 97; Oct. 24, p. 128; Nov. 7, pp.
146-7, 1846. Sen. 105; 29, 2 (Walker to Dallas, Feb. 1, 1847). Polk,
Diary, Oct. 1, 13, 15-7, 22, 30; Nov. 7, 1846. London _Times_, Oct. 27,
1846. Sen. 2; 29, 2 (Walker, report, Dec. 9, 1846). _Cong. Globe_, 29,
2, app., 124 (Ingersoll). Dewey, Financial History, 256.

Professor Tucker proved, it was said, that Walker's argument for free
trade made an error of $1,000,000 per year in the productive industry
of the United States. Stewart of Pennsylvania charged him in Congress
with a number of errors. Rockwell of Connecticut made a startling
analysis of treasury statements (_Cong. Globe_, 30, 1, pp. 404-7);
but it would lead us too far afield to enter upon such a discussion.
$4,999,149 of the loan was issued (Bayley, Nat. Loans, 71). On $363,900
there was an average premium of .277 of 1 per cent, while the rest
went at par (De Knight, Currency, 70). Opponents of the government
attributed the success of the loan to Marcy's statement that it would
not be necessary to call for more volunteers. As a new call for
volunteers went out almost immediately after the bids were opened, he
was charged falsely with having played a trick on the public (N. Y.
_Express_, Nov. 18, 1846). For the truth in this matter see vol. i, p.
351. Most of the loan was taken at New York, but it became fairly well
distributed. Walker's offering the loan only ten days after advertising
an issue of $3,000,000 in notes (_Niles_, Nov., 1846, p. 147) was
rather alarming, it must be admitted. A less reasonable criticism on
his policy was that he could and should have borrowed liberally June 1
and July 1 at 5 per cent. At those dates he had a large surplus, the
tariff had not been changed, and the administration did not expect a
serious war.

33.14. Sen. 2; 29, 2 (Walker, report, Dec. 9, 1846). Dewey, Financial
History, 255-6. U. S. Stat. at Large, ix, 118. =247=King to Larkin,
Nov. 7, 1847. Polk, Diary, Feb. 16. =13=Pakenham, no. 13, Nov. 12,
1846. _Niles_, Apr. 24, 1847, p. 113; June 5, p. 224; Aug. 21, pp. 392,
400; Feb. 5, 1848, p. 354 (McLean). Wash. _Union_, Jan. 14; Apr. 12,
1847. N. Y. _Herald_ (weekly), Apr. 24; Nov. 30, 1847; Feb. 26; Mar. 4,
11, 18, 1848. Bayley, Nat. Loans, 72. De Knight, Currency, 71-2. Knox,
U. S. Notes, 64, 69. =108=Buchanan to Bancroft, Dec. 29, 1846, priv.

The estimated deficit, July 1, 1847, was $4,779,042 (Walker, report,
Dec. 9, 1846 in Sen. 2; 29, 2). By the Act of Jan. 28, 1847, the
treasury notes were to be redeemable in one or two years, to bear
interest (not more than 6 per cent) at the discretion of the President,
and to be convertible into bonds. None could be issued, used as
security for loans, or bought up by the government, at less than
par plus the accrued interest. New notes could be issued for those
redeemed, but the total outstanding amount of notes and bonds issued
under the Act could not exceed $23,000,000. The public lands were in
effect pledged as security for the loan, which was made payable at any
time after Dec. 31, 1867. The Act provided that the notes to be issued
under it and all previous treasury notes could be converted into 6 per
cent stock (bonds).

It was predicted that the loan could not be placed at better than 90,
if at all (N. Y. _Express_, Dec. 14, 1846). Bids (to be in by Apr.
10) for $18,000,000 of it were invited on Feb. 9, 1847. The New York
and Boston banks appear to have agreed on a price, but some New York
capitalists offered more, and they in turn were outbid by Corcoran and
Riggs of Washington, who seem to have taken a very large part of it.
The bids above par totalled about $55,000,000, and the premiums offered
ran as high as 2 per cent. It has been called a mistake to pay 6 per
cent on long-term bonds, and this is proved by the premium they soon
commanded. But before the bonds were issued grave doubts regarding
their acceptability were entertained, and a saving in interest was
of relatively little importance. Many had expected that the whole
amount($23,000,000) would be issued in treasury notes and practically
increase the amount of the currency; but the amount issued at first was
largely taken for investments (N. Y. _Herald_ (weekly), Mar. 20, 1847).
Hence the currency in circulation was diminished. However, the specie
coming from abroad soon made up for this.

Bids for $5,000,000 of notes were invited on Feb. 26. The Rothschilds
(represented by A. Belmont) were soon understood to be interested, and
were in fact successful to a large extent in the bidding. Their bidding
encouraged American capitalists. Probably the notes could safely, and
therefore should, have been made convertible into 5 per cent, instead
of 6 per cent, bonds. The interest paid on them at redemption was 5-2/5
or 6 per cent (De Knight, Currency, 71).

June 1, 1817, Walker reported treasury notes as outstanding (minus
$789,700 of cancelled notes on hand): of issues prior to July 22,
1846, $303,817; of issues under the Act of July 22, $3,565,600; of
issues under the Act of Jan. 28, $8,100,000; net total, $11,179,717
(_Niles_, June 5, p. 224). About the middle of August, 1847, they sold
at 106-1/2, but within a week (probably because reports that Scott had
captured Mexico City were found to be false) they fell at New York to
103-1/2. The issuing of more notes was objected to on the ground that
it would virtually mean a government bank controlled by a party. It
was argued by some that notes for small amounts bearing interest at
a nominal rate should have been put out. These, it was said, would
have been purchased by persons of small means, who actually put their
savings into specie needed by the government. The question was raised
why Polk asked in December, 1846, for funds to cover the fiscal year
1847-8 (N. Y. _Express_, Dec. 14, 1846). Walker's report included
estimates for that period, but this fact does not seem to be an
adequate explanation. One suspects that Polk and Walker knew the money
would be needed, and thought this the easiest way to get it.

33.15. Richardson, Messages, iv, 516. Pakenham, no. 6, Jan. 28, 1847.
Sen. 2; 29, 2 (Walker, report, Dec. 9, 1846). Ho. 6; 30, 1 (_Id._,
report, Dec. 8, 1847). Ho. 7; 30, 2 (_Id._, report, Dec. 9, 1848). Sen.
105; 29, 2 (_Id._ to Dallas, Feb. 1, 1847). Sen. 392; 29, 1 (_Id._ to
Polk, June 15, 1846). Taussig, Tariff Hist., 115. Welles papers. Polk,
Diary, Jan. 2, 1847. _Niles_, Jan. 2, 1847, p. 288. Boston _Courier_,
Feb. 17, 1848. _Cong. Globe_, 30, 1, pp. 281, 298. N. Y. _Herald_
(weekly), Jan. 9, 1847. (Pessimists) =345=G. A. Worth to Van Buren, May
20, 1847.

In Dec., 1847, Polk had to admit that a deficiency of $15,729,114 on
June 30, 1848, was probable. The British minister reported that one
reason for proposing the tax on tea and coffee was a wish to defeat
anticipated attempts of the protectionists to repeal the tariff of
1846. It was suspected that Walker made the appeal to Congress in order
to display his influence or to relieve that body of responsibility for
modifying the tariff it had so recently voted. The motives of the House
were mixed. Some members doubtless objected to the plan on principle,
others because they wished to be consistent with their action in
accepting that tariff, others because the estimated return from such
a tax ($2,500,000 or $3,000,000 per year) did not seem enough to meet
the requirements, and others, perhaps, to rebuke what struck them like
dictation on Walker's part; but the main considerations appear to
be those mentioned in chap. xxxiv (_e.g._, p. 285.) The vote in the
House was taken Jan. 2, 1847. Walker persisted, but without effect.
Benton's idea was adopted in 1854. See "Public Lands, Bill to reduce
and graduate the price of," in Senate index of _Cong. Globe_, 29 Cong.,
1 and 2 sess.; 30 Cong., 1 sess., etc.

33.16. Ho. 6; 30, 1 (Walker, report, Dec. 8, 1847). Ho. 7; 30, 2
(_Id._, report, Dec. 9, 1848). =13=Pakenham, no. 147, Dec. 29, 1846.
Stockton, circular, Aug. 15, 1846. Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 905 (Marcy); 930,
1085 (Scott); 931 (Worth). London _Times_, June 8, 1846. Richardson,
Messages, iv, 548-9, 570, 672. Vattel, book 3, chap. 9, sect. 161.
Balt. _American_, Feb. 17, 1847. Wash. _Union_, Apr. 12, 1847. N.
Y. _Herald_ (weekly), May 1, 1847. Sen. 1; 30, 1, pp. 552, 558, 561
(Polk); 553 (Walker). _Niles_, Apr. 24, 1847, p. 113. Ho. 1; 30, 2, p.
1075 (Shubrick). =47=Shubrick, Apr. 15, 1848. =76=Lavallette, proclam.,
Oct. 26, 1847. Sen. 24; 30, 1 (Polk, Message). Ho. 20; 30, 2 (Polk,
Message). Polk, Diary, Mar. 10, 1847.

We do not positively know that Walker originated the idea of the tariff
in Mexican ports, nor that it had any relation to the tea and coffee
tax; but one would naturally assume as much, and so the Washington
_Union_ stated (_Niles_, Apr. 24, 1847, p. 113). At first, however,
Walker did not perceive that the tariff would have to rest upon the
President's military authority. Contributions took the place of the
pillage formerly practised in war. An advantage of the plan, perhaps
not contemplated at first, was that it would greatly discourage
smuggling, and therefore, since imports would mostly have to pass the
inspection of American officers, contraband could much more fully
be excluded. This tariff was fiercely attacked in Congress, but the
position of the Executive was impregnable. Complaint was also made that
Americans as well as neutrals had to pay it; but had they not done so,
they would have been able to defy competition, foreign nations would
have complained, the Mexicans would have benefited by the low prices of
merchandise, and the United States would have obtained no revenue.

The American policy prior to March 31, 1847, is shown by Walker's
circular of June 30, 1846 (Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 158) and by Marcy's
=63=instructions to the commanding officer at Tampico, Dec. 15, 1846.
The latter said: Only United States vessels may enter, and those only
when carrying articles produced in the United States or imports upon
which United States duties have been paid, and on all such goods no
duties will be charged. "But in a spirit of accommodation" clearances
to Tampico of cargoes of foreign products, etc., in American vessels
will be granted (duties having been paid) without being unloaded in
the United States. Vessels admitted at Tampico may take out return
cargoes of the property of Americans or neutrals without paying export
duties; and specie belonging to neutrals may be freely exported. Indeed
this export of specie should be encouraged, since it prevents Mexico
from seizing the means of waging war. Pakenham complained that this
policy would give American goods (which would not have to pay a duty) a
monopoly of the Mexican market; but it seemed impossible at this time
to run the risk of the military injury liable to result from admitting
neutral vessels generally. He seems to have felt inclined to protest,
but he did not find that the ministers of France, Spain and Germany
intended to do so (=13=no. 147). Previous to Dec. 15, 1846, American
goods had been extensively smuggled into Mexico across the Rio Grande,
and of course that process continued.

33.17. Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 975, 1014 (Marcy); 1083 (Shubrick). Sen. 1;
30, 1, pp. 552-76, 583, 585 (Marcy); 585 (circular); 586 (Walker);
951 (Mason). Ho. 1; 30, 2, pp. 1073, 1086 (Shubrick). Sen. 14; 30, 1,
pp. 9 (Marcy); 10 (Walker). London _Times_, June 8, 1846; June 15,
1847. Polk, Diary, June 11; Nov. 6, 1847. Richardson, Messages, iv,
531-2, 548. =52=Chargé Martin, no. 31, May 15, 1847. =13=Consul Glass,
July 12, 1848. Ho. 6; 30, 1 (Walker, report, Dec. 8, 1847). Ho. 7;
30, 2 (_Id._, report, Dec. 9, 1848). _Constitutionnel_, May 15, 1847.
=13=Mora to Palmerston, May 19, 1847. _Nat. Intelligencer_, Apr. 24,
1847. =48=Mason to Perry, Apr. 3; June 16, 1847.

In some cases the Mexican tariff was reduced very much more than
one half, and many articles of daily use, that had previously been
prohibited, became available. No tonnage dues were assessed on vessels
(chartered by the United States) laden exclusively with supplies for
our army or navy (=60=Marcy to Scott, May 10, 1847), and United States
officers, soldiers and sailors were exempted from the operation of the
order to pay duties (Richardson, Messages, iv, 548). At Matamoros,
Tampico and Vera Cruz the military governors acted as collectors. At
places held by the navy, naval officers did so. On the Pacific coast it
proved necessary to modify the tariff. June 11, 1847, the regulations
were somewhat modified (Polk, Diary, June 11), and additional changes
were made in Nov., 1847 (Polk, Diary, Nov. 6; Sen. 14; 30, 1, p. 11).
July 31, 1847, the duty on books was made 20 per cent _ad valorem_
(Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 585).

Chargé Martin reported from Paris that the French newspapers, alarmed
by the protest of the Mexican consul at Havre, called on their
government to demand guaranties from ours. Martin justly took the
position that our admitting French commerce to Mexican ports was a pure
favor, to be enjoyed at the risk of those caring to take advantage
of it, but expressed the opinion freely that in the treaty of peace
we should protect the interests invited by our policy, as in fact we
pledged ourselves to do and did (Walker, report, Dec. 8, 1847 in Ho. 6;
30, 1, 619; chap. xxxii, p. 468).

33.18. N. Y. _Herald_ (weekly), May 1, Dec. 4, 1847. Ho. 60; 30, 1, p.
1037 (Marcy). Ho. 1; 30, 2, p. 1148 (Shubrick). =13=Consul Giffard, no.
37, Oct. 20, 1847. Richardson, Messages, iv, 548. =13=Consul Glass,
Dec. 1, 1847; July 12, 1848. =75=Hacienda to Relaciones, Dec. 3, 1847.
=75=Gov. Tamaulipas to Relaciones, Dec. 10, 23, 1847. =75=Gates, order,
Nov. 27, 1847. =76=Hacienda to Guerra, Dec. 3, 29, 1847. =13=Crampton,
no. 30, Aug. 13, 1847. =76=---- to Amador, Feb. 2, 1848.

The governor of Tamaulipas wrote frankly to the central government that
prohibition would merely promote robbery and smuggling while injuring
good Mexicans. He therefore did nothing except to collect a duty. Yet
Gates, commanding at Tampico, had to send escorts with traders, and
could not fully protect them.

33.19. N. Y. _Express_, Dec. 1, 1846. Sumner, Amer. Currency, 167.
_Economist_, Apr. 24, 1847. Gallatin, War Expenses, 3, 10. _Bankers'
Mag._, i, 513-6, 609-12, 673-4; ii, 201, 706-7. N. Y. _Herald_
(weekly), Dec. 19, 1846; Feb. 6; Apr. 17, 24; July 24, 31; Nov. 20;
Dec. 11, 1847. _Niles_, Feb. 13, 1847, p. 384; Feb. 27, p. 416; Sept.
11, p. 18; Sept. 25, p. 60; Oct. 2, p. 80; Oct. 9, p. 82; Oct. 23,
p. 128; Nov. 6, p. 145. =52=Bancroft, no. 46, Dec. 4, 1847. Welles
papers. =198=Gallatin to Everett, Dec. 16, 1847. Ho. 6; 30, 1 (Walker,
report, Dec. 8, 1847). Ho. 7; 30, 2 (_Id._, report, Dec. 9, 1848).
=181=Buchanan to Donelson, Jan. 29, 1847.

During the year ending June 30, 1848, almost thirty-seven and a half
millions in breadstuffs were exported (Walker, report, Dec. 9, 1848
in Ho. 7; 30, 2). As early as March, 1847, the _Bankers' Magazine_
estimated the increase in the value of our "present" exports of grain
and cotton as $12-15,000,000. The customs receipts for the year ending
June 30, 1847, were $23,747,865; for the following year $31,757,071. Of
course the rising tide of prosperity, besides increasing the customs
receipts and bringing specie, enhanced the credit of the government
generally, and assisted the country in other ways to support the burden
of the war. The crops of 1847 were fine in Europe; the importations
were found there to have been excessive; and prices fell sharply.
British business proved to be far less solid than it had been supposed
to be. Bancroft, our minister, reported "a whirlwind of bankruptcies
overspreading the land" (no. 46, Dec. 4, 1847). Orders for American
goods were cancelled. Owing to a want of confidence the practice of
consigning goods to English houses, with bills drawn on the consignees
for a considerable part of their value, was to a large extent
abandoned. Every vessel from England brought large parcels of American
bonds to be sold for what they would fetch. Early in November the rate
of exchange went up and specie began to be exported from this country,
though much remained in the interior. Numerous failures occurred in the
United States. All called in their resources. But here the trouble did
not prove to be long or very serious; and while another year of war
might have caused embarrassment, the country, despite the revolution in
France, soon found itself comfortable.

33.20 Ho. 6; 30, 1 (Walker, report, Dec. 8, 1847). Ho. 7; 30, 2 (_Id._,
report, Dec. 9, 1848). U. S. Stat. at Large, ix, 217. =13=Crampton,
no. 40, Apr. 2, 1848. N. Y. _Herald_ (weekly), Jan. 29, 1848. Bayley,
National Loans, 73. De Knight, Currency, 73. For the debates in
Congress consult the _Cong. Globe_. Boston _Courier_, Feb. 23, 1848.
=345=Niles to V. Buren, Dec. 16, 1847. Polk, Diary, Feb. 1, 1848.

The debate in the House began Feb. 8 and ended Feb. 17. In the course
of the discussion it came out that the treasury really had about
$7,000,000 more than had been supposed, but that $4,000,000 were
desired by the war department to make good certain deficiencies. The
amount of the loan was therefore reduced from $18,500,000 to "not more
than" $16,000,000 (Bayley, Nat. Loans, 73). The power to borrow under
this Act was to continue one year. The bonds were to bear not more than
6 per cent interest, be sold at not less than par, and be reimbursable
at any time after July 1, 1868. Before July 1, 1868, the secretary
could purchase the bonds at the market price (but not below par).
Coupons could be attached to the certificates, and such certificates
be transferable by mere delivery. The secretary of the treasury was
required to advertise for bids--these to be received 20-60 days from
the date of the earliest advertisement at Washington. In order to give
the loan the aid of assured peace, Walker arranged the advertising
so as to defer the time of opening the bids until June 17, 1848. The
premium obtained was $487,169. Though assisted with this loan, the
treasury ended the fiscal year with a balance of only $153,535.]

33.21. Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 354 (Taylor); 994 (Scott); 1005 (Mason); 341,
1007, 1037 (Marcy). =256=J. Parrott to Marcy, Dec. 20, 1847, private.
=256=Marcy to Scott, Nov. 17, 1847. Sen. 14; 30, 1, pp. 5 (Marcy), 6
(Scott). _Cong. Globe_, 30, 1, app., 423-4. Polk, Diary, Sept. 19,
1846; Aug. 31; Oct. 4, 5, 1847. =63=Mason to Scott, Sept. 1, 1847.
Richardson, Messages, iv, 546-8. =13=Crampton, no. 58, Nov. 28, 1847.
Sen. 52; 30, 1, pp. 124 (Scott); 145 (Marcy). Scott, Mems., ii, 552-3.
_Diario_, May 23, 1847. _Republicano_, June 9, 1847. Ho. 6; 30, 1
(Walker, report, Dec. 8, 1847).

For the olive branches (_i.e._ offers to treat) see pp. 122-4. A
particular difficulty in attempting to live on the country would have
been the general sparseness of the population, especially since the
Americans had to keep together. For this reason, though some of the
enemy expected us to rouse the nation by undertaking to enforce such
a policy, the wiser Mexicans did not look for it. On the ground that
places would be occupied alternately by the contending armies, the
British chargé at Washington deplored the order to exact contributions;
but the course of the war preserved the Mexicans from this misfortune
in a way he did not anticipate.

33.22. Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 1048, 1062, 1081, 1085 (Scott), 1050, 1063,
1066 (gen. orders). J. Parrott to Marcy (note 33.21). =256=_Id._ to
_Id._, Dec. 28, 1847, private. =60=Butler to Marcy, Mar. 7, 1848.
=69=Wool to Marcy, Jan. 24, 1848. Sen. 14; 30, 1, pp. 11, 13. =63=Marcy
to Gates, Mar. 7, 1848; to Davenport, May 2, 1848. =65=Scott, gen.
orders 358, 376, 395 (1847); 15, 31 (1848). Scott, Mems., ii, 553, 582.
Grant, Mems., i, 170-1. =61=McDowell to Hunter, Feb. 20; Mar. 5, 1848.
Rodríguez, Breve Reseña, 1849, 5. =69=Scott to commander at Jalapa,
Jan. 6, 1848. =61=McDowell to Monclova ayunt., Mar. 5, 1848. =80=Actg.
treas., Méx. state, Feb. 29, 1848. =60=Taylor to Marcy, Nov. 20,
1847. =60=Butler to Marcy, Mar. 2, 7, 1848. =92=Mex. ayunt., session
of Sept. 16, 1847. =92=Quitman, proclam., Sept. 22. =92=Veramendi to
ayunt., Sept. 24. =65=Wool, orders 157, Dec., 1847. _Delta_, Dec. 19,
1847 ("Mustang"). =61=Memoir on Mex. finances. Sen. 19; 30, 1, pp.
2-4 (Scott). Moreno, Cantón, 380. =69=Wool to Taylor, Mar. 7, 1847.
=61=McDowell to Webb, Apr. 15, 1848. =358=Williams to father, Dec. 27,
1847.

Besides the $150,000, Scott collected some $70,000 (about $12,000
captured at Cerro Gordo, nearly $50,000 for captured tobacco, and
smaller amounts for licenses, etc.). Polk was accused of inconsistency
for holding that Mexico could pay us no indemnity except in territory
and yet expecting to draw large revenues from that country (_Amer.
Review_, Jan., 1848, p. *2). The reply is threefold: 1, in the latter
case he assumed that Mexico was to be deprived by military force of the
revenues normally used by a nation; 2, even if a Mexican government
might have had the physical power to raise a cash indemnity for us, it
could not actually have obtained the money from the people for that
purpose, as our own armies were expected to do by force; and, 3, Polk's
expectations were not realized. Polk was also charged with encroaching
upon the prerogatives of the House both in taxing the Mexicans and
in spending the proceeds. Webster and Calhoun concurred in this view
(_Cong. Globe_, 30, 1, 495-6). But if Gen. Taylor had a right--as all
admitted--to impress a Mexican donkey into the service of his army,
Polk had a right to do all that he did in this regard. The authority
of the commander-in-chief in the enemy's country, waging war according
to the Constitution, was quite broad enough to cover it. See _Cong.
Globe_, 30, 1, app., 423-4.

The estimated possible revenues were as follows: import duties,
$12,000,000; duties on goods passing to the interior, $2,400,000;
direct taxes on real estate, professions, trades, etc., $3,000,000;
duties on the production of gold and silver, $600,000; melting
and assay dues, $50,000; export duties on coined gold and silver,
$1,000,000; revenue from the monopolies, $3,525,000 (=61=Memoir).
Transit dues on animals and goods, including the duties at city gates
(_alcabalas_), were to be discontinued. For a short time in 1847 Perry
allowed logwood to be exported under a 10 per cent duty. It seemed
impracticable to seize the mines, for the miners would probably have
fled on the approach of American troops.

Scott resolved not to take the ordinary state and city revenues,
because he felt that such a course would be "to make war on
civilization"; since every civilized community requires the means of
paying for administration, without which it would fall into anarchy
(Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1049). His broad taxation orders were based upon
an announced intention of spreading over the country. He proposed to
send out expeditions soon. One actually proceeded, as we have seen, to
Toluca, another to Cuernavaca, and another to the important mining town
of Pachuca (Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 1048, 1061-2). The occupation of Córdoba
and Orizaba was partly in pursuance of the same policy (=61=Scott to
Twiggs, Dec. 26, 1847). He proposed in particular to send 7000 men to
San Luis Potosí in order to open the communication between Tampico and
the mining city of Zacatecas. But his lack of troops and the peace
negotiations prevented this.

In order to force the products of the mines into circulation for the
benefit of both Americans and Mexicans, Scott forbade the exportation
of gold and silver bullion, and on gold and silver coin exported he
imposed a duty of 5 per cent (=65=gen. orders 362). Walker's and Polk's
views on these points had been different from Scott's, and Scott's
action was taken subject to revision at Washington, where he presented
his reasons. At the end of April, 1848, Walker's instructions were put
into force by General Butler.

Scott instructed his officers to execute his orders in a conciliatory
manner, if possible, but apply force should that be necessary. Should
there be no other way, the commanding officer was to collect the
assessment in money or some equivalent from the wealthier inhabitants.

In the northeast Wool carried out the financial purposes of the
government to the best of his ability, beginning at Saltillo as early
as May, 1847, with a revenue system, the occupation of buildings,
and the seizure of cattle, mules, etc. He punished refractory towns
and places violating pledges of neutrality with special taxes. Mar.
2, 1848, he reported that all were paying their taxes. The owners of
houses taken for the use of the army were indemnified through a tax
on all the real estate of the vicinity. In northwestern Mexico only
coast towns were in our hands. California and New Mexico, which the
United States government intended to retain, were of course viewed in
a different light. Naturally all possible attempts were made by the
Mexicans to protect their property against us. Subsistence, forage,
etc., continued to be paid for, since the interests of the army
prescribed that policy still. Our officers were not permitted to have
any interest (_e.g._ claim for special services) in cases of seizure,
etc.

33.23. Richardson, Messages, iv, 591, 651, 678. Sen. 52; 30, 1, pp.
107-9. =69=Hughes to Scott, Jan. 5, 1848. =63=Marcy to Twiggs, Mar. 7,
1848. Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1062 (Scott). Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 588. Ho. 47;
30, 2, pp. 2 (Marcy), 109 (Mason). Ho. 1; 30, 2, p. 1131 (Shubrick).
=47=Shubrick, Apr. 15, 1848. =69=Wool to Marcy, Jan. 24, 1848. Sen. 14;
30, 1, p. 11 (Scott).

Import, export and tonnage duties produced in all only $3,434,665;
contributions from other sources, $553,055; captured money and
property, $163,573; assessments on states and the City of Mexico,
$225,649; and state and municipal revenues, together with some
other sources of income, $163,055. From these amounts the costs of
collection, drawbacks on goods disposed of to men in the service, and
the expenses of the state and municipal governments had to be deducted.
It was to make up for surrendering the monopolies that Scott quadrupled
the state assessments originally contemplated. $769,650 derived from
the military contributions were applied on the first instalment due to
Mexico. All of the $3,000,000 appropriated by the Act of March 3, 1847,
was paid to her shortly after she ratified the treaty of peace (Sen.
52; 30, 1, pp. 107-9; Richardson, Messages, iv, 588).

33.24. Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 589. =13=Pakenham, no. 74, June 13, 1846. Ho.
Rep. 503; 31, 1. Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1004 (Marcy). Sen. 52; 30, 1, p.
125 (Scott). Scott, Mems., ii, 583. Polk, Diary, Aug. 18-20, 24-5, 28;
Nov. 13, 1847. Wash. _Union_, Dec. 9, 1847. N. Y. _Herald_ (weekly),
May 23; June 20; Oct. 31; Nov. 7, 1846; Aug. 21; Oct. 16; Nov. 6, 1847.
Ho. Report 503; 31, 1. _Picayune_, Sept. 14, 1847. =256=J. Parrott to
Marcy, Dec. 20, 27, 1847, private. =139=W. B. to D. Campbell, Aug. 9,
1846.

Scott spent nearly $64,000 of the funds that he derived from the
Mexicans for blankets and shoes given to private soldiers; and $10
each were given to a large number of wounded men when they left the
hospital. Probably Belmont's arrangement left the Rothschilds a
handsome profit, for John Parrott, who had been our consul at Mazatlán,
offered, if the government would open a credit of two or three
millions in London, to take charge of supplying cash in Mexico at the
rate of five dollars for every pound sterling, and a pound sterling
would have cost the government only about $4.80. One main purpose of
our government in laying an export duty on gold and silver was to
facilitate the exchange of treasury notes for specie with Mexican
citizens; but probably little was accomplished, for nearly all the
specie in Mexico was held by foreigners. In the offices at Washington
a good deal of carelessness in making estimates and handling funds
appears to have prevailed (_e.g._ Polk's Diary, Aug. 18-28, 1847),
and Walker's relations with Belmont and with Corcoran and Riggs were
perhaps a little too intimate (_ibid._); but one finds no reasons for
suspecting Walker of crookedness. Of course property was handled more
or less wastefully in the field, and contractors took an advantage
sometimes. Roa Bárcena (Recuerdos, 249) states that some men buying
grain, etc., for the American army required the sellers to give
receipts for larger sums than were paid to them. See also Polk, Diary,
July 10, 1847. The largest loss resulted from Gaines's unauthorized
calls for troops, which probably cost $1,500,000 (=13=Pakenham, no. 74,
1847).

33.25. Sen. 15; 30, 1. Semmes, Service, 472-3. Bancroft, Pac. States,
viii, 545. Ho. 70; 30, 1, p. 11. Ho. 9, 27; 30, 2. Polk, Diary, Nov.
7, 1846; Feb. 16; Nov. 6, 9, 1847; Jan. 24, 1848. Sen. 27; 30, 1.
=73=Bermúdez de Castro, no. 517, June 29, 1847. Richardson, Messages,
iv, 591. Ho. 6; 29, 1 (Walker, report, Dec. 3, 1845). Ho. 7; 30, 2
(_Id._, report, Dec. 9, 1848). Lalor, Cyclop., iii, 864. N. Y. _Herald_
(weekly), Apr. 10, 1847; July 1, 1848.

33.26. (Webster) Wash. _Union_, Dec. 11, 1846; _Niles_, Jan. 9, 1847,
p. 303. _Cong. Globe_, 30, 1, p. 912 (Stephens). The national debt,
Oct. 1, 1845, was $17,075,446 (Walker, report, Dec. 3, 1845). July 6,
1848, Polk gave it as $65,778,450 including the bonds and treasury
notes still available for issue (Richardson, Messages, iv, 591).
Walker's report, Dec. 9, 1848, gave the increase of the national debt
over that of March 4, 1845, as $48,036,151.

In a sense the war with Mexico cost too little. The estimates were
pared below our needs. Troops could not be called out when they
should have been. Transports and many other necessaries were lacking
at critical times. This point will come up in the text of the next
chapter. At the end of the war the country and the treasury were
in a sound condition, and the government's income was ample. A
period of solid prosperity ensued. It may be worth mention that
American capitalists offered more than $100,000,000 for the less than
$50,000,000 of government securities, and that the total received by
the treasury in premiums was $555,511 (Walker, report, Dec. 9, 1848, in
Ho. 7; 30, 2).

An account of the money market during the war (based mainly on the
financial columns of the New York Weekly _Herald_) may be of interest.
During the early spring of 1846 the Oregon controversy with England
was a strong depressing influence. The outbreak of the war with Mexico
caused a panic (May 11), but this passed immediately (May 12), and
by May 19 the market was rather buoyant, largely in consequence of
favorable news from Taylor. It then declined; but about the middle of
June there was a plethora of money, and much activity prevailed in
consequence of the settlement of the Oregon controversy. This faded
gradually away into dulness, but quickened again about the first of
August. Fluctuations followed. The first half of September saw a
decline. Sept. 5 United States bonds that had sold at 113 before the
war brought only 102, but the prospect of foreign demands for grain
caused a revival (Sept. 20-Oct. 3). Dulness then returned; the general
feeling about the war was reflected in very low prices about the middle
of November, and Dec. 7 was a "blue day." Though the treasury required
all payments to it to be in specie on and after Jan. 1, 1847, it did
not begin to pay out specie until Apr. 1. Hence it piled up coin during
the interim. Jan. 3, 1847, the market was rather stringent. During
the second half of February, the Bank of England rate rose from 3 to
4. Prices continued to decline until by April 4 good prospects at the
seat of war and an influx of specie turned the tide. May 1 the New York
banks were said to have more than $12,000,000 in specie. May 10 Reading
R. R. difficulties precipitated a panic, but this was only a flurry.
Money was extremely abundant in a few days (May 19) and prices advanced
until about the middle of July. During the second week of August the
increasing war expenses bore hard on the market, and treasury notes
fell about 2 per cent. About Oct. 1 the report that Scott had entered
Mexico City was found to be untrue, and a panic set in (Oct. 4), due to
that fact and bad news regarding the financial situation in Europe. The
"explosion" of "corners" followed. By Nov. 11 the banks were "shaking
in the wind," and a crisis came on at once (Nov. 14). Paper money was
loudly called for. After a troubled month, however, money became much
easier and prices responded (Dec. 19). Another month, and the banks
(really in a tight place themselves) were believed to be tightening
everything to force a change in the financial policy of the government
(Jan. 25, 1848); but by Feb. 10 natural conditions revived buoyancy,
and there was a loud call for more treasury notes. Things then quieted
down, but the arrival of the draft of a treaty stimulated activity
once more. Absurd rumors about the terms of the treaty next caused a
temporary reaction; but when it was accepted, prices went up (Mar. 11).
For the day-by-day prices of United States securities, Dec. 1, 1846, to
Dec. 1, 1847, see Ho. 6; 30, 1, p. 71.

_Other financial legislation of the war period._ U. S. Statutes at
Large, ix, p. 35, Act of June 27, 1846, sec. 2: $75,000 in U. S.
stock belonging to the Seneca Indians to be cancelled, and interest
to be paid them on a credit of that amount to be entered on the
books of the secretary of the treasury. P. 94, Act of Aug. 10, 1846:
Mexican Indemnity Stock (see Bayley, National Loans, 71, modified by
statements of this work). P. 106, Act of Aug. 10, 1846: Treasury notes,
stolen and put into circulation, to be redeemed by the government.
P. 125, Act of Feb. 11, 1847, sec. 9: Any non-commissioned officer,
musician and private entitled under this Act to receive a certificate
or warrant for 160 acres (or 40 acres) may take instead of it $100 (or
$25) in 6 per cent treasury scrip, redeemable at the pleasure of the
government. P. 248, Act of July 19, 1848: Three months' extra pay to
all who actually served out their term or were honorably discharged,
or the heirs of those who lost life or died after being honorably
discharged. P. 249, Act of July 21, 1848: Act of July 4, 1836, granting
half-pay and pensions to widows, orphans, etc., made applicable to
cases of these in the Mexican War. P. 412, Act of March 3, 1849: To
provide for settling accounts of those who received money from military
contributions, etc., in Mexico. P. 414, Act of March 3, 1849: To
provide payment for property lost or destroyed in the military service
of U. S. P. 520, Act of Sept. 28, 1850: Bounty lands to be given to
certain officers and soldiers who served in the Mexican War.


XXXIV. THE WAR IN AMERICAN POLITICS

34.1. The chief sources for this chapter were personal correspondence,
the debates of Congress, and periodicals representing all shades of
politics. The leading newspapers were examined for every day of the war
and also before and after it.

34.2. Parker, Sermon. Rhodes, U. S., i, 88. Weekly N. Y. _Herald_, May
23. _No. Amer._, May 15, 21. =191=Fairfield to wife, July 10, 1846.

34.3. London _Times_, Aug. 31. Welles papers (account of 29 Cong., 2
sess.). =108=Marcy to Bancroft, Apr. 28, 1847. Calhoun Corresp., 717
(to T. G. C), 1096 (Fisher). =13=Pakenham, nos. 119, 132, 1846; 6,
9, 1847. =139=Gentry to C, Feb. 20, 1847. =139=A. to D. C., Jan. 20,
1847. _Journal des Débats_, Nov. 4, 1846. (Elections) N. Y. _Tribune_,
Nov. 26, 1847; =132=Stokes to Buchanan, Jan. 3, 1847; Welles papers;
Schurz, Clay, ii, 289; Von Holst, U. S., iii, 336; N. Y. _Herald_, Nov.
7, 14, 1846; Wash. _Union_, Oct. 16, 22; Nov. 9, 14, 19, 27, 1846; May
5, 1847; _Nat. Intellig._, Nov. 7, 1846. _Pub. Ledger_, Dec. 23, 1846.
In the winter we find some state legislatures passing resolutions (Ho.
93, 97; 29, 2) in favor of prosecuting the war, but these are signs of
prevailing discouragement.

34.4. (Nomination and election) Smith, Annex, of Texas, 250-2, 310-5.
=345=Gilpin to Van Buren, May 24, 1846. =234=A. Johnson to ----, July
22, 1846, private. London _Times_, July 15, 1846. Welles papers.
_Nat. Intellig._, Nov. 20, 1847. (Cabinet) Polk, Diary, Feb. 8, 1847;
=345=Blair to Van Buren, Jan. 29; Feb. 29, 1848; =297=correspond.
between Polk and M. Van Buren, C. Johnson, A. V. Brown and others,
Dec, 1844-Feb., 1845; Poore, Perley's Remins., i, 334; Welles papers;
=297=Simpson to Polk, Nov. 13, 1848. (Myself) _Tenn. Hist. Mag._,
Sept., 1915 (to C. J., Dec. 21, 1844). Boston _Atlas_, Dec. 31, 1846.
=206=Mangum to Graham, Feb. 21, 1845. (Polk's discretion distrusted)
_Cong. Globe_, 29, 1, pp. 554 (Allen), 567 (Webster).

What is said of Polk in this and succeeding paragraphs should be
supplemented by referring to vol. i, pp. 128-9 and to the concluding
chapter.

34.5. For a study of Polk's character see vol. i, pp. 128-9.
=345=Pauling to Van Buren, Feb. 5, 1847. (Pillow) Polk to Johnson,
May 17 [14], 1844: _Tenn. Hist. Mag._, Sept., 1915. Seward, Seward at
Washington, i, 37, 51. =345=Frearoon to Van Buren, Jan. 23, 1847.
=345=Blair to V. B., Jan. 29, 1848. Tyler, Tyler, ii, 457 (Gardiner).
=345=G. A. Worth to V. B., Mar. 20, 1847. =139=Gentry to Campbell, Feb.
20, 1847. Schurz, Clay, ii, 289. Von Holst, U. S., iii, 273, 292, 336.
Boston _Atlas_, Dec. 12, 1846. Benton, Abr. Debates, xvi, 75 (Badger).
Kohl, Claims, 71.

Taking advantage of the feeling about Polk's personality and methods,
his enemies felt warranted in straining points against him. It was
called treachery to negotiate with Santa Anna while negotiating with
Paredes (_No. American_, Dec. 15, 1846), even though the latter
negotiation had practically ended before the former began. His dwelling
upon our claims against Mexico in his annual Message of 1846, which
it was quite proper to do in reviewing the Mexican situation, was
represented as an afterthought, intended to justify a blow already
struck and discrediting the assertion that Mexico had caused the war by
invading our territory (Boston _Atlas_, Dec. 12, 1846). It was pointed
out that the proclamation sent to Taylor for distribution ascribed to
the United States aims different from those professed in the Message of
May 11 (_Nat. Intellig._, Aug. 14, 1846), as if Polk could be required
to say everything every time.

34.6. =256=Marcy to Wetmore, Jan. 21; Oct. 5; Nov. 7; Dec. 12, 1846.
Welles papers. =345=Wright to Van Buren, Nov. 10, 1846. =345=Cambrelong
to _Id._, Nov. 30. =345=Thompson to _Id._, Dec. 23. =345=Blair to
_Id._, Dec. 26. =345=Albany _Atlas_, extra, Dec., 1846. =345=G. A.
Worth to V. B., Mar. 20, 1847. =253=Mower to McLean, Aug. 27, 1846.
=132=Wright to Buchanan, Sept. 8, 10, 1846. Bigelow, Tilden, i, 110-1.
Blaine, Twenty Years, i, 78. Buchanan, Works, viii, 365-7. =234=A.
Johnson to ----, July 22, 1846, private.

The "Conservative" party arose in 1837 from the opposition to Van
Buren's sub-treasury plan, which Silas Wright championed. Many honest
Conservatives, realizing they had been mistaken, left the party; but
their places were taken by canal claimants.

34.7. Welles papers. Calhoun Correspond., 713 (to Mrs. C). (Hang)
=234=A. Johnson to ----, July 22, 1846. (Office-seekers) Polk, Diary,
Feb. 24; Apr. 7, 1847, etc. (Oregon) Polk, Diary, Feb. 24, 1846;
_Polit. Sci. Qtrly._, xxvi, 458 (R. L. Schuyler); _Cong. Globe_, 29, 1,
p. 815 (Delano); Boston _Atlas_, May 20, 1846; Blaine, Twenty Years,
i, 65; Wash. _Union_, Aug. 18, 1846. (Veto) =253=Mower to McLean, Aug.
8, 1846; =108=Appleton to Bancroft, July 16, 1847; Wash. _Union_, Aug.
3, 1846, quoting _Nat. Intellig._; N. Y. _Herald_, Aug. 15, 1846;
_No. American_, Jan. 14; Dec. 20, 1847. (Generals) Von Hoist, U. S.,
iii, 298; Rhodes, U. S., i, 89; Buchanan, Works, viii, 365-7; Calhoun
Corresp., 727-8 (to D. G.). =345=Butler to Van Buren, Nov. 6, 1847.

34.8. Lowell, Biglow papers, i, 59. (Adams) =260=Winthrop to N. Hale,
Wash., "Sunday." (Giddings) Wash. _Union_, June 30; July 2, 1846. Cole,
Whig Party, 118-9. Smith, Annex. of Texas, 258-80. _Cong. Globe_, 29,
1, p. 309. (La.) Vol. i, p. 205 and note 10.3; N. Orl. _Jeffersonian_
in _Nat. Intellig._, Aug. 28, 1846; Wash. _Union_, June 30; July 2;
Aug. 11, 1846. Calhoun Corresp., 1096-7 (Fisher). N. Y. _Tribune_, May
13; Dec. 15, 1846. =137=Prescott to Calhoun, Aug. 20, 1847.

34.9. Ho. 85; 29, 2. =253=Mower to McLean, Aug. 8, 1846. Taussig,
Tariff Hist., 114-5. =345=Welles to Van Buren, July 28, 1846. London
_Times_, Dec. 3, 1846. _Courrier des Etats Unis_, Oct. 17; Nov. 6,
1846. N. Y. _Sun_, July 9, 1846. N. Y. _Express_, Nov. 10, 17, 21, 30,
1846. _Niles_, July 18, p. 305 (_Sentinel_); Aug. 1, p. 345 (_Nat.
Intellig._); Sept. 12, p. 17, 1846. Boston _Courier_, July 8, 1846.
Blaine, Twenty Years, i, 65. Boston _Atlas_, Jan. 6, 1847. Wash.
_Union_, Aug. 18, 28, 1846. _Nat. Intellig._, Aug. 5, 1846. N. Y.
_Tribune_, Dec. 3, 1846. _No. American_, July 16, 17; Aug. 1; Dec. 9,
1846. (Betrayed) Smith, Annex. of Texas, 314.

34.10. =241=W. to J. Kent, Dec. 11, 1846; Jan. 17; Mar. 5, 1847. _Amer.
Review_, Oct., 1847, 333-46. Johnston and Browne, Stephens, 210-1.
London _Times_, Dec. 3, 1846. Sherman Letters, 38-9. Webster, Writings,
x, 12. Winthrop, Winthrop, 61. =13=Pakenham, no. 98, 1846. N. Y. _Sun_,
Aug. 28, 1846. _No. American_, Dec. 30, 1846; Jan. 18, 1847. Rhodes,
U. S., i, 91. Wash. _Union_, Sept. 30, 1846 (Mass. convention). _Nat.
Intellig._, July 18; Dec. 25, 1846; Apr. 17; Nov. 20, 1847. St. Louis
_Republican_, July 23, 1846. _Journ. of Comm._ in Wash. _Union_, Aug.
6, 1847.

Stephen A. Douglas, who stood quite close to the administration, said
in the Senate: "Conquest was not the motive for the prosecution of the
war; satisfaction, indemnity, security, was the motive--conquest and
territory the means" (_Cong. Globe_, 30, 1, app., 222).

34.11. Ho. 23, 81, 85; 29, 2. Sen. 97; 29, 2. Webster, Writings, ix,
260; x, 12; xiii, 359. Sherman Letters, 38-9. Boston _Advertiser_,
Oct. 3, 1846. _Niles_, Sept. 18, 1847, p. 44. Rhodes, U. S., i, 91.
Blaine, Twenty Years, i, 65. Winthrop before the Mass. convention
(note 34.10). _Courrier des Etats Unis_, Oct. 17; Nov. 6, 1846. Wash.
_Union_, Apr. 29, 1847. Pierce, Sumner, iii, 140, 144, 146. Lowell,
Biglow papers, i, 56. Livermore, War, 92. Curtis, Webster, ii, 324.
_Amer. Review_, 1847, p. 441. =13=Pakenham, no. 93, 1846. Benton, Abr.
Debs., xvi, 54 (Morehead). (West) =198=Berrien to Gallatin, June 7,
1848. The _North American_ of Oct. 8, 1847, used this language: "The
abstract question of the extension of slavery is not the only nor the
greatest issue of this contest. The great question is, shall we become
the dependants and vassals of a Southern political ascendancy?... The
nabobs of the South will dictate to us the terms upon which, in the
face of their hostile policy, we shall struggle for existence. Our
agriculture, our manufactures, our commerce, will be committed to
their guardianship--the guardianship of the wolf over the lamb." At
the Springfield Whig convention, Sept. 29, 1847, Webster said he would
"resist any further increase of slave representation," which meant the
same thing (Writings, xiii, 362). _Nat. Intellig._, Dec. 29, 1846.
_Cong. Globe_, 29, 1, app., 919 (G. Davis). (Heroes) =345=Law to Van
Buren, Aug. 2, 1847. Welles papers. Calhoun Corresp., 1096-7 (Fisher).
_Nat. Intellig._, May 13, 1846. London _Times_, Dec. 18, 1846.
=13=Pakenham, no. 93, 1846. Louisville _Journal_, Mar. 31, 1847. N. Y.
_Express_, Apr. 2, 1847. Wash. _Union_, Aug. 13, 1847. (Debasement,
etc.) _Amer. Review_, 1847, p. 441; Lyell, Second Visit (N. Y., 1849),
ii, 257; Ho. 81; 29, 2; _Monitor Repub._, Feb. 2, 1847 (quoting Boston
_Atlas_); _Nat. Intellig._, Nov. 28 (quoting N. Y. _Eve. Post_); Dec.
29, 1846; Norfolk _Herald_, Apr. 12, 1847; etc.

34.12. N. Y. _Tribune_, May 19, 1846. _Cong. Globe_, 29, 1, pp. 788
(Crittenden), 835. Welles papers. =169=Rives to Crittenden, Feb. 5,
1847. Hammond, Wright, 672. Von Holst, U. S., iii, 252. _Amer. Review_,
Feb., 1847, 109, 118. Wash. _Union_, Mar. 19, 1847. Schurz, Clay, ii,
289. Detroit _Free Press_, Nov. 28, 1846. Cincin. _Enquirer_, Dec. 16,
1846. _No. American_, May 12, 1846. N. Y. _Herald_, Dec. 19, 1846.
(Capital) =139=Fulton to Campbell, Jan. --, 1847.

The proper stand for the Whigs was pointed out by Gov. Briggs of
Massachusetts in general orders: "Whatever may be the difference of
opinion as to the origin" of the war, the constitutional authorities
have declared that a war exists; patriotism and humanity dictate
that it should be brought to a speedy and successful end; hence
all should coöperate (_Niles_, July 11, 1846, pp. 293-4). It will
be noted that the author is dealing in this chapter with politics,
not the convictions of private persons, which, even when mistaken,
were entitled to respect, because sincere and associated with worthy
sentiments.

34.13. _Nat. Intellig._, May 13, 15; July 18; Sept. 19, 1846; Jan.
27; Aug. 5; Dec. 11, 1847. =253=Mower to McLean, Mar. 1, 1847. _Cong.
Globe_, 29, 1, app., 919 (G. Davis); 29, 2, 34-6 (Giddings). Boston
_Atlas_, May 15, 18, 20; June 11, 1846. Balt. _American_, Dec. 2, 1846.
N. Y. _Tribune_, May 26, 1846; Sept. 3; Nov. 18, 1847; Jan. 7, 1848.
_Cong. Globe_, 30, 1, 566 (Hilliard). ($68) [_Tribune_] Whig Almanac,
1847, p. 21. (_Express_) Wash. _Union_, June 19, 1847. These and the
citations of the following notes could be multiplied.

34.14. Smith, Annex. of Texas, 274-5. =198=J. R. Ingersoll to Gallatin,
Dec. 25, 1847. Benton, Abr. Debates, xvi, 78 (Colquitt). Louisville
_Journal_, Sept. 17, 1847. _Cong. Globe_, 29, 1, app., 643 (Giddings);
30, 1, app., 227 (Cobb). Mr. Winthrop's Vote on the War Bill. Webster
at Phila. (Writings, iv, 26-34). Wash. _Union_, Dec. 6, 1847. N. Y.
_Tribune_, May 15, 1846. N. Y. _Courier and Enquirer_, Aug. 31, 1847.
Giddings, Speeches, 259.

34.15. N. Y. _Tribune_, May 13, 1846. =130=Gentry to Campbell, Feb. 20,
1847. Wash. _Union_, May 12; Oct. 1, 1846; May 15, 1847. _Cong. Globe_,
29, 1, pp. 815, 931; app., 928-32. Boston _Atlas_, Dec. 11, 1846; May
13, 1847. Ky. _Observer_, July 8, 1846, in Wash. _Union_, July 14.
N. Y. _Tribune_, May 13, 1846. Winthrop, Speeches, i, 573-4. Nicolay
and Hay, Lincoln, i, 317-20, 327-45. _Cong. Globe_, 30, 1, pp. 154-6
(Lincoln's speech). Though Lincoln's speech was later than the time
referred to in the text, his argument was not. (Conn.) Clark, Conn.,
200-1.

34.16. =375=Taylor to Davis, Feb. 16, 1848, in Madigan, cat., 1914.
_Pennsylvanian_, Nov. 4, 1846. Winthrop, Speeches, i, 574. N. Y. _Eve.
Post_, June 4, 1846. Wash. _Union_, July 14, 1846; Mar. 29, 31; Aug.
16, 20, 1847; Jan. 2, 13, 1848. U. S. _Gazette_, Oct. 13, 1846. _Cong.
Globe_, 29, 1, pp. 534 (Brinkerhoff); app., 916 (Hudson). Boston
_Atlas_, Dec. 11, 1846; May 13, 1847. _Nat. Intellig._, May 16; Oct.
19; Dec. 18, 1846; Apr. 17; May 17; June 22, 1847. N. Y. _Courier and
Enquirer_, Aug. 9, 17, 1847. (Recognized) Crittenden's amendment: vol.
i, p. 473; _Cong. Globe_, 30, 1, p. 276. (Smallness) Vol. i, pp. 161,
455-6, 464.

Another interesting fact was that on Mar. 26, 1846, McIlvaine of the
House, discussing an appropriation bill, raised the issue that in
sending Taylor to the Rio Grande Polk had been "invading Mexico," yet,
although the bill was objectionable from several points of view, it
passed by a vote of 111 to 38 (_Cong. Globe_, 29, 1, pp. 558, 574). See
also Lumpkin's speech, _ibid._, 834-7. Polk was mercilessly ridiculed
for believing that Santa Anna would favor peace, but his opponents had
to admit that a Whig general, Taylor, believed (or appeared to believe)
Ampudia's assertions to the same effect (chap. xii, p. 504) made under
circumstances that rendered the idea far less plausible.

34.17. See vol. ii, p. 73. Wash. _Union_, Feb. 25, 1847. St. Louis
_Republican_, July 3, 1847. McCulloch, Men and Measures, 65. Seward,
Autob. of W. H. S., 774. An undated slip from the Chicago _Times_,
found by the author, contained a letter from Burlington, Ia., which
stated that Col. Sweney, proprietor of the Barret House, had known
Corwin well from boyhood on, and that he had heard Corwin say with
tears in his eyes that his speech was made by arrangement with Webster
and others, who desired to prevent the appropriation of more money for
the war, and agreed to follow Corwin.

34.18. For a discussion of the Philadelphia speech see vol. i, p. 458.
Webster, Writings, iv, 7; ix, 253; xiii, 348-50. _Public Ledger_, Dec.
6, 15, 1846. N. Y. _Tribune_, Dec. 4, 7, 1846. N. Y. _Herald_, Aug.
22, 1846. N. Y. _Sun_, Dec. 5, 1846. Wash. _Union_, Dec. 2, 4, 7,
11, 1846; Mar. 10; Oct. 14, 16, 1847. Charleston _Mercury_, Dec. 8,
1846. =253=Dowling to McLean, Mar. 24, 1848. Nov. 6, 1846, at Faneuil
Hall, Boston, Webster called forth rapturous applause by saying, in a
manner quite unworthy of a Senator and a great constitutional lawyer,
"In my judgment it is an impeachable offence" for the President so to
act as to involve the country in war without the consent of Congress
(_Niles_, Nov. 21, p. 186). This, if it meant anything, was a begging
of the question. Webster could not deny that the President had a right
to repel invasion without consulting Congress, and Polk believed the
Mexicans had invaded our territory, thus precipitating the war.

Polk's Message of May 11 mentioned, as was natural, the rejection of
Slidell and the failure of Mexico to pay our claims, but its practical
gist was contained in the following sentence: "As war exists, and,
notwithstanding all our efforts to avoid it, exists by the act of
Mexico herself, we are called upon by every consideration of duty and
patriotism to vindicate with decision the honor, the rights, and the
interests of our country."

34.19. (Independent, ground) Webster, Writings, iv, 24; xiii, 351.
(Senseless, fight) _Ibid._, ix, 157-60. (Prosecute) _Ibid._, iv, 33;
N. Y. _Tribune_, Dec. 3, 1846. (Refused) Writings, ix, 157. (Approve)
Pierce, Sumner, iii, 112. (Narrow) Webster, Letters, 350. (Tired)
Writings, xviii, 246. Lowell, Biglow Papers, i, 54, etc. (see a paper,
written by the present author, on the Biglow papers in Mass. Hist. Soc.
Proceeds., May, 1912, p. 602).

34.20. (Jay) Pellew, Jay, 310. The clerical quotations in the text
are from a non-partisan paper, the N. Y. _Herald_, Feb. 20, 1847. The
extract from Osgood may be found in his Solemn Protest, p. 13. That
from Parish the author has not been able to verify, but presumably
it was correct. That such sentiments were entertained will not be
questioned. Osgood denounced the authors of the war as "desperate in
wickedness," etc. See quotations from him and others in _Cong. Globe_,
29, 1, app., 930-1. Weekly N. Y. _Herald_ (non-partisan), Jan. 16,
1847: They who oppose this war will one day stand before the country
like the men of the Hartford Convention. Pierce, Sumner, iii, 139.

34.21. Boston _Atlas_, May 18, 20, 1846. _Monitor Repub._, Feb. 2,
1847. _Nat. Intellig._, May 11; Oct. 15 (Thompson), 26, 1847; Jan. 26,
1848. (Hudson) _Cong. Globe_, 29, 2, p. 418. N. Y. _Tribune_, Nov. 6,
1847. (Calhoun) Benton, Abr. Debates, xvi, 58. Wash. _Union_, Sept.
24, 1846; June 2, 1847. _Diario_, Dec. 20, 1846. Meade, Letters, i,
180. (Joy) Boston _Daily Chronotype_ in N. Y. _Globe_, May 14, 1847.
=137=McLane to Calhoun, Jan. 18, 1848. Richardson, Messages, iv, 473.
(1813-14) Wash. _Union_ Dec. 10, 1846. See also vol. ii, p. 125.

In the office of the sec. of relaciones was found a large collection
of extracts from American speeches and newspapers (N. Y. _Herald_,
Feb. 5, 1848: Gen. Pierce). Whig journals assured Mexico that her cause
was just; that a majority of the Americans detested the war; that our
treasury could not bear the cost; that our government was incompetent;
that it was disloyal to our commanders; that our armies could not win
the war; that soon the administration would be rebuked and its policy
be reversed. The government "stand ready to yield anything that Mexico
may demand as the price of peace," asserted the N. Y. _Courier and
Enquirer_ (Wash. _Union_, July 10, 1847). For numerous other quotations
see _Cong. Globe_, 30, 1, app., 347. April 27, 1847, _El Progreso_
of Querétaro said: The peace party in the United States "have been
encouraging us to sustain ourselves until we could obtain from them a
satisfactory arrangement of our difficulties as soon as they should
come into power" (Wash. _Union_, May 28, 1848).

34.22. =256=Marcy to Wetmore, Jan. 21; Dec. 5, 12, 1846. Welles papers
(Review of Pol. Hist. of U. S.; 2d sess. of 29 Cong.). =253=Mower to
McLean, Aug. 27, 1846. =345=Blair to Van Buren, Jan. 20; Nov. 27, 1846.
=345=Gilpin to Van Buren, May 24, 1846. =345=Thompson to Van Buren,
Dec. 23, 1846. =345=M. Van B., Jr., to Van Buren [Apr. 28, 1846].
Polk, Diary, July 13; Sept. 11, 1846; Jan. 5, 1847. =108=Appleton
to Bancroft, Feb. 24, 1847. =108=Wescott to Bancroft, Mar. 1, 1848.
=253=Reed to McLean, Oct. 26, 1846. =206=J. Graham to Gov. G., Jan. 10,
1847. _Courrier des Etats Unis_, Oct. 17, 1846. =379=Ewing to ----,
Mar. 11, 1846. Wash. _Union_, Nov. 19, 1846. _Niles_, May 16, 1846, p.
175. =234=A. Johnson to ----, July 22, 1846, private. N. Y. _Journ.
of Comm._, Dec. 9, 1846. N. Y. _Herald_, Nov. 14, 1846. Bragg to Van
Buren, Mar. 10, 1847. Seward, Seward at Washington, i, 37, 68, 71. "Old
Hunkers" and "Barnburners" (the Van Buren wing) were the two N. Y.
factions.

34.23. Welles papers: note 34.22. =253=M. Brown to McLean, June 5,
1846. Bragg: note 34.22. =345=Gilpin to Van Buren, May 24, 1846; Apr.
6, 1847. Seward, Seward at Washington, i, 37, 51. _Nat. Intellig._,
Jan. 6, 1847. _Picayune_, Feb. 26, 1848. N. Y. _Journ. Comm._, Jan. 7,
1847. _Public Ledger_, Feb. 12, 1847. N. Y. _Tribune_, Jan. 12, 1847.
Polk, Diary, Nov. 7, 1845; Jan. 28; Mar. 22, 23, 1846; Jan. 14, 1847.
=345=Blair to Van Buren, Nov. 27, 1846. Boston _Atlas_, Jan. 9, 1847.
=345=Welles to Van Buren, July 28, 1846. =256=Marcy to Wetmore, Apr.
23, 1848. (Aspirants) =231=Jackson to Blair, Dec. 14, 1844.

34.24. The author's remarks on Benton, Calhoun and Cass are based on
sources too numerous to be specified, and will not, it is believed,
raise any question. The principal out-of-the-way sources are the
following: Welles papers: note 34.22. =137a=Calhoun to Mathews, Sept.
19, 1847. =210=Hammond-Simms corresp., Mar.-Nov., 1847. =253=M. Brown
to McLean, June 5, 1846. =345=Blair to Van Buren, Jan. 20, 1846.
=345=Poinsett to Van Buren, June 4, 1847. =345=Gilpin to Van Buren,
Nov. 23, 1845. London _Times_, Apr. 17, 1847. =206=J. Graham to
brother, Jan. 10, 1847. Polk, Diary, May 21; June 22, 29, 30, 1846;
Jan. 9, 14, 15, 22; Feb. 8, 13; Apr. 7, 16, 1847. =108=Appleton to
Bancroft, Feb. 24, 1847. Calhoun Corresp., 707 (to T. G. C). =132=King
to Buchanan, Oct. 5, 1847. Calhoun, Works, iv, 371. Boston _Atlas_,
June 1, 1846. Boston _Courier_, Feb. 23, 1847. _Penna. Mag._, xi, 462
(Dallas, Dec. 16). =168=D. H. Lewis, May 11, 1848. Wash. _Union_, Feb.
13, 18; Mar. 15, 17; Apr. 5, 1847. N. Y. _Journ. Comm._, Feb. 15, 1847.
_Public Ledger_, Feb. 12, 16, 1847. =210=Tucker to Hammond, Apr. 24,
1847.

Allen of Ohio, noted for vanity and a powerful voice, felt so disgusted
about the outcome of the Oregon business, that at the beginning of
this session he threw up the chairmanship of the committee on foreign
relations and declined to serve on any committee. Niles, an excellent
man, was a protectionist, like the Pennsylvania Senators. Hannegan was
a man of force but a rabid westerner. He, Dickinson and Breese were
distinctly Cass men. Calhoun's partisans were Butler (So. Carolina),
Lewis (Alabama) and the Florida senators, while Colquitt and Speight
were thought to be guided considerably by him; but as time went on
his influence over most of this group waned. Of the Whig Senators
Webster spent most of his time in the practice of law. Crittenden
was in general honest and sensible; but he and Clayton had induced
Jarnagin to vote for Walker's tariff, believing that it would discredit
the Democrats, and the failure of this unworthy trick damaged their
prestige considerably. Clayton had unusual ability and experience, but
was crafty and insincere. Mangum enjoyed a deserved respect, but was
not of striking ability.

Of the House Democrats, P. King stood high in the confidence of his
colleagues, and had no little skill in leading. C. J. Ingersoll was
the most important Pennsylvanian, but his attainments and eloquence
were accompanied by erratic judgment. Thurman surpassed the other Ohio
Representatives in good conduct and talents, but Brinkerhoff displayed
more activity than he. Douglas ranked first in the Illinois group, and
perhaps first among the supporters of the administration in the House.
Dromgoole (Virginia) possessed remarkable legislative abilities and
reputation; but did not care to exert himself overmuch. McKay (North
Carolina) and Haralson (Georgia) were chairmen, respectively, of the
ways and means and the military committees, but did not distinguish
themselves. Rhett, an able and acute man, was a more consistent
representative of South Carolina principles than Calhoun. Of the
Whigs Severance (Maine) possessed more than average ability. Winthrop
(Massachusetts) was a gentleman, a fine speaker and debater, honest,
scholarly and conservative--an ideal public man. Hudson (Massachusetts)
had energy and character but was too partisan. J. R. Ingersoll
(Pennsylvania) had good abilities and good sense. Giddings (Ohio)
has to be considered a calculating fanatic, not enthusiast, of the
abolition school. Vinton (Ohio) stood among the best on either side of
the House in wisdom, sincerity and good conduct.

34.25. Welles papers: note 34.22. =13=Pakenham, no. 150, 1846. Von
Holst, U. S., iii, 252-4. =139=Fulton to Campbell, Jan. --, 1847.
=198=Ingersoll to Gallatin, Dec. 25, 1847. (Embassy) Webster, Writings,
ix, 157, see vol. ii, p. 123; Wash. _Union_, June 27; Oct. 1, 1846.
_Public Ledger_, Dec. 8, 1846. (Sublimity) _No. American_, Jan. 11,
1847. Pierce, Sumner, iii, 111, 139. Charleston _Mercury_, Jan. 26, 27,
1847. =256=Marcy to Wetmore, Dec. 5, 12, 1846. (The generals, etc.)
Marcy to W., Nov. 14, 1846; Greeley, Recolls., 211; Welles papers;
=345=Wright to Van Buren, Jan. 28, 1847; =169=Letcher to Crittenden,
Dec. 20, 1847; =13=Crampton, no. 9, 1848; Johnston and Browne,
Stephens, 224; Calhoun Corresp., 713, 715-6 (to Mrs. C.); =108=Buchanan
to Bancroft, June 14, 1847; =206=J. Graham to Gov. G., Jan. 10, 1847;
=181=Buchanan to Donelson, May 13, 1847; Wash. _Union_, Jan. 30. Scott
was "in" politics but inactive.

"Old Whitey," it will be recalled, was Taylor's favorite horse. When
the author refers to the course of "the Whigs" or "the Democrats" it is
to be understood, of course, that exceptions existed.

34.26. The principal speeches have been cited elsewhere. They are to
be found, of course, in the _Congressional Globe_ under the proper
headings, and less fully in Benton's Abridged Debates. _Public Ledger_,
Feb. 25, 1847. =191=Fairfield to wife, Apr. 14, 1846.

34.27. See particularly the debate on the $3,000,000 bill and the Ten
Regiment bill, and, in the House, the Loan bill. Wash. _Union_, May 18,
1846.

34.28. Polk, Diary, Dec. 19, 1846. Benton, View, ii, 678. House
proceedings in _Cong. Globe_, 29, 2, Dec. 8-16. Richardson, Messages,
iv, 506-7, 594-600. U. S. _vs._ Rice: 4 Wheaton, 246, 253. Story,
Commentaries on the Constitution, § 1318. Butler, Treaty-making Power,
i, 128, 168-9. (Decision, Castine, Harrison) Wash. _Union_, Dec. 11,
15, 26, 1846; Dec. 12, 1847. Kent, Commentaries, i, 282. _Cong. Globe_,
29, 2, app., 130, col. 1. Von Holst, U. S., iii, 261, note 1, 336.
(Kearny a Whig) Richmond _Whig_ in _Nat. Intellig._, Oct. 19, 1846.
(Unhappy) _Amer. Review_, Feb., 1848, p. 110. _Public Ledger_, Feb. 8,
1847.

The _National Intelligencer_ had the hardihood to state (Dec. 25,
1846): "It is the opinion of the President that the fact of conquest
annexes foreign provinces to the United States." The Texans complained
because the part of New Mexico claimed by them was occupied by Kearny;
but since the enemy had held it by military force this action was
proper, and Buchanan assured Henderson that the temporary military
occupation would not affect the rights of his state (Buchanan, Works,
vii, 215). The author did not find Harrison's proclamation in Ms.;
but Mr. D. M. Matteson discovered it in _Niles_, Nov. 27, 1813, p.
215. Copies of official documents in the Burton Historical Collection,
kindly furnished to the author, throw further light on the fact that
American sovereignty over a portion of Canada was declared in 1813. The
subject is certainly an interesting one.

34.29. The Whigs wished to repeal all of the new fiscal policy. Welles
papers: note 34.22. Wash. _Union_, Mar. 9, 1847. Lyell, Second Visit
(N. Y., 1849), 256. _Public Ledger_, Dec. 8, 1846. (_Nat. Intellig._)
Charleston _Mercury_, Jan. 12, 26, 1847. Pierce, Sumner, iii, 122.
_Niles_, Jan. 2, 1847, p. 288. Boston _Atlas_, Jan. 6; Feb. 6, 1847.
(Webster) _Niles_, Jan. 9, 1847, p. 303. N. Y. _Journ. of Comm._, Jan.
4, 1847. N. Y. _Tribune_, Feb. 14, 1847. _No. American_, Dec. 24, 1846;
Jan. 4, 1847. Polk, Diary, Jan. 22, 1847. _Nat. Intellig._, Jan. 14,
1847 (if the government desires the coöperation of the Whigs, let it
repeal the tariff and sub-treasury Acts). Note also the treatment of
the important public land question (vol. ii, p. 261).

34.30. _Cong. Globe_, 29, 1, pp. 1211-21. Greeley, Amer. Conflict, i,
189. Smith, Annex. of Tex., 314, 351-2. Welles papers. McLaughlin,
Cass, 229. Cole, Whig Party, 119, 122-4. Polk, Diary, Dec. 19, 23,
1846; Jan. 4, 16, 22, 23, 1847. Benton, View, ii, 695. Wilson, Rise and
Fall, ii, 15, 16. =13=Pakenham, no. 5, 1847. =108=Polk to Bancroft,
Jan. 30, 1847, private. Meigs, Benton, 371. Amer. Hist. Assoc. Report,
1911, i, 187-95 (C. E. Persinger). _Cong. Globe_, 29, 2, pp. 453-5,
541-55. Von Holst, U. S., iii, 301, 306-7. Calhoun, Works, iv, 323.
=137=Fisher to Calhoun, Aug. 22, 1847. Stephens, U. S., 391. Cutts,
Questions, 154. Garrison, Extension, 254-68. Boston _Atlas_, Jan. 4,
1847. Blaine, Twenty Years, i, 73. _So. Qtrly. Review_, Jan., 1851,
p. 196. Wash. _Union_, July 3; Aug. 12, 1846; Jan. 16, 1847. N. Y.
_Herald_, Jan. 16; Feb. 20, 1847. Merriam, Bowles, i, 48. =139=Gentry
to Campbell, Apr. 18, 1848.

The Proviso, offered as an amendment to the $2,000,000 and $3,000,000
bills, was objected to because: 1, J. Q. Adams, Benton and others
argued that any territory acquired from Mexico would come to us "free"
by law, and slavery would not exist there unless subsequent legislation
and also the natural conditions should be favorable to it; 2, the
question would necessarily be settled when Congress should have to
decide regarding the government of such territory, and present action
would not bind a future Congress; 3, it did not relate to American
territory, property or citizens--in short it related to nothing that
existed; 4, the only way to reach the end aimed at by the Proviso
would be through a treaty, and, should the treaty be violated, Mexico
would have a right to interfere with our domestic affairs; 5, the
President would have no right to sign such a treaty, for the subject
belonged to Congress; 6, the American Senate would not ratify such
a treaty, and hence the adoption of the Proviso would prevent peace
and the acquisition of territory; 7, it was insulting to Mexico to
legislate about territory belonging to her, would scandalize the world,
and might prolong the war; 8, the Proviso stood in the way of needed
war legislation, tended to alarm the South and lessen its interest
in the war, incited to discord at a time when harmony was peculiarly
desirable, promoted sectionalism, and, if adopted, might render the
administration powerless to wage the war successfully. As is well
known, Brinkerhoff of Ohio was the father of the Proviso, but for
strategical reasons Wilmot was asked to introduce it. Wilmot himself
did not insist upon the Proviso, when Polk explained to him some of
the difficulties. For a convenient review of the later history of the
Proviso principle see Lalor, Cyclopædia, iii, 1115-7. The Proviso
threatened Whig unity and success, of course, because the northern wing
and the southern wing of the party could not agree regarding slavery.

34.31. =137=Fisher to Calhoun, Aug. 22, 1847. (Committed) Richardson,
Messages, iv, 536-41. =169=Rives to Crittenden, Feb. 5, 8, 1847.
=330=J. P. to Z. Taylor, Sept. 8, 1847. Merriam, Bowles, i, 48.
Curtis, Webster, i, 303-7, 324 5[missing hyphen of 324-5?F1]. Webster,
Writings, ix, 257-9; xiii, 328. =13=Pakenham, no. 18, 1847. Lalor,
Cyclopædia, iii, 1105. _Amer. Review_, Oct., 1847, 345-6. Louisville
_Journal_, Sept. 17, 1847. Cincinn. _Enquirer_, Nov. 15, 1847.
_Cong. Globe_, 29, 2, pp. 555-6 (Webster); app., 296-302 (Berrien).
=132=Donelson to Buchanan, Jan. 8, 1847. =132=Bancroft to _Id._, Oct.
18, 1847. Boston _Courier_, Feb. 14, 1848. Corwin to F., Feb. 4, 1847:
Ohio Phil. and Hist. Soc. Pubs., July-Sept., 1914. Benton, Abr. Debs.,
xvi, 42 (Berrien). Wash. _Union_, Feb. 8, 25; Sept. 8, 13, 16; Oct.
5, 1847. _Public Ledger_, Feb. 8, 17, 1847. Cole, Whig Party, 119-22.
Pierce, Sumner, iii, 159. _Nat. Intellig._, Sept. 7, 1847.

Berrien's words (Benton, Abr. Debates, xvi, 42): The war "ought not to
be prosecuted ... with any view to the dismemberment of that republic,
or to the acquisition by conquest of any part of her territory"; this
government "will always be ready to enter into negotiations, with a
view to terminate the present unhappy conflict on terms which shall
... preserve inviolate the national honor ... of Mexico"; "it is
especially desirable ... that the boundary of the State of Texas should
be definitely settled, and that provision be made by the republic of
Mexico for the prompt and equitable settlement of the just claims of
our citizens." Naturally the Whigs endeavored to recommend the "No
territory" idea by dwelling on other points (_e.g._ the country was
already large enough; this plan would prevent a struggle between North
and South over slavery; without it no treaty with Mexico could be
ratified). How much merit these arguments possessed, it is unnecessary
to point out; but no doubt there was more or less honest belief in
them, especially among the rank and file. The people in general,
however, were against giving up all the fruits of our victories, and
even Calhoun admitted that we could not get out of the war with credit
unless we made a large gain in territory.

34.32. =256=Marcy to Wetmore, Dec. 5, 12, 1846. =108=Appleton to
Bancroft, Feb. 24, 1847. =108=Polk to Bancroft, Jan. 30, 1847, private.
Welles papers. _Public Ledger_, Mar. 2, 1847. Boston _Atlas_, Jan. 18,
21; Feb. 8; Mar. 3, 1847. Polk, Diary, Jan. 19, 1847. _Nat. Intellig._,
Aug. 11, 1846; July 22, 1847. N. Y. _Journ. Comm._, Jan. 7, 1847. N. Y.
_Express_, Sept. 4, 1847. N. Y. _Tribune_, Jan. 8, 1847; Jan. 27, 1848.
Balt. _American_ in Wash. _Union_, Sept. 8, 1847. _No. American_, Dec.
30, 1846; Oct. 6, 1847. Slidell to Buchanan, Nov. 5, 1846: "The fate
of the administration depends on the successful conduct of the war"
(Curtis, Buchanan, i, 601).

34.33. (Elected) Smith, Annex. of Texas, 307-9. =169=Burnley to
Crittenden, Dec. 12, 1847. =132=R. Taylor to Buchanan, Nov. 18, 1847,
private. Seward, Seward at Washington, i, 57-8. Schurz, Clay, ii,
290-2. Wash. _Union_, Nov. 16-18, 24 (Clay's speech in full, which
Colton does not give complete), 27, 29; Dec. 1, 1847. N. Y. _Sun_,
Nov. 16, 1847. N. Y. _Herald_, Nov. 17, 1847. Cincinn. _Enquirer_,
Nov. 15, 1847. (Abhorrent) _Amer. Review_, Feb., 1848, 110. Lexington
_Observer_, Nov. 17, 1847. Clay, Works (Colton, ed.), iii, 60-7. _No.
American_, Dec. 4, 1847. Cole, Whig Party, 120. Shackford, Citizen's
Appeal, 18. Hill, Lawrence, 76. (In Mexico) =256=J. Parrott to Marcy,
Dec. 27, 1847, private. Webster, Writings, xiii, 328.

34.34. =169=Rives to Crittenden, Feb. 8, 1847. =13=Pakenham, no. 132,
1846. _Cong. Globe_, 29, 2, app., 211-8 (Corwin), 282-9 (Severance).
Corwin to Follett, Feb. 4, 1847: Ohio Phil. and Hist. Soc. Pubs.,
July-Sept., 1914. N. Y. _Tribune_, Jan. 25, 1847. _No. American_, May
27, 1847. Sumner, Orations, ii, 143, 187. Pierce, Sumner, iii, 138,
140. =253=Dowling to McLean, Dec. 7, 1847.

34.35. Semmes, Service, 69. =253=Mower to McLean, Nov. 22; Dec. 13,
1847. =345=Niles to Van Buren, Jan. 20, 1848. =137=Rhett to Calhoun,
May 20, 1847. =169=Prunt to Crittenden, Dec. 5, 1847. London _Times_,
Feb. 15, 1848. =13=Crampton, no. 42, 1847. Calhoun Corresp., 727-8
(to D. G.), 737-9 (to W. T.). Sherman Letters, 38. Welles papers.
=108=Polk to Bancroft, Jan. 30, 1847, private. _Nat. Intellig._, Aug.
17; Dec. 27, 1847; Jan. 10, 1848. _Public Ledger_, Dec. 25, 1847; Jan.
31; Feb. 11, 1848. Bourne, Essays, 227. _Cong. Globe_, 30, 1, pp. 93
(withdrawal), 94 (vote), 95 (unconstitutional), 391-2 (Schenck), 396
(Henley), 495, 530 (Webster), 566 (Hilliard). _Amer. Review_, vi, 331,
342. Von Holst, U. S., iii, 289, 337. Amer. Hist. Assoc. Report, 1911,
ii, 83 (Lamar). N. Y. _Journ. Comm._, Jan. 27, 1848. Cincinn. _Atlas_
in Wash. _Union_, Aug. 25, 1847. Ohio _State Journal_: _ibid._, Aug.
30. Wash. _Union_, Nov. 4; Dec. 16, 1847. =335=Dimond to Trist, Oct.
27, 1847. =335=Buchanan to Trist, Oct. 7, 24, 1847, private. N. Y.
_Tribune_, Nov. 5, 1847. N. Y. _Herald_, Dec. 4, 1847. =198=G. Davis to
Gallatin, Mar. 6, 1848. =345=Law to Van Buren, Aug. 2, 1847.

Public sentiment was well voiced by the governor of Virginia in a
=42=Message to the Assembly, Dec. 6, 1847 (exec. letter book, no. 73,
p. 325): "Shall the insolent Mexican go unpunished? Shall the glories
of Palo Alto, Resaca de La Palma, Monterey, etc., pass away in a dream,
leaving no solid memorials behind them of a skill, a gallantry, and a
self-sacrificing devotion unsurpassed in the history of man? I regard
this war as a practical question, and to be disposed of accordingly.
That morbid sympathy that lives only for Mexico--that Mexico which
murders the drunken soldier, and lances the wounded on the field of
battle--I cannot approve, nor can I respect that closet philosophy that
calls on us to surrender everything because we are victorious. No, my
sympathies are for my country, for the gallant dead, for those whose
mighty deeds have given a bolder and a broader light to our glorious
constellation, for the widows and for their orphans.... I would be just
to Mexico, but just also to my own country."

The difficulty of reaching an agreement in Congress about the
relation of slavery interests to the war was thought by the British
representative to stand in the way of compelling the administration to
stop hostilities (=13=Crampton, no. 71, Dec. 30, 1847), and no doubt
had considerable effect. In the speakership contest 220 Representatives
voted (_Cong. Globe_, 30, 1, p. 2). To hold that Congress had power to
prescribe the objects of the war was virtually to declare Congress the
supreme commander and treaty-making power. It was also to declare the
nation impotent to wage the war, for, as the parties stood, it could
not pass a bill over the President's veto.

34.36. =345=Poinsett to Van Buren, June 4, 1847. =345=Blair to _Id._,
Dec. 9, 1847. Webster, Writings, x, 262 (_re_ Ten Regiment bill: the
war unnecessary and unconstitutional). =256=Marcy to Wetmore, Jan. 28,
1848. _Public Ledger_, Dec. 15, 1847; Jan. 31; Feb. 2, 1848. Wash.
_Union_, Mar. 24, 1848. _Cong. Globe_, 30, 1, pp. 57-8 (Goggin), 154-6
(Lincoln), 267-9 (resolutions), 415-7 (Smith), 495-6, 530-5 (Webster),
etc. (Direct taxes) N. Y. _Journ. Comm._, Dec. 25, 1847. (Chairman) N.
Y. _Herald_, Feb. 13, 1848 (financial article). _Nat. Intellig._, Jan.
17, 1848.

The British chargé at Washington, though that legation was strongly in
sympathy with the Whigs, reported that the Whigs lost no opportunity
to embarrass and discredit the administration (=13=Crampton, no. 19,
Feb. 9, 1848). Slidell's instructions never having been acted upon,
were practically a dead letter, and it was important not to make them
public, lest the Mexicans, knowing on what terms the United States
had been willing to restore friendly intercourse, should use the
information to embarrass future negotiations; but the House, admitting
this point by promising to keep them secret--which everybody knew
could not be done--demanded them, and resented Polk's wise refusal to
transmit them. The _National Intelligencer_ (Dec. 18, 1847) asserted
that Slidell had been "ordered not to negotiate a settlement of the
Boundary of Texas ... unless in complication with the cession to the U.
S. of California," which was positively false. Polk, Diary, Jan. 5, 6,
8, 10, 13, 17, 23; July 6, 1848. After peace was declared he sent them
(Richardson, Messages, iv, 594-600).

The Mexican tariff gave rise to some of the best declamation of the
war period. The _National Intelligencer_ accused Polk of exercising
"absolute monarchical power" in that matter (Apr. 3, 1847). The Albany
_Statesman_ (Apr. 9) said, "This is surely the most flagrant usurpation
and the most matchless piece of impudence with which any ruler in
modern times has ever ventured to insult an intelligent people." In
March, 1848, the subject came up in Congress, and Webster (Writings,
x, 262) declared the President had no right to lay the duties, and
that the duties were paid by Americans and neutrals; whereas in
fact his military powers gave the President ample authority, and of
course the duties were added to the prices of the goods. The _National
Intelligencer_ went so far as to deny that the President had any
military initiative whatever, and to assert that as commander-in-chief
he was merely "a subordinate" of Congress (see Wash. _Union_, Aug. 21,
1847).

34.37. =256=Marcy to Wetmore, Dec. 5, 1846. _Spirit of the Age_, Feb.
3, 1848.

34.38. Wash. _Union_, June 9, 1848. =157=Barclay to Cobb, Dec. 24,
1847. _Nat. Intellig._, June 10, 1848. (Illegal) Delano's words,
p. 277. (Advised) =370=To Davis, Apr. 18, 1848. (Mil. spirit)
Wash. _Union_, May 22, 1847. Norfolk _Herald_, Apr. 12, 1847.
Every Representative who had voted or said that Polk began the war
unconstitutionally was bound to move for his impeachment.

34.39. By "Hosea Biglow" the author means, of course, the ideas
expressed by Lowell in his _Biglow Papers_.

34.40. As early as Jan. 2, 1847, the N. Y. _Herald_, a non-partisan
journal, said the course of the Whigs with reference to the war had
almost ruined them in public estimation. Indeed that fact has been
in a general way recognized (Pierce, Sumner, iii, 111; Schurz, Clay,
ii, 289; Von Holst, U. S., iii, 252). Probably the reasons why the
Democrats behaved better than the Whigs were that (1) circumstances
did not involve them in such dilemmas, and (2) they had the
responsibilities of conducting affairs.


XXXV. THE FOREIGN RELATIONS OF THE WAR

35.1. It should be remembered that American newspapers and public
men were saying unpleasant things about England at this period. The
dislike was mutual as well as natural. She still entertained, no doubt,
a smouldering resentment against this country for having dared to
become independent, and she noted with a jealousy that is quite easily
understood the rapid growth of her sometime colony in population,
wealth and commercial importance.

35.2. Polk said: "Even France, the country which had been our ancient
ally, the country which has a common interest with us in maintaining
the freedom of the seas, the country which, by the cession of
Louisiana, first opened to us access to the Gulf of Mexico, the country
with which we have been every year drawing more and more closely the
bonds of successful commerce, most unexpectedly, and to our unfeigned
regret, took part in an effort to prevent annexation and to impose on
Texas, as a condition of the recognition of her independence by Mexico,
that she would never join herself to the United States" (Richardson,
Messages, iv, 387). For further information regarding the interference
of England and France see J. H. Smith, The Annexation of Texas. Polk
was treated alternately by the _Journal des Débats_ and by most of the
English press as a nonentity and as a power for evil.

35.3. _Standing of the United States abroad._ =108=Sumner to Bancroft.
Feb. 1, 1846. (Hate) =297=McLane to Polk (received June 21, 1846).
Bennett, Mems., 386. =52=Bancroft, no. 25, May 3, 1847. =77=Mangino,
no. 10, Mar. 8, 1837; Jan. 29, 1846, res. Smith, Annex. of Texas,
382. London _Morning Post_, Apr. 5, 1846. Jameson, Calhoun Corresp.,
653, 698. N. Y. _Herald_, June 8, 1844. =77=Murphy, nos. 17, Nov. 1,
1845, res.; 2, Jan. 1, 1846. _Nat. Intelligencer_, June 22, 1847.
=132=Donelson to Buchanan, Jan. 8, 1847. =52=King, nos. 21, 25, 28,
29, Jan. 1, 30; June 1, 30, 1846. _Constitutionnel_, Jan. 15, 1846.
_National_, Nov. 28, 1844; Dec. 3, 1845; Jan. 22; May 16, 1846.
=52=McLane, nos. 18, May 21, 1830; 5, Sept. 18, 1845; 54, 55, June 3,
18, 1846. _Morning Chronicle_, Dec. 25, 1845; Jan. 17; July 27, 1846.
_Britannia_, Jan. 10; Mar. 28; Apr. 18, 1846. _Spectator_, Feb. 7;
Sept. 26, 1846. _Examiner_, Mar. 29, 1845. _Standard_, Nov. 25, 1844.
Richardson, Messages, iv, 387. _Times_, Sept. 23; Dec. 27, 1845; Jan.
26, 1846; Mar. 27, 1847. _Journal des Débats_, Jan. 22; May 15, 1846;
Jan. 2-3, 1848.

Martin, our chargé at Paris, wrote (=52=no. 17, Aug. 15, 1845) that
the skill, prudence, firmness and disregard of European interference
exhibited by our government in dealing with the annexation of Texas had
improved our position in Europe; and McLane expressed the opinion (no.
5, Sept. 18, 1845) that our spirited preparations during the summer of
1845 to fight Mexico had had a good effect; but these were matters to
increase respect rather than favor. The London _Morning Chronicle_ of
July 27, 1846, after we had shown our prowess, politely explained our
occasional coarseness of manners and speech as due to the working out
of the principle of political equality, and asserted that the English
middle classes viewed the United States with admiration and pride as a
"magnificent demonstration of the progressive energy and self-governing
power of their own victorious race." Probably a similar feeling lurked
in the upper and controlling classes. McLane's report to Polk, cited at
the end of the paragraph, was made in June, 1846; but such a state of
feeling could not have arisen in a few months.

35.4. _Standing of Mexico abroad._ Duflot de Mofras, Exploration, i,
32. (Odium) =13=Foreign Office to Bankhead, no. 53, Dec. 31, 1844.
=13=Bankhead, no. 99, July 30, 1846. =52=McLane, nos. 18, May 21, 1830;
69, Aug. 15, 1846. =77=Mangino, no. 10, Mar. 8, 1837. =77=Relaciones
to ministers at London and Paris, July 30, 1845. Memoria de ...
Relaciones, Dec, 1846. =77=Murphy, no. 5, Apr. 1, 1845. =77=Peña
to Garro, no. 24, Oct. 28, 1845. =77=Cuevas to Garro, no. 15, July
30, 1845, res. (Told) =73=Lozano, no. 3, Aug. 25, 1847, res. V.
Cruz _Locomotor_, July 26, 1846. _Amer. Review_, Jan., 1846, p. 87.
Dwinelle, Address, 11. London _Athenæum_, Sept. 13, 1845. _Journal
des Débats_, Feb. 18; July 9, 1845; July 8, 1846. _National_, Nov.
19, 1844; Jan. 18, 1846. London _Morning Chronicle_, Sept. 15, 1846.
Thompson, Recollections, 236. _Spectator_, Sept. 19, 1846. _Examiner_,
Aug. 2, 1845. Smith, Annexation, 382, etc. London _Times_, Apr. 11;
Aug. 25, 1846.

Even during the war Mexico gave offence to England by her treatment of
the offer to mediate (vol. ii, p. 368) and by her action regarding her
debt. In the latter business Bankhead charged her with a "breach of
publick faith" (=77=to Relaciones, May 18, 1847).

35.5. Buchanan wished to give a pledge to take no Mexican territory,
insisting that unless we should do so, if interrogated, it was "almost
certain that both England and France would join with Mexico." Polk
refused, however, to do this, adding that such an inquiry would be
"insulting" and would not be answered, and adding also that he would
like to obtain a proper territorial indemnity (Polk, Diary, May 13,
1846). Doubtless Buchanan had an eye to his standing with the northern
Democrats, who did not wish the area of slavery extended.

35.6. See vol. i, p. 181 for the Message.

35.7. For this paragraph. Buchanan, Works, vi, 484-5. =59=Confidential
circular, May 14, 1846. See also Ho. Rep. 752; 29, 1, pp. 50-2.

35.8. For commercial reasons Spain was particularly jealous of our
blockade, and although treated with special indulgence, she complained
more than any other power; but no real friction resulted. See chap.
xxx, notes 30.7, 30.8.

35.9. For these two paragraphs. =52=Martin, no. 13, May 15, 1847.
Gutiérrez de Estrada, México en 1840, p. 32. _Gaceta de la Nueva
Granada_, Aug. 16, 1846, etc. _Peruano, passim._ _Comercio, passim._
=72=Span. govt. to capt. gen. Cuba, June 18, 1846 (including
correspondence with the Spanish minister at Washington). Dix, Speeches,
i, 214, note. Sen. 52; 30, 1, p. 207. _Heraldo_, Apr. 26, 1847. Ho.
60; 30, 1, p. 1009. Buchanan, Works, vii, 290-2; viii, 282-3, 298-9.
=52=Irving, July 18; Aug. 15; Oct. 8, 1846. =52=Saunders, nos. 1, Aug.
6; 6, Nov. 16, 1846; 8, Feb. 13; 24, Nov. 6, 1847.

R. M. Saunders, the American minister, mistakenly invited an offer of
mediation from Spain, but she felt very much afraid that we should
reject it, and also that it might give offence to England and France.
No written communications on the subject passed between him and the
Spanish government, however. _El Heraldo_ also remarked that the war
would tend to unite the Spaniards of both Americas against the U.
S., and that Spain, seizing the opportunity, should offer them her
protection and tolerate no other influence. Such a suggestion was not
likely to help Mexico.

35.10. =108=Bancroft to Polk, June 3, 1847. =355=Wheaton, no. 287,
June 23, 1846. =181=Donelson to Buchanan, July 7, 19; Sept. 18, 1846.
=132=_Id._, Jan. 8; Feb. 21, private, 1847. =181=Canitz to Wheaton,
June 25, 1846.

Baron Gerolt, the Prussian minister at Washington, sympathized with and
assisted our government (=181=Buchanan to Donelson, May 23, 1848).

35.11. =297=McLane to Polk (received June 21, 1846). =13=To Bankhead,
nos. 18, 34, May 31; Oct. 1, 1845; 15, June 1, 1846. =52=McLane, nos.
5, Sept. 18, 1845; 50, 54, 55, 69, May 29; June 3, 18; Aug. 15, 1846.
=77=Murphy, no. 2, Jan. 1, 1846. =52=King, no. 28, June 1, 1846.
_Journal des Débats_, Feb. 4, 1845. =137=Saunders to Calhoun, June
27, 1846. Gordon, Aberdeen, 183-4. London _Morning Post_, Jan. 17;
Apr. 5, 1846. =335=McLane, May 29, 1846. _Morning Chronicle_, Feb. 3;
May 30, 1846. _Morning Herald_, June 24, 1846. _Britannia_, May 3,
1845. _Times_, Sept. 1, 1845; May 14; June 1, 11; Aug. 25, 31, 1846.
=13=Bankhead, no. 94, Sept. 29, 1845. =52=Everett, no. 337, July 4,
1845. Calhoun Correspondence, 698.

35.12. McLane did not feel quite so confident. His private =297=letter
of January 17, 1846, to Polk said that in case of war with England he
was not sure popular sentiment would be able to restrain the French
government; but the representative of Mexico at Paris believed that in
such an event the government would probably be unable to "neutralize
the effects of the innate hatred of the French toward their neighbors
and rivals," the British (=77=Mangino, Jan. 29, 1846, res.).

35.13. =77=Garro, May 30, 1845, res. =11=Mexique, xi, 215 (Deffaudis).
=297=McLane to Polk, Jan. 17, 1846, private. Charleston _Mercury_,
Sept. 8, 1846 (Paris letter). =52=King, nos. 25, 28, 29, Jan. 30;
June 1, 30, 1846. _National_, June 27, 30, 1846. _Correspondant_, May
1; Nov. 15, 1846; Jan. 15, 1817. _Morning Chronicle_, Feb. 3, 1846.
_Journal des Débats_, Feb. 4; July 9, 1845.

35.14. Aberdeen's intimation was construed in England as an offer of
mediation, while the American government insisted that no such offer
was made by him; but this difference of view did not lead to friction.
Pakenham told Buchanan he had received no instructions on the subject,
but knew that his government would be glad to bring about peace by
interposing its good offices. Buchanan replied that he was afraid
formal mediation would prove a vain and "entangling" affair for the
mediating power. So thought Pakenham, for he believed the United States
would make territorial demands which England would not be willing to
countenance or advise Mexico to accept. Buchanan added that we should
be glad to have England persuade Mexico to listen to reason, since our
government was anxious to establish peace on just and even generous
terms (=13=Pakenham, no. 82, June 28, 1846). Pakenham concluded that
our government relied on "the anxiety which England must feel, for
the sake of her trade with Mexico and the safety of British interests
committed in so many ways in that country, to see peace reëstablished
between the two Republics" (=13=_Id._, no. 93, July 13, 1846). Senator
Archer hinted to Polk that he (Archer) could bring about mediation
through his friend Pakenham, but met of course with no encouragement
(Polk, Diary, Sept. 4, 1846).

35.15. This was described by Palmerston in Parliament as a definite
offer of mediation (_Morning Chronicle_, Aug. 26). The settlement of
the Oregon difficulty made such an offer more proper than it would have
been at an earlier date.

35.16. Buchanan was absent from Washington at this time (Pakenham, no.
16). According to the New York correspondent of the London _Times_,
the Americans feared that unsuccessful mediation might be construed as
giving some color of right to authoritative interposition (_Times_,
Oct. 15, 1846).

35.17. _British mediation._ Polk, Diary, Sept. 4, 10, 11, 1846. =52=To
McLane, no. 44, July 27. =52=McLane, nos. 55, 69, June 18; Aug. 15,
1846. =52=Boyd, no. 3, Sept. 18. =13=To Pakenham, no. 10, Aug. 18,
1846. =13=Pakenham, nos. 82, 93, 99, 107, 116, 119, 132, June 28; July
13, 29; Aug. 13; Sept. 13, 28; Nov. 23, 1846; no. 56, Apr. 28, 1847.
London _Times_ (Bentinck, Disraeli), Aug. 25; Oct. 15, 1846. =1=Ms.
speech of Aug. 6, 1846. _Morning Chronicle_, Aug. 26, 1847. _Journal
des Débats_, (fop) June 30; Aug. 27, 1846.

Both of these British attempts to mediate were accompanied with similar
offers to Mexico, which proved equally unfruitful (vol. ii, p. 368). At
the end of October Bankhead was instructed to advise Mexico that, since
the United States had rejected the British good offices, she should
settle with us at once on the most favorable terms that she could
obtain.

35.18. For the benefit of the Mexican government, the Foreign Office
wrote to Bankhead (=13=no. 15), June 1, 1846: "She [Great Britain]
would find herself engaged in a war with a Nation with whom she would
have no personal cause of quarrel, in behalf of a Nation and Government
which she has repeatedly warned in the most friendly and urgent manner
of their danger, and which, solely in consequence of their wilfull
contempt of that warning, have at last plunged headlong down the
precipice from which the British Government spared no efforts to save
them"; and Bankhead was instructed to let Paredes know "the real state
of the case without disguise." Aberdeen's thus declining to interfere
on behalf of Mexico was particularly natural in view of the talk that
had occurred with the Mexican minister at London while the Oregon issue
was pending (vol. i, p. 115, and note 5.27 _infra_). As a step intended
to settle that issue had now been taken, it appeared probable that
there would be no longer any occasion to tow Mexico along, and, as
Aberdeen was aware on June 1 that hostilities had occurred near the Rio
Grande, it seemed important to disentangle himself completely, so as to
be able to act with a free hand.

35.19. July 26, 1846, the _Times_ asserted that a war with the United
States "would be the very farthest from being unpopular" (denied the
next day by the _Morning Chronicle_ so far as the mass of the Liberals
were concerned), and on September 28 said there had been few modern
cases in which England could have "imposed" her arbitration with
greater reason than upon the United States and Mexico.

35.20. For this paragraph. =13=To Bankhead, nos. 18, May 31; 34, Oct.
1, 1845; 15, June 1, 1846. =77=Murphy, no. 17, Nov. 1, 1845, res.
London _Globe_, Aug. 25, 1846. London _Spectator_, May 30; Sept. 26,
1846. =13=Palmerston, memo. of reply to Bankhead's no. 46, Apr. 30,
1847. =52=McLane, no. 54, June 3, 1846. London _Times_, July 26;
Aug. 25, 26; Sept. 16, 1846. _Morning Chronicle_, July 27, 1846.
_Britannia_, Mar. 9, 1844; Apr. 18, 1846; Jan. 9, 1847. _Examiner_, May
30, 1846. _Morning Herald_, June 24, 1846.

35.21. =77=Murphy, nos. 15, Oct. 1, 1845, muy res.; 17, Nov. 1,
1845, res.; 19, Dec. 1, 1845, res.; 4, Feb. 1, 1846, res. =77=Peña y
Peña to Murphy, no. 14, Dec. 27, 1845. _Diario_, Dec. 29, 31, 1846.
Mora, Papeles Inéditos, 71-3. Gordon, Aberdeen, 183-4. =13=Mora to
Palmerston, Dec. 15, 1847. =13=Palmerston, memo. in reply to Mora, Dec.
25, 1847; Jan. 1, 1848, to Mora. =13=To Bankhead, nos. 18, May 31,
1845; 15, June 1; 4, Aug. 15, 1846. London _Times_, Sept. 10, 1845;
July 15, 1846. For the attitude of England in reference to California
see chap. xvi, note 16.8.

35.22. Aberdeen told Murphy about the first of August, 1845, that the
course of England and France in the event of war between Mexico and
the United States would very likely depend upon incidents that might
occur, and gave Murphy the impression that he would like to have the
war take place and prove favorable to Mexico (=77=Murphy, no. 9,
August 1, 1845). Some friction arose between American authorities and
French subjects in California. The United States justly attributed it
to the latter, but took occasion to assure France that we would not
"tolerate" any action on the part of American agents giving "just cause
of complaint" to foreigners inhabiting regions occupied by our troops
(Buchanan, Works, vii, 372).

35.23. The London _Examiner_ of May 15, 1847, said: "Much of the
British goods in depot at the West Indian Islands have been forced into
Mexico through the medium of the new American custom house at Tampico;"
the capture of Vera Cruz will facilitate this operation; "and thus,
instead of quarreling with the Americans in behalf of Mexico, we, or at
least our traders, are quietly sharing with the Americans the profits
of Mexican subjugation." See, however, chap. xxxiii, p. 263.

35.24. For this paragraph. Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 951. (Broglie)
=108=Bancroft to Polk, Oct. 18, 1847. Howe, Bancroft, ii, 10, 17.
=297=McLane to Polk (received June 21, 1846). =52=_Id._, no. 69, Aug.
15, 1846. =52=Bancroft, nos. 25, May 3; 46, Dec. 4, 1847. =13=Pakenham,
nos. 102, Aug. 13; 111, Sept. 13, 1846. =13=Crampton, no. 21, July 29,
1847. (Invariably) =13=Doyle, no. 5, Jan. 13, 1848. =132=Bancroft, Nov.
3, 1846. Buchanan, Works, vii, 290-2, 366-8, 372-3. _National_, May 1,
1847. _Correspondant_, May 1, 1846. =53=Buchanan to Pageot, July 21,
1847. _Examiner_, May 15, 1847. =77=Murphy, no. 9, Aug. 1, 1845. See
chap. xxx, note 30.8. The Mexicans expected that the injury done to
neutral commerce by the war would lead foreign nations to help them
(=13=Bankhead, no. 162, 1846). For privateering see vol. ii, pp. 191-3;
for the low tariff, see vol. ii, pp. 261-3.

35.25. Revolutionary movements broke out in Italy (January), France
(February), Germany, and Austria (March). Louis Philippe lost his
throne.

35.26. For this paragraph. =108=Bancroft to Polk, Jan. 4; May 14, 1847.
=108=_Id._ to Buchanan, Nov. 3, 1847. Howe, Bancroft, ii, 5. London
_Globe_, Aug. 25, 1846. =52=Bancroft, no. 46, Dec. 4, 1847. _National_,
Nov. 24, 1845. _Correspondant_, Feb. 1, 1846. =297=McLane to Polk, Aug.
2, 1846. =73=Bermúdez de Castro, no. 294, res., July 28, 1846. =13=To
Bankhead, no. 15, June 1, 1846. =52=Martin, no. 13, May 15, 1847.
=52=Boyd, no. 2, Sept. 3, 1846.

Peña y Peña (Comunicación Circular) said publicly and distinctly in
1848 that foreign powers signified to Mexico that they regarded the
annexation of Texas as an accomplished fact; and he added that the one
most interested to prevent the aggrandizement of the United States felt
that its economic interests required it to digest in silence its own
grievances rather than compromise those interests by declaring war.

35.27. Aberdeen said to Murphy that England did not wish to fight the
United States _alone_, but added that "if France would join her, the
case would be very different"; and he actually requested the French
minister at London to sound Guizot on the subject (=77=Murphy, no. 15,
Oct. 1, 1845, muy res.). After another talk Murphy reported to the same
effect: "[Aberdeen] would not mind in the least having a war [with
the United States] if he could drag France along behind him" [_Nada
le importaría esa Guerra si pudiese arrastrar tras sí á la Francia_]
(=77=no. 17, Nov. 1, 1845, res.). It is of course possible that
Murphy attached too much seriousness to Aberdeen's remarks; but the
authorities at Mexico had to take his reports as they stood.

35.28. Murphy, who seems to have been at this time in the most
intimate relations with Aberdeen, reported (=77=no. 15, Oct. 1, 1845,
muy res.): France, in accordance with her long-standing disposition
and animosities, "would be capable not only of opposing the views of
Great Britain, but even of going so far as to make common cause with
the United States against her, forcing Louis Philippe to adopt this
extreme course however repugnant it might be to him. It is therefore
not strange that the British minister views with dread anything that
might expose him to war with the United States without securing a
perfect understanding in advance with France, not because he needs the
aid of her physical strength in a conflict with those States, but to
commit her in such a manner that her physical strength would not be
added to that of the enemy, causing perhaps a general conflagration of
incalculable consequences in the world."

35.29. For this paragraph. =108=Bancroft to Polk, Jan. 19, 1847. Howe,
Bancroft, ii, 5-6. =52=Boyd, no. 3, Sept. 18, 1846. =77=Murphy, nos.
15, Oct. 1, muy res.; 17, Nov. 1, res., 1845. =132=Bancroft, Nov. 3,
1846. =52=King, no. 29, June 30, 1846. _Journal des Débats_, July 9,
1845; Oct. 6, 1846. =52=Martin, no. 11, Feb. 28, 1847. Dict. Nat. Biog.
(article on Peel).

Dec. 28, 1847, Chargé Thornton was instructed (=13=no. 2) that, should
Mexico propose British mediation, he was merely to say that he would
transmit the proposal to London.

35.30. =108=Bancroft to Polk, Jan. 19, 1847. =52=Martin, nos. 34,
Aug. 31, 1846; 13, May 15, 1847. Dix, Speeches, i, 207. _Revue des
Deux Mondes_, Aug. 1, 1847, 429-31. Washington _Union_, Oct. 6, 1846
(Paris letter, Sept. 17). (_L'Epoque_) _Niles_, July 25, 1846, p. 336.
=52=King, no. 29, June 30, 1846. _Courrier des Etats Unis_, July 20,
1846 (résumé of the French press). =77=Mangino, Jan. 29, 1846, res.

35.31. =297=McLane to Polk (received June 21, 1846). =52=_Id._,
nos. 50, May 29; 54, 55, June 3, 18, 1846. =132=Bancroft, May 18,
1847. _Journal des Débats_, Sept. 19; Dec. 21, 1846. =13=Palmerston,
memo. of reply to Bankhead's no. 46, Apr. 30, 1847; to Mora, May 31,
1847. London _Times_, Sept. 16, 1846. =335=McLane, May 29, 1846.
=108=Bancroft to Polk, May 14; June 3, 1847; to Greene, Nov. 3, 1847.
Howe, Bancroft, ii, 18, 28. (Anderson) Lawton, Artillery Officer, 232.
=52=Bancroft, no. 25, May 3, 1847. =52=King, nos. 28, 29, 31, June 1,
30; July 20, 1846.

J. F. Ramírez, who saw numerous letters from Europe, concluded by April
3, 1847, that Mexico would receive no aid from that direction (Ramírez,
México, 224-5).

35.32. (Credit) =297=McLane to Polk (received June 21, 1846).
(Ranelagh) =76=Murphy, Oct. 1, 1845; Mora, Papeles Ineditos, 97.
(Paredes) Buchanan, Works, vii, 411-3; Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 787, 789,
791, 796, 798; =47=Perry to senior British naval officer at V. Cruz,
Aug. 18, 1847, and reply, Aug. 21. _Britannia_, Oct. 17, 1846; Jan. 3,
23; June 5, 1847.

35.33. There are three reasons for presenting the newspaper quotations
of this chapter: 1, They form a part of the history; 2, many indicate
that the American task was not considered an easy one; and 3, many
show how the Mexicans were encouraged by the European press. This
encouragement stood constantly in the way of our making peace. It is
well to remember that gibes, quite as offensive, against England could
be found in American journals of that period.

35.34. _Times_, Oct. 30; Nov. 9, 1846; Jan. 1; Feb. 18; Mar. 15; Apr.
20, 26, 1847. _Britannia_, Feb. 20, 1847. _Examiner_, Dec. 22, 1846.

35.35. _Times_, May 10, 12, 1847. _Amer. Review_, Mar., 1848, p. 249.

35.36. =297=Bancroft to Polk, Jan. 28, 1848. _Journal des Débats_, Nov.
4, 1846; Feb. 22, 1847. _Constitutionnel_, Dec. 18, 1846. _Times_, Aug.
31, 1846; Jan. 1; May 10; Sept. 30; Nov. 13; Dec. 2, 1847; Jan. 4, 20,
1848. _Chronicle_, Mar. 6; June 1; Sept. 30, 1847. _Britannia_, Oct. 9,
30; Nov. 13, 1847.

Some of the French papers also bore heavily upon the operations of
1846. _Le Journal des Débats_ said they had been a failure; that no
foresight, energy or skill had been displayed; that the war had proved
costly and was likely to prove endless. _Le Constitutionnel_ thought
our resources might not hold out. But the press of France made no
such exhibition of conscious weakness and humiliation trying to hide
themselves (=108=Bancroft to Polk, Jan. 28, 1848) as did that of
England.

35.37. =108=Bancroft to Polk, Jan. 4, 19; May 14; June 3; Nov. 18,
1847; Jan. 28, 1848. =52=McLane, no. 50, May 29, 1846. =52=Boyd,
no. 3, Sept. 18, 1846. =52=Bancroft, no. 25, May 3, 1847. _Journal
des Débats_, Jan. 21; June 1-2, 1846; Oct. 5, 1847; Aug. 15, 1848.
=132=Bancroft, May 18, 1847. =52=King, nos. 21, Jan. 1; 29, June 30,
1846. _National_, June 18, 1846. 13To Thornton, no. 2, Dec. 28, 1847.
=13=Mora to Palmerston, Apr. 22; May 26; Dec. 15, 1847; June 26, 1848.
=13=Palmerston to Mora, May 31 (2); Oct. 7, 1847; June 30, 1848.
_Britannia_, Nov. 13, 1847.

Dr. J. M. L. Mora, beginning in April, 1847, endeavored to secure
British aid in settling the terms and guaranteeing the permanence
of peace, and did not give up until near the end of June, 1848; but
Palmerston would not meddle, and cautioned the representative of
England that, should a request for British mediation be presented to
him, he should simply say the proposition would be transmitted to
London. Dec. 28, 1847, the British Foreign Office wrote to Thornton
(=13=no. 2) that Cuevas had asked England to guarantee the treaty of
peace; that it was highly improbable the United States would join in
making this request; that to guarantee the treaty without a joint
application would be equivalent to a contingent alliance with Mexico
against the United States; and that England was not likely to take that
step in any event.


XXXVI. CONCLUSION

36.1. Webster in the Senate, June 24, 1846: "We certainly wished her
[Mexico] success.... We wished her well; and I think now that the
people of the United States have no desire, it would give them, I
think, no pleasure, to do her an injury beyond what is necessary to
maintain their own rights. The people of the United States cannot
wish to crush the republic of Mexico; it cannot be their desire to
break down a neighboring republic; it cannot be their wish to drive
her back again to a monarchical form of government, and to render
her a mere appanage to some one of the thrones of Europe" (Writings,
ix, 158). Crittenden spoke as follows in the Senate, May 11, 1846:
"From the first struggle for liberty in South America and Mexico, it
was the cherished policy of this country to extend to them sympathy,
comfort, and friendship.... They were regarded as a portion of that
great system of republics which were to stand forth in proud contrast
with the Governments of the Old World.... As the head of the republican
system, our policy was to cheer and cherish them, and lead them in the
way to that liberty we had established, and of which we had set the
example ... it was our interest to cherish them, and cultivate their
friendship" (_Cong. Globe_, 29, 1, p. 788). As it may be thought that
these statements were made for public effect, the following passage
is quoted from resolutions passed by the people of Bloomington (now
Muscatine), Territory of Iowa, June 5, 1846: "Mexico, being a sister
republic, has been looked to by citizens of the United States with
the sincere hope that that country would become an enlightened, free
and liberal nation ... and thereby, become another beacon (as the
United States already is) to the monarchies of the world, to show
them that men are capable of governing themselves, and let them see
the advantages of a free, republican government" (Iowa and War, no.
12). These statements were no doubt fundamentally true despite the
resentment produced by the outrages perpetrated upon Texans and
Americans, etc., which was mainly directed toward official Mexico.

Senator Hannegan rebuked sentimentality (often feigned for political
reasons) in these words: I cannot "participate in the sympathy which
I have heard invoked in behalf of Mexico as a sister republic.
In the first place the wrongs she has done us, and our citizens
resident within her borders, show no very sisterly affection on her
part; and in the next, I must confess my want of sympathy with any
people where anarchy rules in the name of liberty. Her history is a
libel upon republican government. When human sympathy shall follow
insubordination, misrule, and bloodshed, then, but not till then, will
it be properly invoked for Mexico" (_Cong. Globe_, 29, 2, p. 517, col.
1). =354=Welles papers.

35.2. London _Times_; Aug. 6, 1847. Webster to Thompson, Apr. 5, 1842:
"Every nation, on being received, at her own request, into the circle
of civilized Governments must understand that ... she binds herself
also to the strict and faithful observance of all those principles,
laws, and usages, which have obtained currency among civilized
States.... No community can be allowed to enjoy the benefit of national
character, in modern times, without submitting to all the duties which
that character imposes" (Ho. 266; 27, 2, p. 32). Mex. Nat. Museum,
Boletín i, no. 9. Ramírez, México, 235. London _Spectator_, Dec. 9,
1911: "When a country can not manage its own affairs, and can not keep
order among its own people, it has already lost its independence."

36.3. This and following paragraphs are of course a very incomplete
summary, which the reader can fill in from the first chapters of this
work. With reference to the annexation of Texas Cass justly said: "The
peace [and prosperity] of the world cannot be put to hazard by the
pertinacious obstinacy of any nation, which holds on to nominal claims,
without the power or the disposition to maintain them" (_Cong. Globe_,
30, 1, app., 425). It was the reasonable opinion of many that if Taylor
had had a strong army, well placed [especially had he been a general
capable of impressing the Mexicans] there would have been no war
(_e.g._ =132=W. R. King, June 1, 1846; _So. Qrtly. Rev._, Nov., 1850,
428).

36.4. Grant, Mems., i, 168-9: "I have seen as brave stands made by some
of these men [Mexican troops] as I have ever seen made by soldiers."
=113=Beauregard: The Mexicans stood artillery and infantry fire "fully
as well as our own troops," etc. _Picayune_, Oct. 4, 1846 (Haile):
All admit that the Mexicans handle guns in battery as well as we
could. =364=Worth to S., Nov. 2, 1846. The Americans won mostly with
the bayonet. The Mexicans lacked the discipline and the confidence
in themselves, one another and their officers which were necessary
to sustain them against a charge. _Constitutionnel_, Aug. 17, 1847.
Negrete, Invasión, iii, app., 443; 489 (Otero). S. Anna, Apelación, 57.
_Id._, Comunicación Oficial. =76=To Ocampo, Dec. 18, 1847 (the chief
cause of our ills is a want of military men possessing a political
conscience). Richtofen, Zustände, 59, 60. =76=Mora, Apr. 14, 23, 1847.
Memoria de ... Relaciones, Jan., 1849. Consideraciones, 7, etc. Sen.
52; 30, 1, p. 242. =76=Olaguíbel to Relaciones, Aug. 15, 1847. Puebla
_Nacional_, Jan. 19, 1848 (Payno). México á través, iv, 698-9. Pacheco,
Exposición. Ramírez, México, 234-5.

The Mexican newspapers did much to sap courage. From north to south
there was a chorus of disheartening epithets for the adored _patria_:
sad, unfortunate, lamentable, ill-starred, suffering, doomed.
The whole diapason of misery filled the air. On all sides echoed
confessions--on one another's account, of course--of mistakes, blunders
and vices; egotism, cynicism, deceit, selfishness, hypocrisy, rancor,
partisanship, dissension, indifference to the welfare of the nation,
unscrupulous ambition, malfeasance in office, wholesale plundering,
rascality favored by the authorities, personal degeneracy, social
demoralization, military incompetency. Even the orthodox estimate of
the Americans tended the same way. What had become of justice in heaven
and hope on earth when our "infamous," "incompetent" generals could
triumph again and again, with a handful of barbarians and adventurers,
cowardly, ill-clad, ignorant, debased and undisciplined, over devout
Catholics and valiant patriots? A particular fact tended to promote
dissension. There were three groups of states--the north, the centre
and the south; and the first and the third felt that their interests
had always been sacrificed to those of the centre. This paragraph and
most of the other paragraphs of the present chapter are of course to be
read in the light of what has already been said. For this one may refer
to the index.

Some readers may feel that the author is inconsistent in saying (vol.
i, p. 116) that Mexico wanted the war and here that she was not really
in it; but (1) many persons desire things which they feel unwilling
later to pay for, and (2) the course of the war was very different from
that which Mexico had expected. The nation desired the uprising against
Santa Anna, December, 1844, but was soon dissatisfied with the results
of it.

36.5. Sedgwick, Corresp., i, 150; Kenly, Md. Vol., 391; Encarnacion
Prisoners, 69; Stevens, Stevens, 145.

36.6. Balbontín, Invasión, 135-6. Scott, Mems., ii, 466. =13=Doyle, no.
1, 1848. Memoria de ... Relaciones, Jan., 1849. Sen. 52; 30, 1, p. 242.
=13=Bankhead, no. 86, 1847. Sierra, Evolution, i, 376. =76=Mora, Apr.
28, 1847. _Monitor Repub._, Nov. 8, 1847. _Id._, Nov. 30, 1847 (Uraga).
Apuntes, 347. México á través, iv, 698.

Judging Santa Anna one must allow for the facts that his subordinates
were incompetent, and that neither he nor they had known what real
armies and real wars were. But this condition of things was far more
due to him than to any other person. It should be remembered, too,
that while the Americans had numbers against them, they possessed the
advantage of the offensive. But this, again, was very largely the fault
of Santa Anna.

36.7. (Kendall) Wash. _Union_, Mar. 1, 1847. =257=C. to F. Markoe, Jan.
3, 1847. Our commanders never had enough troops to garner the fruits
of victory. =256=Scott to Marcy, Jan. 16, 1847, priv.: "For God's sake
give me a reinforcement of 12,000 regulars, at the least, for a sure
and uninterrupted march from Vera Cruz upon the city of Mexico." Upton,
Military Policy, 215: If Scott had had 15,000 regulars after Cerro
Gordo he could have taken Mexico City. If troops, vessels, etc. had
been supplied promptly, there would have been no battle of Cerro Gordo
(Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 908).

36.8. Scribner, Campaign, 21.

36.9. Polk's Diary contains ample evidence regarding the character
of his administration; _e.g._ May 16, 19; June 23-4; Aug. 18; Sept.
22, 24, 1846; Aug. 19, 23; Nov. 10-1, 1847; Jan. 24, 1848. (Period)
Lalor, Cyclopædia, iii, 864. As Taussig says (Tariff Hist., 122),
our prosperity from 1846 to 1860 should not be attributed solely to
the tariff of 1846. London _Examiner_, Jan. 2, 1847 ("Polk has been
the greatest of American conquerors, the most successful of American
diplomatists," and yet his recent Message does not boast). Curtis,
Buchanan, ii, 72. Schouler, Hist. Briefs, 138 (Dallas said of Polk: "He
left nothing unfinished; what he attempted he did").

Our problem was hard. The report of the quartermaster general, Nov.
24, 1847, said that our nearest dépôts were farther from the source of
supply than Algiers from Marseilles, yet we had accomplished more in
a few months at the beginning of the war than France had accomplished
in Africa in seventeen years (Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 549). Polk's relations
with Pillow offer a curious problem in psychology and in morals; but
one sees from his diary how deeply Buchanan's cleverness impressed his
plodding mind, and a person like Polk, with more taste than talent for
subtlety, was naturally fascinated by Pillow's readiness and cunning.
Besides, he was much indebted to Pillow. His treatment of Scott is
another problem. Perhaps he felt that as President he was above the
ordinary requirements of fair dealing, and certainly he was intensely
partisan.

36.10. Jomini, Précis, i, 143. Grant, Mems., i, 100. Greene, Army Life,
142 (Napoleon). =139=W. B. to D. Campbell, Nov. 2, 1846.

36.11. _So. Qtrly. Rev._, Jan., 1851, p. 31. Polk, Diary, Nov. 21,
1846; Mar. 28; May 6, 1847, etc. Garrison, Extension, 242. Henderson,
Science of War, 14. =139=W. B. to D. Campbell, Mar. 20, 1847. _Amer.
Hist. Review_, Apr., 1919, 446, 454-6, 462 (Marcy).

36.12. =256=J. Parrott to Marcy, Apr. 19, 1847, private. Lawton,
Artill. Officer, 246. Sen. 52; 30, 1, p. 187. Grone, Briefe, 80
(punctuation modified). Semmes, Service, 378. Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1255
(Jesup). (Shackle) Hitchcock in _Mo. Republican_, Nov. 3, 1857.
=113=Beauregard, remins. Hamley, Operations, 20. Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 465
(Lee).

36.13. =335=Trist to Mrs. T., Oct. 18, 1847. =335=_Id._, Notes for
letter to Ho. of Repres. Lawton, Artill. Off., 151, 246. Sen. 52; 30,
1, pp. 190-1. =52=Trist, Aug. 14, 1847. Sen. 65; 30, 1, p. 465 (Lee).
Hitchcock in semi-weekly N. Y. _Courier and Enquirer_, Mar. 1, 1847.
_Id._ in _Republic_, Feb. 15, 1851 (_re_ a Mexican book). Ho. 60; 30,
1, p. 1255 (Jesup). Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 635 (after Mexico was
captured, Scott became "the most sincere and powerful of the friends of
peace"). _So. Qtrly. Rev._, xviii, 428.

36.14. Lawton, Artill. Off., 151. Sen. 52; 30, 1, p. 190. _Picayune_,
Oct. 22, 1847. Grant, Mems., i, 139. =253=Harvey to McLean, June 13,
1847.

36.15. The earlier statements issued by our government were in many
instances incorrect. The figures of the text are from the adj. gen.'s
report of Dec. 3, 1849 (Ho. 24; 31, 1). They may be given more
precisely as follows. I. REGULARS. Apr., 1846, 7224 in all. On the
Texas frontier, May, 1846, 3554 present and absent. 27,470 (15,736
of "the old establishment," 11,186 of the new regiments, and 548
Marines), including recruits, joined the army in Mexico. The total in
the service up to and including July 5, 1848, was about 31,024 (35,009
were recruited from May 1, 1846, and 32,190 of these were put _en
route_; but some died or were killed in Mexico before becoming attached
to a regiment, and some cannot be accounted for). _Losses._ _A_: Old
establishment. Discharged on expiration of term, 1561; for disability,
1782; by order or by civil authority, 373; total, 3716. Killed in
battle, 41 offs.--422 men; died of wounds, 22--307, respectively;
ordinary deaths, 49--2574; accidental deaths, 5--134; total deaths,
117--3437. Wounded in battle, 118--1685. Resignations, 37. Desertions,
2247. _B_: New regiments. Discharged on expiration of term, 12; for
disability, 767; by order or by civil authority, 114. Killed in
battle, 5 offs.--62 men; died of wounds, 5--71; ordinary deaths,
36--2055; accidental deaths, 0--30; total deaths, 46--2218. Wounded
in battle, 36--236. Resignations, 92. Desertions, 602. _C_: Marines
serving with the army. Killed in battle, 1--5; died of wounds, 0--3;
ordinary deaths, 3--33; total, 4--41. II. VOLUNTEERS. Mustered in,
May, 1846, and later (16,887 mounted; 1129 artillery; 55,244 infantry)
73,260, including 3131 commissioned officers. Of this number 14,448
(3-months and 6-months men; two regiments of 12-months men from Ohio
and Missouri; one Iowa company) did not serve. Total serving, 58,812.
Discharged before the end of their term, 9169, including 7200 for
disability. Killed in battle and died of wounds, 607; ordinary deaths,
6216; accidental, 192; total, 7015. Wounded, about 1340. Resignations,
279. Desertions, 3876. The number of ordinary deaths and discharges for
disability was probably still larger, for the returns were incomplete.
Some "ordinary" deaths probably resulted from wounds. July, 1848, there
were (officers included) 24,033 regulars and 23,117 volunteers. Nearly
all official figures of casualties are approximate. (Discrepancies
exist in the accounts)

One may consult also: Ho. 42, 48; 29, 2. Sen. 36; 30, 1. _Ohio Arch.
and Hist. Qtrly._, 1912, p. 280. Ill. State Hist. Soc. Trans., 1912, p.
17 (W. E. Dodd). Lawton, Artill. Off., 317. Sen. 4; 29, 2. _Picayune_,
Nov. 4, 1847. Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1114. =117=R. Jones to Mayer, Feb. 8,
1849. Brackett, Lane's Brigade, 131, 292. Claiborne, Quitman, ii, app.,
311. Semmes, Service, 472. =61=R. Jones to Cass, Mar. 9, 1848. _Cong.
Globe_, 45, 3, pp. 1627-8 (Shields). _U. S. Army and Navy Journal_,
Apr. 25, 1885, p. 787. =288=Naylor, Alphab. list of American prisoners
(1063 in all). Sen. 1; 29, 2, p. 56. Mich. Pioneer Soc. Colls., vi, 20.
Rowland, Register, 412. =61=Wool to Jones, Jan. 7, 1848.

One of the principal histories of the war gives the deaths resulting
from battle as 5101, and the total number as "not less" than 25,000!
Many men afflicted with chronic diseases enlisted in the hope of
deriving benefit from the climate of Mexico, but died there. Many came
home bringing the germs of disease or with enfeebled constitutions.

36.16. (New regiments) =364=Worth to S., Sept. 5, 1846. (Invalids)
=291=Smith to Pierce, Feb. 2, 1848; =254=McClellan, diary, Dec. 5,
1846; Meade, Letters, i, 161-2. (Waste) Meade, Letters, i, 161-2.
(Arms) =256=Scott to Marcy, Jan. 16, 1847, private. (Undisciplined)
=221=Hill, diary; =95=report of comtee., Jan. 4, 1848; Ho. 60; 30,
1, p. 336 (Taylor); =327=Sutherland to father, Aug. --, 1847; Scott,
_supra._ (Close) Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 346; Olmsted, Journey, 463.
(One) =280=Nunelee, diary. (Another) Oswandel, Notes, 476. (Officer)
=146=Caswell, diary. (N. Car.) Greensborough (N. C.) _Morning Post_,
Apr. 5, 1903. (Braver) Grant, Mems., i, 167-8. (Unreliable) Balbontín,
Invasión, 75; Smith, To Mexico, 151. (Imperilled) Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp.
336, 1178 (Taylor); 1049 (Scott); Scott, Mems., ii, 540. =256=Marcy to
Wetmore, Jan. 6, 1847. (Stimulated) _Cong. Globe_, 35, 1, pp. 971-2
(Quitman); Stevens, Campaigns, 12; =152=Claiborne, mems.

To suppose, as many appear to do, that the only business in war is to
fight, is as if one should think that in railroading the only work is
to run the trains. The following from Scott's =256=letter to Marcy,
Jan. 16, 1847, is pertinent: "A regiment of regulars, in fifteen
minutes from the evening halt, will have tents pitched and trenched
around, besides straw, leaves or bushes for dry sleeping; arms and
ammunition well secured and in order for any night attack; fires made,
kettles boiling, in order to wholesome cooking; all the men dried, or
warmed, and at their comfortable supper, merry as crickets, before the
end of the first hour.... Volunteers neglect all those points; eat
their _salt_ meat raw (if they have saved any at all) or, worse than
raw, _fried_--death to any Christian man the fifth day; lose or waste
their clothing; lie down wet, or on wet ground--fatal to health, and,
in a short time, to life; leave arms and ammunition exposed to rain and
dews; hence both generally useless and soon lost, and certainly hardly
ever worth a cent in battle," etc., etc. So in the field "the want
of the _touch of the elbow_ (which cannot be acquired with the best
instructors in many months); the want of the sure step in advancing,
falling back and wheeling; ... the want of _military_ confidence in
each other, and, above all, the want of reciprocal confidence between
officers and men" cause frightful losses.

McClellan wrote in his =254=diary: "I have seen more suffering since
I came out here than I could have imagined to exist--it is really
awful--I allude to the sufferings of the Volunteers. They literally die
like dogs--were it all known in the States, ... all would be willing
to have so large a regular army that we could dispense entirely with
the Volunteer system." Trist stated in a =335=letter to the N. Y.
_Tribune_, July 14, 1853, that the volunteer system was a debasing
humbug, because the generals, aiming at political success, posed as
great commanders with no basis except the courage of their men and
the skill of their (regular) aides. Worth said that the intelligent
volunteers ridiculed the system, except for home defence, more than the
regulars did (=364=to Capt. S., Nov. 2, 1846).

Webster said the advantage of the volunteer service was that it was
generous and patriotic, entered into mostly to gain distinction, and
because it gave men what they liked--an opportunity to bear arms
under officers chosen by themselves (Webster, Letters, 347); but one
sees at once that these views came far short of covering the case
practically. That very ambition to win distinction, for example, made
them dissatisfied and insubordinate when expected to do the ordinary
work of soldiering (=169=Taylor to Crittenden, Jan. 26, 1847); and
volunteer officers like Pillow did not compare with regulars like Scott
and Taylor in kindness toward the men. The battle of Buena Vista was
popularly supposed to have proved the efficiency of volunteers, but
failed to do so (see chap. xx; =316=Bragg to Sherman, Mar. 1, 1848;
=330=Taylor to brother, Mar. 27, 1847; Zirckel, Tagebuch, 9), though
they had had a sufficiently long training (Upton, Military Policy,
209). The Marquis de Radepont, who accompanied Scott's army to observe
its operations, was particularly astonished that the General had so
little control over the volunteers, a state of things that more than
once endangered all, he said. Scott, Taylor, Worth, Twiggs, Wool,
Quitman, Smith and Shields were not West Pointers, but the first five
were professionals. Some of the volunteer officers, who had been in
business, surpassed the regulars in such work as transportation.

36.17. (Tilden) _Cong. Globe_, 29, 1, p. 543. (Aristocrats) N. Y.
_Herald_, June 20, 1846. (Steadied vols.) Stevens, Camps., 12; Ruxton,
Adventures (1847), 178; Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 346. (Reg. offs.)
Grant, Mems., i, 168; =364=Worth to S., Sept. 5, 1846; =13=Crampton,
no. 17, 1848; Collins, diary, Jan. 29, 1847; Lawton, Art. Off., 276.
(Took care) =254=McClellan, diary, Dec. 5, 1846; =148=Chamberlain,
recolls. (Science) Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 310; Cullum, Biog. Register,
i, p. xi.

36.18. Grone, Briefe, 83. _Commerc. Review of S. and W._, Dec, 1846,
426-30 (Poinsett). Grant, Mems., i, 143. Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 332
(Smith). _Observador Zacatecano_, Dec. 27, 1846, supplem. (Requena).
Owing probably to the exigencies of the case the engineers were given
a somewhat exaggerated importance. Some of their officers were not
experts; were perhaps hardly more than engineers by commission. And
engineers were frequently employed to do reconnaissance work that was
more properly the function of infantry patrols.

36.19. _Commerc. Rev._: note 18. Grone, Briefe, 70, 81. _Revue des Deux
Mondes_, Aug. 1, 1847, 385. =73=Bermúdez de Castro, no. 517, 1847.

36.20. (Immigrants) Ho. 38; 30, 2. =278=Niehenke, statement.
=136=Butterfield, recolls. Grone, Briefe, 84. _Metrop. Mag._, Jan.,
1908. (1000) Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 431. (600) Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 293.
(6000) Sen. 1; 30, 1, p. 384. (Miracle) =358=Williams to father, Oct.
1, 1847. _Journal des Débats_, Aug. 15, 1848.

36.21. (Legally) =250=Lieber to Ruggles, Apr. 23, 1847. Curtis,
Buchanan, i, 609. _Cong. Globe_, 29, 2, app., 125. (Welfare) London
_Athenæum_, Sept. 13, 1845. (Right of way) Von Holst, U. S., iii, 272;
London _Atlas_, May 18, 1844.

We are now trying to outgrow the old view of war and the analogous view
of commercial and industrial competition, but in 1846 these had not
become practical issues. This paragraph is to be understood in a broad,
large way, of course. The London _Chronicle_ said: In our colonies
we fine owners who in a certain number of years do not develop their
lands, and this fine is preparatory to ejectment; "The Americans have
acted on this principle after a kind of public lynch-law" (Aug. 13,
1845). (Its direct reference was to the annexation of Texas, but the
principle applied to the war with Mexico.) Rives argues that the war
was "begun for the purpose of acquiring territory" in payment of our
claims, and that therefore its morality was questionable (U. S. and
Mexico, ii, 657-8). But (1) the territory was wanted in payment of what
was justly due us, and therefore we could rightfully collect, and that
Mexico could pay us only in land was not our fault; (2) the war was not
entered into by us for the purpose of obtaining territory; and (3) it
was not "begun" by the United States.

36.22. (Humboldt) =181=Donelson to Buchanan, Sept. 18, 1846. Royce,
Calif., 51. Lieber: note 36.21. Von Holst, U. S., iii, 269-72. (Nation)
Chap. vi, note 6.11; _Cong. Globe_, 29, 2, p. 387 (Giles); Polk, Diary,
Dec. 19, 1846; Jan. 23, 1847; =1=Senator Allen in secret session, Aug.
6, 1846; Curtis, Buchanan, i, 609; Howe, Bancroft, i, 286. _Public
Ledger_, June 15, 1849 (Dallas). Welles, Study. (Bryce) This quotation
is taken from a writer of good standing. The present author has not
been able to find the passage, but presumes it was correctly quoted.
Davis, Autobiog., 291-2.

July 6, 1848, Polk informed Congress that we had more than 700 whaling
ships in the Pacific, representing not less than $40,000,000, and
employing fully 20,000 seamen, and that owing to the acquisition of
California we were less than thirty days from Canton. These facts
explain how important that acquisition was, and how serious it would
have seemed to let a European power make it.

36.23. Ramírez, México, 319. Memoria de ... Relaciones, Jan., 1849,
p. 8. (Obstacle) Vol. ii, p. 234. (Invited) Scott, Mems., ii, 581-2.
(Trist) =335=Thornton to Trist, May 26, 1848. =52=Walsh, Nov. 10,
1848. (Europe) J. H. Smith in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceeds., June, 1914,
p. 462; Howe, Bancroft, ii, 5; =108=Bancroft to Greene, Nov. 3, 1847;
=108=_Id._ to Polk, Jan. 19, 1847; Bennett, Mems., 386. (Harmony)
Richardson, Messages, iv, 587, 631; =132=McLane to Buchanan, June 18,
1846; Wash. _Union_, Nov. 3, 1846; N. Y. _Herald_, July 25, 1846;
_Cong. Globe_, 29, 2, app., 125.

The war helped to save Mexican nationality because (1) it was to some
extent a national issue; (2) it cut off the parts most likely to set
the example of secession; (3) contact with the Americans convinced
the people of Tamaulipas, N. León, etc., that they could not hold
their own in competition with our citizens; (4) the Mexicans received
a stern lesson in political wisdom, which was taken to heart for a
time, and had some permanent effect; and (5) the money that we paid
strengthened the Mexican government. The war helped the liberals, for
it demonstrated our superiority.

36.24. Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 635. Ceballos, Capítulos, 123. London
_Times_, Nov. 13, 1847. Lee, Gen. Lee, 43. Parker, Sermon. _Cong.
Globe_, 30, 1, p. 499. Webster, Writings, x, 9. For Scott's treatment
of prisoners see, _e.g._, Ho. 60; 30, 1, pp. 1055-9.




APPENDIX--THE SOURCES


A. MANUSCRIPT AND PERSONAL SOURCES

As a number of the owners or holders of MSS. (whose names are preceded
below by colons) did not desire to receive applications for the use of
their papers, it has been thought best to omit all addresses.

Some documents belonging to large collections are, for convenience of
citation, listed separately. A few verbal statements (so described) are
included.

The numbers preceding collections, etc., correspond to numbers
preceding citations of MS. documents in the notes.

  Allen, William. =1=Papers: Library of Congress.

  Allred, R. N. =2=Recollections: R. R. Allred, Esq.

  Alvarado, J. B. =3=Hist. de California: Bancroft Coll., Univ.
       of California.

  Amador, J. M. =4=Memorias sobre la Hist. de California:
       Bancroft Coll.

  Anaya, P. M. =5=Memoria: Señ. Lic. D. Genaro García.

  Anderson, Robert. =6=Papers: Mrs. James M. Lawton.

  Anderson, W. E. =7=Document.

  Anonymous. =8=Soldier's Diary sent anonymously to the author.

  Antrim, Jay. =9=Sketches: Library of Congress.

  Aram, Joseph. =10=Narrative: Mrs. Grace Aram.

  Archives of France. =11=Dépt. des Affaires Etrangères, Paris.

  Archives of Great Britain. =12=Admiralty Papers;
       =13=Foreign Office Papers: Public Record Office, London.

  Archives of States. =14=Alabama, =15=Arkansas,
       =16=Connecticut, =17=Delaware, =18=Georgia,
       =19=Florida, =20=Illinois, =21=Indiana,
       =22=Iowa, =23=Kentucky, =24=Louisiana,
       =25=Maine, =26=Maryland, =27=Massachusetts,
       =28=Michigan, =29=Mississippi, =30=Missouri,
       =31=New Hampshire, =32=New Jersey, =33=New
       York, =34=North Carolina, =35=Ohio,
       =36=Pennsylvania, =37=Rhode Island, =38=South
       Carolina, =39=Tennessee, =40=Texas,
       =41=Vermont, =42=Virginia, =43=Wisconsin.

  Archives of the =44=U. S. Embassy at Mexico.

  Archives of the =45=U. S. Legation in Texas: State Dept.,
       Washington.

  Archives of U. S. Navy Dept. =46=Captain's Letters;
       =47=Squadron Letters; =48=Confidential Letter Books;
       =49=Orders; =50=Executive Letters; =51=Marine
       Corps.

  Archives of U. S. State Dept. =52=Correspondence (and
       enclosures) with diplomatic and consular agents in
       Mexico, Great Britain, France, Spain, Prussia and Texas;
       =53=Notes to and from the legations of those countries;
       =54=Report Books; =55=Confidential Report
       Books; =56=Special Missions and Correspondence with
       confidential agents in Mexico, Texas and California;
       =57=Domestic Letter Books; =58=Miscellaneous Letters
       and Replies; =59=Circulars issued to diplomatic and
       consular agents. See also Claims Commission.

  Archives of U. S. War Dept. =60=Secretary of War's files;
       =61=Adjutant General's files; =62=Quartermaster
       General's files; =63=Military Book; =64=Adjutant
       General, Miscellany; =65=Orders; =66=Engineer's
       office; =67=Bureau of Topog. Engineers; =68=Judge
       Advocate General's office, courts martial, courts of inquiry;
       =69=Discontinued Commands, etc.

  Archivo =69a=del Distrito Federal, Mexico.

  Archivo =70=General y Público (particularly "Guerra"), Mexico.

  Archivo =71=Histórico-Nacional, Madrid.

  Archivo =72=Nacional de Cuba.

  Archivo =73=Particular del Ministerio de Estado, Madrid.

  Archivos (_National_) de =74=Fomento (Maps);
       =75=Gobernación (formerly called "Relaciones
       Interiores"); =76a=Hacienda; =76=Guerra y Marina;
       =77=Relaciones (i.e., Exteriores). At Mexico City.

  Archivos (_State_) de =78=Coahuila, =79=Jalisco,
       =80=México, =81=Nuevo León, =82=Puebla,
       =83=Querétaro, =84=San Luis Potosí,
       =85=Tamaulipas, =86=Vera Cruz, =87=Zacatecas.
       At the state capitals.

  Archivos (_Municipal_) de =88=Córdoba, =89=Guadalajara,
       =90=Jalapa, =91=Matamoros, =92=Mexico,
       =93=Monterey, =94=Orizaba, =95=Puebla,
       =96=Querétaro, =97=Saltillo, =98=San
       Luis Potosí, =99=Tampico, =100=Vera Cruz,
       =101=Victoria, =102=Zacatecas.

  Avila, Juan. =103=Notas Californianas: Bancroft Coll.

  Ayer =104=Collection: Newberry Library, Chicago.

  Baldridge, William. =105=The Days of 1846: Bancroft Coll.

  Bancroft =106=Collection: Univ. of California.

  Bancroft =107=Papers: New York City Public Library.

  Bancroft, George. =108=Papers: Massachusetts Hist. Soc.

  Bandini, Juan. =109=Documentos para la Hist. de California:
       Bancroft Coll.

  Barbour, H. H. =110=Diary: Mrs. Barbour.

  Beauregard, P. G. T. =111=Papers: C. S. Hook, Esq.

  Beauregard, P. G. T. =112=Papers: Justin H. Smith.

  Beauregard, P. G. T. =113=Reminiscences (done by him from
       diary and notes): Claiborne papers, Mississippi Dept. of Hist.

  Beeler, Louis F. =114=Recollections.

  Belden, Josiah. =115=Statement: Bancroft Coll.

  Bell, A. N. =116=Document.

  Benjamin, W. R. =117=Collection.

  Berlandier, Luis. =118=Papers: Library of Congress.

  Bevan, William. =119=Statement.

  Biddle, James. =120=Papers: Library of Congress.

  Biddle, Charles J. =121=Papers: Charles Biddle, Esq.

  Bidwell, John. =122=California, 1841-8: Bancroft Coll.

  Bidwell, John. =123=Statement: Harvard Univ. Library.

  Blocklenger, Benjamin. =124=Letter.

  Bonham, Milledge L. =125=Letters: Dr. Milledge Lake Bonham,
       III.

  Botello, Narciso. =126=Anales del Sur de la California:
       Bancroft Coll.

  Boyle, John. =127=Letter: Miss Esmeralda Boyle.

  Brackett, A. G. =128=Diary: Mrs. Brackett.

  Breckenridge, Robert J. =129=Papers: Library of Congress.

  Brichta, A. C. =130=Letter: belonging to the family.

  Brindle, William. =131=Statement: J. D. Parrish, Esq.

  Buchanan, James. =132=Papers: Pennsylvania Hist. Soc.

  Buck, Dr. Solon J. =133=Collection.

  Burton, C. M. =134=Collection, Public Library, Detroit.

  Butler, Anthony. =135=Papers: Univ. of Texas.

  Butterfield, James. =136=Recollections.

  Calhoun, John C. =137=Papers: Clemson Coll.

  Calhoun, John C. =137a=Papers: Library of Congress.

  Campbell, William B. =138=Letters: John DeWitt, Esq.

  Campbell, William B. (and David). =139=Papers: Lemuel R.
       Campbell, Esq.; Mrs. James S. Pilcher.

  Cantwell, John L. P. =140=Letter: Miss Jessica R. Smith.

  Carson, J. C. =141=Statement: Bancroft Coll.

  Carson, J. H. =142=Gold Mines of 1848: Bancroft Coll.

  Cary, T. G. =143=California Papers: Boston Public Library.

  Cassidy, P. A. =144=Recollections.

  Castro, Manuel. =145=Documentos para la Hist. de California:
       Bancroft Coll.

  Caswell, William R. =146=Diary and Letters: Massachusetts
       Hist. Soc.

  Chamberlain, S. E. =147=Diary: loaned by the writer.

  Chamberlain, S. E. =148=Recollections (verbal).

  Chase, Salmon P. =149=Papers: Library of Congress.

  Cheatham, B. F. =150=Diary and Papers: Mrs. Telfair Hodgson.

  Claiborne, J. F. H. =151=Papers: State of Mississippi, Dept.
       of Hist.

  Claiborne, Thomas. =152=Memoirs: belonging to the family.

  Claims Commission of 1849. =153=Book of Awards; =154=Book
       of Opinions; =155=Journal: U. S. State Dept.

  Clay, Henry. =156=Papers: Library of Congress.

  Cobb, Howell. =157=Papers (printed later by the Amer. Hist.
       Assoc.): Dr. U. B. Phillips.

  Cobb, Howell. =158=Papers: Dr. R. P. Brooks.

  Collins, Francis. =159=Papers (published later in the Qtrly.
       Publication of the Hist. and Philos. Soc. of Ohio, 1915, Nos.
       2-3).

  _Columbus._ =160=Record of Punishments, 1846-7: U. S. Naval
       Academy Library.

  _Congress._ =161=Journal of a Cruise, 1846: U. S. Naval
       Academy Library.

  Conner, David. =162=Papers: Hon. Franklin D. Roosevelt.

  Conner, David. =163=Papers: P. F. Madigan, Esq.

  Conner, David. =164=Papers: Library of Congress.

  Conner, David. =165=Papers: Navy Dept. Library.

  Conner, David. =166=Papers: New York City Library.

  Coutts. =167=Diary of a March to California: Bancroft Coll.

  Crallé, R. K. =168=Papers: Library of Congress.

  Crittenden, J. J. =169=Papers: Library of Congress.

  Crooker Family (of South Carolina). =170=Papers: Dr. E. M.
       Shealy.

  _Cyane._ =171=Journal of a Cruise; Abstract of Journal: U. S.
       Naval Academy Library.

  _Cyane._ =172=Log Book: Library, U. S. Navy Dept.

  Davis, Jefferson. =173=Address: Library of Congress
       (reading-room desk).

  Davis, Jefferson. =174=Papers: Confederate Memorial, New
       Orleans.

  Davis, Jefferson. =175=Papers: Library of Congress.

  Davis, Jefferson. =176=Papers: State of Mississippi, Dept. of
       Hist.

  Davis, John W. =177=Statement of the Battle of San Pascual:
       Bancroft Coll.

  Davis, T. F. =178=Diary: belonging to the family.

  Diario =179=Esactísimo de lo ocurrido en México, etc.:
       Bancroft Coll.

  Dreer =180=Collection: Pennsylvania Hist. Soc.

  Donelson, A. J. =181=Papers: Mrs. Wm. A. Donelson (now in the
       Library of Congress).

  Dormitzer, Walter. =182=Collection.

  Drum, R. C. =183=Recollections (verbal).

  Duke, Moses S. =184=Letters: Miss Winnie V. Lynch.

  Duncan, James. =185=Papers: U. S. Military Academy.

  Duncan, W. L. =186=Notes on Bishop's Journal: McLean County
       (Ill.) Hist. Soc.

  Eddy =187=Manuscripts: Charles Carroll, Esq.

  Edwards, Marcellus B. =188=Diary: Missouri Hist. Soc.

  Evans, Mrs. Lucy. =189=Letter: belonging to the family.

  Ewing, J. C. =190=Diary: belonging to the family.

  Fairfield, John. =191=Papers: Library of Congress.

  Ford =192=Collection: New York City Public Library.

  Foster, R. C. =193=Letters: Mrs. Edward W. Foster.

  Fourth (Mexican) Infantry. =194=Book of Accounts: New York
       Hist. Soc.

  Fowler, W. P. =195=Collection.

  Frémont, John C. =196=Statement: Library of Harvard Univ.

  Gaines, E. P. =197=Papers: Library of Congress.

  Gallatin, Albert. =198=Papers: New York Hist. Soc.

  García, Señ. Lic. D. Genaro. =199=Collection.

  Gibbes, W. H. =200=Collection.

  Gibson, George R. =201=Diary: Missouri Hist. Soc.

  Giménez, M. M. =202=Papers: Señ. Lic. D. Genaro García.

  Gleason, James. =203=Letter.

  Gouverneur, S. L. =204=Diary: Mrs. Rose Gouverneur Hoes.

  Graham, L. P. =205=Memorandum Book: E. W. McGlenen, Esq.

  Graham, W. A. =206=Papers: A. W. Graham, Esq.

  Griffin, John S. =207=Journal of 1846: Bancroft Coll.

  Guadalajara (Public library) =208=Collection.

  Guitar, Aldon. =209=Letter.

  Hammond, J. H. =210=Diary and Papers: library of Congress.

  Hardie, James A. =211=Papers: Library of Congress.

  Hastings, D. H. =212=Diary: loaned by the writer.

  Hatch, John P. =213=Letters: Library of Congress.

  Hays, John C., and Caperton, John. =214=Life and Adventures of
       John C. Hays: Bancroft Coll.

  Heald, Nathan. =215=Papers: Univ. of Wisconsin Library.

  Heiman, A. =216=Services of the First Regt. of Tennessee:
       Tennessee Hist. Soc.

  Henshaw, J. C. =217=Papers: Massachusetts Hist. Soc.

  Henshaw, J. C. =218=Narrative, prepared by Mrs. Henshaw from
       his papers: Massachusetts Hist. Soc.

  Heráldica =219=del Ejército Mex., etc.: Biblioteca Nacional.

  Higgins, H. H. =220=Plans and letters: Mrs. T. M. Coxe.

  Hill, D. H. =221=Diary: Pres. D. H. Hill.

  Hiney, E. F. =222=Diary.

  Hirschorn, Jacob. =223=Recollections: Justin H. Smith.

  Hitchcock, E. A. =224=Diary and Papers: Mrs. E. A. Hitchcock
       (now in the Library of Congress).

  Holt, Joseph. =225=Papers: Library of Congress.

  Hook, C. S. =226=Collection.

  Hoyle, E. D. =227=Recollections.

  Illinois University. =228=Collection.

  Indiana State Library =229=Collection.

  Itúrbide, Agustín de. =230=Papers: Library of Congress.

  Jackson, Andrew. =231=Papers: Library of Congress.

  Jameson, J. Franklin. =232=Collection.

  Janssens, Agustín. =233=Documentos para la Hist. de
       California: Bancroft Coll.

  Johnson, Andrew. =234=Papers: Library of Congress.

  Jones, Roger. =235=Papers: W. R. Benjamin, Esq.

  Judah, H. M. =236=Diary: Library of Congress.

  Kearny, S. W. =237=Letter Book: Missouri Hist. Soc.

  Keating, E. H. =238=Map of Monterey, Mex.: Monterey City Govt.

  Kemper, Jackson. =239=Papers: Univ. of Wisconsin Library.

  Kennerly, W. C. =240=Narrative.

  Kent, James. =241=Papers: Library of Congress.

  Kingsbury, D. M. =242=Letters to his Mother.

  Kribben, Christian. =243=Home Letters: B. D. Kribben, Esq.

  Lakin, George W. =244=Papers: Univ. of Wisconsin Library.

  Lamar, M. B. =245=Papers: Texas State Library.

  Lane, Joseph. =246=Autobiography: Bancroft Coll.

  Larkin, T. O. =247=Papers: Bancroft Coll.

  Lasselle, Stanislaus. =248=Papers: Indiana State Library.

  Leese, Jacob P. =249=Bear Flag Papers: Bancroft Coll.

  Lieber, Francis. =250=Papers: Library of Congress.

  Lowry, Robert. =251=Narrative.

  Mackall, W. W. =252=Letters: belonging to the family.

  McLean, John. =253=Papers: Library of Congress.

  McClellan, Geo. B. =254=Diary and Papers: Library of Congress.

  Mangum, W. P. =255=Papers: A. W. Graham, Esq.

  Marcy, W. L. =256=Papers: Library of Congress.

  Markoe and Maxcy. =257=Papers: Library of Congress.

  Marshall, Henry. =258=Recollections: Bancroft Coll.

  Maryland Hist. Soc. =259=Collection.

  Massachusetts Hist. Soc. =260=Collection.

  Mémoires. =261=I, Apparently prepared by the French agent in
       Mexico; =261a=II, Sur les Revolutions du Mexique: Dépt.
       des Affaires Etrangères, Paris.

  Memorias. =262=Reports issued under this title by Depts. of
       the Mexican government (see also "Memorias" under the head
       of Books and Pamphlets. A number of the Memorias were not
       published--unless in newspapers--but exist in MS. in the
       library of the Sría. de Relaciones).

  Mervine, William. =263=Letter Books and Papers: Navy Dept.
       Library.

  Mexican Hist. =264=Documents: Museo Nacional, Mexico.

  Miller, N. C. =265=Letter.

  Miller, W. D. =266=Papers: belonging to the family.

  Mississippi Dept. of Hist. =267=Collections (Dr. Dunbar
       Rowland, Director).

  Missouri Hist. Soc. =268=Collection.

  Molina, Señ. D. Ignacio. =269=Recollections (verbal).

  Moore, H. Judge. =270=Diary.

  Morales, J. B. =271=Papers: Library of Congress.

  Morgan, George. =272=Memoir of: Col. J. M. Morgan.

  Mullan, James. =273=Diary: belonging to the family.

  Neeld, Peter C. =274=Letter.

  Nelson, T. B., Jr. =275=Letter: Mrs. Annie J. Holland.

  Neville, Harvey. =276=Diary: Chicago Hist. Soc.

  New York Hist. Soc. =277=Collection.

  Niehenke, R. =278=Statement.

  Notes. =279=Sur les Possessions Espagnoles en Amérique: Dépt.
       des Affaires Etrangères, Paris.

  Nunelee, S. F. =280=Diary: James Howell Nunelee, Esq.

  O'Keefe, Michael. =281=Statement: Justin H. Smith.

  Olivera, Agustín. =282=Documentos para la Hist. de California:
       Bancroft Coll.

  Orders (General and Special). =283=Army of the North under
       Mejía, Ampudia and Arista: New York Hist. Soc.

  Otero, M. =284=Comunicación que sobre las Negoc. Diplom.,
       etc.: Yale Univ. Library.

  Paredes y Arrillaga, Mariano. =285=Papers: Señ. Lic. D. Genaro
       García.

  Parker, James. =286=Statement.

  Parrish, P. C. =287=Diary.

  Pennsylvania Hist. Soc. =288=Collection.

  Pérez de Acal. =289=Papers: Guadalajara Public Library.

  Pico, Pio (_Familia Pico_). =290=Documentos para la Hist. de
       California: Bancroft Coll.

  Pierce, Franklin. =291=Papers: Library of Congress.

  Pillow, Gideon J. =292=Letters: W. R. Benjamin Collection.

  Pillow, Gideon J. =293=Letters: Library of Congress.

  Pillow, Gideon J. =294=Letters: Pennsylvania Hist. Soc.

  Pinto, Rafael. =295=Apuntaciones para la Hist. de California:
       Bancroft Coll.

  Poinsett, Joel R. =296=Papers: Pennsylvania Hist. Soc.

  Polk, James K. =297=Papers: Library of Congress (including the
       Polk papers examined by the author at the Chicago Hist. Soc.).

  Porter, Andrew. =298=Papers: Major John Biddle Porter.

  Posey, Carnot. =299=Letters: Dr. Walter L. Fleming.

  Pricket, John A. =300=Letters.

  Primer Battn. Activo de Oaxaca. =301=Libro de Servicios: Rhode
       Island Hist. Soc.

  Puryear, J. F. =302=Document.

  Quitman, John A. =303=Papers: in possession of the family.

  Quitman, John A. =304=Papers in the Claiborne Papers.

  Richardson, C. T. =305=Recollections: Justin H. Smith.

  Riser, J. J. =306=Recollections (Mormon Battalion).

  Roberts, B. S. =307=Diary and letters: Brigadier General B. K
       Roberts.

  Roberts, Charles. =308=Autograph Collection: Haverford Coll.

  Roessler, Edward. =309=Diary: belonging to the family.

  Roque, J. K. =310=Document.

  Santa Anna, A. L. de. =311=Papers: Señ. Lic. D. Genaro García.

  Santa Anna, A. L. de. =312=Papers: Library of Congress.

  Saunders, J. L. =313=Papers: Library of Congress.

  Sawyer, Charles H. =314=Documents for the Hist. of the
       Conquest of California: Bancroft Coll.

  Schouler, William. =315=Papers: Massachusetts Hist. Soc.

  Sherman, W. T. =316=Papers: Library of Congress.

  Sibley, H. H. =317=Papers: Minnesota Hist. Soc.

  Smith, C. B. =318=Papers: Library of Congress.

  Smith, George. =319=Diary: belonging to the family.

  Smith, Persifor F. =320=Papers: State Normal School, West
       Chester, Pa.

  Smith, T. F. =321=Diary: belonging to the writer.

  Smith, W. B. =322=Diary: belonging to the family.

  Stevenson, J. D. =323=Letter Book; =324=General Order
       Book; =325=Regimental Order Book: New York Hist. Soc.

  Sumner, Charles. =326=Papers: Harvard Univ. Library.

  Sutherland, D. H. =327=Letters: belonging to the family.

  Sweet, G. N. =328=Statement.

  Taliaferro, William B. =329=Papers: Miss L. S. Taliaferro.

  Taylor, Zachary. =330=Papers: Library of Congress.

  Taylor, Zachary. =331=Papers: Henkels catalogue.

  Tennery, Thomas D. =332=Diary: Rev. John S. Cook, D.D.

  Tlacotálpam, Mex. =333=Judicial Archives.

  Torres, Manuel. =334=Peripecias de la Vida California:
       Bancroft Coll.

  Trist, Nicholas P. =335=Papers: Library of Congress.

  Turner, C. B. =336=Letter: belonging to the family.

  Turner, H. S. =337=Diary: Missouri Hist. Soc.

  U. S. House of Representatives. =338=Files: Capitol,
       Washington.

  U. S. House of Representatives. =339=Papers: Library of
       Congress.

  U. S. Military Academy (West Point). =340=Collection.

  U. S. Senate. =341=Files: Capitol, Washington.

  University of Illinois. =342=Collection.

  Vallejo, M. G. =343=Documentos para la Hist. de California:
       Bancroft Coll.

  Vallejo, M. G. =344=Recuerdos Hist. y Personales: Bancroft
       Coll.

  Van Buren, Martin. =345=Papers: Library of Congress.

  Wade, W. P. =346=Document: belonging to the family.

  Washburne, Elihu B. =347=Papers: Library of Congress.

  Watterston, George. =348=Notes on U. S. History: Library of
       Congress.

  Watterston, George. =349=Papers: Library of Congress.

  Weber, Juan L. =350=Recollections (verbal).

  Webster, Daniel. =351=Papers: Library of Congress.

  Weeks, J. W. =352=Reminiscences: Bancroft Coll.

  Welles, Edgar T. =353=Collection: Connecticut Hist. Soc.

  Welles, Gideon. =354=Papers: Library of Congress.

  Wheaton, Henry. =355=Papers: Massachusetts Hist. Soc.

  Whitcomb, T. M. =356=Diary: T. J. Whitcomb, Esq.

  Wilcox, C. M. =357=Diary (portions copied by him): Claiborne
       papers, Mississippi Dept. of History.

  Williams, Thomas. =358=Letters: Rt. Rev. G. Mott Williams.

  Winthrop-Clifford. =359=Correspondence: Massachusetts Hist.
       Soc.

  Winthrop-Kennedy. =360=Correspondence: Massachusetts Hist. Soc.

  Woods, William. =361=Recollections.

  Worth, G. A. =362=Papers: Library of Congress.

  Worth, W. J. =363=Papers: W. R. Benjamin Collection.

  Worth, W. J. =364=Papers: Mrs. K. S. Hubbell.

  Wyse, F. O. =365=Papers: Miss Mary Wyse.

  Yale University. =366=Collection (University Library).

  Yell, Archibald. =367=Papers: Mrs. R. H. Fitzgerald.

  Map Division, Library of Congress. =369=Map of Palo Alto.

  Taylor, Zachary. =370=Papers: Mrs. W. R. Stauffer.

  Mitchell, W. I. =371=Statement.

  Hyde, George. =372=Statement of Hist. Facts on California:
       Bancroft Coll.

  Evans, Joseph. =373=Narrative: Justin H. Smith.

  Conner, David. =374=Letters: Henkels catalogue.

  Madigan, P. F. =375=Collection.

  Nicholson, A. S. =376=Recollections (verbal).

  Willing, Wildurr. =377=Paper on Scott's operations (published
       later).

  Winthrop, R. C. =378=The Mexican War Bill (Massachusetts Hist.
       Soc.).

  De Witt, John. =379=Collection (see also No. 138). #/


B. SERIALS

As these titles, when occurring in the notes, are self-explanatory, it
has been thought best to group them by themselves in order to give a
comprehensive view of the sources of this class and make it a little
easier to use the "list of books and pamphlets." Most of the volumes of
serials here cited as having been examined contained nothing of value
for the author's purpose.

  Academy of Pacific Coast History, 1910-11.

  Academy of Political Science in the City of New York, 1910-17.

  Alabama Hist. Society. Transactions. Publications, 1899-1904.

  American Antiquarian Society. Proceedings, 1849-1918. Transactions
       and Collections, 1857-1911.

  American Catholic Hist. Society. Records and Researches, 1887-1915.

  American Economic Association. Publications, 1889-1905.

  American Geog. Society. Bulletin I, pt. 1.

  American Hist. Association. Papers, 1885, 1887, 1889-91. Reports,
       1889-1916.

  American-Irish Hist. Society. Journal, 1898-1905. Record, 1901-02.

  American-Jewish Hist. Society. Publications, 1893-1914.

  Annals of Iowa. 3 series.

  Buffalo Hist. Society. Publications, 1879-1914.

  California Hist. Society. Papers.

  Columbia (D. C.) Hist. Society. Record, 1895-1912.

  Connecticut Hist. Society. Collections, 1860-1916.

  Delaware Hist. Society. Papers, 1879-1913.

  Essex Institute. Hist. Collections, 1859-1914.

  Firelands Hist. Society. Pioneer, 1862-78.

  German-American Hist. Society. Annals, 1901-11.

  Hist. Society of Southern California. Publications, 1888-1916.

  Illinois State Hist. Library. Collections, 1903-15. Governors'
       Letter Books, 1840-53. Publications or Transactions, 1899-1917.

  Illinois State Hist. Society. Journal, 1908-14. Transactions (see
       Ill. State Hist. Lib.).

  Indiana Hist. Society. Publications, 1897-1912.

  Iowa, Hist. Dept. Annals, 1893-1914.

  Iowa State Hist. Society. Annals, 1863-74. Historical Record,
       1885-1902. Messages and Proclamations of Governors. Iowa and
       War, No. 12, 1918.

  Kansas State Hist. Society. Transactions, i-x. Collections, 1909-12.

  Kentucky State Hist. Society. Register, 1903-14.

  Lancaster County Hist. Society. Papers, 1897-1913.

  Long Island Hist. Society. Memoirs, 1867-89.

  Louisiana Hist. Society. Publications, 1895-1912.

  McClean County (Ill.) Hist. Society. Transactions, 1899-1903.

  Maine Hist. Society. Collections, 1847-87. Collections and
       Proceedings, 1890-99.

  Maryland Hist. Society. Miscellaneous and "Fund" Publications,
       1846-81.

  Massachusetts Hist. Society. Collections, 1846-1918. Proceedings,
       1859-1918.

  Michigan Pioneer and Hist. Society. Collections, 1877-1912.

  Minnesota Hist. Society. Collections, 1860-1915.

  Mississippi Hist. Society. Publications, 1898-1909.

  Mississippi Valley Hist. Society. Proceedings.

  Missouri Hist. Society. Collections, 1880-1914.

  Montana Hist. Society. Contributions, 1876-1910.

  Nebraska State Hist. Society. Proceedings and Collections,
       1894-1913. Transactions and Reports, 1885-93.

  Nevada Hist. Society. Biennial Reports, 1909-13.

  New Hampshire Hist. Society. Collections, 1850-93. Proceedings,
       1872-1905.

  New Jersey Hist. Society. Collections, 1846-1900. Proceedings,
       1845-1914.

  New Mexico Hist. Society. Publications, 1881-1908.

  New York Hist. Society. Proceedings, 1844-49. Collections,
       1868-1916. Miscellany.

  New York State Hist. Association. Publications, 1901-13.

  Ohio Hist. and Philos. Society. Publications, 1873-85, 1906-17.

  Ohio State Archæol. and Hist. Society. Publications, 1888-1915.

  Old North West Geneal. Society. See "Periodicals."

  Oregon Hist. Society. See "Periodicals."

  Pennsylvania Hist. Society. Memoirs, 1850-95. Bulletin, 1845-47.
       Magazine of Hist. and Biog., 1877-1917.

  Rhode Island Hist. Society. Collections, 1867-1902. Publications,
       1893-1900. Proceedings, 1872-92, 1900-14.

  Schuylkill County Hist. Society. Publications, 1907-13.

  Société de Géographie. Bulletin No. 51.

  South Car. Hist. Society. Collections.

  Southern Hist. Association. Publications, 1897-1906.

  Tennessee Hist. Society. Quarterly, 1902-4.

  Texas State Hist. Society. See "Periodicals."

  Trinity College Hist. Society. Publications, 1897-1912.

  U. S. Naval Institute. Proceedings.

  University [of California]. Chronicle, I-XIV.

  University of Pennsylvania. Publications.

  Virginia Hist. Society. Collections, 1882-92. See also
       "Periodicals."

  West Virginia Hist. and Antiq. Society. See "Periodicals."

  Western Reserve Hist. Society. Publications, 1870-1914.

  Wisconsin State Hist. Society. Collections, 1855-1911. Proceedings,
       1891-1917.

  Worcester Society of Antiquity. Proceedings, 1875-1909.

   Wyoming Hist. and Geneal. Society. Proceedings and
       Collections, 1858-1912.


C. PERIODICALS

This list includes the principal ones. The best collections are
at the American Antiquarian Society, which has numerous Mexican
broadsides also, the Library of Congress, the City Hall of New Orleans
(southwestern journals), the Biblioteca Nacional and the Dept. of
Hacienda Library at Mexico, and the British Museum. In a number
of instances only scattered copies of a periodical were found or
quotations in some other paper.

  Advertiser. Boston.
  Advertiser. Detroit.
  Advertiser. Newark, N. J.
  Aguila del Norte.  Matamoros, Méx.
  Aguila  Mexicano.  Matamoros, Méx.
  Aguila Mexicano. México.
  American. Baltimore.
  American. New York.
  American. Portland, Me.
  American Eagle. Vera Cruz.
  American Economic Review.
  American Flag. Matamoros, Mex.
  American Flag. Vera Cruz, Mex.
  American  Historical  Magazine. New York.
  American  Historical  Record. Philadelphia.
  American  Historical  Review. New York.
  American Home Journal.
  American Pioneer. Monterey, Mex.
  American Political Science Review. Baltimore.
  American [Whig] Review.  New York.
  American Sentinel. Philadelphia.
  Americana. New York.
  Amigo del Pueblo. México.
  Anglo-Saxon. Chihuahua, Mex.
  Annals of the American Academy. Philadelphia.
  Anteojo. México.
  Anzeiger des Westens. St. Louis.
  Arco Iris. Veracruz.
  Argonaut. San Francisco.
  Army and Navy Journal. New York.
  Athenæum. London.
  Atlantic Monthly. Boston.
  Atlas. Albany, N. Y.
  Atlas. Boston.
  Atlas. Cincinnati.
  Atleta. México.
  Autograph. New York.
  Bankers' Magazine. Baltimore.
  Bee. New Orleans.
  Boletín de la Democracia. México.
  Boletín del Norte. Matamoros, Méx.
  Boletín de Noticias. Puebla, Méx.
  Boletín Militar. México.
  Boletín Oficial. San Luis Potosí, Méx.
  Britannia. London.
  Brownson's  Quarterly  Review. Boston and New York.
  California Star. Monterey, Cal.
  Californian. Monterey, Cal.
  Católico. México.
  Century Magazine. New York.
  Chronicle. Cincinnati.
  Church and State Gazette. London.
  Clipper. Baltimore.
  Collector. New York.
  Columna de la Libertad. Querétaro, Méx.
  Comercio. Lima, Peru.
  Commercial. Wilmington, N. C.
  Commercial Advertiser. New York.
  Commercial Bulletin. New Orl.
  Commercial Review of the South and West. New Orleans.
  Commonwealth. Lexington, Ky.
  Congressional Globe. Washington.
  Constitutionalist. Augusta, Ga.
  Constitutionnel. Paris.
  Correo de la Federación Mexicana. México.
  Correo Nacional. Querétaro, Méx.
  Correspondant. Paris.
  Correspondent. Port Gibson, Miss.
  Cosmopolita. México.
  Courier. Boston.
  Courier. Charleston, S. C.
  Courier. New Orleans.
  Courier and Enquirer.  New York.
  Courier and Journal.  Natchez, Miss.
  Courrier des Etats Unis.  New York.
  Courrier Français. Mexico.
  Courrier Français. New York.
  Crepúsculo. México.
  Defensor de Tamaulipas. Victoria, Méx.
  Delta. New Orleans.
  Democrat. Columbus, Miss.
  Democratic Review. Washington and New York.
  Diario del Gobierno. México.
  Diario del Gobierno de la República Mexicana. México.
  Diario del Gobierno de los Estados Mexicanos. México.
  Diario del Gobierno Mexicano. México.
  Diario de México. México.
  Diario Oficial del Gobierno Mexicano. México.
  Don Simplicio. México.
  Dwight's American  Magazine. New York.
  Eagle. Memphis, Tenn.
  Eagle. Vera Cruz.
  Echo de la Louisiane. New Orleans.
  Eco. Tampico, Méx.
  Eco del Comercio. México.
  Eco del Norte de Tamaulipas. Matamoros, Méx.
  Economist. London.
  Edinburgh Review. Edinburgh.
  English Historical Review.
  Enquirer. Cincinnati.
  Enquirer. Richmond, Va.
  Epoca. San Luis Potosí, Méx.
  Epoque. Paris.
  Espectador. México.
  Esperanza. Tampico, Méx.
  Evening Post. New York.
  Examiner. London.
  Express. New York.
  Federalista. Querétaro, Méx.
  Federalista Puro. México.
  Fenix de la Federatión. Toluca, Méx.
  Flag of Freedom. Puebla, Méx.
  Forum. New York.
  Fraser's Magazine. London.
  Fredonian.
  Free American. Vera Cruz.
  Free Press. Detroit.
  Gaceta de Ciudad Victoria. Victoria, Méx.
  Gaceta de la Nueva Granada. Bogotá.
  Gaceta  del  Gob. de  México. México.
  Gaceta del Gob. ... de Tamaulipas. Victoria, Méx.
  Gazette. Alexandria, Va.
  Gazette. Cincinnati.
  Gazette. Corpus Christi, Tex.
  Gazette. Holly Springs, Miss.
  Gazette. Philadelphia.
  Gazette de France. Paris.
  Genius of Liberty. Vera Cruz.
  Georgian. Savannah, Ga.
  Globe. New York.
  Globe. Washington, D. C.
  Guard. Holly Springs, Miss.
  Guard. Toluca, Méx.
  Harper's Magazine. New York.
  Herald. Cincinnati.
  Herald. New York.
  Herald and Tribune. Mobile, Ala.
  Heraldo. Madrid, Spain.
  Historical Magazine.  Morrisania, etc.
  History Teacher's Magazine. Philadelphia.
  Ilustrador Católico. México.
  Imparcial. México.
  Independiente. San Luis Potosí, Méx.
  Indiana Magazine of History.
  Indianapolis.
  Indicador. Veracruz.
  Infantry Journal. Washington.
  International Military Digest. New York.
  Iowa Journal of History and Politics.
  Iowa City.
  Iris Español. México.

  Jalisciense. Guadalajara, Méx.
  Jeffersonian. New Orleans.
  Journal. Louisville, Ky.
  Journal. Lowell, Mass.
  Journal. Providence, R. I.
  Journal des Débats. Paris.
  Journal of American History.
  Journal of Commerce. London.
  Journal of Commerce. New York.
  Journal of Military Service Institution of U. S. Governor's Island, N. Y.
  Journal of Political Economy. Chicago.
  Journal of the U. S. Artillery. Fort Monroe.
  Journal of U. S. Infantry Association.

  Kennebec Journal. Augusta, Me.

  Liberal. Zacatecas, Méx.
  Liberal Moderado. Matamoros, Méx.
  Liberator. Boston.
  Lima de Vulcano. México.
  Littell's Living Age. Boston.
  Locomotor. Veracruz.
  Louisiana Advertiser. New Orleans.
  Louisiana Courier. New Orleans.
  Louisianais. New Orleans.

  Madisonian. Washington.
  Magazine of American History. New York.
  Magazine of History. New York.
  Maryland Historical Magazine. Baltimore.
  Massachusetts Quarterly Review. Boston.
  Memorial Histórico. México.
  Mentor del Pueblo. Puebla, Méx.
  Mercantile Journal. London.
  Merchants' Magazine. New York.
  Mercury. Charleston, S. C.
  Metropolitan Magazine. New York.
  Mexicano. México.
  Military Historian and Economist. Cambridge, Mass.
  Military Service Institution Journal. New York.
  Mississippi Valley Historical Review. Cedar Rapids.
  Missouri Historical Review. Columbia.
  Missouri Reporter. St. Louis.
  Missouri Republican. St. Louis.
  Monitor. México.
  Monitor Constitutional. México.
  Monitor del Pueblo. Puebla, Méx.
  Monitor Republicano. México.
  Morning Advertiser. London.
  Morning Chronicle. London.
  Morning Herald. London.
  Morning News. New London, Conn.
  Morning News. New York.
  Morning Post, Greensborough, N. C.
  Morning Post. London.
  Morning Star. Houston, Tex.
  Mosquito Mexicano. México.
  Mountaineer. Greenville, S. C.
  Mountaineer-Herald. Ebensburg, Pa.

  Nacional. Puebla, Méx.
  National. Paris.
  National Anti-Slavery Standard. New York.
  National Intelligencer. Washington, D. C.
  National Register. Washington, Tex.
  National Vindicator. Washington, Tex.
  New England Historical Genealogical Society Register.
  New Englander. New Haven.
  News. Galveston, Tex.
  News. London.
  Niles' National Register. Baltimore.
  North American. Mexico.
  North American. Philadelphia.
  North American Review. New York.
  Noticioso. San Cristóbal, Méx.
  Nueva Era Constitucional de Oaxaca. Oaxaca, Méx.
  Observador Judicial. México.
  Observador Zacatecano. Zacatecas, Méx.
  Observer. Lexington, Ky.
  Ohio Archæological and Historical Quarterly. Columbus.
  Ohio State Journal. Columbus.
  Old and New. Boston.
  Old North West Quarterly. Columbus, O.
  Old School Democrat. St. Louis.
  Opinión del Ejército. San Luis Potosí, Méx.
  Opinión Pública. Morelia, Méx.
  Oposición. México.
  Oregon Historical Society Quarterly. Portland.
  Pabellón Nacional. México.
  Patria. New Orleans.
  Patriot. Mobile, Ala.
  Patriota Mexicano. México.
  Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography. Philadelphia.
  Pennsylvanian. Philadelphia.
  Pensador Mexicano. México.
  Peruano. Lima, Peru.
  Picayune. New Orleans.
  Picket Guard. Saltillo, Mex.
  Political Science Quarterly. Boston.
  Politician. Nashville, Tenn.
  Político. México.
  Porvenir. Toluca, Méx.
  Post. Boston.
  Potter's American Monthly.
  Pregonero. Morelia, Méx.
  Progreso. Querétaro, Méx.
  Public Ledger. Philadelphia.
  Puritano. México.
  Quarterly Journal of Economics. Boston.
  Razonador. México.
  Reforma. México.
  Regenerador. Oaxaca, Méx.
  Regenerador Republicano. Puebla, Méx.
  Registro Oficial. Durango, Méx.
  República de Rio Grande y Amigo de los Pueblos. Matamoros, Méx.
  Republican. Jacksonville, Ala.
  Republican. New Orleans.
  Republican. St. Louis.
  Republican. Santa Fe, N. Mex.
  Republican. Savannah, Ga.
  Republican Banner.  Nashville, Tenn.
  Republicano. México.
  Republicano Federado. México.
  Republicano Jalisciense.  Guadalajara, Méx.
  Reveille. Matamoros, Mex.
  Reveille. St. Louis.
  Revista Econ. y Comerc. de la Repúb. Mexicana. México.
  Revue Britannique. Paris.
  Revue de Paris. Brussels.
  Revue des Deux Mondes. Paris.
  Revue des Races Latines. Paris.
  Revue Historique. Paris.
  Revue Indépendante. Paris.
  Saturday Review. London.
  Scribner's Magazine. New York.
  Scribner's Monthly. New York.
  Seminario  Político.  Monterey, Méx.
  Sentido Común. Morelia, Méx.
  Sentinel. Tampico, Mex.
  Sentinel. Vicksburg, Miss.
  Siglo XIX. México.
  Sinaloense. Mazatlán, Méx.
  Sol. México.
  Sol. Tampico, Méx.
  Soldado de la Patria. San Luis Potosí, Méx.
  Sonorense. Hermosillo, Méx.
  South Atlantic Quarterly. Durham, N. C.
  South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine. Charleston, S. C.
  Southern Advocate. Huntsville, Ala.
  Southern Literary Messenger. Richmond.
  Southern Magazine. Baltimore.
  Southern Quarterly Review. New Orleans.
  Southwestern Historical Quarterly. Austin, Tex.
  Spectateur Militaire. Paris.
  Spectator. London.
  Spectator. Washington, D. C.
  Spirit of Jefferson. Charlestown,Va.
  Spirit of the Age. Woodstock, Vt.
  Spirit of the Times. New York.
  Standard. London.
  Star. Columbia, S. C.
  Star. Raleigh, N. C.
  State Sentinel. Indianapolis.
  Statesman. Albany, N. Y.
  Sun. New York.
  Sun of Anahuac. Vera Cruz.
  Telégrafo. Puebla, Méx.
  Telegraph. Houston, Tex.
  Telegraph. Washington, D. C.
  Temístocles. San Juan Bautista, Méx.
  Texas Democrat. Austin, Tex.
  Texas Review. Austin, Tex.
  Texas State Historical Society Quarterly. Austin, Tex.
  Texian Democrat. Houston, Tex.
  Tiempo. México.
  Times. London.
  Tribune. New York.
  Tropic. New Orleans.
  Union. Nashville, Tenn.
  Union. Washington, D. C.
  Unión Nacional. Oaxaca, Méx.
  United Service. New York and Philadelphia.
  United Service Magazine. London.
  U. S. Army and Navy Journal. New York.
  U. S. Cavalry Association Journal. Fort Leavenworth.
  U. S. Magazine and Democratic Review. Washington and New York.
  Vedette. Washington.
  Veracruzano Libre. Veracruz.
  Verdadero Liberal. Guanajuato, Méx.
  Vigía del Pacífico. Mazatlán, Méx.
  Virginia Historical Society Magazine of History and Biography.
  Voz de Michoacán. Morelia, Méx.
  Voz de la Patria. México.
  Voz del Pueblo. México.
  West Virginia Hist. and Antiq. Soc., Historical Mag. Charleston.
  Western Monthly Magazine. Cincinnati.
  Whig. Nashville, Tenn.
  Whig. Richmond, Va.
  Whig Review. _See_ American Review.
  William and Mary College Quarterly Historical Magazine.
  Yale Review. New Haven.
  Zacatecano. Zacatecas, Mex.
  Zempoalteca. Jalapa, Méx.


D. BOOKS AND PAMPHLETS (EXCEPT SERIALS)

These were used primarily, like the other printed matter, on account
of first-hand material contained in them, secondly for ancillary
information on biography, topography, industries, customs, etc., and
thirdly for suggestions, many of which were too general to cite. Some
are mentioned simply to show that the author did not overlook them.
Others were examined that did not seem worth noticing at all here. To
have expanded this list into a bibliography would have been foreign to
the author's aim and would have made it intolerably long. For these
reasons titles have frequently been shortened. The main use of the
list was to make it possible to give very brief titles in the notes.
Numerous broadsides examined by the author are not mentioned.

  ¡A las Armas, Mexicanos! Méx. 1846.

  Acta. Mazatlán. 1847.

  Acta Celebrada por el Ejército de Reserva. Méx. 1829.

  Acta Constitutiva y de Reformas, etc. Atlixco. 1847.

  Acta del Pronunciamiento. Méx. 1829.

  Adalberto de Cardona, S. Méx. y Sus Capitales. Méx. 1900.

  Adams, E. D. British Interests and Activities in Texas. Balto. 1910.

  Adams, Henry. Albert Gallatin. Phila. 1879. History of the United
       States. 9 v. N. Y. 1889-91.

  Adams, J. Q. Memoirs. 12 v. Phila. 1874-77.

  Addey, Markinfield. "Little Mac." N. Y. 1864. "Stonewall Jackson."
       N. Y. 1863.

  "Adopted Citizen." Texas Question Reviewed. N. Y. 1844.

  Aguilar y López. Breve Impugnación, etc. Méx. 1848.

  Ah, Traidores Gachupines. Puebla. 1827.

  Al Público. Puebla. 1847.

  Al Pueblo Méx.: Relación de las Causas, etc. (Aug. 24, 1847).
       Méx. 1847.

  Alamán, Lucas. Defensa. Méx. 1834. Dissert. sobre la Hist. de
       la Repúb. Mexicana. 3 v. Méx. 1844-49. Hist. de México. 5
       v. México. 1883-5. Liquid. General de la Deuda Exterior de
       la Repúb. Mex. Méx. 1845. Memoria [on Agriculture and the
       Industries]. Méx. 1844.

  Alcáraz, Ramón, _et al_. Apuntes para la Hist. de la Guerra entre
       México y los Estados Unidos. Méx. 1848.

  Aldrich, M. A. U. S. Marine Corps. Boston. 1875.

  Alexander, E. P. Amer. Civil War. London. 1908.

  [Allen, George.] The Complaint of Mexico. Boston. 1843.

  Allen, G. N. Mexican Treacheries and Cruelties. Boston and N. Y.
       1848.

  Allen, H. W. Recollections (S. A. [Ellis] Dorsey, ed.). N. Y.
       [1866.]

  Allen, J. C. Roster of Soldiers, Sailors and Marines of the War of
       1812, etc. Lincoln, Neb. 1893.

  Allen, L. L. Scenes upon the Rio Grande. N. Y. 1848.

  Almonte, J. N. Noticia Estad. sobre Tejas. Méx. 1835.

  Alocución dirigida en Chacapa al General de las Fuerzas Amer.
       Puebla. 1847.

  Alvarez, Juan. Manifiesto. Méx. 1845.

  Alvarez, V. S. Breve Noticia de Algunos Manuscritos. Méx. 1908.

  "Amante de Su Patria." Causas para Declarar la Guerra á los EE. UU.
       Méx. 1829.

  Ambler, C. H. Thomas Ritchie. Richmond. 1913.

  "American, An." _See_ Robinson, A.

  American Gift Book. N. Y. 1848.

  American State Papers. Class I, vol. vi. Wash.

  Ampudia, Pedro de. To Fellow-citizens (July 10, 1846). [Méx. 1846.]
       Manifiesto. Méx. 1847. El Ciud. P. de A. ante ... la Opin.
       Pública. S. Luis Potosí. 1846.

  Analasis del Manif. de la Legisl. de V. Cruz. Puebla. 1827.

  Anderson, Robert. Diary ("An Artillery Officer in Mexico"), edited
       by Mrs. Eba A. Lawton. N. Y. 1911.

  Andrews, C. M. Guide to the Materials for Amer. Hist. to 1783, in
       the Public Record Office of Great Britain. Wash. 1912.

  Annual Report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the State of the
       Finances. Wash. 1918.

  Antonio López de Santa Anna, Candidato. Méx. 1850.

  Apelación del Gen. I. Reyes al Buen Sentido de los Mexicanos.
       Zacatecas. 1847.

  Appleton. Biog. Dictionary (Article on Z. Taylor by Jefferson
       Davis).

  Apuntes para la Biog. del ... Alamán, etc. Méx. 1854.

  Apuntes para la Hist. de la Guerra. _See_ Alcáraz.

  Aranda, A. L. Exposición. Morelia. 1847.

  Arispe, Ramos de. Memorial. 1814.

  Arista, Mariano. Reseña Hist. de la Revol. ... 1833. Méx. 1835.

  Arkansas History Commission. Bulletin No. 6 (June, 1913).

  Arnold, T. J. Early Life and Letters of T. J. Jackson. N. Y. [1916.]

  Arrangóiz, F. de P. de. México desde 1808 hasta 1867. 4 v. Madrid,
       1871-72.

  Arrillaga, J. B. Recopilación. Méx. 1839.

  Arróniz, J. Hist. de Orizaba. 1867.

  Arróniz, Marcos. Manuel del Viajero en México. Paris. 1858.

  Articulos Selectos ... del Aguila Mex. Méx. 1828.

  Atocha, A. J. Memorial. 1852. Statement. [Wash. 1845.]

  Austin, G. L. Wendell Phillips. Boston. 1884.

  Aviraneta é Ibargoyen, E. de. Mis Memorias Intimas, 1825-29. Méx.
       1906.

  Aviso á los Estados. Méx. 1834.

  Babcock, Elkanah. War Hist. of Sixth U. S. Infantry. Kansas City.
       1903.

  [Babcock, J. F.] Fate of Fred D. Mills. [New Haven. 1848.]

  Bache, R. M. Gen. G. G. Meade. Phila. 1897.

  Baker, D. W. C. Texas Scrap-Book. N. Y. [1875.]

  Balbontín, Manuel. Estado Militar de ... México en 1846. Méx.
       Invasión Americana. Méx. 1883.

  [Ballentine, George.] Autobiog. of an English Soldier in the U. S.
       Army. 2 v. London. 1853.

  Banco de Avío. Informe. Méx. 1835.

  Bancroft, H. H. Chronicles of the Builders of the Commonwealth.
       7 v. S.Francisco. 1891-92. Hist. of the Pacific States,
       Mexico and Texas. 16 v. S. Francisco. 1883-90. Resources and
       Development of Mexico. S. Francisco. 1893.

  Bandini, H. E. Hist. of California. N. Y. [1908.]

  Bárcena, J. M. Roa. _See_ Roa Bárcena.

  Baril, V. L. Le Mexique. Douai. 1862.

  Barker, E. C. (ed.). Johnson's Hist. of Texas and Texans. 5 v.
       Chicago. 1914.

  Barragán, M. Manifesto. Méx. 1830.

  "Barrister, A." [Forbes]. Trip to Mexico. London. 1851.

  Barrows, William. Oregon. 10 ed. Boston. 1898.

  Bartlett, D. V. G. Franklin Pierce. Auburn. 1852.

  Bassett, J. S. Andrew Jackson. 2 v. Garden City, N. Y. 1911.

  Battles and Leaders of the Civil War. 4 v. N. Y. [1887-89.]

  Battles of Mexico. N. Y. 1848.

  Bayley, R. A. National Loans of the U. S., 1776-1880. Wash. 1881.

  Baylies, Francis. Wool's Campaign in Mexico. Albany. 1851.

  Baz, Gustavo. Vida de Benito Juárez. Méx. 1864.

  Beechey, F. W. Voyage to the Pacific and Beering's Strait. 2 v.
       London. 1831.

  Beltrami, J. C. [G. C.]. Le Mexique. 2 v. Paris. 1830.

  Benet, S. V. Ordnance Dept. Reports, etc., ii. Wash. 1880.

  [Benham, H. W.] Recollections of Mexico and the Battle of Buena
       Vista. Boston. 1871.

  Bennett, F. M. The Steam Navy of the U. S. Pittsburgh. 1896. The
       Monitor and the Navy under Steam. Boston. 1900.

  Bennett, J. G. _See_ "Journalist."

  Benton, J. G. Ordnance and Gunnery. 2 ed. N. Y. 1862.

  Benton, T. H. Thirty Years View. 2 v. N. Y. 1854, 1856.

  Benton, T. H. (ed.). Abridgement of the Debates of Congress. 16 v.
       N. Y. 1857-60.

  Béristain y Souza, J. M. Biblioteca Hispano--Amer. Setent. 2 ed.
       Amecameca. 1883.

  Berlandier (L.) y Chovel (R.). Diario de Viage de la Comisión de
       Límites. Méx. 1850.

  Berry, Philip. Review of the Mex. War. Columbia, S. C. 1849.

  Berthet, A. Quatre Ans au Mexique. Paris. 1885.

  Bertie-Marriott, Clément. Un Parisien au Mexique. Paris. 1886.

  Bigelow, John. J. C. Frémont. N. Y. 1856. Samuel J. Tilden. 2 v. N.
       Y. 1895.

  [Billings, Mrs. Eliza (Allen).] Female Volunteer. [1851.]

  Biografía de Alamán. Méx.

  Biog. del Gen. Santa-Anna. Méx. 1847.

  Biog. del Gen. Santa-Anna. Méx. 1857.

  Biog. del Gral. Santa Anna. Méx. 1849.

  Birkhimer, W. E. Hist. Sketch of ... the Artillery, U. S. Army.
       Wash. 1884.

  Bishop, W. H. Mex., California and Arizona. N. Y. 1889.

  Bishop, W. W. Journal of the Twelve Months Campaign of Gen.
       Shields's Brigade, compiled from notes of Lieuts. J. J. Adams
       and H. C. Dunbar. St. Louis. 1847.

  Bixby, W. K. [collector]. Letters of Zachary Taylor. Rochester.
       1908.

  Blackmar, F. W. Spanish Institutions of the Southwest. Balto. 1891.

  Blackwood, E. J. _See_ Smith, E. K.

  Blaine, J. G. Twenty Years in Congress. 2 v. Norwich. 1884, 1886.

  Blanchard (P.) et Dauzats (A.). S. Juan de Ulúa. Paris. 1839.

  Blümer, Bodo von. El Corazón del Anahuac. (Plano Topográfico.) Méx.
       1882.

  Bocanegra, J. M. Disertación Apologética del Sist. Fed. Méx. 1825.
       Memorias. 2 v. Méx. 1892.

  Bolles, A. S. Financial History of the U. S., 1789-1860. N. Y. 1883.

  Bolton, H. E. Guide to Materials for the Hist. of the U. S. in the
       Principal Archives of Mexico. Wash. 1913. Texas in the Middle
       XVIII Century. Berkeley. 1915.

  Bonsal, Stephen. E. E. Beale. N. Y. 1912.

  Bourne, E. G. Essays in Historical Criticism. N. Y. 1901.

  Brackenridge, H. M. Mexican Letters. Wash. 1850.

  Brackett, A. G. Hist. of the U. S. Cavalry. N. Y. 1865. Lane's
       Brigade in Central Mexico. Cincin. 1854.

  Bravo, Nicolás. Manifiesto. Méx. 1828.

  Breve Exposición que el Gen. M. Paredes y Arrillaga hace, etc. Méx.
       1847.

  Breve Impugnación á las Observaciones acerca, etc. Méx. 1848.

  Breve Reseña Histórica. [Méx.]

  Breve Resumen de lo Ocurrido en esta Diócesis, etc. Méx. 1846.

  Brewer, W. Alabama. Montgomery. 1872.

  Brooks, N. C. Complete Hist. of Mex. War. Phila. 1849.

  Brown, Alexander. First Republic in America. Boston. 1898.

  Brown, F. R. Hist. of Ninth U. S. Infantry. Chicago. 1909.

  Brown, J. H. Hist. of Texas. 2 v. St. Louis. [1892, 1893.]

  Brown, W. G. Stephen A. Douglas. Boston. 1902. The Lower South in
       Amer. Hist. N. Y. 1902.

  [Bruell, J. D.] ("Old Salt"). Sea Memories. Biddeford Pool. 1886.

  Bryan, H. L. Treaties in Force. Wash. 1899.

  Bryant, Edwin. What I Saw in California. N. Y. 1848.

  Buchanan, James. Works (Moore, ed.). 12 v. Phila. 1908-11.

  Buckingham, J. S. The Slave States of America. 2 v. London. [1842.]

  Buhoup, J. W. Narrative of the Central Division. Pittsburgh. 1847.

  Bulletin de la Société de Géog., Nos. 51, 77. Paris.

  Bullock, William. Six Months' Residence and Travels in Mexico.
       London. 1824.

  Bullock, W. H. Across Mexico. London. 1866.

  Búlnes, Francisco. Las Grandes Mentiras de nuestra Historia. Paris.
       1904.

  Bureau of Amer. Republics. Mexico. Wash. 1900.

  Bustamante, Anastasio. Manifiesto que el Vicepresidente ... dirige
       á la Nación. Méx. 1830.

  Bustamante, C. M. de. Apuntes para la Hist. de ... S. Anna. Méx.
       1845. Campaña sin Gloria. Méx. 1847. Cuadro Histórico de la
       Revol. Mexicana. 2 ed. 5 v. Méx. 1843-46. Gabinete Mexicano,
       etc. 2 v. in one. Méx. 1842. Gobierno del Gral ... S. Anna.
       Méx. 1845. Hist. del Emper. D. A. de Iturbide. Méx. 1846.
       Nuevo Bernal Díaz del Castillo, etc. 2 v. Méx. 1847.

  Butler, C. H. The Treaty-Making Power of the U. S. 2 v. N. Y. 1902.

  C[alderón] de la B[arca, F. E.] Life in Mexico. 2 v. Boston. 1843.

  Calendario de Ontiveros. Méx. 1847.

  Calhoun, J. C. Correspondence. _See_ Jameson. Works (Crallé, ed.).
       6 v. N. Y. 1851-6.

  Callahan, E. W. Officers of U. S. Navy and Marine Corps. N. Y. 1901.

  Cámara de Repres. (La), á la Nación. Méx. 1845.

  Campaña contra los Amer. del Norte. Primera Parte: Relación Hist.
       de los Quarenta Dias. Méx. 1846.

  Campos, S. I. Recuerdos Hist. de ... Veracruz. Méx. 1895.

  [Capen, Nahum.] Republic of the U. S. of Amer. N. Y. 1848.

  "Captain of Volunteers, A." Alta California. Phila. 1847. Conquest
       of Santa Fé, etc. Phila. 1847.

  Cardona, Adalberto de. Méx. y sus Capitales. Méx. 1890.

  Carleton, J. C. Address (27th Ann. Meeting, Nat. Assoc. Mex. War
       Veterans).

  Carleton, J. H. Battle of Buena Vista. N. Y. 1848.

  Caro, R. M. Verdadera Idea de la Primera Campaña de Tejas, etc.
       Méx. 1837.

  Carpenter, W. W. Travel and Adventure in Mexico. N. Y. 1851.

  Carreño, A. M. Jefes del Ejército Mex. en 1847. Méx. 1914.

  Carson, J. H. Early Recollections of the Mines, etc. Stockton. 1852.

  Carta de un Ciud. Méx. á un Oficial del Ejérc. Norte-Amer. Atlixco.
       1847.

  Carta de un Filósofo sobre la Ocupación de los Bienes del Clero.
       Méx. 1847.

  Casasus, J. D. Hist. de la Deuda contraida en Londres, etc. Méx.
       1885.

  Castañares, M. Documentos Relativos al Depto. de Calif. Méx. 1845.

  Castillo Negrete. _See_ Negrete.

  Causa Criminal instruida al ... S. Anna. Méx. 1846.

  Causas y Efectos de la ult. Revol. de Méx. [Méx.] 1841.

  Cavo, Andrés. Los Tres Siglos de Méx. durante el Gob. Español. 4 v.
       Méx. 1836-38.

  Ceballos, Ramón de. Capítulos en Vindic. de Méx. XXIV. Madrid. 1856.

  Censura Particular é Imparcial del Cuaderno titulado "Verdadero
       Origen, etc." Méx. 1821.

  Cerems. on the presentation of the Swords voted Gen. J. E. Wool.
       Troy. 1860.

  Chadwick, F. E. Relations of the U. S. and Spain: Diplomacy. N. Y.
       1909.

  Channing, W. E. Works. 19 ed. 6 v. in three. Boston. 1869.

  Charleston (S. C.) Year Book. 1883.

  Chase, L. B. History of the Polk Administration. N. Y. 1850.

  Chevalier, Michel. Mexico Ancient and Modern. 2 v. London. 1864.

  Child, D. L. The Taking of Naboth's Vineyard. N. Y. 1845.

  Chism, R. E. Una Contribución á la Historia masónica de México.
       Méx. 1899.

  Church, G. E. Mexico: Its Revolutions. N. Y. 1866.

  Church, W. C. John Ericsson. 2 v. N. Y. 1890.

  "Citizen of the U. S." France and Mexico. 1839.

  Ciudadano (El). P. Ampudia ante ... la Opinión Pública. S. Luis
       Potosí. 1846.

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  Winthrop, R. C. Addresses and Speeches. 4 v. Boston. 1852-86.

  Winthrop, R. C., Jr. R. C. Winthrop. Boston. 1897.

  Wise, H. Alex. Seven Decades of the Union. Phila. 1872.

  Wise, [H. Aug.]. Los Gringos. London. 1849.

  Wislizenus, [F.] A. Tour to No. Mex. Wash. 1848.

  Woodbury, Levi. Writings. 3 v. Boston. 1852.

  Wooten, D. G. (ed.). Comprehensive Hist. of Texas. 2 v. Dallas.
       1898.

  Wright, M. J. Gen. Scott. N. Y. 1894.

  Wynkoop, J. M. Anecdotes and Incidents. Pittsburgh. 1848.

  Wynne, J. Major S. Ringgold. Balto. 1847.

  Ya S. Anna Hechó la Patria al Infierno. Méx. 1834.

  Yoakum, H. K. Hist. of Texas. 2 v. Redfield, N. Y. 1856.

  Young, A. W. Amer. Statesman. Rev. ed. (Ferris.) N. Y. 1877.

  Young, Philip. Mexico. Cincin. 1847.

  Zamacois, Niceto de. Hist. de Méx. 18 v. Barcelona y Méx.

  Zarco, Fr. Hist. del Cong. Extraord. de 1856 y 1857. I. Méx. 1857.

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   Zurita, R. M. Esposición. Méx. 1845.




INDEX


  Aberdeen, Earl of, and Oregon controversy and Mexico, =1.= 115;
    and California, 321, =2.= 302;
    counsel to Mexico, =1.= 434;
    warning on annexation, =2.= 299, 508;
    offers mediation, 301, 503;
    and interposition, 302, 304, 504-6.

  Abert, J. J., chief topographical engineer, =1.= 475.

  Aburto, Juan, guerilla, =2.= 421.

  Academy of Fine Arts, =1.= 14.

  Acapulco, as port, =1.= 3;
    not occupied, =2.= 207, 448.

  Acordada, insurrection of the, =1.= 41;
    building, 413.

  Activo corps in Mexican army, =1.= 157.

  Acuerdo, meaning of citation to, =2.= 346 _n._

  Adams, J. Q., Texas speech, =1.= 70, 111;
    and Oregon, 152;
    on secession, =2.= 272;
    effect of death on treaty of peace, 246.

  _Aetna_, in attack on Tuxpán, =2.= 444;
    in Home Squadron, 445, 446.

  Agiotista, as term of reproach, =2.= 327.

  Agriculture, Mexican products, =1.= 1-2;
    farms, 5;
    conditions, 16, 410.

  Agua Nueva, Taylor's advance at, =1.= 374;
    Santa Anna's advance, Taylor's retreat, 381-4, 554;
    Santa Anna's retirement to, parley, 398, 561.

  Aguascalientes battalion, at Monterey, =1.= 494.

  Aguirre, J. M. de, and occupation of Saltillo, =1.= 266, 508;
    and guerilla warfare, =2.= 170;
    efforts to apprehend, 418.

  Aiken, William, opposes war, =1.= 188.

  Alabama troops, first enlistments, =1.= 195;
    at Tampico, 282, 512;
    at siege of Vera Cruz, =2.= 343;
    in Alvarado expedition, 344;
    leave Scott, 356;
    call (1847), 364, 365;
    in Taylor's later force, 417;
    slow response to call, 431.

  Alamán, Lucas, industrial scheme, =1.= 16;
    appearance, 25;
    as real ruler, character, 43;
    and boundary negotiations, 60, 418-9;
    and Butler, 62, 420;
    and monarchy, 90, 214;
    on judicial system, 409;
    on Mexican character, 410;
    and American troops, =2.= 230.

  Alamo massacre, American indignation, =1.= 117.

  _Albany_, and Vera Cruz expedition, =2.= 18;
    in attack on Tuxpán, 444;
    in Home Squadron, 445, 446.

  Albany _Statesman_, on tariff for Mexican ports, =2.= 500.

  Alcorta, L. J., and executive power (1847), =2.= 180;
    and armistice, 394;
    and war policy, 430.

  Alemán, Lieutenant, at Chapultepec, =2.= 410.

  Aliens, Mexican antipathy and treatment, =1.= 58, 74, 103, 416.
    _See also_ Attitude towards United States.

  Allen, G. W., at Palo Alto, =1.= 164.

  Allen, James, and Mormon battalion, =1.= 290.

  Allen, William, and war bill, =1.= 183;
    and Democratic dissension, =2.= 496.

  Alleye de Cyprey, Baron.
    _See_ Cyprey.

  Almonte, J. N., character, =1.= 26;
    and annexation of Texas, 84, 87;
    belittles American chances in war, 104, 105, 107, 110, 115;
    excites fear, of Spanish America, 111;
    and European protection, 122;
    and outbreak of war, 201, 442;
    treachery to Paredes, 215;
    combination with Santa Anna, 216, 222;
    return to Mexico with Santa Anna, 486;
    Presidential candidacy (1846), =2.= 5, 82, 84;
    arrested (1846), 84;
    anti-peace attitude (1847), 235, 236, 466;
    combination against Santa Anna, 134;
    and privateering, 191, 192;
    subsides, 242;
    candidacy for Senate, 474.

  Altata, blockaded, =2.= 448.

  Alvarado, J. B., leader in California, =1.= 319;
    and American occupation, 335.

  Alvarado, expedition, =2.= 38, 344-5;
    blockade, 194;
    naval attacks, 197-9, 442;
    map, 198.

  Alvarez, Juan, at Acapulco, revolt (1846), =1.= 216, =2.= 448;
    seizes California expedition, =1.= 522;
    supports Santa Anna (1847), =2.= 86, 88;
    character, 88;
    in plan of defence of capital, 90;
    and Scott's advance to San Agustin, 95, 97, 374;
    and combination against Santa Anna, 134;
    at Molino del Rey, 142, 146;
    at siege
    of Puebla, 174, 175, 425;
    force (Oct. 1847), 182;
    and Scott at Puebla, 363;
    "pintos" in force, 369;
    and Contreras, 380;
    and Chapultepec, 408;
    in the city, 414;
    later movements, 425, 433;
    and Santa Anna's surrender of command, 429.

  Alvarez, Manuel, American consul at Santa Fe, and Armijo and Kearny's
        expedition, =1.= 289.

  _American Review_, on spirit of expansion and unrest, =1.= 123, 124;
    on Slidell mission, 133;
    on advance to Rio Grande, 459-61;
    on British criticism of military operations, =2.= 307;
    on peace negotiations (1847), 400.

  _American Star_, accompanies Scott's army, =2.= 227.

  _Amigo del Pueblo_, on Herrera's rule, =1.= 56;
    on incitation to war, 87;
    on Slidell mission, 436;
    on California, 522.

  Amnesty, for Mexican political offenders, =2.= 367.

  Amozoc, Worth at, Santa Anna's attack, =2.= 69-70, 360.

  Ampudia, Pedro de, cruel execution of Sentmanat, =1.= 117;
    commands at Matamoros, 148;
    and Taylor, 148, 149, 158, 455;
    intention to attack, subordinated to Arista, 149, 455;
    and guerillas, 153;
    character and appearance, 158, 234;
    propaganda among American troops, 160;
    in advance, 162;
    before Fort Brown, 164, 166, 176, 468;
    at Palo Alto, 165;
    and rumors of Arista's treachery, 168, 172;
    at Resaca de la Palma, 174;
    preparations and force at Monterey, 230-1, 234, 494;
    position and policy in command at Monterey, 234;
    "Culinary Knight," 241;
    during attack on city, 241, 242, 248, 255, 258, 259, 501;
    capitulation and retirement, 259, 502, 504;
    and Pass of Rinconada, 265, 508;
    at Buena Vista, 366, 388-91;
    and Wool's march, 510;
    force at San Luis Potosí, 550;
    trial, 550;
    hostility to Santa Anna, =2.= 82;
    sent away, 84.

  Amusements, Mexican, =1.= 19, 23, 24, 27.

  Anaya, J. P., at Mazatlán, =2.= 448.

  Anaya, P. M., substitute President, =2.= 15;
    council to consider defence of capital, 79;
    on effect of Cerro Gordo, 80;
    and Santa Anna, 82, 92;
    and Santa Anna's return to capital, 83;
    at Churubusco, 110;
    chosen interim President, 236;
    suppresses war-party insurrection, 236;
    term expires, 240;
    appearance, at exchange of ratifications, 251;
    brigade, 369;
    in meeting of governors on peace, 464.

  Anderson, Robert, military book, =1.= 451;
    and volunteer officers, 481;
    on American rule in Puebla, =2.= 225;
    on effect of victories, 305;
    on Cerro Gordo, 354;
    on Worth, 360.

  Andrade, Manuel, at Cedral, =1.= 553;
    at Buena Vista, 557;
    at Molino del Rey, =2.= 141, 146, 404.

  Andrews, T. P., at Chapultepec, =2.= 154;
    regiment, 363;
    at Churubusco, 385.
    _See also_ Voltigeurs.

  Angeles.
    _See_ Los Angeles.

  Angostura, at Buena Vista, =1.= 383-6.

  Annexations of Mexican War, Mexican desire for, effect on, of
        occupation, =2.= 125, 215, 323;
    as only guaranty of order, 234;
    plan to absorb Mexico, 243-4, 309;
    opposition to any, 274, 287-9, 492, 498, 502;
    and Wilmot Proviso, 287-8, 498;
    foreign opinion on, 297, 308;
    Yucatan, 472;
    Polk and policy, 502.
    _See also_ California; Expansion; Peace; Texas.

  Antigua, expedition, =2.= 38, 344.

  Antislavery sentiment, as expected factor in war, =1.= 105, 107;
    and Mexico, 119.
    _See also_ Slavery.

  Antón Lizardo, rendezvous of Vera Cruz expedition, =2.= 17, 332.

  Apache Canyon, N. Mex., expected fight at, =1.= 293-5, 516.

  Apodaca, Juan Ruiz de, and liberal constitution, =1.= 32.

  Appropriations for American navy, =1.= 190, =2.= 189.
    _See also_ Finances.

  _Arab_, Santa Anna returns in, =1.= 486.

  Arbitrary rule, tradition, =1.= 30.

  Arbitration of claims on Mexico, =1.= 79-81, 429-31.

  Archer, William S., and advance to Rio Grande, =1.= 152;
    and war bill, 182;
    and British mediation, =2.= 504.

  Argüelles, D., at Belén garita, =2.= 159, 160.

  Arista, Mariano, position, commands at Matamoros, =1.= 149;
    orders troops to cross and attack, 149;
    on beginning of war, 155;
    force, 158;
    propaganda among American troops, 160;
    and outlook, 161;
    advance on Taylor's communications, 162, 464;
    battle of Palo Alto, 164-70, 465;
    treachery rumored, 168, 172;
    battle of Resaca de la Palma, 170-6, 467;
    position after battle, 177;
    retires from Matamoros, 177-8, 469;
    relieved of command, 178;
    pursuit, 204;
    effect of defeat, 213;
    rebuilds army, 225, 489;
    and Fort Brown, 468;
    hostility to Santa Anna, =2.= 82;
    sent away, 84;
    refuses command, 182.

  Aristocracy, conditions, aspect, =1.= 5, 23-7;
    fears American influence, 103.
    _See also_ Oligarchy.

  Arkansas troops, and Santa Anna's advance, =1.= 383, 554;
    at Buena Vista, 386, 555, 558;
    in Wool's march, 509;
    call (1847), =2.= 365;
    in Taylor's later force, 417.

  Arlégui, J. M. de, and Doniphan's expedition, =1.= 521.

  Armijo, Manuel, control of New Mexico, character, =1.= 285, =2.= 216;
    and advance of Kearny's expedition, =1.= 289, 292-3, 516;
    wavering and flight, 294-5, 516-7.

  Armistice, Taylor's, at Monterey, =1.= 259, 501-6;
    terminated, 263-4;
    after Churubusco, =2.= 133;
    Santa Anna's activity and position, 134;
    peace negotiations during, 135-8, 396-400;
    question of extension, 136, 398;
    Santa Anna violates, 137;
    terminated, 138, 399;
    results, 138;
    terms, 394;
    wisdom, 394;
    clashes during, 396;
    opposing views on, 399;
    question and renewed peace negotiations, 240, 242;
    after signing of peace treaty, terms, 242, 471.

  Arms, Mexican, =1.= 156-7, 462;
    of American army, 450.

  Army, American, character of official reports, =1.= ix, 404;
    belittled by foreigners, 105;
    condition, arms (1845), 139, 450-1;
    war acts on regulars, 190, 191, 474;
    attitude of regulars, 208, 481;
    size before call for Vera Cruz expedition, 537;
    regular force during war, recruiting, 537;
    Ten Regiment Bill and amendment, =2.= 74-6, 363;
    question of lieutenant generalcy and major generalcy commanding for
        Benton, 75, 365;
    character of new officers under Ten Regiment Bill, 76;
    statistical facts, 318, 511, 512;
    regulars and volunteers contrasted, 319-20, 512-3;
    character of special arms, 320, 513;
    general character and achievement, 321;
    Voltigeurs, 363;
    bounty, 364;
    authorized regular (1847), 431;
    supposed size (Nov. 1847), 432.
    _See also_ Morale; Mounted Riflemen; Voltigeurs; Volunteers; and
        officers and campaigns by name, regular regiments by number, and
        volunteers by name of state.

  Army, Mexican, position and character of officers, =1.= 8-10, 408;
    of rank and file, 10;
    cavalry and artillery, 11;
    and Itúrbide, 35;
    power, 36;
    supports Guerrero, 41;
    and Bustamante, 43;
    backs Santa Anna (1832), 45;
    Farías' attempted reforms, 45;
    makes Santa Anna dictator, 46;
    and Seven Laws, 47;
    and financial crisis, 48;
    revolts against Santa Anna, 53;
    and Herrera, 55;
    foreign opinion, 106, 440;
    Mexican opinion, 106;
    organization and condition (1845), 156-7, 461-2;
    size then, 157;
    and Paredes, 214;
    fragmentary character, 494;
    condition and command after elimination of Santa Anna (1847),
        =2.= 182, 429-30;
    as fighters, 311;
    and civil discouragement, 509.
    _See also_ commanders and campaigns by name, especially Ampudia;
        Arista; Santa Anna.

  Army of the East, Mexican, =2.= 88, 369.

  Army of the North, Mexican, =2.= 88, 369.
    _See also_ Valencia.

  Army of the South, Mexican, =2.= 88.
    _See also_ Alvarez.

  Arrangóiz, J., Mexican consul at New Orleans, on hope in
        privateering, =1.= 109.

  Arriero, =1.= 18.

  Arroyo, Miguel, and douceur fund, =2.= 391.

  Arroyo Colorado, Mejía's ruse at crossing, =1.= 147.

  Art of war, =1.= 405.

  Arteaga, M., at Cerro Gordo, =2.= 347, 352.

  Artillery, Mexican, =1.= 11, 156, 461-2;
    in Monterey campaign, =1.= 228;
    field, of American army at outbreak of war, 450;
    in Scott's army. =2.= 77, 365;
    character of American, 320.
    _See also_ regiments by number.

  Artillery Battalion, in Monterey campaign, =1.= 241, 242, 244, 492,
        496, 501, 508;
    at Resaca de la Palma, 467.
    _See also_ Childs.

  Ashburnham, Charles, British chargé at Mexico, on Mexican relations,
        =1.= 74;
    on Mexican obduracy, 134.

  Ashburton, Baron, and California, =1.= 524;
    and control of Mexico, =2.= 309.

  Ashmun, George, and advance to Rio Grande, =1.= 456.

  Assessments, American, on Mexicans, =2.= 264-6, 485-8.

  Atalaya, hill at Cerro Gordo, =2.= 45;
    occupied by Americans, 50-3.

  _Athenæum_, and American absorption of Mexico, =2.= 297.

  Atlixco, aspect, Rea at, =2.= 178;
    Lane's attack, 179, 426.

  Atocha, A. J., and Santa Anna, =1.= 202;
    and peace negotiations, =2.= 123, 124, 126, 387.

  Atristain, Miguel, peace commissioner, =2.= 135, 239.

  Attitude toward Mexico, American, =1.= 58, 60, 61, 65, 76-8, 85,
        88-91, 95, 100, 101, 117-21, 125-7, 130-4, 323, 332, 422, 428,
        429, 434-6, 439, 443-5, 458-61, =2.= 121, 123, 310, 508.
    _See also_ Conquered territory; Diplomatic intercourse; Outbreak;
        Preparation.

  Attitude toward the war, of Mexican people, =1.= 115-6, 442, =2.= 312,
        510.
    _See also_ Opposition; Popularity; Preparation.

  Attitude toward United States, Mexican, =1.= 28, 57-61, 63, 67, 70,
        77, 81, 83, 102-4, 109, 111, 116, 161, 375-6, 418, 423, 431,
        484, =2.= 124, 310.
    _See also_ Diplomatic intercourse; Outbreak; Preparation.

  Aulick, J. H., at siege of Vera Cruz, =2.= 238.

  _Aurora de la Libertad_, excites fears of Spanish America, =1.= 112;
    appeal to Europe, 114.

  Avalos, F., and plans against Taylor, =2.= 165, 419.

  Ayotla, Twiggs at, =2.= 94.

  Ayuntamientos, in occupied territory, =2.= 229, 461.


  Backus, Electus, at Monterey, =1.= 252, 500;
    on mistakes there, 502.

  Badillo, Colonel, at Cerro Gordo, =2.= 44.

  Bahía company, at Monterey, =1.= 494.

  Baker, E. D., wounded, =1.= 207;
    on war and expansion, 444;
    and absorption of Mexico, =2.= 243;
    at Cerro Gordo, 352.

  Balderas, Lucas, killed at Molino del Rey, =2.= 145.

  Baldwin, John, claim, =1.= 427.

  Ballentine, George, on American infantry, =1.= 451;
    on Tampico and American occupation, =2.= 461.

  Baltimore _American_, on California, =1.= 325.

  Baltimore troops.
    _See_ Washington and Baltimore battalion.

  Bancroft, George, on Polk and California, =1.= 127;
    on Polk's reluctance to fight, 127, 133;
    on Polk's ability, 129;
    and war, 181;
    instructions to Sloat, 530;
    as secretary of the navy, =2.= 190;
    and plan to attack Ulúa, 201;
    and Conner, 201;
    and absorption of Mexico, 243;
    on war finances, 260;
    on victories and foreign relations, 305;
    on British and war annexations, 309;
    on influence abroad of war, 324.

  Bancroft, H. H., on Castro's meeting, =1.= 526;
    on Gillespie, 526;
    on Sloat, 530, 531.

  Baneneli, J., at Cerro Gordo, =2.= 55.

  Bankhead, Charles, British minister at Mexico, and annexation of
        Texas, =1.= 85;
    and Mexican-American relations, 91-3, 435;
    and Oregon and Mexican controversies, 114-5;
    on Rio Grande campaign, 179, 180;
    on Mexican abandonment of California, 319, 322;
    on Mexican war enthusiasm, 442;
    on Santa Anna and peace (1846), 487;
    on factions of Federalists, =2.= 4;
    on Mexican finances, 8, 328;
    on Mexican attitude toward peace (1846), 122, 386;
    and Trist mission, 129-31, 133, 390;
    and privateering, 192;
    and mediation, 368, 504;
    on evacuation of city, 415.

  Bankhead, James, occupation of Córdoba and Orizaba, =2.= 184-5, 222,
        433;
    at siege of Vera Cruz, 335;
    in command at Vera Cruz, 432, 457.

  Banking, Mexican attempt, =1.= 17.
    _See also_ Finances.

  Baranda, Manuel, and return of Santa Anna, =1.= 221, =2.= 368;
    and Trist mission, 132, 390.

  Barbour, P. N. at Resaca de la Palma, =1.= 174.

  Barker, E. C, acknowledgment to, =1.= 450.

  Barnburners, and Polk, =2.= 270, 281.

  Barrios, Colonel, at Belén garita, =2.= 159, 160.

  Barron, E., British consul at Tepic, and California, =1.= 524.

  Beach, Moses Y., in Mexico, intrigue, =2.= 11-4, 65;
    escape, 14, 332;
    and absorption of Mexico, 243;
    on intrigue, 331.

  Beale, E. F., and battle of San Pascual, =1.= 535.

  Beale's grant, =1.= 449.

  Bear Flag war, =1.= 331-3, 528-9, 531.

  Beauregard, P. G. T., and landing at Vera Cruz, =2.= 23, 336;
    at Cerro Gordo, 50, 350;
    reconnoitres Contreras
    route, 103;
    on plan of attack of capital, 149;
    at Belén garita, wounded, 160, 415;
    engineer with Scott, 366;
    at battle of Contreras, 379;
    reconnoitres southern approach of capital, 408;
    on Mexican soldiers, 509.

  Béjar company, at Monterey, =1.= 494.

  Belén garita and citadel, =2.= 147;
    Quitman's attack, 158-60, 162, 412, 414-6.

  Belknap, W. G., at Palo Alto, =1.= 164;
    at Resaca de la Palma, 174.

  Belknap, Camp, =1.= 206.

  Belmont, August, and American funds in Mexico, =2.= 266, 488;
    and war loans, 482.

  Belton, F. M., at Tampico, =1.= 281, 512.

  Benham, F. G., at siege of Vera Cruz, =2.= 338.

  Benham, H. W., on Taylor's carelessness at Agua Nueva, =1.= 549.

  Benjamin, Calvin, at Chapultepec, =2.= 156;
    at Belén garita, killed; 160.

  Benjamin, Park, on call to arms, =1.= 193.

  Bentinck, Lord George, and interposition, =2.= 302.

  Benton, T. H., on Polk and war, =1.= 130;
    and war, 182, 183, 471;
    on cause of war, 189;
    and Scott, 197, 354;
    welcome to Doniphan's force, 314;
    war plan, 349, 351;
    on advance to Rio Grande, 458;
    and Doniphan's expedition, 517;
    on Gillespie's mission to Frémont, 528;
    and lieutenant generalcy, =2.= 75, 363;
    and peace, 123;
    opposes Slidell as peace commissioner, 126;
    and treaty of peace, 247, 473, 475;
    public land gradation policy, 261, 482;
    and tariff for Mexican ports, 261;
    character and leadership, 282, 291;
    and major-generalcy, 365.

  Bent's Fort, Kearny's expedition at, =1.= 288-9, 515.

  Bermúdez de Castro, Salvador, Spanish minister at Mexico, and Slidell
        mission, =1.= 100;
    on Mexican aggression, 455;
    on Mexican finances, =2.= 8;
    on difficulties of march to Mexico City, 37;
    on Trist mission, 132;
    and peace, 133;
    and privateering, 192;
    and war, 298;
    on American army, 321;
    on Scott's expedition, 357.

  Berra, F., at Monterey, =1.= 248.

  Berrien, J. M., and war bill, =1.= 183;
    and treaty of peace, =2.= 247;
    no-annexation plan, 287-8, 498.

  Biddle, James, on Asia station, =2.= 189;
    commands Pacific squadron, vessels, 206, 447.

  Bidwell, John, and Bear Flag war, =1.= 529.

  Bishop's Palace at Monterey, in battle, capture, =1.= 239, 245, 247-8.

  Bissell, W. H., at Buena Vista, =1.= 390, 391, 394.

  Black, John, American consul at Mexico, and restoration of
        intercourse, =1.= 89, 91, 96;
    and Slidell mission, 145, 453;
    report on Santa Anna's attitude, 201;
    expelled, =2.= 41;
    and peace negotiations, 122.

  Black, S. W., at siege of Puebla, =2.= 174, 424.

  Black Pass.
    _See_ Hoya.

  Blair, F. P., Sr., warning on political effect of war, =1.= 353;
    on Polk, =2.= 270;
    on excesses in New Mexico, 453.

  Blake, J. E., at Palo Alto, =1.= 165.

  Blanchard, A. G., in Monterey campaign, =1.= 241, 245, 247, 492,
      496-8;
    advance to Saltillo, 264.

  Blanco, Colonel, and Wool's march, =1.= 273, 274, 510;
    guerilla, 274, 283.

  Blanco, S., at Buena Vista, =1.= 389.

  Bliss, W. W. S., as Taylor's adjutant, =1.= 141, 261, 451, =2.= 318;
    on Rio Grande campaign, =1.= 179;
    parley after Buena Vista, 398;
    at Palo Alto, 466.

  Blockade, not feared by Mexico, =1.= 110;
    expected European difficulty, 114;
    policy, character, =2.= 193, 208, 303, 440;
    physical difficulties, 194-5;
    on Pacific coast, 205-6, 446, 448.

  Bloomington (Muscatine), Iowa, on good will toward Mexico, =2.= 508.

  Boca Chica, =1.= 205, 480.

  Bocanegra, J. M., character, =1.= 25;
    American correspondence, 68;
    and decree expelling Americans, 73;
    and Texas, 84, 85, 419, 433.

  Bocas, force at, =1.= 553.

  _Boletín Oficial_, on Mexican army, =1.= 106;
    on Santa Anna, 487.

  Bonham, M. L., regiment, =2.= 363;
    leaves Mexico City, 476.

  _Bonita_, captured, =1.= 511;
    at siege of Vera Cruz, =2.= 238;
    added to navy, 438;
    in Home Squadron, 442, 446;
    in attack at Tuxpán, 444.

  Bonneville, B. L. E., and Wool, =1.= 509.

  Borland, Solon, carelessness and capture, =1.= 370-1.
    _See also_ Encarnación prisoners.

  _Boston_, wrecked, =2.= 449.

  Boston _Atlas_, demand for war, =1.= 456;
    on Polk's Cabinet, =2.= 270;
    on Polk, 275, 276;
    on outlook of war, 277;
    encourages enemy, 280;
    on tariff, 286;
    on Polk's war policy, 288.

  Botts, J. M., opposes war, =1.= 189.

  Bouck, W. C., federal appointment, =2.= 271.

  Boundaries, Mexican negotiation on Louisiana Purchase, =1.= 59-61,
        418;
    Sabine River, 63;
    offer of compensation for proper Texan, 84-5, 88, 91, 95, 436;
    southern, of Texas, 138, 449, 457, 470;
    Texan, in peace negotiations, =2.= 135-6, 238, 396, 399, 463, 464,
        469.
    _See also_ Annexations.

  Bounty in Ten Regiment Bill, =2.= 364, 490.

  Bowles, W. A., at Buena Vista, =1.= 388, 390, 391, 555, 557.

  Boyd, J. McH., American chargé at London, reports cited _passim_.

  Bragg, Braxton, force in Texas, =1.= 146, 452;
    at Fort Brown, 163;
    at Monterey, 251, 254, 492, 496;
    at Buena Vista, 388, 390-2, 395, 555, 557, 558;
    on reports, 404;
    field battery, 450;
    in Harney's brigade, 541;
    on Scott's order against the cabal, =2.= 436;
    sent to New Mexico, 475.

  Bravo, Nicolás, as partisan leader, =1.= 32;
    revolt against Itúrbide, 35;
    Presidential candidacy, 37;
    attempted revolt (1827), 38;
    pardoned, 44;
    acting President (1846), reforms, 217;
    and revolt, 217;
    incites against United States, 418;
    and Santa Anna (1847), =2.= 82, 83;
    retires, 84;
    at Churubusco, 113, 117;
    and desire for peace, 122;
    at Chapultepec, surrenders, 153, 155, 157, 408, 411;
    and guerilla warfare, 173.

  Bravos battalion, formation, =2.= 3;
    at Churubusco, 111.

  Brazito affair, =1.= 301-2, 518.

  Brazos Island, camp, =1.= 205.

  Breckenridge, H. M., claims commissioner, =1.= 430.

  Breese, Sidney, position in Senate, =2.= 496.

  Bribery money in peace negotiations, =2.= 131-2, 390.

  Bridgehead at Churubusco, =2.= 111;
    maps, 112, 113;
    attack and capture, 114-6, 383.

  Briggs, G. N., on attitude toward war, =2.= 492.

  Brinkerhoff, Jacob, and advance to Rio Grande, =1.= 456;
    position in House, =2.= 496;
    and Wilmot Proviso, 498.

  Briscoe, W. F., guerilla attack on, =2.= 423.

  _Britannia_, on American army, =1.= 105;
    on military titles, =2.= 295;
    on people, 295;
    on Polk, 300;
    on conquests in India, 302;
    on guerilla warfare, 306;
    criticism of military operations, 307, 308;
    on absorption of Mexico, 309.

  British in Mexico, merchants, =1.= 5, 17;
    mining companies, 15.

  Broglie, Duc de, and war, =2.= 303.

  Brokers, in Mexican public finances, =2.= 327.

  Brooke, G. M., and reinforcement of Tampico, =1.= 282, 512;
    and alarm over Buena Vista, 400.

  Brooks, W. T. H., at Contreras, =2.= 108.

  Brough, C. H., in Lane's march to Puebla, =2.= 426.

  Brown, ----, American agent to Santa Anna, =1.= 479.

  Brown, Jacob, at Fort Brown, =1.= 163;
    killed, 176, 468.

  Brown, Milton, on advance to Rio Grande, =1.= 457.

  Brown, Fort, construction, position, map, =1.= 148, 159, 463, 468;
    attack on, and battle of Resaca de la Palma, 164, 176, 467-9;
    former names, 454.

  Bryce, James, on justice of expansion, =2.= 323.

  Buchanan, James, and Almonte, =1.= 87;
    and Slidell mission, instructions, 95, 100, 127, 436-7;
    on war spirit, 126;
    on peaceful policy, 131;
    and monarchist plans in Mexico, 135, 448;
    and southern boundary of Texas, 139;
    and California, 327;
    and defensive-line policy, 348;
    and Patterson, 351;
    and war programme, 351;
    and Parrott, 434;
    and Gillespie, 528;
    desire for peace negotiations, =2.= 121;
    overtures (1846), 122, 386;
    and Trist, 127, 128;
    appearance, 128;
    and recall of Trist, 236, 237, 464;
    and absorption of Mexico, 243, 244;
    opposes treaty, 246, 471;
    as Cabinet officer, 282;
    and Dallas faction, 282;
    circular and conciliation of European opinion, 297, 502;
    and British offer of mediation, 301, 504;
    and Beach, 331;
    and Scott-Trist, 390;
    does not expect peace, 391;
    on Texas and Kearny's occupation of New Mexico, 497;
    and annexation and slavery, 502;
    and Polk, 510.

  Buena Vista, later force at, =2.= 417, 418;
    mutiny, 418.
    _See also_ next title.

  Buena Vista campaign, Taylor's insubordinate advance to Agua Nueva,
        =1.= 368, 373-4, 547-8;
    carelessness and capture of Wool's scouting parties, 370-1;
    lessened morale of Wool's force, 371;
    Taylor's unstrategic position and carelessness, 374, 549, 550;
    assembling of Santa Anna's army, 374-9, 550;
    plan to attack Taylor's weak and isolated force, 379, 543, 552;
    Mexican advance for surprise, 380-8, 553, 554;
    map of route between Mexico and Agua Nueva, 381;
    Mexican force, 381, 552;
    flight of Americans to Buena Vista, 382-3, 554;
    map of roads between Monterey and El Encarnación, 382;
    Taylor's trips to Saltillo, 383, 388, 555, 556;
    pursuit of Americans, 384, 555;
    Santa Anna's failure to charge, 384;
    his play for time, 385, 555;
    field, 385;
    American position and force, 386, 548, 555;
    flank movement on American left, 386, 388;
    map of field, 387;
    condition of troops during night, 388;
    second day: mass in Mexican army, 388;
    continuation of flanking, 389, 390;
    repulse of Blanco's frontal charge, 389;
    Pacheco's advance on American left, 389-91, 557, 558;
    repulse of flanking force, 391;
    repulse of Pacheco, 391;
    rout of flanking force, ruse to save it, 392-3, 558;
    criticism of Santa Anna's tactics, 393, 558;
    Hardin's charge and repulse, 393, 559;
    repulse of Pérez's charge on centre, 394-5;
    Miñón's repulse at Saltillo, 395, 555, 556, 559;
    factors in American success, Taylor, 395-6, 559;
    Mexican valor, 396;
    losses and condition of American army, 396, 561;
    Taylor's determination to hold ground, 397, 561;
    condition of the Mexican army, 397;
    Santa Anna's retirement to preserve organization, 397-8, 562;
    parley, 398, 562;
    horrors of Mexican retreat, 399;
    Santa Anna credited with victory, 399;
    Taylor's tardy advance, 399;
    forays in his rear, 399, 562;
    alarm in United States, reaction, 400;
    Mexican batteries, 556;
    question of Taylor's order to retreat, 558;
    foreign comment, =2.= 307.

  Bullion, export forbidden, =2.= 487.

  Burke, Edmund, on arbitrary government, =1.= 52;
    on political slavery, =2.= 311.

  Burnett, E. C., acknowledgment to, =1.= 419.

  Burnett, W. B., wounded at Churubusco, =2.= 117.

  Burns, ----, paymaster, and Leonidas letter, =2.= 435, 437.

  Burr, Aaron, and spirit of expansion, =1.= 123, 444.

  Burrita, expedition, =1.= 177, 469;
    camp, 206.

  Burrough, Marmaduke, American consul at Vera Cruz, reports cited
        _passim_.

  Burton, H. S., in Lower California, =2.= 448, 449, 476.

  Bustamante, Anastasio, Vice-President, revolt, =1.= 43;
    as President, 43;
    resigns, reëlevates Pedraza, 45;
    returns to power, Santa Anna undermines, 47-51;
    and California, 319;
    and chief command, =2.= 182.

  Butler, Andrew P., position in Senate, =2.= 496.

  Butler, Anthony, as minister at Mexico, =1.= 62, 419, 420;
    and Sabine River boundary, 64;
    and claims, 76, 427, 428;
    and Scott, 476.

  Butler, B. F., on Polk, =2.= 272.

  Butler, P. M., killed, =2.= 117.
    _See also_ Palmetto.

  Butler, W. O., division in march to Monterey, =1.= 229, 492, 496;
    in battle of Monterey, 252-4, 499;
    command and force at Monterey (Dec. 1846), 283, 357;
    and command of Vera Cruz expedition, 351;
    and expected attack, 358;
    Scott's instructions on troops for Vera Cruz, 362;
    in command at Saltillo, 370, 549;
    at Brazos, 476;
    takes reinforcements to Scott, =2.= 184;
    succeeds Scott, 188, 438;
    evacuates Mexico City, 252, 476;
    and Price's Rosales expedition, 419;
    retained in service, 432;
    division garrisoned at Molino del Rey, 461;
    and peace commission, 464.


  Cabinet, character of Polk's, =2.= 269, 282.

  Cadereita, aspect, =1.= 357.

  Cadwalader, George, reinforcements for Scott, =2.= 77;
    brigade in Scott's army, 78, 363;
    at Contreras, 105, 108, 379;
    at Churubusco, 110;
    advance after armistice, 142;
    at Molino del Rey, 144-6, 402, 403;
    at San Cosme garita, 161, 414;
    and douceur, 391;
    and plan of attack on capital, 408;
    at Chapultepec, 410;
    occupies Toluca, 433;
    leaves Mexico, 438.

  Cahuenga, capitulation of, =1.= 345.

  Calderón de la Barca, J. M., Spanish minister at Washington, on
        Mexican army, =1.= 106.

  Calhoun, J. C., and annexation of Texas, =1.= 84, 86, 433;
    opposition to war, 123, 182, 183, 185-7, 189, 443, 472;
    desire to supplant, 123,=2.= 257;
    on unrest, =1.= 124;
    and defensive-line policy, 348, =2.= 183;
    and advance to the Rio Grande, =1.= 457, 458;
    and Oregon question, 458;
    and lieutenant generalcy for Benton, =2.= 75;
    and peace, 125;
    and Polk's Cabinet, 269;
    encourages enemy, 281;
    followers and Polk, 281, 496;
    character and leadership, 282, 291;
    and Wilmot Proviso, 287;
    on treaty of peace, 472;
    and war annexations, 499.

  California, Jones at Monterey, =1.= 69, 423;
    abuse and expulsion of Americans, 71, 73, 423;
    misgovernment and expulsion of Mexican officials, virtual
        abdication, 87, 319-22, 522, 523;
    European interference feared, American precautions against it, 90,
        95, 325-6, 530;
    offer to purchase, 95, 436;
    attitude of American government, 127, 324-5;
    conditions under Mexican rule, 315;
    population, 315;
    character and life of Californians, 315-7;
    map of coast, (1846), 316;
    map of northern, 317;
    foreign element, commerce, 317-9, 521;
    question of future, American interest, 322-4, 444, 523;
    Great Britain and, 323-5, 334, 336, 524, 527, 531, =2.= 302, 308,
        505;
    France and, =1.= 324, 327, 523;
    expected peaceful acquisition, 325;
    and cause of Mexican War, 326, 526;
    attitude of Californians toward foreign control, 327-9, 526;
    factional war (1846), 329, 527;
    Frémont and Castro, 331, 528;
    Gillespie and Frémont's return, Bear Flag war, 331-3, 528-9, 531;
    its results, 333;
    Sloat's hesitation, 333-4, 530, 531;
    possession taken at Monterey, 334-5, 531;
    defensive union of factions, 335;
    Stockton-Frémont union and address, 336, 532; first southern
    campaign, 336-7, 532;
    Stockton's rule, 337-8;
    rising in south against Gillespie's rule, 338-9, 533-4;
    second southern campaign, 339-46, 534-6;
    Kearny, battle of San Pascual, 341, 534;
    American force, 342, 535, =2.= 219, 432;
    advance and recapture of Los Angeles, =1.= 342-4;
    Frémont's conduct, his capitulation with insurgents, 345-6, 535-6,
        =2.= 218;
    results, =1.= 346, 536;
    in peace negotiations and treaty, =2.= 135, 136, 238, 240, 248, 468,
        469;
    under American rule, 217-20, 285, 454;
    justice of acquisition, 322, 514;
    friction between Kearny and Frémont, 454.

  Callender, F. D., at Contreras, =2.= 104, 105.

  Camargo, occupation, as camp, =1.= 210, 484;
    camp broken up, 356;
    troops left at, 493;
    force at (Oct.), 506.

  Cameron, J. A., American consul at Vera Cruz, reports cited _passim_.

  Campbell, J. A., opposes war, =1.= 189.

  Campbell, R. B., American consul at Havana, and Santa Anna, =1.= 221;
    on strength of Ulúa, 536;
    and spy for Scott, =2.= 332.

  Campbell, W. B., in battle of Monterey, =1.= 249, 252;
    on mistakes at Monterey, 502, 505;
    on Taylor, 549, =2.= 316;
    at Cerro Gordo, 56, 57, 353;
    on attitude on reinlistment, 63;
    on Pillow, 377, 435.

  Campomanes (Campos), ----, intermediary between Scott and clergy,
        =2.= 357.

  Campos.
    _See_ Campomanes.

  Camps, Taylor's, at Corpus Christi, =1.= 143;
    Texan, of Taylor's reinforcements, 205-7, 480;
    Camargo, sickness, 211, 484, 493;
    Cerralvo, 212, 229, 493;
    Scott's, before Vera Cruz, =2.= 27;
    Vergara, 222.

  Campusano, Antonio, at Guaymas, =2.= 206, 209, 447.

  Canales, Antonio, force at Matamoros, =1.= 158;
    character, 158;
    at Palo Alto, 165, 166;
    at Resaca de la Palma, 171, 174;
    and Fort Brown, 176;
    leaves Taylor's advance unopposed, 226, 236, 495;
    guerilla warfare, 479, =2.= 169-70.

  Canalizo, Valentín, command below Perote, and preparations, =2.= 40,
        41, 47, 61, 347;
    at Cerro Gordo, 45, 352;
    in the battle, 52, 55;
    and Santa Anna at Orizaba, 68;
    and army at capital, 88;
    in plan of its defence, 90;
    fails, 95;
    combination against Santa Anna, 134.

  Canitz, Baron von, Prussian minister of foreign relations, and the
        war, =2.= 298, 403.

  Canning, George, on national responsibility, =1.= 76.

  Cano, Juan, at La Hoya, =2.= 42;
    at Cerro Gordo, 44.

  Cárdenas, J., protest to Taylor, =1.= 454.

  _Carmelita_, captured, =2.= 191.

  Carmen Island, occupied, =2.= 204.

  Carnero Pass, Taylor and, =1.= 549.

  Carpender, E. W., and loss of _Truxtun_, =2.= 445.

  Carrasco, J. M., at Monterey, =1.= 252.

  Carson, Kit, and battle of San Pascual, =1.= 535.

  Casa Mata, defences, =2.= 140;
    force, 142;
    capture, 145, 146, 403;
    blown up, 404.

  Casey, Silas, at Chapultepec, =2.= 153, 156, 410;
    wounded, 157.

  Cass, Lewis, and Gaines's Texan expedition, =1.= 66;
    and war bill, 183;
    and Oregon, 200;
    on defensive-line policy, 348;
    and absorption of Mexico, =2.= 243;
    and Barnburners, 281;
    character and leadership, 282;
    on annexation of Texas, 509.

  Castillo, Pedro Fernández del, as claims commissioner, =1.= 80,
        429-31.

  Castillo y Lanzas, J. M. de, minister at Washington, =1.= 77;
    minister of relations, and Slidell, 100, 120, 438, 439;
    on approach of war, 104.

  Castro, José, leader in California, =1.= 319;
    comandante general, 319;
    and foreign occupation, 328, 329, 526;
    civil war with Pico, 329;
    and Frémont, 331, 528;
    and American occupation, 335-7, 530, 532;
    leaves, 337, 533;
    and Bear Flag war, 529;
    returns, =2.= 219.

  Caswell, W. R., on Pillow, =1.= 361.

  Causes of the war, in general, =1.= 58-99, 102-16, 134-7, 148-50,
        153-5, 158, 179, 185, 432-3, 439, 442, 448, 457-61, 470-3;
    special, 189-90, 471-3;
    advance to Rio Grande not cause, 154-5.
    _See also_ Outbreak; Preparation.

  Cavalry, Mexican, =1.= 11, 19;
    in Scott's advance on Mexico, =2.= 77;
    call for American volunteer, 365.
    _See also_ Dragoons.

  Ceballos, Ramón de, on treatment by Americans, =2.= 324.

  Cedral, force at, =1.= 553.

  Centralists, oligarchy as, =1.= 37;
    party resentment, 38-9;
    Santa Anna supports, 46-7, 415;
    rule, 47-8;
    and Farías (1846), =2.= 9.
    _See also_ Federalism; Oligarchy.

  Cerralvo, as camp, =1.= 212, 229, 493;
    occupied, 229, 562;
    force at, =2.= 417.

  Cerro Gordo, as defensive point, =2.= 40, 41;
    map of contour lines near, 40;
    selected as point to resist Scott's advance, 42;
    field, defences, 42-5, 347, 348;
    general map of battle, 43;
    size and condition of Mexican force, 44-5, 347;
    Twiggs's force and artillery, 45;
    Twiggs's character, 48;
    his blunder into, and retreat, 48;
    question of precipitous assault, 48-9;
    Scott on field, 49;
    reconnaissance, 50, 349;
    Scott's force, 50;
    advance flanking Mexican left, 50-1, 53, 55, 350-2, 354;
    map of central part of battle, 51;
    capture of La Atalaya, 51;
    attacks on and capture of Telégrafo, 52-5, 350, 352, 354;
    flight of flanked Mexicans, 54, 58-9;
    Pillow's mismanaged attack, 56-8, 352-3;
    pursuit to Jalapa, 58, 59, 354;
    spoils, losses, 58, 353;
    character of Scott's report, 59, 354;
    effect on Mexicans, 80.

  Chachapa conference, =2.= 70, 360.

  Chalco, Worth at, =2.= 94.

  Chamberlain, S. E., on retreat to Buena Vista, =1.= 554.

  Chapultepec, and battle of Molino del Rey, =2.= 143, 145, 402, 403;
    and approach of Mexico City, 149;
    decision to attack, 149, 408;
    position and defences, 149-52, 405-6, 408;
    maps, 150, 151;
    American dispositions and bombardment, 152-3, 409;
    plan for assault, 153;
    misgivings, 153-4;
    attack on grove and outworks, 154, 155;
    problem of Santa Anna's support, 154-5, 410;
    charge to the fosse, delay, 155-6, 409;
    attack on gateway, 156, 158, 411;
    capture of fort, 157, 410, 411;
    view from, 158;
    losses, 158, 411;
    Worth's advance, 160, 410;
    and armistice, 394;
    Mexican force, 408;
    wisdom of attack, 408;
    threat to American rear during attack, 410.

  Character, Mexican, =1.= 3-7, 15, 18-28, 53, 57, 115, 229, 266, 285,
        293, 295, 315-7, 320, 333, 339, 346, 396, 407-9, 416-8, 438,
        455, =2.= 1-2, 31, 32, 45, 63, 79-87, 91-2, 132, 136, 170, 228,
        230-1, 233-5, 251, 254, 297, 306, 310-2, 323, 327, 329, 346,
        367, 449, 450, 461, 509.
    _See also_ Population; Social condition.

  Charleston _Courier_, on war spirit, =1.= 132;
    and the war, 473.

  Charleston _Mercury_, on Polk's alarm, =1.= 476.

  Charleston _Patriot_, and the war, =1.= 473.

  Chase, Franklin, consul at Tampico, and occupation of city, =1.= 279,
        511.

  Chase, Mrs. Franklin, and occupation of Tampico, =1.= 279, 511.

  Cheatham, B. F., on mistakes at Monterey, =1.= 502.

  Chew, Samuel, claim, =1.= 426.

  Chihuahua, situation, =1.= 3;
    plans for expedition against, 266;
    gathering of Wool's force, 267-70;
    his advance to Monclova, 270-3, 509;
    his difficulties, 273-4, 509-10;
    advance to Parras, 274-5, 510;
    diversion of Wool's march, 275;
    results of march, 276, 510;
    and caravan trade, 286;
    Doniphan's force against, 298-9, 519;
    his march to El Paso, Brazito affair, 299-303, 518;
    his advance to Sacramento River, 303-4, 519;
    political affairs and preparations against Doniphan, Mexican force,
        304-6, 519;
    battle of Sacramento, 306-13, 520;
    occupied, 313, 520;
    Doniphan's negotiations, 313;
    his march to Saltillo, 313, 521;
    occupied by Price, =2.= 166, 419;
    under American rule, 454.

  Chihuahua Rangers, in Doniphan's expedition, =1.= 303, 519.

  Childs, Thomas, at Palo Alto, =1.= 164;
    at Monterey, 241, 246;
    at Jalapa, =2.= 361;
    command at Puebla, besieged, =2.= 174-8, 424;
    as governor, 226.

  Chimalpa, Pillow at, =2.= 95.

  China, Mexico, proposed attack on Texans at, =1.= 235.

  Chiquihuite, as defensive point, =2.= 41.

  Chronology of the war, =1.= xix-xxi.

  Churchill, Sylvester, in Wool's march, =1.= 270, 273.

  Churchill, W. H., at Palo Alto, =1.= 164, 167, 466.

  Churubusco, defences, =2.= 98, 110-1, 382;
    map of battle, 111;
    maps of bridgehead, 112, 113;
    capture of San Antonio, 112;
    pursuit of Mexicans to bridgehead, 113;
    Coyoacán as American point of concentration, 112, 382, 383;
    attack and capture of convent, 113-4, 117, 382, 383, 385;
    map of convent, 114;
    attack and capture of bridgehead, 114-6, 383;
    Shields-Pierce flank attack, 115-7, 384;
    pursuit of Mexicans, 117;
    Kearny's charge, 118;
    losses, spoils, 118;
    American elation, 118-9;
    Scott's army after the battle, 120;
    why not followed up, 120-1, 386, 393;
    Scott's probable plan, 383;
    as blunder, 383;
    effect on morale, 384;
    Mexican force, 385;
    Pillow's troops in, 385;
    fate of captured American deserters, 385.

  Citadel at Mexico City, =2.= 159, 160, 413, 415.

  Cities of Mexico, =1.= 2.

  Civil service, Mexican, character, =1.= 11, 20.

  Claiborne, J. F. H., on war spirit, =1.= 444.

  Claims against Mexico, European, =1.= 74, 425;
    American, and conduct of Americans, 74;
    character and justice, 74-6, 424-7;
    American patience and forbearance, 76, 427;
    Jackson's Message (1837), 77-8, 428;
    demand (1837), 78-9, 429;
    arbitration, delays, 79-80, 429-31;
    award (1841), convention on payments, cessation of payments, excuse,
        80, 431;
    question in efforts for resumption of intercourse, 92-5, 97, 435;
    Mexican attitude, 103;
    and cause of war, 120, 132, 134, 190, 448, =2.= 279;
    Polk's review, 49;
    assumption in treaty of peace, 241, 468, 469;
    necessity of enforcement, 311.

  _Clamor de las Ovejas_, =2.= 346.

  Clark, M. L., in Kearny's expedition, =1.= 288;
    to hold Santa Fe, 298;
    joins Doniphan, 299, 303, 519;
    in battle of Sacramento, 310, 312.

  Clarke, N. S., command at Matamoros, =1.= 493;
    brigade in Scott's army, =2.= 77;
    at Churubusco, 112, 113;
    at Molino del Rey, 144, 145, 402, 403;
    at Chapultepec, 157, 409;
    at San Cosme garita, 161, 162;
    occupies Cuernavaca, 433.

  Classes, Mexican.
    _See_ Population.

  Clausewitz, Karl von, on simplicity of war, =1.= 508.

  Clay, C. M., captured, =1.= 370-1.
    _See also_ Encarnación prisoners.

  Clay, Henry [1], on cause of war, =1.= 189;
    speech and resolution on war, =2.= 289;
    war programme, 290;
    results of policy, 314.

  Clay, Henry [2], killed, =1.= 394.

  Clayton, J. M., and war bill, =1.= 182;
    defence of Taylor, 260;
    and tariff of 1846, =2.= 257, 496;
    position in Senate, 496.

  Clergy.
    _See_ Roman Catholic church.

  Clifford, Nathan, and Scott's expedition, =1.= 540;
    and tariff for Mexican ports, =2.= 261;
    ratification commissioner, 249, 251, 474;
    minister at Mexico, 475.

  Climate of Mexico, =1.= 1.

  Coahuila state, overrun,=2.= 418.

  Coalition of Mexican states, and secession, =2.= 87, 234;
    opposes peace, 131;
    and opposition to Santa Anna, 134, 136;
    and collapse of government, 428.

  Cochelet, ----, French agent in Mexico, reports cited _passim_.

  Collins, John, messenger to Wool, =1.= 313.

  Colombia.
    _See_ New Granada.

  Colonies, mercantile system, =1.= 29.

  Colquitt, W. T., position in Senate, =2.= 496.

  Colton, Walter, as alcalde, =1.= 338.

  _Columbus_, in Pacific squadron, =2.= 447.

  Comanche Indians, raids, =1.= 479, 521.

  Comandú, and American occupation, =2.= 448.

  Commander in the field, selection (1846), =1.= 196-8, 200, 477;
    for Vera Cruz expedition, 351-4, 538-9;
    proposed lieutenant generalcy, =2.= 75;
    Scott removed, 188, 437.

  Commerce, American, influence on demand for war, =1.= 122, 443.
    _See also_ Santa Fe trail; Tariff.

  Commerce, Mexican, mercantile class, =1.= 5, 17;
    roads, inland transportation, 16, 18;
    protective tariff and prohibition, 17;
    smuggling, 17;
    American negotiations, 61, 419;
    over Santa Fe trail, 72;
    general restriction on American, 73, 424;
    of California, 317, 521;
    foreign, in occupied Mexican ports, =2.= 262, 303, 484, 505, 506.

  Commissaries, Mexican, =1.= 157.

  Concepción, Fort, at Vera Cruz, =2.= 19.

  Congress, American, and advance to the Rio Grande, =1.= 151, 456-9,
        =2.= 277;
    war Message and war bill, =1.= 181-3, 470-3;
    war preparations, 190;
    and Oregon, 201;
    the Ten Regiment Bill, =2.= 74-6;
    and lieutenant generalcy, 75, 363, 365;
    and two and three million funds, 123, 387;
    and military government, 220;
    and absorption of Mexico, 243-4;
    tariff of 1846, warehouse system, sub-treasury, 257, 478-9;
    treasury notes and loans, 258, 260, 264, 479, 485;
    proposed impost on tea and coffee, 261, 285, 482;
    proposed gradation of public lands, 261;
    initial popularity of war, 268;
    reaction, 269, 281;
    Democratic dissensions, lack of leaders, 281-3, 496;
    position of Whigs, leaders, 283, 496;
    character of war-time speeches, 284;
    attacks on war policy, 284-6;
    Wilmot Proviso, 286-7, 498;
    Whig no-territory plan, 287-8, 498;
    Clay's speech and resolutions, 289;
    demand for stoppage of supplies and recall of troops, 290-1, 500;
    Whig control of House, programme, 290;
    influence of success of war, 290;
    continued baiting of Polk, 291, 500;
    war-time character, 313-4;
    act (1847) for volunteers, 431;
    and Yucatan, 472;
    other war-time financial legislation, 489.
    _See also_ Senate.

  Congress, Mexican, first under Itúrbide, =1.= 35-6;
    first republican, 36-7;
    first constitutional (1825), 37;
    and reëlevation of Pedraza, 45;
    and Farías' reforms, 46;
    of Santa Anna's supporters (1835), 47;
    Seven Laws (1835), 47;
    and Santa Anna, 52-3;
    character (1846), =2.= 5;
    war-time Presidential elections, 5, 84, 236;
    war measure against church property, 9-12, 14, 329;
    new constitution (1847), 82;
    in abeyance, 85;
    and Trist mission, 130, 132;
    supports peace party, 236;
    ratifies treaty, 250-1, 474;
    and British mediation, 368.

  _Congress_, in Pacific squadron, =1.= 336, 337, 532, =2.= 189, 206,
        447;
    at Guaymas, 206, 447.

  Connelly, Henry, and Kearny, =1.= 516.

  Conner, David, and resumption of intercourse (1845), =1.= 94, 436;
    peaceful instructions to (1845), 131;
    and policy of bold military attitude, 152;
    and return of Santa Anna, 202, 478, 486, 487;
    attitude toward attack on Tampico, 277;
    occupies it, 279-81, 511-2;
    and the plan to attack Vera Cruz, 349-51, 536;
    and attack on Taylor, 466, =2.= 197;
    and crossing of Rio Grande, =1.= 469;
    and Vera Cruz expedition, =2.= 18, 23, 332, 335, 336, 338;
    superseded by Perry, 30, 201;
    squadron, distribution, 189, 197, 442;
    and blockade, 193;
    difficulties of shore operations, 196;
    character as officer, 196, 444;
    attacks on Alvarado, 197-9, 442;
    Tabasco River expedition, 199-200;
    Yucatan operations, 201;
    and plans to attack Ulúa, 201, 444.

  Conner, P. E., at Buena Vista, =1.= 389, 556.

  Conquered territory, policy of occupying territory, =1.= 262, 266-7,
        508, =2.= 273, 492;
    civil government in New Mexico and California, =1.= 337-8, =2.= 217,
        218, 285, 453;
    character of naval control, 208;
    policy toward noncombatants, conciliation, 210-1, 449;
    outrages by volunteers at Matamoros, 211, 450;
    and at Monterey, 212-3, 450;
    liquor and troubles, 212, 213, 224, 457;
    regulations at Monterey, later security, 213, 450-1;
    difficulty of convicting Mexican offenders, 213, 451;
    rule in Saltillo, 213, 452;
    police regulations, 213, 215, 229, 450, 452;
    conditions in Tampico, 214, 452;
    prosperity, 214-5, 219;
    effect of occupation on Mexican desire for annexation, 215;
    excesses in New Mexico, 216, 453;
    Price's rule there, insurrection, 217;
    successful rule in California, 217-20, 454;
    use of local civil officers, 218, 229, 461;
    Scott's orders for military government, 220, 455-7;
    rule at Vera Cruz, 220-2, 457;
    at Córdoba and Orizaba, 222;
    affairs at Jalapa, 223-5, 458;
    excesses elsewhere, 224, 225;
    Mexican offences and exaggerations, 224;
    rule at Puebla, 225, 459;
    clemency toward Mexico City, 226, 459;
    military discipline there, 226, 459-60;
    life at capital during occupation, 226-8, 460;
    Mexican courts, 229;
    social relations, 230-1, 461-2;
    general conclusions on conduct of occupation, 231-2;
    tariff, 261-3, 484;
    levies on Mexicans, 264-6, 485-8;
    American opposition to occupation, 273, 492;
    title by conquest, 285, 468, 497;
    justice of conquest, 322, 514;
    conditions at Chihuahua, 454.

  Conspectus of events, =1.= xix-xxi.

  Constitutions, Spanish liberal (1820), =1.= 32;
    first Mexican (1824), 36-7, 412-3;
    Seven Laws, 47;
    Bases of Tacubaya, 51;
    Organic Bases, 52;
    revival of Organic Bases, 217;
    renewal of constitution of 1824, 222, 488;
    of 1847, =2.= 82.

  Consuls in Mexico, cut off, =1.= 212, 484.

  Contreras, battle of, field, =2.= 101;
    Valencia's occupation of it, 102, 104;
    American reconnaissance and advance, 103, 380;
    Pillow's attack and Riley's flank movement, 104, 376, 378, 380;
    support of Riley, 105, 107, 378-80;
    Santa Anna's movements, 105, 110, 379, 380;
    Valencia disobeys order to retire, 106;
    map, 107;
    American troops during night, 107;
    American flank and rear attack, 108-10, 379, 380;
    flight of Mexicans, 109;
    losses, spoils, 110;
    credit for victory, 376.

  Convent at Churubusco, =2.= 111, 382;
    attack and capture, 113-4, 117, 382, 383, 385;
    map, 114.

  Convoy.
    _See_ Transportation.

  Cooke, P. St. G., in Kearny's expedition, =1.= 290, 293;
    in California, =2.= 218, 455.

  Córdoba, Bankhead's expedition, aspect of route to, =2.= 184-5, 433;
    under American rule, 222, 229;
    Lane at, 427.

  Corcoran, W. J., company raised by, =2.= 431.

  Corpus Christi, Taylor's force at, =1.= 142, 452.

  Corral Falso, as defensive point, =2.= 39, 41, 42.

  Corruption, Mexican, in army, =1.= 9;
    in civil service, 12;
    extent and effect, 13, 57, 416-7;
    question in peace negotiations, =2.= 123, 132, 390-1;
    and war-time trade, 263;
    and Mexican attitude on the war, 312.

  Corwin, Thomas, on Scott, =1.= 197;
    opposition to war, =2.= 126;
    and treaty of peace, 247;
    effect of "hospitable graves" speech, 278, 494;
    demands recall of troops, 290.

  Cos, M. P. de, at Tuxpán, =2.= 202, 445.

  _Cossack_, claim, =1.= 426.

  Cost of the war to United States, =2.= 266-7, 488.

  Council Grove, trade rendezvous, =1.= 288.

  Courtesy, Mexican, =1.= 26.

  Couto, J. B., peace commissioner, =2.= 135, 239;
    and Peña, 180;
    on Trist, 323.

  Cox, I. J., acknowledgment to, =1.= 450.

  Cox, Nathaniel, claim, =1.= 426.

  Coyoacán, force at, =2.= 101;
    and battle of Churubusco, 112, 382-3.

  Crampton, J. F. T., British chargé at Washington, and levy on
        Mexicans, =2.= 486;
    on slavery and cessation of war, 500;
    on Whig war policy, 500.

  Crawford, J. T., British consul at Tampico, reports cited _passim_.

  Credit, lack of Mexican public, =2.= 7, 253;
    American foreign, 256.
    _See also_ Finances.

  _Creole_, burned, =2=. 444.

  Creoles, characteristics, =1.= 3, 407;
    and Spanish-born, 29;
    and independence, 30-1.

  _Crepúsculo_, on Santa Anna as dictator, =1.= 47;
    on Santa Anna and Zacatecas, 550.

  Crime and criminal law, Mexican, =1.= 13, 21.

  Crittenden, J. J., and war bill, =1.= 183, 187, 473, =2.= 277;
    defence of Taylor, =1.= 260;
    and Taylor's candidacy, 368;
    and tariff of 1846, =2.= 257, 496;
    and plan to stop war, 290;
    position in Senate, 496;
    on American attitude toward Mexico, 508.

  Cross, Trueman, killed, =1.= 160, 463;
    on Taylor and transportation, 490.

  Cuba, Mexico and, =1.= 417;
    and Mexican privateering, =2.= 192, 193.

  Cuernavaca, and Santa Anna's dictatorship, =1.= 46;
    occupied, =2.= 184, 433.

  Cuevas, L. G., on chances of expected war, =1.= 111;
    and annexation of Texas, 434;
    on resumption of intercourse, 435;
    and Peña, =2.= 180;
    peace commissioner, 239, 466;
    on Trist, 323.

  _Cumberland_, in Home Squadron, =2.= 197, 442;
    damaged, 449.

  Cumplido, I., Presidential candidacy, =2.= 236.

  Curtis, S. R., and forays on Taylor's rear, =1.= 562.

  Cushing, Caleb, sent to Scott, =2.= 184, 418;
    brigade in Taylor's force, 417;
    leaves Mexico, 438.

  Customs, Mexican internal, =1.= 16, =2.= 253.
    _See also_ Tariff.

  Cuylti, Gavino, and Doniphan's advance, =1.= 301.

  _Cyane_, at Monterey, =1.= 423;
    in Pacific squadron, =2.= 189, 205, 206, 446, 447;
    at La Paz and San José, 449.

  Cyprey, Baron Alleye de, French minister at Mexico, on British
      recognition of Texas, =1.= 432.


  Dakin, J. H., recruiting advertisement, =1.= 445.

  _Dale_, in Pacific squadron, =2.= 189, 206, 447;
    at Guaymas, 447.

  Dallas, G. M., and Buchanan faction, =2.= 282;
    on Polk, 510.

  Dana, R. H., and public interest in California, =1.= 323.

  Davidson, G. R., captured, =1.= 370-1.
    _See also_ Encarnación prisoners.

  Davis, C. W., and outrages, =1.= 425.

  Davis, G. T. M., on errors at Churubusco, =2=. 383;
    on Belén operations, 412.

  Davis, Jefferson, at Monterey, =1.= 249, 252, 500;
    in negotiations, 502, 504, 505;
    at Buena Vista, 555;
    and peace negotiations, =2.= 464;
    on glory of the war, 324.

  Davis, John, and two million bill, =2.= 123.

  Deas, Edward, battery in Taylor's later force, =2.= 418.

  Deaths, in American army, =2.= 318, 511, 512.

  _Decatur_, in attack on Tuxpán, =2.= 444;
    in Home Squadron, 446.

  Declaration of war.
    _See_ Outbreak.

  Defensive-line policy, Taylor's plan, =1.= 282-3, 461, 513, 514;
    popularity, 347;
    persistence, =2.= 183, 430.

  Deffaudis, Baron. French minister at Mexico, reports cited _passim_.

  Delano, Columbus, and war bill, =1.= 472;
    inconsistent war criticism, =2.= 277.

  Delaware Indians, in Kearny's expedition, =1.= 288.

  Delaware troops, =2.= 431.

  Democracy, radical party in Mexico (1846), =2.= 2-4.
    _See also_ Federalism; Puros.

  Democratic party, and war, =1.= 184, 471;
    early reaction, =2.= 269, 281;
    and Polk, dissensions, 269-73, 281, 283;
    leaders in Congress, 282, 496;
    dissensions and Wilmot Proviso, 286;
    dissensions protract war, 288.
    _See also_ Congress; Polk.

  _Democratic Review_, and absorption of Mexico, =2.= 243.

  De Russey, L. G., wrecked, march to Tampico, =1.= 547;
    attempt to rescue prisoners of war, =2.= 418.

  Descriptions.
    _See_ Physical aspect.

  Desertion, in Taylor army at Rio Grande, =1.= 160, 463;
    tendency after Monterey, 262;
    amount, =2.= 318, 319;
    fate of deserters captured at Churubusco, 385;
    deserters and peace, 474.
    _See also_ Irish; Propaganda.

  Diablo, El, earthwork at Monterey, =1.= 249;
    attack on, 253-4, 500;
    evacuated, 255.

  _Diario_, desires war, =1.= 105, 115;
    on help from abroad, 112;
    on the army, 408;
    on United States and Texas, 423;
    on start of final campaign, =2.= 92;
    on Scott's predicament, 103;
    on peace negotiations, 123, 130.

  Diaz de la Vega, R.
    _See_ La Vega.

  Dickens, Charles, jibes at Americans, =2.= 294.

  Dickinson, D. S., and expansion, =1.= 188;
    and absorption of Mexico, =2.= 243;
    position in Senate, 496.

  Dictatorship, under first Mexican constitution, =1.= 37;
    Victoria's, 39;
    Guerrero's, 42;
    Santa Anna's, 46, 51-3, 415;
    his virtual, during the war, =2.= 81, 85;
    invitation to Scott, 323.

  Dimond, F. M., American consul at Vera Cruz, and restoration of
        intercourse, =1.= 89;
    report on Santa Anna's attitude, 201;
    and war programme, 350;
    on Mexico and American-British relations, 442;
    and spy for Scott, =2.= 332.

  Diplomatic intercourse, American-Mexican, Mexican characteristics,
        =1.= 58, 416;
    treatment of Poinsett, 58-9, 417;
    Louisiana Purchase boundary, 59-61, 418;
    treaty of amity and commerce, 61, 419;
    recall of Poinsett demanded, 62;
    Butler as minister, 62, 419, 420;
    Ellis as chargé, 63;
    Sabine River boundary and Gaines's expedition, 63-6, 420-2;
    departure of Gorostiza, 66, 77;
    and recognition of Texas, 66, 422, 423;
    Bocanegra's threat, 68;
    Gorostiza's pamphlet, disavowal, 77-9;
    rupture (1845), 87;
    efforts to restore, 88-91, 133, 434, 447;
    preparation to reopen, 91;
    British efforts for renewal, 91, 435;
    Mexico agrees to resume, claims question in agreement, 92-4, 97,
        435-6;
    need of haste, 94;
    instructions to Slidell, 95, 127, 436;
    rejection of Slidell, 96-8, 100-1, 120, 127, 133, 135, 145, 437-9,
        447, 453;
    policy of bold military attitude to encourage resumption, 152;
    negotiations with Santa Anna (1846), 201-3, 471;
    difficulties of contrasted national characteristics, =2.= 310, 508.
    _See also_ Claims; Foreign relations; Peace.

  Direct tax. American attitude toward, =2.= 258, 480.

  Discipline.
    _See_ Conquered territory; Morale.

  Disraeli, Benjamin, on Mexico, =2.= 296;
    and the war, 299;
    and interposition, 302.

  District of Columbia troops, call and response (1847), =2.= 364, 431;
    in Taylor's later force, 417;
    at Jalapa, 433.
    _See also_ Washington and Baltimore battalion.

  Dodd, W. E., on Calhoun's rivals and war, =1.= 444.

  Domínguez, Manuel, as Scott's spy, =2.= 362.

  _Don Simplicio_, on Santa Anna's efforts at San Luis Potosí, =1.= 376,
        377, 379;
    on revolt of 1846, =2.= 1;
    on political situation (1847), 16.

  Donaldson, J. L., at Saltillo, =1.= 559.

  Donelson, A. J., on Texas and European aid, =1.= 82;
    peaceful instructions to (1845), 131;
    on Mexico and slavery, 188;
    and war, 445.

  Doniphan, A. W., regiment in Kearny's expedition, =1.= 288;
    reduces Indians, 298;
    force for Chihuahua march, 98, 303, 519;
    character and appearance, 299;
    character of force, 299, 303;
    caravan with, 298, 303, 519, 520;
    crossing of Jornada del Muerto, 299, 518;
    Clark's reinforcement, 299, 303;
    preparations against at El Paso, 300-1, 518;
    affair of Brazito, 301-2, 518;
    at El Paso, 302-3;
    advance to Sacramento River, 303-4, 519;
    preparations against at Chihuahua, 304-6, 519;
    map of march, 305;
    battle of Sacramento, 306-13, 520;
    at Chihuahua, 313, 520;
    negotiations, 313;
    march to Saltillo, 313, 521, 547, 548;
    return to Missouri, reception, results of march, 314;
    on and during the battle, 520;
    later career, 521.

  Dorsey, G., on Spanish American fear of aggression, =1.= 111.

  Dosamantes, Señorita, as volunteer, =1.= 230, 494.

  Dosamantes, J., captured at Chapultepec, =2.= 411.

  Douglas, S. A., on cause of war, =1.= 189;
    on policy of occupying territory, =2.= 492;
    position in House, 496.

  Doyle, P. W., British chargé at Mexico, on British recognition of
        Texas, =1.= 432;
    on conduct of American soldiers, =2.= 226, 231, 460;
    and renewal of peace negotiations, 238-40, 465;
    and armistice, 242, 470;
    on relaxed discipline after Scott's departure, 438.

  Dragoons, force (1845), =1.= 139, 450;
    at Churubusco, =2.= 110, 119, 385;
    during armistice, 134;
    at Molino del Rey, 144, 146, 403;
    at Chapultepec, 161, 408, 410;
    in Mexico City, 164;
    with Scott, 356;
    garrison at Jalapa and Perote, 361;
    in California, 475.
    _See also_ regiments by number.

  Dress, Mexican, =1.= 18-9, 24;
    Californian, 316.

  Drink.
    _See_ Liquor.

  Dromgoole, G. C., position in House, =2.= 496.

  Drum, S. H., company at Molino del Rey, =2.= 143, 145, 403;
    at Chapultepec, 152, 156;
    at Belén garita, 159, 160;
    killed, 160;
    light artillery, 366.

  Ducoing, Theodore, claim, =1.= 427.

  Duflot de Mofras, Eugène, on cause of war, =1.= 189;
    and California, 324, 523.

  Duncan, James, battery in Texas, =1.= 146;
    at Palo Alto, 168, 169, 465;
    at Monterey, 241, 243, 248, 258, 492, 496;
    advance to Saltillo, 264;
    field battery, 450;
    at Resaca de la Palma, 467;
    in advance of Perote, =2.= 61;
    Amozoc affair, 70;
    in Scott's army, 77;
    at Churubusco, 115, 117;
    at Molino del Rey, 143-6;
    at Chapultepec, 161;
    and uprising in the city, 167;
    and cabal against Scott, 178, 435;
    Scott's charges against, 188, 436;
    Polk rescues, 188;
    reconnaissance of Mexicaltzingo route, 372, 373;
    and Quitman's advance to Belén garita, 414.

  Du Petit Thouars, A. A., and California, =1.= 523.

  Du Pont, S. F., cruise off western coast of Mexico, =2.= 205;
    at La Paz and San José, 449.

  Durán, José, and surrender of Ulúa, =2.= 340, 342.

  Durango state, and Santa Anna, =1.= 376;
    and secession coalition, =2.= 86.


  Echagaray, Domingo, at San Juan Bautista, =2.= 446.

  Echeagaray, Lt. Col., at Molino del Rey, =2.= 145;
    at San Cosme garita, 413.

  Echols, R. M., regiment in Taylor's force, =2.= 417.

  Eckford, Henry, claim, =1.= 426.

  Edson, Alvin, at siege of Vera Cruz, =2.= 335.

  Education, under Spanish rule, =1.= 13;
    common, after independence, 14, 409;
    higher, 14.

  Eighth Cavalry, Mexican, at Monterey, =1.= 494.

  Eighth Infantry, in Texas, =1.= 143;
    at Palo Alto, 164, 168, 466;
    at Resaca de la Palma, 174;
    at Monterey, 246, 492, 496, 501;
    advance to Saltillo, 264;
    in Scott's army, =2.= 77;
    at Churubusco, 112, 115, 116, 384;
    at Chapultepec, 157;
    at siege of Vera Cruz, 343;
    at Molino del Rey, 402.

  Eighth Line Infantry, Mexican, at Monterey, =1.= 494.

  El Carmen Island.
    _See_ Carmen.

  El Paso, aspect and people, =1.= 300, 302;
    force against Doniphan Brazito affair, 300-2, 518;
    Doniphan occupies, 302-3.

  El Telégrafo.
    _See_ Telégrafo.

  Elections.
    _See_ President.

  Eleventh Infantry, in Scott's army, =2.= 77, 363, 422, 432;
    at Chapultepec, 154, 410;
    at Churubusco, 385;
    at Molino del Rey, 402.

  Eleventh Line Infantry, Mexican, at Cerro Gordo, =2.= 52, 347;
    at San Cosme garita, 162;
    and Vera Cruz, 334.

  Elkins, Samuel, claim, =1.= 426.

  Elliot, Charles, British minister in Texas, on chances of expected
        war, =1.= 105, 107;
    on Texas as theatre of war, 107;
    on policy of expansion, 123.

  Ellis, Powhatan, American representative at Mexico, =1.= 63;
    and claims, 76-7;
    and California, 324;
    on Tornel, 484.

  Ellis, T. H., American chargé at Mexico, reports cited _passim_.

  Empire of Itúrbide, =1.= 35.

  Encarnación, Santa Anna's army at, =1.= 381;
    map of district, 382.
    _See also_ next title.

  Encarnación prisoners, capture, =1.= 370-1;
    sent south, 562;
    at Huejutla, attempt to release, =2.= 418.

  Engineers, military, Mexican, =1.= 156, 461, =2.= 312;
    American corps, =1.= 451;
    in the war, =2.= 320, 513;
    under Scott, 349, 356, 366.

  England.
    _See_ Great Britain.

  _Erie_, in Pacific squadron, =2.= 189, 447.

  Escudero, J. A. de, and Farías, =2.= 5, 9.

  _Espectador_, on the war, =1.= 442.

  _Esperanza_, on Americans, =1.= 484.

  Esteva, J. W., on Mexican character, =1.= 410.

  Estrada, Gutiérrez de.
    _See_ Gutiérrez de Estrada.

  Europe, expected to aid Mexico, =1.= 112-5, 442.
    _See also_ Foreign relations; Interposition; nations by name,
        especially France; Great Britain; Spain.

  Eutaw Indians, subdued, =1.= 298.

  Evacuation of Mexican territory, =2.= 251-2, 475-6.

  Evans, George, and war bill, =1=. 183.

  Eventualists, and secession and peace, =2.= 234, 239, 465.
    _See also_ Puros.

  Execution of American citizens, =1.= 70.

  Expansion, spirit and attitude toward Mexico, =1.= 123, 444;
    London _Times_ on, =2.= 294;
    justice, 322-3.
    _See also_ Annexations.

  Expulsion of American citizens, =1.= 71, 73, 423, 424.


  Fairfield, John, on Scott, =1.= 197;
    on speeches in Congress, =2.=  284.

  _Falcon_, at siege of Vera Cruz, =2.= 338;
    in Home Squadron, 445, 446.

  _Falmouth_, scurvy, =2.= 195;
    in Home Squadron, 197, 442.

  Farías, Valentín Gómez, Vice President, character, =1.= 45;
    as acting President, attempted reforms, 45;
    flees, 47;
    as Federalist leader, 48;
    and the war, 201;
    combination with Santa Anna, 216;
    imprisoned, 216;
    and revolt for Santa Anna (1846), 217, 221-3;
    and Salas and Santa Anna, =2.= 1, 327;
    as leader of radicals (Puros), 2;
    shelved, 4;
    election as Vice President and actual Executive (1846), 5;
    war policy, 6;
    financial problem and church property, 6, 9-14;
    and Beach, 12;
    superseded by Santa Anna, 14;
    office abolished, unpopularity, 15, 332;
    hostility to Santa Anna, 82;
    and Olaguíbel, 86;
    opposes peace negotiations (1847), 136.

  Farragut, D. G., and Ulúa, =2.= 201.

  _Federal Union_, and war, =1.= 473.

  Federalism and Federalists, in first Mexican constitution, =1.= 36-7;
    oligarchical plots and revolt against, 37-8;
    party resentment, 38-9;
    overthrow, 47;
    pre-war factions, 48;
    Bustamante's attempt to restore, 51;
    and Herrera's rule, 55-6;
    party and Poinsett, 59;
    restoration (1846), 217, 222, 488;
    war-time factions, =2.= 2-5;
    in election of 1846, 5;
    split on demands on church property, 11;
    and Santa Anna as Executive, 15;
    states defy Santa Anna, plan for new republic, 86-7, 234, 369;
    state discussion on peace, 236, 464;
    antagonistic state groups, 510.
    _See also_ Constitutions; Government; Moderados; Puros.

  Federation Ridge at Monterey, =1.= 239, 497;
    capture, 244, 498.

  Fernández del Castillo, Pedro.
    _See_ Castillo.

  Ferry, Gabriel, on battle of Monterey, =1.= 503;
    and interposition, =2.= 304;
    on American army, 321.

  Fifteenth Infantry, in Scott's army, =2.= 78, 363, 422, 432;
    at Contreras, 105;
    at Chapultepec, 154, 155, 157;
    garrisons it, 159;
    at Churubusco, 384;
    advance after armistice, 400.

  Fifth Cavalry, Mexican, at Cerro Gordo, =2.= 347.

  Fifth Infantry, in Texas, =1.= 143;
    at Palo Alto, 164, 167;
    at Resaca de la Palma, 174;
    at Monterey, 245, 247, 259, 492, 496;
    advance to Saltillo, 264;
    in Scott's army, =2.= 77, 422;
    at Churubusco, 112, 115, 116, 384;
    at siege of Vera Cruz, 343;
    at Molino del Rey, 402, 403.

  Fifth Line Infantry, Mexican, at Cerro Gordo, =2.= 347.

  Filisola, Vicente, and Doniphan's expedition, =1.= 521;
    and plans against Taylor, =2.= 165, 419;
    and later command, 182, 430.

  Finances, American, naval appropriations, =1.= 190, =2.= 189;
    unfavorable pre-war conditions, 255, 306;
    problem of war loans, lack of credit abroad, 256, 478;
    need of more income, 258, 260, 481;
    tariff of 1846, warehouse system, and sub-treasury, 257, 478-9;
    treasury notes, 258, 479, 480;
    first loan, 259, 479, 481;
    second loan, 260, 481;
    proposed impost on tea and coffee, 261, 285, 482;
    and gradation of public lands, 261;
    tariff for Mexican ports, 261-3, 303, 484, 500, 505;
    effect of prosperity due to European conditions, 263, 484;
    third loan, 264, 485;
    levies on Mexicans, 264-6, 485-8;
    funds and expenditures in Mexico, 266, 488;
    cost of the war, 266-7, 488;
    political effects of Polk's policy, 273, 281;
    money market during the war, 489;
    other war-time Acts, 489.

  Finances, Mexican, Itúrbide's troubles, =1.= 34-5;
    and expulsion of Gachupines, 39;
    early republican difficulties, 39;
    crisis (1837), 48;
    under Santa Anna's dictatorship, 52;
    Herrera's predicament, 55;
    war preparations, 213-4, 223, 488;
    Santa Anna's preparations at San Luis Potosí, 377;
    forced loans, 410, 431, =2.= 254, 477;
    general war-time character, 6, 327;
    problems, 7;
    demands on Church, law of Jan. 11, opposition, 8-11, 329;
    Beach's intrigue and clerical revolt, 11-4, 330-2;
    Santa Anna and Church property, 15, 329;
    effect of war on normal income, 253;
    taxation projects, 253;
    state donations, 254;
    clerical donations, 254, 477;
    loans, 254, 477;
    seizures and requisitions, 255;
    state of treasury (1846), 328.

  First Artillery, at Cerro Gordo, =2.= 52, 54, 352;
    in Scott's army, 77;
    at Churubusco, 114, 382;
    at siege of Vera Cruz, 343;
    garrison at Jalapa, 361;
    at Belén garita, 413;
    in Taylor's later force, 417.

  First Cavalry, Mexican, at Monterey, =1.= 494.

  First Dragoons, in Kearny's expedition, =1.= 286, 288, 515;
    leave for California, 297;
    in Wool's march, 509;
    at Buena Vista, 554, 555;
    in Scott's army, =2.= 77;
    at Churubusco, 119;
    in California, 219;
    at siege of Vera Cruz, 343;
    in Taylor's later force, 417.

  First Infantry, at Burrita, =1.= 177;
    at Monterey, 250, 252, 492, 496;
    in Smith's brigade, 541;
    garrisons Vera Cruz, =2.= 37;
    at siege of Vera Cruz, 343.

  First Ligero, at Cerro Gordo, =2.= 347.

  First Line Infantry, Mexican, at Monterey, =1.= 494.

  Fischer, Waldemar, company in Kearny's expedition, =1.= 288, 515.

  Flagg, A. C., and Polk's Cabinet, =2.= 269, 271.

  _Flirt_, in Home Squadron, =2.= 197, 442.

  Flores, J. M., rising in California, =1.= 339, 533;
    as provisional governor, 340;
    and battle of San Pascual, 342;
    and American advance on Los Angeles, 343-4, 535;
    retires to Sonora, 345;
    and Larkin, 536.

  Florida troops, calls, =1.= 537, =2.= 364;
    in Taylor's later force, 417;
    at Puebla, 433.

  Food and drink, Mexican, =1.= 2, 20-1.

  Forbes, Alexander, British consul at Tepic, effect of his book on
        California, =1.= 323.

  Forbes, J. A., British vice consul in California, on California and
        independence, =1.= 321;
    on expected American annexation, 325;
    and British control, 328, 329, 332.

  Forced loans in Mexico, =1.= 410, =2.= 254, 477;
    to pay claims, =1.= 431.

  Ford, Lemuel, at siege of Puebla, =2.= 424;
    in Lane's guerilla operations, 426.

  Foreign relations, American, European attitude toward United States,
        =2.= 294-6, 502;
    and toward Mexico, 296, 502;
    Buchanan's circular on origin and purpose of war, 297;
    Spanish America and the war, 298;
    attitude of Spain, 298;
    of Prussia, 298;
    England and outbreak of war, 299-300;
    France and outbreak, 300, 503;
    British offer of mediation, 301, 503-4;
    question of British interposition, 301-4, 504-6;
    and British-French relations, 304, 506;
    France and interposition, 304;
    effect of victories, 305;
    foreign help of Mexico, 306;
    criticism of war operations, 306-8, 507;
    and treaty of peace, 308-9;
    influence of war on, 323.
    _See also_ Diplomatic intercourse; Preparation; nations by name,
        especially France; Great Britain; Spain.

  Foreigners.
    _See_ Aliens.

  Forsyth, John, and Gaines's expedition, =1.= 64, 66, 422;
    and claims commission, 80, 429.

  _Forward_, in attack on Alvarado, =2.= 199;
    in Tabasco expedition, 200.

  Foster, J. G., at Molino del Rey, wounded, =2.= 142, 144, 403;
    at Cerro Gordo, 349;
    engineer with Scott, 366.

  Fourteenth Infantry, in Scott's army, =2.= 77, 363, 432;
    at Chapultepec, 154;
    at Churubusco, 385;
    at Molino del Rey, 402.

  Fourth Artillery, at Buena Vista, =1.= 555;
    at Cerro Gordo, =2.= 53;
    in Scott's army, 77;
    at Molino del Rey, 143;
    at siege of Vera Cruz, 343;
    left at Contreras, 382;
    in Taylor's later force, 417, 418.

  Fourth Infantry, at Fort Jesup, =1.= 140;
    goes to Texas, 141-2, 452;
    at Palo Alto 164, 167, 168;
    at Monterey, 252, 256, 492, 496, 500-2, 506;
    in Scott's army, =2.= 77, 422;
    at siege of Vera Cruz, 343;
    at San Cosme garita, 414.

  Fourth Ligero, at Monterey, =1.= 494;
    at Cerro Gordo, =2.= 347.

  Fourth Line Infantry, Mexican, at Palo Alto, =1.= 165, 168;
    at Resaca de la Palma, 171, 174, 175;
    at Monterey, 494;
    at Cerro Gordo, =2.= 52, 53, 347.

  _Fourth of July_, claim, =1.= 424.

  France, attack on Mexico, =1.= 49, 74;
    and Texas, 55, 67, 90, 432;
    and expected war, 112;
    and annexation of Texas, 113, =2.= 295, 501, 502;
    and support of Mexico, interposition, =1.= 112-5, =2.= 304;
    supposed manipulation of Mexico, =1.= 121;
    and California, 324, 326, 327, 523, =2.= 505;
    and Mexican privateering, 193;
    and American tariff for Mexican ports, 262, 484;
    attitude toward United States, 295;
    attitude toward Mexico, 296-7;
    and outbreak of war, 300, 503;
    attitude and British relations, 304, 506;
    and American victories, 305.

  Franklin, W. B., reconnaissance in Wool's march, =1.= 271.

  Freaner, J. L., and recall of Trist, =2.= 465;
    takes treaty to Washington, 467.

  Frederick William of Prussia, and the war, =2.= 299.

  Frémont, J. C., expedition canceled (1845), =1.= 131, 447;
    and Castro, retirement, 331, 528;
    Gillespie and return, Bear Flag war, 331-3, 528-9, 531;
    and Sloat, 335, 531;
    joins Stockton, force and appearance, 336;
    influences address, 336;
    in first southern campaign, 336, 337;
    command in north, 338;
    and second southern campaign, 342, 345, 535-6;
    treaty with insurgents, 345-6, =2.= 218;
    as governor, 217;
    and Kearny, 454.

  French, S. G., on Taylor as fighter, =1.= 238.

  French in Mexico, merchants, =1.= 5.

  French revolution, influence in Mexico, =1.= 30.

  Frontera, blockade, =2.= 194;
    importance, 443.

  Fugitive slaves, rendition in American-Mexican negotiations, =1.= 419.

  Furber, G. C., work as source, =1.= 404.

  Furlong, C., and Americans at Puebla, =2.= 225.


  Gachupines, characteristics, =1.= 3;
    expulsion, 39, 42, 413.
    _See also_ Oligarchy.

  Gahagan, Dennis, claim, =1.= 427.

  Gaines, E. P., Nacogdoches expedition, =1.= 64-6, 420-2;
    requisition for six-months men, 196, 205, 452, 476, =2.= 272, 511;
    and Scott, =1.= 197;
    Taylor's letter, 347, 507;
    and command of Vera Cruz expedition, 353;
    relieved, court of inquiry, 476.

  Gaines, J. P., carelessness and capture, =1.= 370-1;
    at Saltillo, 541;
    of Scott's staff, =2.= 366.
    _See also_ Encarnación prisoners.

  Gallatin, Albert, on annexation of Texas, =1.= 83;
    pessimism on peace prospects, =2.= 235;
    on treasury notes, 258;
    and the war, 314.

  Gambling, American, =1.= 144, 207, =2.= 214;
    at Mexico City, =2.= 460.

  Gamboa, Ramón, and Santa Anna, =2.= 134;
    on evacuation of Mexico City, 415, 416.

  Gaona, General, in preparations below Perote, =2.= 40;
    abandons Perote, 61.

  Garay, F. de, and De Russey's expedition, =2.= 418.

  Garay, J. G. Perdigón.
    _See_ Perdigón Garay.

  García, General, at Matamoros, character, =1.= 158, 462.

  García Conde, Pedro, and battle of Sacramento, =1.= 306, 309, 312,
       519, 520.

  Gardner, J. L., command at Point Isabel, =1.= 493.

  Garland, John, at Palo Alto, =1.= 164;
    at Monterey, 250, 251, 253, 492, 496, 499, 500;
    brigade in advance of Perote, =2.= 61;
    in Scott's army, 77;
    before San Antonio, Mex., 102;
    at Churubusco, 113, 116;
    at Molino del Rey, 143, 145;
    at Chapultepec, 161;
    at San Cosme garita, 162;
    wounded in uprising, 167;
    and Contreras, 381.

  Garro, Máximo, Mexican chargé at Paris, reports cited _passim_.

  Gates, William, at Tampico, =1.= 281, 282, 486, 512, 546, =2.= 484;
    discipline, 215;
    and prisoners at Huejutla, 418.

  Gateways of Mexico City, =2.= 147.
    _See also_ Belén; San Cosme.

  Georgia troops, in Victoria march, =1.= 357;
    at siege of Vera Cruz, =2.= 343;
    in Alvarado expedition, 344;
    leave Scott, 356;
    calls (1847), 364, 365, 430;
    for Scott, 423;
    cavalry at Huamantla, 426.

  "Germanicus," on volunteers, =1.= 474.

  Germans in Mexico, merchants, =1.= 5;
    mining companies, 15.

  _Germantown_, in attack on Tuxpán, =2.= 444;
    in Home Squadron, 445, 446.

  Germany. =See= Prussia.

  Gerolt, Baron, Prussian minister at Washington, and the war, =2.= 503.

  Gibson, George, commissary general of subsistence, =1.= 475;
    and Graham, 500.

  Giddings, J. R., and secession, =2.= 272;
    position in House, 496.

  Giffard, F. L., British consul at Matamoros, on conduct of volunteers,
        =2.= 211.

  Giffard, T., British consul at Vera Cruz, on Vera Cruz expedition,
        =2.= 22, 32, 33, 337, 341;
    on American rule, 221;
    on Scott and Jalapa, 362.

  Gillespie, A. H., mission to California, =1.= 326, 329, 526, 530;
    and return of Frémont, 331, 332, 528;
    and Bear Flag war, 332, 529;
    in southern campaign, 336;
    rule at Los Angeles, 338;
    rising against, surrender, 339, 533-4;
    joins Kearny, 341;
    in battle of San Pascual, 342;
    in expedition to Los Angeles, 342.

  Gillespie, R. A., at Monterey, =1.= 245;
    march to Mier, 483.

  Glass, J. W., British consul at Tampico, reports cited _passim_.

  Glasson, J. J., at siege of Vera Cruz, =2.= 338.

  Goliad massacre, American indignation, =1.= 117.

  Gómez, Gregorio, _Jefferson_ and _Natchez_ incidents, =1.= 424-5;
    in preparations below Perote, =2.= 40;
    flight from La Hoya, 58.

  Gómez Farías.
    _See_ Farías.

  Gómez Pedraza.
    _See_ Pedraza.

  González, ----, and Armijo, =1.= 293.

  Gore, J. H., at San Cosme garita, =2.= 414.

  Gorman, W. A., at Buena Vista, =1.= 386, 556;
    at Huamantla, =2.= 426.

  Gorostiza, M. E. de, as minister at Washington, =1.= 64;
    and Gaines's expedition, 65-6, 420-2;
    pamphlet, Mexican disavowal, 77-9;
    and Texas, 432;
    and Santa Anna, =2.= 92.

  Government, Mexican, results of colonial system, =1.= 29-30;
    causes of failure, 56-7, 416-7, 438, =2.= 310, 312;
    difficulties in tracing political development, =1.= 411;
    extempore, after loss of capital, =2.= 179-81, 427, 428;
    results to, of the war, 514.
    _See also_ Centralists; Congress, Mexican; Conquered territory;
        Constitutions; Dictatorship; Federalism; Independence; Local
        government; Monarchy; Oligarchy; President of Mexico;
        Revolutions; Roman Catholic church.

  Graham, G. M., and Garland at Monterey, =1.= 500;
    messenger to Mexico, =2.= 473.

  Graham, James, and Oregon, =1.= 200.

  Grande, Rio.
    _See_ Rio Grande.

  Grant, U. S., at Monterey, =1.= 252, 256, 501;
    on Worth, 498;
    on magnifying of Taylor's victories, 549;
    at Cerro Gordo, =2.= 49;
    at San Cosme garita, 162, 414;
    on departure from Mexico, 252;
    on Cerro Gordo, 354;
    on Churubusco, 383;
    on battles before Mexico City, 408;
    on Mexican soldiers, 509.

  Gray, A. F. V., at San Pascual, =1.= 535.

  Grayson, J. B., Scott's chief of subsistence, =2.= 366.

  Great Britain, British loans to Mexico, =1.= 37;
    and Texas, 55, 67, 86, 90, 419, 432, 449, =2.= 295, 303, 502, 506;
    commercial treaty with Mexico, =1.= 61;
    and California, 69, 319, 323-6, 328, 334, 336, 524, 527, 531, =2.=
        302, 308, 505;
    Mexican relations and claims, =1.= 74, 135, 425, =2.= 296-7, 502;
    and restoration of American-Mexican intercourse, =1.= 91, 435;
    Oregon controversy, 90, 94, 114-5, 200, 478, =2.= 295, 299, 504;
    question of interposition, =1.= 112-5, 442, =2.= 238, 301-4, 504-6;
    supposed manipulation of Mexico, =1.= 121, 443;
    and Mexican privateering, =2.= 192;
    and blockade, 193, 303, 440;
    and peace negotiations, 238, 465;
    attitude toward United States, 294-5, 501;
    and outbreak of the war, defeat of her policy, 299-300;
    offer of mediation, 301, 368;
    influence of French relations, 304, 506;
    and American victories, 305;
    volunteer officers for Mexico, 306;
    and treaty of peace, 308-9, 508.
    _See also_ Bankhead; Doyle; Pakenham; Thornton.

  Green, B. E., and Mexican negotiations, =1.= 84-5, 433, 436;
    on Tornel, 484.

  Green, Duff, on Mexican finances, =2.= 8.

  Green, P. C., claim, =1.= 426.

  Greenhow, Robert, and claims on Mexico, =1.= 78, 429.

  Grievances, American, =1.= 70-3, 423, 424.
    _See also_ Claims; Diplomatic intercourse.

  Griffin, W. P., at siege of Vera Cruz, =2.= 338.

  Grijalva River.
    _See_ Tabasco.

  Grone, Karl von, on Scott, =2.= 316;
    on American soldiers, 321.

  Guadalajara, situation, =1.= 3.

  _Guadalupe_, escape, =2.= 195.

  Guadalupe Hidalgo, shrine, =1.= 223, 488, =2.= 141;
    Valencia at, =2.= 88;
    treaty signed at, 240, 467.

  Guadalupe Hidalgo, treaty of.
    _See_ Peace.

  Guanajuato, powder-mill, =2.= 87.

  Guanajuato cavalry battalion, at Monterey, =1.= 494.

  Guanajuato state, in discussion on peace, =2.= 464.

  Guatemala, and the war, =2.= 298.

  Guaymas, as port, =1.= 3;
    bombarded, =2.= 205, 446;
    map, 206;
    blockade, 206;
    occupied, 206, 208, 447.

  Guerilla warfare, in revolt against Spain, =1.= 31-2;
    threat (1846), 153, 154;
    Canales' force, 158, 226, 236, 479, 495;
    Blanco's force, 273, 274, 283, 510;
    in north after Buena Vista, suppression, 399-400, 562, =2.= 169-71,
        421, 422;
    during battle of Buena Vista, =1.= 559;
    operations on Scott's line, =2.= 77, 171, 365, 422, 423;
    and Scott's advance, 98;
    Mexican addiction to, 168;
    adoption and sanction, 168-9, 421;
    Vera Cruz state as chief home, leaders, 171, 421;
    Scott's operations against, 172, 423;
    lack of morale, attacks on Mexicans, 172-3;
    operations and siege of Puebla, 173-4, 178, 424;
    Lane's operations against, 178-9, 426-7;
    British encouragement, 306;
    Scott's warning on, 358;
    failure, 423.

  Guerillas of Vengeance, =2.= 169.

  Guerrero, Vicente, as partisan leader, =1.= 32;
    in Itúrbide's revolt, 33;
    revolt against Itúrbide, 35;
    and Montaño's revolt, 38;
    Presidential candidacy, 40-1;
    proclaimed President, 41;
    character, as President, 42;
    overthrow, killed, 43;
    warned by United States, 59, 418;
    and Poinsett, 62.

  Guexocingo, Lane at, =2.= 426.

  Guizot, F. P. G., policy of balance of power in America, =1.= 90, =2.=
        304;
    and expected war, =1.= 108, 112, 115;
    and Texas, 295;
    policy of neutrality, =2.= 300;
    and United States, 301;
    and Palmerston, 304.

  Gutiérrez, Captain, at Monterey, =1.= 254.

  Gutiérrez de Estrada, J. M., and monarchy, =1.= 90;
    on conduct of American army, =2.= 232.

  Gwynn, T. P., at siege of Puebla, =2.= 174.


  Hacienda, =1.= 19.

  Hacienda department.
    _See_ Finances, Mexican.

  Haddon, W. R., on Buena Vista, =1.= 557.

  Hagner, P. V., at Chapultepec, =2.= 152;
    ordnance officer with Scott, 366.

  Haile, ----, on losses at Monterey, =1.= 505.

  Hamer, T. L., as volunteer officer, =1.= 207, 481;
    at Monterey, 253, 254, 492.

  Hamilton, C. S., on mistakes at Monterey, =1.= 503;
    on army life in Mexico, =2.= 321.

  Hamilton, Schuyler, of Scott's staff, =2.= 366.

  Hamley, E. B., on military strategy, =2.= 317.

  Hammond, J. H., on war spirit, =1.= 127.

  Hamtramck, John, command at Saltillo, =2.= 418.

  Hancock, W. S., at Churubusco, =2.= 385.

  _Hannah Elizabeth_, claim, =1.= 424.

  Hannegan, E. A., and expansion, =1.= 188;
    and absorption of Mexico, =2.= 243;
    on Polk and Oregon, 271;
    position in Senate, 496;
    on responsibility of Mexico, 508.

  Haralson, H. A., position in House, =2.= 496.

  Hardcastle, E. L. F., topographical engineer with Scott, =2.= 366.

  Hardee, W. J., captured, expected Mexican victory at Palo Alto,
        =1.= 161.

  Hardin, J. J., at Buena Vista, =1.= 383, 386, 390, 391;
    charge, killed, 393-4, 556, 559.

  Hargous, Louis, and Santa Anna, =1.= 487;
    Scott's agent, =2.= 362, 396;
    and navy, 444.

  Harmony, Peter, claim, =1.= 426.

  Harney, W. S., escapade, =1.= 268-70, 509;
    insubordination and magnanimity of Scott, 364-5, 545, 546, =2.= 248;
    and Wool, detached from Wool's march, =1.= 509;
    brigade, 541;
    at Cerro Gordo, =2.= 51, 53-6, 352, 354;
    command in Scott's army, 77;
    in advance from Puebla, 93, 94;
    at San Agustín, 97, 381;
    at Churubusco, 119;
    in Mexico City, 164;
    at siege of Vera Cruz, 335, 339;
    La Antigua expedition, 344;
    during Chapultepec, 408.

  Haro y Tamáriz, Antonio de, and Santa Anna, =2.= 4;
    and financial chaos, 11.

  Harrison, W. H., and control of occupied territory, =2.= 285, 497.

  Haskell, W. T., at Cerro Gordo, =2.= 56, 57, 353.

  Hawkins, E. S., commands Fort Brown, =1.= 468.

  Hays, J. C., at Monterey, =1.= 238, 241, 255, 497, 498, 501;
    and protection of Texas, 452;
    operations against guerillas, =2.= 172, 423;
    goes to Scott, 184, 418, 432;
    character of Rangers, 423.

  Haywood, W. H., Jr., and tariff, =2.= 479.

  Heady, W. J., carelessness and capture, =1.= 371.
    _See also_ Encarnación prisoners.

  Hébert, P. O., at Chapultepec, =2.= 410.

  _Hecla_, in attack on Tuxpán, =2.= 444;
    in Home Squadron, 445;
    ashore, 446.

  Heintzelman, S. P., at Huamantla, =2.= 426;
    in Lane's operations, 426.

  Henderson, G. F. R., on civilian judgment on military subjects,
        =1.= x.

  Henderson, J. P., command of Texan troops, =1.= 480;
    division in Monterey campaign, 492, 496;
    in Monterey negotiations, 502.

  Henry, Thomas, at Cerro Gordo, =2.= 55.

  Henry, W. S., on Camargo camp, =1.= 212;
    on mistakes at Monterey, 502;
    on Taylor's force after battle, 507.

  Heredia, J. A., command at Chihuahua, =1.= 305;
    battle of Sacramento, 306-13;
    negotiations, 313;
    displaced, 521.

  Hernández, priest, and Butler, =1.= 62.

  Herrera, J. J. de, head of government (1845), =1.= 55-6;
    and resumption of American intercourse, 89, 92, 94, 435, 436;
    administration totters, 95;
    and Slidell mission, 96-8, 120, 437;
    fall, 98-9, 438;
    endorsed by many (1846), 216, 221;
    and California, 329;
    and Santa Anna (1847), =2.= 92;
    peace commissioner, 135;
    and evacuation of city, 167, 420;
    and executive power (1847), 180;
    supports Peña, 180;
    force, resigns, 182, 429;
    President (1848), and American evacuation, 252;
    on restoration of cordiality, 323;
    and riot during armistice, 396.

  Hervey, L., British agent in Mexico, reports cited _passim_.

  Heywood, Charles, at San José, =2.= 449.

  Hidalgo, Miguel, revolt, =1.= 31.

  Hidalgo battalion, formation, =2.= 3-4;
    at San Antonio, 112, 384;
    at Chapultepec, 410.

  Hill, D. H., on Monterey, =1.= 254, 505;
    on Pillow, =2.= 377.

  Hilliard, H. W., on advance to Rio Grande, =1.= 457.

  Hitchcock, E. A., in Texas, on Taylor, =1.= 144, 145, 452;
    leaves front, 158;
    Scott's magnanimity, 545, =2.= 248;
    on Worth's Chachapa agreement, 70;
    on Churubusco, 118;
    on Molino del Rey, 147;
    at siege of Vera Cruz, 335;
    on Worth, 361;
    of Scott's staff, 366;
    and plan of attack on Mexico City, 408.

  Holmes, I. E., on war spirit, =1.= 444;
    and war bill, 471, 472;
    on Polk's alarm, 476.

  Holst, H. E. von, on Polk and war, =1.= 472, 473;
    on justice of acquiring California, =2.= 322.

  Home Squadron during the war, vessels, distribution, men, =2.= 189,
        197, 442, 444-6.
    _See also_ Conner; Perry.

  Hooker, Joseph, at Monterey, =1.= 253.

  Hopping, E. D., brigade in Taylor's force, =2.= 417.

  Horn, Carlos, at Mazatlán, =2.= 448.

  Horsemanship, Mexican, =1.= 24.

  Houses, Mexican, =1.= 18-20, 23;
    inns, 20.

  Houston, Sam, European intrigue, =1.= 82;
    and treaty of peace, =2.= 247.

  Howard, Joshua, regiment, =2.= 363.

  Hoya Pass, as defensive point, =2.= 39, 42;
    abandoned, 58, 60.

  Huamantla, battle, =2.= 176-8, 425-6.

  Hudson, Charles, position in House, =2.= 496.

  Hudson, T. B., in battle of Sacramento, =1.= 309, 311, 312.

  Huejutla, prisoners of war at, =2.= 418.

  Huger, Benjamin, at Molino del Rey, =2.= 143, 145, 146;
    at Chapultepec, 149, 153, 409;
    at San Cosme garita, 161, 162, 415;
    at siege of Vera Cruz, 335;
    ordnance officer with Scott, 356, 366.

  Hughes, G. W., reconnaissance in Wool's march, =1.= 271;
    on population of Mexico, 407;
    on Wool's force, 509;
    as governor of Jalapa, =2.= 224, 230.

  Hull, J. B., off western coast of Mexico, =2.= 205.

  Humboldt, Alexander von, on léperos, =1.= 6;
    and the war, =2.= 299, 309;
    on justice of acquisition of California, 322.

  Hunt, H. J., at Chapultepec, =2.= 156;
    at San Cosme garita, 162.

  Hunt, W. E., in occupation of Tampico, =1.= 279.

  Hunter, C. G., at Alvarado, =2.= 344.


  Ibarra, D., removed, =2.= 66;
    and Trist mission, 130, 390;
    attack on, 367.

  Iguala, Plan of, =1.= 33.

  Illinois, hard times and unrest, =1.= 124.
    _See also_ Illinois troops.

  Illinois troops, at Buena Vista, =1.= 383, 386, 387, 389, 390, 556,
        559;
    in Wool's march, 509;
    at siege of Vera Cruz, =2.= 343;
    leave Scott, 356;
    call and response (1847), 364, 365, 430, 431;
    in Taylor's later force, 417;
    at Tampico, 418;
    for Scott, 423.

  Importance of the war, =1.= vii.

  _Independence_, in Pacific squadron, =2.= 189, 206, 446, 447.

  Independence Hill at Monterey, =1.= 239, 497;
    capture, 244-6, 499.

  Independence of Mexico, incitation, =1.= 30-1;
    Hidalgo's revolt, 31;
    partisan warfare, 31-2;
    education for, 32;
    revolt of oligarchy and Itúrbide, Plan of Iguala, 32-3;
    Itúrbide's rule, 33-5;
    his overthrow, 35;
    Congress, first republican constitution, 35-7, 412, 413;
    Victoria's administration, 37-8;
    expulsion of Gachupines, 39, 42, 413;
    Spanish invasion (1829), 41.

  Independencia battalion, formation, =2.= 3;
    revolts, 13;
    at Churubusco, 111, 382.

  Indiana troops, at Buena Vista, =1.= 386, 388, 390, 391, 555, 557;
    call (1847), =2.= 364, 431;
    in Taylor's later force, 417;
    sent to Scott, 418;
    at Huamantla, 426;
    in Lane's operations, 426, 427;
    garrison at Puebla, 433.

  Indianapolis, enlistments, =1.= 195.

  Indianapolis _State Sentinel_, on Mexicans, =1.= 118.

  Indians, characteristics and conditions of Mexican, =1.= 4, 18, 21;
    Mexican, as soldiers, 10, 161, 463;
    and independence, 31;
    Mexico counts on help of American, 107;
    in Kearny's expedition, 288;
    war and raids, 269, 509;
    submission in New Mexico, 298;
    employment in war, 509;
    raids on American expeditions, 515.

  _Indicador_, on war lethargy, =1.= 214.

  Industry, conditions of Mexican, =1.= 6, 15-7, 22.

  Ingersoll, C. J., on Polk and war, =1.= 456;
    on war bill, 472;
    on lesson of the war, =2.= 324;
    position in House, 496.

  Ingersoll, J. R., position in House, =2.= 496.

  Ingraham, D. N., at Tampico, =1.= 512.

  Iniestra, Ignacio, and California, =1.= 522.

  Inns, Mexican, =1.= 20.

  Intellectual life, lack in Mexico, =1.= 20.

  Intelligence arrangements and reconnaissance, Taylor's neglect, =1.=
        145, 161, 208, 226, 249, 374, 451, 464, 476, 478, 549;
    Scott's, =2.= 72, 332, 362.

  Internal improvements, and Democratic dissensions, =2.= 271, 281.

  Interposition, Mexican hope of Spanish-American, =1.= 111;
    and of European, 112-5, 122, 442;
    question of British, =2.= 301-4, 504-6;
    and of French, 304;
    effect of American victories, 305.

  Iowa troops, non-active, =2.= 511.

  Ireland, famine, effect on American finances, =2.= 263, 484;
    American relief and the war, 304.

  Irish in American army, Mexican propaganda among, =1.= 507, =2.= 81, 358;
    deserters in Santa Anna's army, 88, 385;
    in Mexican hospital force, 347.
    _See also_ San Patricio battalion.

  Irregulars.
    _See_ Guerilla warfare.

  Irving, Washington, American minister at Madrid, reports cited _passim_.

  Irwin, J. R., Scott's chief quartermaster, =2.= 366.

  Irwin, William, at Marín, =1.= 562.

  Isunza, J. R., governor of Puebla, and Scott's advance, =2.= 66, 69, 95.

  Iturbe, ----, finance minister, graft, =1.= 214, =2.= 328.

  Itúrbide, Agustín de, and war on insurgents, =1.= 31;
    revolt, 33;
    rule, 33-5;
    overthrow, 35;
    and Congress, 35;
    execution, 37;
    seizure by, 426;
    and financial system, =2.= 6.

  Iztaccihuatl, Mount, aspect, =2.= 93.

  Izucar de Matamoros, Lane at, =2.= 179, 427.


  Jackson, Andrew, and Texas, =1.= 62, 419, 428;
    and Sabine River boundary, 64;
    and claims on Mexico, 77-8, 428;
    and war spirit, 124.

  Jackson, T. J., at Chapultepec, =2.= 154, 160, 410;
    at Contreras, 378;
    at Molino del Rey, 403.

  Jalapa, site, aspect, =1.= 2, =2.= 63, 223;
    march of Scott's army for, 38, 45-8;
    Mexican preparations on route, 39-42, 346;
    defences at Cerro Gordo, 42-5, 347, 348;
    battle of Cerro Gordo, 48-59;
    occupied, 59, 354;
    Scott at, his problems of advance, 61-5;
    American garrison, 74, 361, 362, 433;
    American rule, 223-5, 230, 231, 458;
    Scott's fortification, 358.

  Jalisco Lancers, at Monterey, =1.= 494.

  Jalisco state, and Santa Anna, =1.= 376;
    in discussion on peace, =2.= 464.

  Jarauta, C. D. de, as guerilla, =2.= 171;
    offers to join Americans, 421;
    executed, 423.

  Jarero, J. M., at Cerro Gordo, =2.= 44.

  Jarnagin, Spencer, and tariff of 1846, =2.= 257, 496.

  Jay, John, and War of 1812, =2.= 280.

  _Jefferson_, Tampico incident, =1.= 425.

  Jesup, T. S., and tents, =1.= 206;
    and Wool's train, 274;
    Taylor on, 352;
    quartermaster general, 475;
    and Taylor's inadequate preparations for Monterey campaign, 482, 491;
    and preparations for Vera Cruz expedition, 545.

  Jesup, Fort, troops at (1845), =1.= 140.

  Jobson, S., on Ulúa, =1.= 536.

  _John Adams_, and Vera Cruz expedition, =2.= 18;
    in Home Squadron, 197, 446;
    in attack on Tuxpán, 444.

  Johnson, Andrew, on cause of war, =1.= 189.

  Johnson, Sir Thomas, Mexican partisan, =1.= 531.

  Johnston, A. S., at Monterey, =1.= 253;
    Texan regiment for Taylor, 480;
    staff position, 492.

  Johnston, J. E., at Chapultepec, =2.= 154, 155;
    takes reinforcements to Scott, 184;
    force at Puebla, 432.

  Jomini, Baron de, on simplicity of war, =1.= x;
    on generalship, =2.= 315.

  Jones, Anson, on Polk and war, =1.= 445, 446.

  Jones, Roger, adjutant general, =1.= 474.

  Jones, T. A. C., occupation of Monterey, =1.= 69, 323, 327, 423;
    commands Pacific squadron, =2.= 448.

  Jones, W. D., American consul at Mexico, reports cited _passim_.

  Jornada del Muerto, Doniphan's march, =1.= 300, 518.

  _Journal des Débats_, on sympathy with Mexico, =1.= 112-4;
    on monarchist plan, 470;
    attitude toward United States, =2.= 295;
    on weakness of Mexico, 297;
    on outbreak of war, 300;
    on Palmerston, 301;
    and interposition, 304;
    on American victories, 305;
    and terms of peace, 308, 309;
    on Mexico expedition as achievement, 321;
    criticism of military operations, 507.

  Juárez, B. P., and demand on Church property, =2.= 10, 11.

  Judiciary, Mexican, character, =1.= 12-3, 409, 427;
    in occupied territory, =2.= 229.

  _Juno_, at Santa Barbara, =1.= 527.

  Justice of the war, =1.= ix, 66-7, 70-83, 98, 100-1, 116-22, 136-7,
        187, 190, 325-7, =2.= 310-1, 322-4, 514.

  Juvera, J., at Venado, =1.= 553.


  Kearny, Philip, in Scott's army, =2.= 77;
    at Churubusco, 119.

  Kearny, S. W., preparation for Santa Fe expedition, force, =1.= 286,
        288, 515;
    map of route, 287;
    march to Bent's Fort, 288-9, 515;
    caravan with, 289;
    Armijo's preparations, 289, 292-3;
    Price's reinforcement, 290, 516;
    Mormon battalion, 290, 516;
    proclamation and letter to Armijo, 290, 516;
    advance to San Miguel, 291;
    assurances to inhabitants, 291-2, 516;
    expected fight at Apache Canyon, condition of force, 292-3, 516;
    resistance abandoned, 293-5, 516-7;
    occupies Santa Fe, 295-6;
    march to southern district, 297;
    leaves for California, 297, 517;
    reaches it, condition of force, 341;
    battle of San Pascual, 341-2, 534;
    in advance on Los Angeles, 342-3;
    rule in New Mexico, =2.= 217;
    rule in California, 217;
    governor of Mexico City, 438;
    and Frémont, 454;
    governor of Vera Cruz, 457;
    leaves Mexico City, 476.

  Kendall, Amos, on peace, =2.= 314.

  Kendall, G. W., in Santa Fe expedition, =1.= 72;
    on losses at Monterey, 505.

  Kendrick, H. L., at siege of Puebla, =2.= 424.

  Kenly, J. R., on war enthusiasm of Mexicans, =1.= 442.

  Kennedy, ----, and Rebolledo, =2.= 423.

  Kent, William, on the war, =2.= 273.

  Kentucky troops, enlistments, =1.= 195;
    in Monterey campaign, 255, 492, 496;
    at Buena Vista, 383, 386, 388, 554, 555, 558;
    in Wool's march, 509;
    at Saltillo, 541;
    at siege of Vera Cruz, =2.= 343;
    at Cerro Gordo, 352;
    in Taylor's later force, 417;
    call (1847), 431.

  Kerr, Croghan, at Palo Alto, =1.= 164, 168;
    at Resaca de la Palma, 172, 467.

  Kilburn, C. L., at Buena Vista, =1.= 391, 558.

  Kimball, E. A., at Chapultepec, =2.= 410.

  King, Preston, position in House, =2.= 496.

  King, W. R., American minister at Paris, on war and slavery, =1.= 189;
    on French war sentiment, =2.= 300;
    on importance of victories, 305.

  Kingsbury, Private, on Mexican women, =2.= 230.

  Kirby, Edmund, Scott's chief paymaster, =2.= 366.

  Kribben, Christian, on Chihuahua Rangers, =1.= 519.


  La Angostura.
    _See_ Angostura.

  La Antigua.
    _See_ Antigua.

  La Atalaya.
    _See_ Atalaya.

  La Bahía.
    _See_ Bahía.

  Laboring class in Mexico, =1.= 6.

  Laclede Rangers, in Kearny's expedition, =1.= 288;
    to hold Santa Fe, 298.

  La Encarnación.
    _See_ Encarnación.

  Lafragua, J. M., and peace negotiations, =2.= 466.

  Lagos coalition.
    _See_ Coalition.

  Laguna, occupation, =2.= 201, 204, 445.

  La Hoya Pass.
    _See_ Hoya.

  Lally, F. T., guerilla attacks on, =2.= 171, 422;
    takes reinforcements to Scott, 184;
    rule at Jalapa, 224;
    at Huamantla, 426;
    in Lane's operations, 426.

  Lampazos company, at Monterey, =1.= 494.

  Lancers of the Poisoned Spear, =2.= 173.

  Landero, J. J. de, and surrender of Vera Cruz, =2.= 33, 334, 340, 342.

  Lane, Camp, =1.= 480.

  Lane, Joseph, at Saltillo, =1.= 371;
    at Buena Vista, 390, 555, 557;
    march to relieve Puebla, =2.= 176, 425;
    battle of Huamantla, 176-8, 426;
    reaches Puebla, 178;
    operations against guerillas, 179, 426-7;
    conduct of soldiers, 225;
    brigade in Taylor's force, 417;
    career and character, 425;
    retained in service, 432.

  La Paz.
    _See_ Paz.

  La Peña redoubt.
    _See_ Peña.

  Laplace, C. P. T., and California, =1.= 523.

  Laredo, occupation, =1.= 452.

  Larkin, T. O., as trader in California, =1.= 317;
    on American immigrants, 318;
    on independence, 321;
    American consul, 324;
    on attitude of England, 325;
    on peaceful absorption, 325;
    instructions to, as confidential agent, 325, 329;
    and taking possession at Monterey, 334, 335, 530;
    in first southern campaign, 337;
    captured, 536.

  Larnard, C. H., on Taylor, =1.= 204, 470.

  La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, Duc de, on detail, =1.= ix;
    on greatness, =2.= 314, 316.

  La Rosa, Luis de.
    _See_ Rosa.

  Las Bocas.
    _See_ Bocas.

  Las Vegas, Kearny's expedition at, =1.= 291.

  Las Vigas.
    _See_ Vigas.

  La Vaca.
    _See_ Port La Vaca.

  Lavallette, E. A. F., at Guaymas, =2.= 206, 447;
    evacuates Mazatlán, 476.

  La Vega, R. Díaz de, and Rio Grande campaign, =1.= 158, 179;
    captured at Resaca de la Palma, 467;
    in preparations below Perote, =2.= 40, 42, 346;
    at Cerro Gordo, 44;
    captured, not paroled, 354.

  La Viga garita.
    _See_ Viga.

  Law of April 20, 1847, =2.= 81, 130, 135, 367, 389, 393.

  Law of February 4, 1847, =2.= 12, 15.

  Law of January 11, 1847, passage and conflict over, =2.= 8-15, 329-32.

  _Lawrence_, in Home Squadron, =2.= 442.

  Laws, chaos of Mexican, =1.= 12.

  Lawson, Thomas, surgeon general, =1.= 366, 475.

  Lay, G. W., of Scott's staff, =2.= 366.

  Leavenworth, Fort, aspect, gathering of Kearny's expedition, =1.= 286.

  Lee, R. E., in march to Victoria, =1.= 358;
    and landing at Vera Cruz, =2.= 23, 336;
    at siege, 30, 335;
    at Cerro Gordo, 49-51, 53, 349;
    reconnoitres Contreras, 103;
    at battle, 108, 109, 378;
    at Churubusco, 110, 383, 384;
    on plan to attack Mexico City, 149, 408;
    appearance, 149, 405;
    on removal of Scott, 188;
    on Scott as general, 317;
    on victory and humanity, 324;
    engineer with Scott, 366, 544;
    reconnoitres southern approaches of capital, 408;
    at Chapultepec, 409.

  Leese, Jacob, as trader in California, =1.= 318.

  Leggett, Aaron, claim, =1.= 427, 430.

  Lendrum, J. H., at San Cosme garita, =2.= 414.

  Leo XII, and Mexican church, =1.= 408.

  León, Antonio de, brigade, =2.= 67, 369;
    and revolt in Oaxaca, 369;
    at Molino del Rey, killed, 142, 145.

  León, Joaquín Velázquez de, as claims commissioner, =1.= 80, 429-31.

  Leonidas letter, on Scott, =2.= 187, 435-7;
    on Pillow at Contreras, 376.

  Léperos, =1.= 6;
    and American soldiers, =2.= 166, 459.

  Lerdo de Tejada, M. M., on American rule. =2.= 221.

  Lesson of the war to Mexico, =2.= 323-4, 514.

  _Levant_, in Pacific squadron, =2.= 189, 447.

  Lewis, D. H., position in Senate, =2.= 496.

  _Lexington_, in Pacific squadron, =2.= 447.

  Lexington _Commonwealth_, on British intrigue in Mexico, =1.= 121.

  Libertad redoubt at Monterey, =1.= 239, 248.

  Liberty of the press.
    _See_ Press.

  Lieber, Francis, on justice of acquiring California, =2.= 322.

  Lieutenant generalcy, plan for appointment of Benton, =2.= 75, 363,
        365.

  Ligero cavalry, at Monterey, =1.= 494.

  Lillers, Count, on attitude toward Mexico, =1.= 119.

  Linares, aspect, =1.= 359.

  Lincoln, Abraham, on Doniphan, =1.= 299;
    war criticism, =2.= 277, 493.

  Liquor, Mexican drinks, =1.= 2, 21;
    and outrages by American troops, =2.= 211-3, 216, 224, 457;
    regulation at Vera Cruz, 457.

  Livermore, A. A., on slavery as cause of Mexican War, =1.= 473.

  Liverpool _Mail_, sympathy with Mexico, =1.= 112.

  Lizardi banking house, robs treasury, =1.= 432.

  Llano, M. M., in Monterey negotiations, =1.= 502.

  Loans, Mexican, =1.= 37, =2.= 254;
    American, 258-60, 479, 481, 485.
    _See also_ Finances.

  Lobos Islands, rendezvous for Vera Cruz expedition, =1.= 367, =2.= 17.

  Local government, in occupied territory, =1.= 338, =2.= 218, 229, 461.
    _See also_ Police.

  Loch, G. G., and Cerro Gordo, =2.= 348.

  Locofocos, and Polk, =2.= 270, 281.

  Löwenstern, Isidor, on Mexican abandonment of California, =1.= 319.

  Lombardini, M. M., at Buena Vista, =1.= 389-91, 559;
    character and command, =2.= 88;
    retirement from Chapultepec, 412.

  Lomita, Camp, =1.= 480.

  London _Daily News_, on conduct of Americans in Mexico, =2.= 226.

  London _Examiner_, on expected war, =1.= 134;
    criticism of military operations, =2.= 307;
    on trade through occupied ports, 505;
    on Polk, 510.

  London _Globe_, and peace, =2.= 125;
    and interposition, 303.

  London _Journal of Commerce_, on American aggression, =1.= 113.

  London _Morning Chronicle_, on California, =1.= 322;
    on outbreak of war, =2.= 300;
    criticism of military operations, 307, 308;
    on American people, 502;
    on interposition, 505;
    on the war and development, 514.

  London _Morning Herald_, on chances of expected war, =1.= 108;
    on annexation of Texas, 113.

  London _Post_, on outbreak of war, =2.= 300.

  London _Standard_, on chances of expected war, =1.= 109, 113.

  London _Times_, on monarchy for Mexico, =1.= 95, 135;
    on chances of expected war, 105, 106, 110, 113, 441, 442;
    on Oregon and Mexico, 115;
    on American hostility to England, 121;
    on Taylor's force in Mexico, 142;
    on Santa Anna, 216;
    on California, 322, 524;
    on Santa Anna at San Luis Potosí, 379;
    on Slidell mission, 437;
    on Mexican finances, =2.= 8;
    attack on United States, 91;
    and peace, 125, 235;
    on American government, 294;
    on military titles, 294;
    on American people, 295;
    on absorption of Mexico, 297;
    on outbreak of the war, 300;
    and interposition, 302, 306, 505;
    criticism of military operations, 306-8;
    on Mexican policy, 310;
    on probable pillage, 324.

  Longstreet, James, at Chapultepec, =2.= 157;
    at Churubusco, 385.

  López de Santa Anna.
    _See_ Santa Anna.

  López Uraga, J.
    _See_ Uraga.

  Loring, W. W., at Cerro Gordo, =2.= 350, 352.

  Los Angeles, in 1846, =1.= 315;
    occupied by Americans, 337;
    Gillespie's rule, rising against it, 338-9, 533-4;
    American advance and recapture, 342-4, 535;
    map of engagement near, 344.

  Louis Philippe, and Texas, =1.= 67, =2.= 304;
    policy of neutrality, 300.
    _See also_ France.

  _Louisa_, claim, =1.= 426.

  Louisiana Purchase, Mexican negotiations on boundary, =1.= 59-61;
    and Texas, 138.

  Louisiana troops, calls, =1.= 150, 480, 537, =2.= 364, 365, 430;
    in Vera Cruz expedition, =1.= 368, =2.= 336, 343;
    at Tampico, =1.= 546, 547;
    with Scott, =2.= 422;
    at Huamantla, 426.

  Louisville Legion, at Monterey, =1.= 255.

  Lowell, J. R., and secession, =2.= 272;
    on slavery and the war, 274;
    opposition to the war, 279.

  Lower California, map of tip, =2.= 207;
    naval occupation, counter-attacks, 207-8, 448-9, 454;
    in peace negotiations, 469, 476.

  Lozano, Ramón, Spanish chargé at Mexico, and peace negotiations,
        =2.= 135, 396, 467;
    on Spain and Mexico, 297;
    on Mexican force at time of evacuation, 416.

  Lumpkin, Wilson, opposes war, =1.= 189.


  McCall, G. A., at Resaca de la Palma, =1.= 170, 172.

  McCall, J. G., American consul at Tampico, reports cited _passim_.

  McClellan, G. B., on Brazos Island camp, =1.= 205;
    engineer, 451;
    at Cerro Gordo, =2.= 349, 353;
    with Scott, 366;
    at Contreras, 378;
    on volunteers, 513.

  McClellan, John, topographical engineer with Scott, =2.= 366.

  McClung, A. K., at Monterey, =1.= 253.

  McCulloch, Ben, on scout, =1.= 204;
    rangers in advance on Monterey, 236;
    at battle of Monterey, 243, 498;
    and Santa Anna's advance, 382, 554;
    at Buena Vista, 556.

  McFaul, Eneas, Jr., American consul at Laguna, reports cited
        _passim_.

  McGillivray, Simon, claim, =1.= 427.

  McIlvaine, A. R., on advance to Rio Grande, =1.= 456;
    on cause of the war, =2.= 493.

  McIntosh, J. S., in Texas, =1.= 143;
    at Palo Alto, 164;
    reinforcements for Scott, guerilla attacks, =2.= 76-7, 171, 422;
    at Molino del Rey, wounded, 144, 145, 403.

  Mackall, W. W., battery at Monterey, =1.= 241, 243, 248, 258, 492,
        496, 508;
    and volunteer officers, 481;
    on Pillow, =2.= 433.

  McKay, J. J., position in the House, =2.= 496.

  McKee, W. R., at Buena Vista, =1.= 388, 390, 391, 394, 555, 557;
    killed, 394.

  Mackenzie, A. S., and Santa Anna, =1.= 202-3, 479.

  McKenzie, Samuel, at Chapultepec, =2.= 153, 157.

  Mackintosh, E., British consul at Mexico, and California, =1.= 524,
        =2.= 302;
    and peace, 133, 467;
    and Mexican finances, 254, 255, 477.

  McLane, Louis, American minister at London, on England and the war,
        =1.= 442;
    on British dislike, =2.= 295;
    on Europe and Texas, 502;
    on Mexican sympathy in England, 300;
    on attitude of France, 503;
    on British interposition, 302, 303;
    and vigorous war, 305;
    and Aberdeen and warning on annexation, 308;
    on influence abroad of the war, 324.

  McLane, R. M., takes instructions to Taylor, =1.= 350.

  _McLane_, in attack on Alvarado, =2.= 199;
    in Tabasco expedition, 200.

  McNamara, Eugene, California grant, =1.= 527;
    and Mexican propaganda, =2.= 81.

  McPherson, J. D., on Marcy, =1.= 475.

  McReynolds, A. T., with Scott, =2.= 77.

  Madrid _Heraldo_, on the war, =2.= 298, 503.

  Magoffin, James, character, =1.= 293;
    and Armijo, 293, 516.

  Magruder, J. B., battery at Cerro Gordo, =2.= 55;
    at Contreras, 104, 105, 378;
    at Chapultepec, 154, 161;
    light artillery, 366;
    at Molino del Rey, 403.

  Maguey, drink from, =1.= 508.

  _Mahonese_, in Home Squadron, =2.= 446.

  Maldonado, E., and brother, at San Juan Bautista, =2.= 446.

  _Malek Adel_, captured, =2.= 205, 446;
    added to navy, 447.

  Mangino, R., Mexican chargé at Paris, reports cited _passim_.

  Mangum, W. P., on Polk, =2.= 270;
    position in Senate, 496.

  Manifest destiny, and attitude toward Mexico, =1.= 123, 444, =2.= 322.
    _See also_ Annexations.

  Mansfield, J. K. F., at Monterey, =1.= 239, 250, 251, 500;
    on Fort Brown, 468;
    at Buena Vista, 555.

  Manufactures, attempted promotion in Mexico, =1.= 16-7.

  Manzanillo, occupied, =2.= 207.

  Map of Mexico, =1.= xxii.

  Marchante, Francisco, and evacuation of Tampico, =1.= 512.

  Marcy, Fort, at Santa Fe, =1.= 296.

  Marcy, W. L., and Taylor's occupation of Texas, =1.= 142, 452;
    and advance to Rio Grande, instructions, 144, 453, 463, 490;
    and raising of army, 191, 193;
    clash with Scott, 190-1, 477;
    appearance, 193;
    and Scott's deliberateness, 199;
    and occupation of Tamaulipas, 263, 360;
    and Monterey armistice, 263;
    and advance to Saltillo, 264;
    and defensive-line policy, 283;
    and Price's force, 290;
    relations with Scott, 354;
    throws responsibility of Vera Cruz plans on him, 355, 540;
    as claims commissioner, 430;
    character, 475;
    on Polk's alarm, 476;
    and volunteers, 480, =2.= 320;
    and Wool's march, =1.= 510;
    and further calls for volunteers, 537;
    and Scott's preparations, 539, 544, 545;
    and Taylor's Presidential ambition, 547;
    and Ten Regiment Bill, =2.= 74;
    and peace negotiations, 122;
    and Trist-Scott quarrel, 128, 129, 389, 390;
    and failure of negotiations (1847), 138;
    recalls Price, 166;
    and Scott and cabal, 188, 437;
    on Conner, 202;
    and Scott's order for military government, 220;
    appointment to Cabinet, 271;
    and Gaines's six-months men, 272;
    on Democratic dissensions, 281;
    political despair, 291;
    on opposition, 292;
    and Mexico expedition, 343, 346;
    and Scott's release of time-expired men, 356;
    on Scott at Puebla, 362;
    does not expect peace, 391;
    and douceur, 391;
    on guerilla warfare, 423;
    and war policy after capture of Mexico City, 430;
    on number of volunteers, 431.

  Marín, occupied, =1.= 562.

  Marín, T., guerilla, =2.= 421.

  Marines, in Scott's army, =2.= 78, 366, 432, 511;
    at Chapultepec, 156, 410;
    in Mexico City, 163, 164;
    at siege of Vera Cruz, 335.

  Markoe, C, on opposition to the war, =2.= 314, 510.

  Marshall, Thomas, at Buena Vista, =1.= 386, 388, 390, 555, 558;
    at Brazos, 476;
    left at Camargo, 493;
    brigade, =2.= 417;
    retained in service, 432;
    arrives at Mexico City, 432;
    division leaves Mexico City, 476.

  Martin, Alexandre, French agent in Mexico, on Mexican army, =1.= 408.

  Martin, J. J. M., American chargé at Paris, on France and tariff for
        Mexican ports, =2.= 484;
    on Europe and Texas, 502.

  Martin, Judge, acknowledgment to, =1.= 444.

  Martínez, F. P., Mexican minister at Washington, and claims, =1.= 78,
        79, 429.

  Martínez, General, brigade, =2.= 369.

  Martínez, J. A., guerilla, =2.= 421.

  Maryland troops, calls (1847), =2.= 364, 431;
    in Taylor's later force, 417;
    at Jalapa, 433.
    _See also_ Washington and Baltimore battalion.

  Mason, J. L., reconnoitres San Antonio, =2.= 102;
    and Molino del Rey, 142;
    wounded, 144;
    at Cerro Gordo, 349.

  Mason, J. T., and Scott, =1.= 476.

  Mason, J. Y., as secretary of the navy, =2.= 191, 196;
    and offensive operations, 198, 200;
    and Lower California, 207.

  Mason, R. B., as governor of California, =2.= 218-20;
    and occupation of western coast of Mexico, 448;
    supposed force, 432.

  Masons, in Mexican politics, =1.= 34, 38, 43, 413.

  Massachusetts, and the war, =2.= 274, 493.
    _See also_ Massachusetts troops.

  _Massachusetts_, in Vera Cruz expedition, =2.= 18, 25, 26.

  Massachusetts troops, call, =1.= 537;
    in Taylor's later force, =2.= 417;
    sent to Scott, 418.

  Matamoros, Taylor's assurance of peaceful intentions, =1.= 146, 148,
        151, 454;
    Taylor's force across river from, 148, 454;
    Mexican force at, 158, 462;
    fortification, 158;
    map, 159;
    Mexicans abandon, 177-8;
    Taylor occupies, 178, 204, 480;
    under American rule, 481, =2.= 211-2, 450;
    troops left at, =1.= 493, =2.= 417;
    American tariff, 484.

  Matamoros de Morelia battalion, at Chapultepec, =2.= 408.

  Matehuala, troops at, =1.= 550, 552.

  Matson, H. S., and siege of Vera Cruz, =2.= 33, 305, 337.

  May, C. A., at Palo Alto, =1.= 164, 168;
    at Resaca de la Palma, appearance and character, 174, 467;
    advance to Saltillo, 264;
    return to Monterey with Taylor, 368;
    and Santa Anna's advance, 382, 554;
    in march to Victoria, 541;
    at Buena Vista, 555.

  Mayer, Brantz, and advance to Rio Grande, =1.= 152.

  Mayo, Isaac, at siege of Vera Cruz, =2.= 338.

  Mazapil, occupied, =2.= 418.

  Mazatlán, as port, =1.= 3;
    revolt (1846), 485;
    temporary blockades, =2.= 205, 446, 447;
    aspect, 206;
    under Téllez, 207, 447;
    occupied, 207, 208, 448;
    map, 207;
    evacuated, 476.

  Meade, G. G., at Resaca de la Palma, =1.= 173;
    on Taylor's operations, 177, 179;
    on raw volunteers, 207, 208;
    at Monterey, 246, 251, 499;
    on war blunders, 267;
    on Taylor's defensive-line plan, 282;
    on Taylor as general, 470;
    on his lack of information, 490;
    on organization of army in Monterey campaign, 493;
    on Worth, 498.

  Mediation, British offers, =2.= 301, 368, 503-4;
    Spain and, 502.
    _See also_ Interposition.

  Medical corps, Mexican, =1.= 157.

  Mejía, Francisco, ruse at Arroyo Colorado, =1.= 147;
    and Taylor at Rio Grande, 148;
    and irregulars in Texas, 153, 154;
    on Taylor and his force, 158, 159;
    propaganda among American troops, 160;
    and advance against Taylor, 162, 464, 467;
    succeeds Arista in command, 178;
    restores morale, 225;
    appearance, 226;
    plan at Monterey, 226;
    preparations to resist Taylor there, 230;
    and holding of Monterey, 231, 494;
    and brigade command, 462;
    in battle of Monterey, 494, 500;
    at Matehuala, 552;
    in Army of the North, =2.= 369.

  Mejía, J. A., revolt, =1.= 49;
    Americans in revolt executed, 70.

  Mejía, Vicente, attack on La Paz, =2.= 448.

  _Memorial Histórico_, on monarchist plans, =1.= 90.

  Memphis, enlistments, =1.= 195.

  Memphis _Daily Eagle_, on enlisting, =1.= 195.

  Memphis _Enquirer_, on war spirit, =1.= 127.

  Mendoza, F., guerilla, =2.= 421.

  Mendoza, N., brigade in Monterey campaign, =1.= 494;
    at Contreras, =2.= 109.

  Mercantile class in Mexico, =1.= 5, 17;
    favor peace, =2.= 130.
    _See also_ Commerce.

  Mercantile system, and Spanish colonies, =1.= 29.

  Merritt, Ezekiel, at San Diego, =1.= 534.

  Merryman _vs._ Bourne, title by conquest, =2.= 468.

  Mervine, William, at Monterey, Cal., =1.= 335;
    in second southern campaign, 340;
    on Stockton, 534.

  Mexicaltzingo, plan to advance by, =2.= 96, 372-3.

  Mexican Spy Company, Scott's, =2.= 72, 362, 476.

  Mexican War.
    The analysis is carried out through the titles Army; Attitude;
    Cause; Conquered territory; Cost; Diplomatic intercourse; Finances;
    Foreign relations; Government; Guerilla; Importance; Justice; Navy;
    Opposition; Outbreak; Peace; Politics; Popularity; Preparation;
    Programme;
    and the leaders and campaigns by name, especially Buena Vista;
    California; Doniphan; Mexico expedition; Monterey; New Mexico;
    Rio Grande; Santa Anna; Scott, Winfield; Taylor, Zachary; Vera Cruz;
    Wool.

  Mexico, Valley of, topography, =2.= 79;
    map, 80;
    aspect, 94, 119, 138;
    view from Chapultepec, 158.

  Mexico battalion, at Monterey, =1.= 494.

  Mexico City, situation, =1.= 2;
    profile of route from Vera Cruz, 2;
    aspect and life, charm, 21-8, =2.= 228;
    southern and western approaches, map, 141, 147;
    clerical incitation against Americans, 142;
    Quitman at Belén garita, 158-60, 162, 412, 414-6;
    map of citadel, 159;
    capture of San Cosme garita, 161-2, 413, 414, 416;
    evacuated by Mexicans, release of criminals, 163, 415, 420;
    Americans take possession, 163, 415;
    Quitman first governor, 164, 460;
    uprising against Americans, 166-8, 420;
    clemency toward, 226, 459;
    military discipline in, 226, 459-60;
    resumption of ordinary life, attitude of clergy, 226;
    invasion of Americanisms, 227;
    social excesses, 227-8, 460;
    local government, 229;
    police, 229;
    social relations with Americans, 230;
    American evacuation, 252, 476;
    riot during armistice, 396;
    Kearny governor, 438;
    location of troops during occupation, 461.
    _See also_ Mexico expedition.

  Mexico expedition, proposals, =1.= 349;
    question of campaign left open, 351;
    Taylor's attitude, 352-3, 362-3, 543;
    influence of Scott's victories and treatment on Mexicans, =2.= 36,
        45, 65, 80, 81;
    dangers stated, 37;
    Scott's preparations at Vera Cruz, 37;
    his proclamation before starting, 38, 344;
    transportation problem, Antigua and Alvarado expeditions, 38, 344-5;
    start, march to Cerro Gordo, 39, 45-8, 345, 348;
    map of Vera Cruz to Perote, 39;
    Santa Anna's plans and preparations below Perote, 39-42, 346;
    maps of Cerro Gordo, 40, 43, 51;
    and yellow fever, 42, 59, 64, 348;
    defences and force at Cerro Gordo, 42-5, 347, 348;
    battle of Cerro Gordo, 48-59, 349-55;
    occupation of Jalapa, 59, 354;
    pursuit to Perote, 60-1;
    Scott at Jalapa, his problems: of supplies, 61-3, 355;
    of Santa Anna's intentions, 62;
    of time-expired men, 63-4, 356;
    force after departure of time-expired men, 64, 356;
    advance to Puebla, 64, 66, 69;
    map of profile Vera Cruz to Mexico, 62;
    secret arrangement with clergy for occupation of Puebla, 65-6, 357;
    Scott's proclamation at Jalapa, May 11, 66, 357-8;
    Santa Anna's preparations at Orizaba, 67-8, 359;
    political influence on his movements, 68;
    Santa Anna at Puebla, 69, 360;
    Amozoc affair, 69-70, 360;
    Worth's erroneous agreement with Puebla, 70;
    occupation of Puebla, 71;
    Worth's rule there, 71-2, 361;
    Scott's intelligence system, 72, 332, 362;
    condition of Scott's army in Puebla, 72-3, 362;
    concentration, communications severed, and reinforcements awaited
        there, 73, 357, 362, 363, 365;
    Ten Regiment Bill to increase regulars, 74-6, 363;
    proposed appointment of Benton as commanding general, 75, 363,
        365;
    further call for volunteers, 76-7, 364;
    arrival of reinforcements, 76, 365;
    organization and size of Scott's force in final advance, 77, 93,
        365, 366;
    condition of force then, 78;
    situation of capital, 79, 94;
    unfruitful plans for defence of capital, governmental chaos, 79-82,
        367;
    map of the Valley, 80;
    Santa Anna's return to capital, opposition to his control, 82-7;
    his collection of matériel, 87;
    his army organization, its character and officers, 87-9, 369;
    his defensive plan, 89-90, 370;
    defences, Old Peñón, 90, 369;
    bolstering morale of inhabitants, 91, 142;
    their enthusiasm on start of final campaign, 91-2;
    Scott's advance from Puebla to Lake Chalco, 92-5, 371;
    failure of opposition to it, 95, 371;
    choice of line of advance, 95-6, 372;
    advance to San Agustín, 96-8, 374;
    Santa Anna and Scott's march to southern front, 97-8, 374;
    Mexican enthusiasm lost, 98;
    Santa Anna's southern line, 99, 101, 374;
    general map of southern line, 100;
    field and Mexican occupation of Contreras, 101-2, 375;
    American reconnaissances and problem, 102-3, 375;
    battle of Contreras, 103-10, 376-80;
    Santa Anna's arrangements after Contreras, 110-1, 382;
    question of American advance to capital after the battle, 112;
    battle of Churubusco, 111-9, 382-5;
    Americans after Churubusco, 120;
    why victory was not followed up, 120, 386, 393;
    halt at Puebla and negotiations, 130;
    armistice, 133, 137-8, 394-6, 398-9;
    armies during armistice, 134, 138-9;
    defences and force at Molino del Rey, 140-2, 400;
    map of battles of Mexico City, 141;
    Scott's preparations after armistice, 142, 400, 404;
    battle of Molino del Rey, 143-7, 401-4;
    southern and western approaches to city, 147;
    Scott's plans and caution after Molino del Rey, 148, 404, 408;
    American conference and problem, decision to attack western gates,
        148-9, 408;
    defences of Chapultepec, 149-52, 405-6;
    battle of Chapultepec, 152-8, 408-11;
    Quitman at Belén garita, 158-60, 162, 412, 414-5;
    capture of San Cosme garita, 161-2, 413-4, 416;
    evacuation of the city, 163, 415;
    possession taken by Americans, 163-4, 415-6;
    American loss in final operations, 165, 411;
    rising in city, 166-8, 420;
    adoption of guerilla warfare against, 169;
    guerilla warfare on line of communication, 171, 422-3;
    operations against guerillas, 172, 178-9, 423, 426-7;
    "siege" of Americans at Puebla, 173-5, 424-6;
    extempore Mexican government, 179-81, 427, 428;
    problem after capture of city, 183, 430;
    further tardy reinforcements, 183;
    size and condition of American force then, 184, 432;
    plan of further campaign, 184, 432, 433;
    American evacuation, 251-2, 475, 476;
    effect on American foreign relations, 305;
    foreign criticism, 307-8;
    inadequate force and preparation, 314, 510;
    achievement, spoils, 321, 416;
    administration and authorization, 344;
    Mexican force when it evacuated, 416;
    supposed American force (Nov., 1847), 432;
    size of army and posts (May, 1848), 438;
    distribution of troops after occupying city, 461.
    _See also_ Conquered territory; Scott, Winfield; Vera Cruz; and
        battles by name for details.

  Mexico state, and guerilla warfare, =2.= 169, 173;
    and rehabilitation of army, 182;
    war donation, 254;
    American assessment, 265;
    and collapse of federal government, 428.

  Micheltorena, J. M., and Jones's occupation, =1.= 69, 423;
    in California, 319.

  Michigan troops, call, =2.= 431;
    at Orizaba, 433.

  Michoacán state, and Santa Anna, =1.= 376;
    in discussion on peace, =2.= 464.

  Middle class in Mexico, =1.= 5, 27.

  Mier, occupied, =1.= 210;
    as camp, 212;
    force at, =2.= 417.

  Mier y Terán, M. de, popularity, =1.= 44.

  Miles, D. S., at Camargo, =1.= 210-2;
    at Monterey, 245, 498;
    guerilla attack on, =2.= 422, 433.

  Military government.
    _See_ Conquered territory.

  Miller, Captain, at siege of Puebla, =2.= 424.

  Miller, Sergeant, on camp life, =1.= 207.

  Mina battalion, at Chapultepec, =2.= 408.

  Mining, Mexican industry, =1.= 2, 15.

  Miñón, J. J., captures by, =1.= 371;
    on eve of Buena Vista, 381, 383;
    in the battle, 384, 386, 391, 395, 396, 556, 559;
    brigade as screen at San Luis Potosí, 550.

  Minor, George, at San Diego, =1.= 534.

  Mints, Mexican, =1.= 16;
    rented, =2.= 255.

  _Mississippi_, in occupation of Tampico, =1.= 279, 281;
    yellow fever, =2.= 195;
    in Home Squadron, 197, 442, 446;
    in attack on Alvarado, 198, 199;
    in Tabasco expedition, 204;
    in attack on Tuxpán, 444.

  Mississippi troops, enlistments, =1.= 195;
    at Monterey, 235, 492, 496;
    in Victoria march, 357;
    at Lobos Islands rendezvous, 368;
    at Buena Vista, 388, 391, 392, 555, 557, 561;
    in calls and response, 537, =2.= 431;
    in Taylor's later force, 417.
    _See also_ Davis, Jefferson.

  Missouri troops, calls (1847), =2.= 364, 431;
    non-active men, 511.
    _See also_ Doniphan; Price.

  Mitchell, D. D., and Chihuahua Rangers, =1.= 519.

  Mixcoac, Americans at, =2.= 134.

  Mobile _Herald and Tribune_, on war spirit, =1.= 126.

  _Moctezuma_, escape, =2.= 195.

  Moderados, and Puros, =2.= 2, 4;
    Polkos, 3, 13;
    and election of Farías, 5, 9;
    and demands on church property, 11, 330;
    and Santa Anna, 14, 15, 331;
    incompetent, 82, 85.
    _See also_ Federalism.

  Mofras, Eugène Duflot de.
    _See_ Duflot.

  Molina, Ignacio, acknowledgment to, =2.= 411.

  Molino del Rey, position, defences, =2.= 140, 400;
    Mexican force, 142, 402;
    Scott's preparation and plan, criticism, 142, 401-2, 404;
    map, 143;
    American disposition and force, 143, 402, 403;
    Santa Anna's actions, 144, 402, 404;
    attacks and capture of Mill, 144-5;
    capture of Casa Mata, 145, 403;
    cavalry fight, 146, 404;
    a mistake, losses, results, 147, 403;
    American garrison, 461.

  Moltke, H. K. B. von, on strategy, =1.= x.

  Monarchy in Mexico, feared (1845), =1.= 90, 95, 435;
    plans and aid from Europe, 114;
    American resentment, 122, 135, =2.= 304, 466;
    collapse of plans, =1.= 180, 470;
    Paredes deserts, 214, 485;
    Santa Anna declares against, 219;
    anti-peace activity of adherents, =2.= 234, 463;
    adherents in Polko revolt, 330;
    and clerical understanding with Scott, 358.
    _See also_ Itúrbide.

  Monasterio, J. M. O., and claims, =1.= 77.

  Monclova, Wool at, =1.= 273, 509;
    aspect, 273.

  Money, Mexican minting, =1.= 15;
    American market during war, =2.= 489.

  _Monitor Constitucional_, on expected foreign aid, =1.= 114.

  _Monitor del Pueblo_, on Scott's advance, =2.= 66.

  _Monitor Republicano_, on the war, =1.= 215;
    on Texas and the war, 457;
    on Santa Anna, 488, =2.= 84;
    on church and war finances, 8, 9.

  Monroe Doctrine, and European attitude on the war, =1.= 112, =2.= 296;
    and monarchist plans in Mexico, =1.= 122, 135;
    Mexico and, 417;
    Polk's reassertion, =2.= 295.

  Montaño, M., revolt, =1.= 38.

  Montemorelos, aspect, =1.= 357.

  Monterde, J. M., captured, =2.= 411.

  Monterey, Cal., Jones's occupation, =1.= 69, 423;
    in 1846, as port, 315, 521;
    Sloat takes possession at, 334-5, 531.

  Monterey, Mexico, situation, aspect, =1.= 2, 257, =2.= 212;
    considered vital, =1.= 225;
    Taylor leaves for Victoria, 357;
    Santa Anna's plan against (Dec.), 357, 541;
    Taylor instructed to concentrate at, his insubordinate advance, 368;
    excesses of volunteers at, =2.= 212-3. 450;
    American regulations, 213, 230, 450;
    later force at, 417, 418.
    _See also_ Monterey campaign.

  Monterey auxiliary battalion, at battle of Monterey, =1.= 494.

  Monterey campaign, inadequate preparation, steamboats, =1.= 208,
        481-3;
    advance up Rio Grande to Camargo, 209-11;
    Taylor's force then, 211, 212, 483;
    unfortunate placing of camp at Camargo, 211, 484, 493;
    condition of Mexican forces, 225, 230, 489;
    Mejía's plan for guerilla warfare, Canales frustrates it, 226, 236;
    Taylor's inaction and lack of information, 226, 251, 489, 491, 499;
    his transportation, 227, 490-1, 493;
    Taylor and popular demand for action, he does not anticipate
        resistance, 227, 491-3;
    his neglect of artillery, 228, 250, 500;
    route of advance, 228;
    advance and camp at Cerralvo, organization of army, 228-30, 492,
        493;
    Mexican force, 230, 494;
    Mexican preparations at Monterey, 230-2, 494;
    defences, 232-4, 239, 249, 495, 497;
    general map of battle, 232;
    Ampudia's position and policy, 234;
    measures to stay American advance, 234-5, 237, 495;
    McCulloch's Rangers, 236;
    advance from Cerralvo, aspect of country, 236-7, 496;
    arrival before Monterey, 237;
    confidence and size of American force, 238, 496;
    Worth's flanking movement to Saltillo road, 239-44, 497;
    Ampudia during battle, 241, 242, 248, 255, 258, 259, 501;
    detailed map of battle, 240;
    Worth's capture of Federation Ridge, 244-6, 498;
    of Independence Hill, 246-8, 499;
    Taylor's display in force, 249;
    fortifications in Taylor's front, 249-50;
    his verbal instructions to Garland, 250-1, 500;
    capture of Tenería redoubt, 251-3, 500;
    futile attack on Diablo, 253-4;
    Taylor's mistakes, 254, 260, 500-3;
    Mexicans abandon outworks, 255;
    advance toward plaza, retirement, 256, 500;
    failure to concert action with Worth, 256-7, 501;
    Worth's attack in city, 257-8;
    condition of Mexican force, bombardment, 258, 501;
    capitulation, armistice, 259, 501-2;
    Taylor's acceptance considered, 260, 502-6;
    evacuation by Mexicans, 260;
    results, fame, 261, 506;
    condition and size of Taylor's force after, 262, 506;
    Polk and terms, armistice terminated, 263;
    to be end of northern advance, 350;
    losses, 505;
    foreign comment, =2.= 306-7.

  Montgomery, J. B., and British commander, =2.= 446;
    at Guaymas, 447.

  Montoya, J. M., Mexican chargé at Washington, reports cited _passim_.

  Mora, J. M. L., minister at London, and England and California,
        =2.= 303;
    and British mediation, 508.

  Mora y Villamil, Ignacio, on California, =1.= 322;
    on Texas and the war, 457;
    and defences of Vera Cruz, =2.= 19;
    and preparations below Perote, 40;
    peace  commissioner,  135;
    and guerilla warfare, 168, 422;
    armistice negotiations, 242, 394;
    and Contreras, 375.

  Morale, of American troops at Corpus Christi, =1.= 144;
    at Rio Grande, 147, 160, 164;
    results of Rio Grande campaign, 177-9, 469;
    of volunteers in first camps, 207, 481;
    Wool's discipline, 268, 269, 273, 275, 276;
    character of Doniphan's force, 299, 303;
    of Wool's force before Buena Vista campaign, 371;
    Taylor's influence, 372, 374;
    of Scott's force at Puebla, =2.= 73;
    at start of final campaign, 78;
    lack, in guerillas, 172;
    naval, 190, 438;
    mutiny at Buena Vista, 418;
    effect of newspapers on Mexican, 509.
    _See also_ Army; Conquered territory; Deserters.

  Morales, Juan, defence of Vera Cruz, =2.= 22, 31, 336, 337, 340-2.

  Morehead, T. G., at siege of Puebla, =2.= 174.

  Morelia, powder-mill, =2.= 87.

  Morelia battalion, at Monterey, =1.= 494;
    at Belén garita, =2.= 412.

  Morelos, J. M., as partisan leader, =1.= 32.

  Moreno, J. M., attack on La Paz, =2.= 449.

  Morfit, H. M., American agent in Texas, reports cited _passim_.

  Morgan, G. W., at Cerralvo, =1.= 562;
    and Fifteenth Infantry, =2.= 363;
    at Contreras, 378.

  Morier, J. J., British agent in Mexico, on Mexican character,
        =1.= 410.

  Mormon battalion, follows Kearny's expedition, =1.= 290, 516;
    in California, =2.= 218, 219, 454, 455.

  Morris, L. N., at Palo Alto, =1.= 164.

  Mosquito fleet, =2.= 29, 338.

  Mountain systems of Mexico, =1.= 1.

  Mounted Riflemen, authorized, =1.= 190;
    in Smith's brigade, 541;
    at Cerro Gordo, =2.= 52, 54, 350, 352;
    in Scott's army, 77;
    at Contreras, 104;
    at Churubusco, 110, 114, 382, 384;
    at Belén garita, 159, 160;
    at siege of Vera Cruz, 343;
    at Molino del Rey, 403;
    at Chapultepec, 410;
    in the guerilla operations, 427.

  Mouth of the Rio Grande, camp, =1.= 205.

  Mulejé, and American occupation, =2.= 448.

  Mules.
    _See_ Transportation.

  Munroe, John, artillery at Point Isabel, =1.= 146, 148.

  Murphy, Tomás, Mexican agent at London, Aberdeen's suggestion to,
        =1.= 434;
    and interposition, =2.= 302, 304, 504-6;
    and foreign officers, 306.

  Muscatine, Iowa.
    _See_ Bloomington.


  Nacogdoches, Gaines's expedition, =1.= 64-6, 420-2.

  Nájera, Lieut. Col., at Monterey, falls, =1.= 243.

  Napoleon I, on first quality of a soldier, =1.= 440;
    on flank movement, 497;
    on agent's responsibility, =2.= 398.

  Nashville _Union_, on war spirit, =1.= 126.

  _Natchez_, Vera Cruz incident, =1.= 424, 425.

  National bridge.
    _See_ Puente nacional.

  National Guard, Mexican, and Federalists, =1.= 221, 222;
    Brazito affair with Doniphan, 301-2;
    attempt to centralize, 376, =2.= 346;
    at Vera Cruz, 22, 343;
    and siege of Puebla, 174, 425.

  National highway, =1.= 16.
    _See also_ Mexico expedition.

  _National Intelligencer_, and peace, =2.= 125;
    on Polk and his party, 269;
    and tariff, 273;
    on Polk, 275;
    on outbreak of war, 277;
    encourages enemy, 280, 281;
    and tax on tea and coffee, 285;
    and no-territory plan, 288;
    and victorious war, 292;
    on title by conquest, 497;
    on tariff for Mexican ports, 500, 501.

  Navajo Indians, conquered, =1.= 298.

  Navy, American, foreign opinion, =1.= 106;
    pacific instructions (1845), 131, 447;
    war preparations, 190;
    mosquito fleet at siege of Vera Cruz, =2.= 29, 338;
    sailors and landed battery at siege, 30, 34, 338;
    vessels at the beginning of the war, distribution, 189, 197, 438;
    appropriation and increase, 189;
    establishment, condition, 189, 438;
    administration, 190-91;
    and Mexican privateers, 192-3;
    blockade, 193-5, 205, 206, 208, 446, 448;
    scurvy and yellow fever, 194-5;
    and Mexican navy, 195;
    difficulties of shore operations, 196;
    Alvarado expeditions, 197-9, 344;
    operations on Mexican western coast, 205-8, 446-9;
    character of service, 208, 449;
    character of control of occupied territory, 208;
    evacuation, 476.
    _See also_ California; Conner, David; Jones, T. A. C.; Marines;
        Perry; Sloat; Shubrick; Stockton.

  Navy, Mexican, =2.= 195.

  Negotiations.
    _See_ Diplomatic intercourse; Peace.

  _Neptune_, at Tampico, =1.= 281;
    wrecked, 449.

  Neutrality, American, and Texas, =1.= 63, 432;
    and Sabine River boundary, 64;
    and Gaines's expedition, 64-6;
    and recognition of Texas, 66-7, 422-3;
    Bocanegra-Webster correspondence, 68;
    European, in the war, =2.= 300-5.
    _See also_ Interposition; Mediation.

  New Granada, and the war, =2.= 298.

  New Helvetia, trading post, =1.= 318, 522.

  New Jersey troops, call, =2.= 364;
    in Taylor's later force, 417;
    at Jalapa, 433.

  New Mexico, Santa Fe trail trade, =1.= 72, 284, 514;
    province, population, 284;
    political situation, 284-6, =2.= 216;
    American war policy toward, =1.= 286;
    preparation of Kearny's expedition, force, 286, 288, 515;
    map of his route, 287;
    his march to Pent's Fort, 288-9, 515;
    Armijo's attitude, preparations, and desertion, 289, 292-4, 516-7;
    Price's reinforcement of Kearny, 290, 516;
    Mormon battalion, 290, 516;
    Kearny's proclamation and letter to Armijo, 290, 516;
    advance to San Miguel, assurances to inhabitants, 291-2, 516;
    expected fight at Apache Canyon, condition of expedition, 292-3,
        516;
    resistance abandoned, 293-5;
    occupation of Santa Fe, 295-6;
    Fort Marcy, 296;
    march to southern district, 297;
    retaining force, 298;
    reduction of Indians, 298;
    Doniphan's march to El Paso, Brazito affair, 298-300, 517, 518;
    condition of force at Santa Fe, 518;
    in peace negotiations and treaty, 135, 136, 238, 240, 248, 396, 468,
        469;
    character of population, 216;
    excesses due to American occupation, 216, 453;
    Price's rule, insurrection, 217, 453;
    civil government as conquered territory, 285;
    justice of acquisition, 322;
    supposed force in (Nov., 1847), 432;
    Texas and occupation, 497.

  New Orleans, enlistments, =1.= 195;
    as rival of New York, =2.= 274;
    yellow fever (1847), 431.

  New Orleans _Commercial Bulletin_, attacks policy of forbearance,
        =1.= 121;
    on easy victory over Mexico, 126.

  New Orleans _Delta_, on Paredes revolt, =1.= 120;
    demand for war, 443;
    Leonidas letter, =2.= 187, 435;
    on Taylor's force (1847), 417.

  New Orleans _Jeffersonian Republican_, attacks policy of forbearance,
        =1.= 120.

  New Orleans _Picayune_, on monarchist plans in Mexico, =1.= 90, 122,
        135;
    attacks on policy of forbearance, 119;
    on rejection of Slidell, 120;
    on war spirit, 126, 132;
    demand for war, 443.

  New Orleans _Tropic_, on policy of expansion, =1.= 123.

  New York, and peace, =2.= 123;
    Polk and factions, 270, 491.
    _See also_ New York troops.

  New York City, enlistments, =1.= 194.

  New York _Courrier des Etats Unis_, on European protection of Mexico,
        =1.= 121.

  New York _Express_, and peace, =2.= 125.

  New York _Herald_, on unrest, =1.= 124;
    on war spirit, 124;
    on war as peace movement, 184;
    on war finances, =2.= 256;
    on opposition to the war, 494.

  New York _Journal of Commerce_, on war spirit, =1.= 124;
    on war as peace movement, 184.

  New York _Morning News_, on policy of expansion, =1.= 123;
    on war spirit, 124-6.

  New York _Sun_, and Worth, =2.= 186, 434;
    favors absorbing Mexico, 243.

  New York _Tribune_, on policy of expansion, =1.= 123;
    on Polk and war, 184;
    on the war and politics, =2.= 275;
    on annexation of Texas and war, 276;
    demands recall of troops, 290;
    on Scott and the cabal, 436.

  New York troops, in Vera Cruz expedition, =1.= 368, 537, =2.= 343;
    at Cerro Gordo, 53, 58;
    in march to Puebla, 69;
    in Scott's army, 78;
    at Churubusco, 117;
    at Chapultepec, 157, 409;
    in Mexico City, 163;
    in California, 219, 454, 476;
    in Lower California, 448.

  Newspapers, Mexican, war-time lamentations, =2.= 509.
    _See also_ Press.

  Niles, J. M., and absorption of Mexico, =2.= 244;
    position in Senate, 496.

  _Niles' Register_, on Taylor's generalship, =1.= 503.

  Niño Perdido garita, =2.= 148.

  Ninth Cavalry, Mexican, at Cerro Gordo, =2.= 347.

  Ninth Infantry, in Scott's army, =2.= 78, 363, 432;
    at Contreras, 109;
    at Chapultepec, 154, 155, 157;
    advance after armistice, 400;
    at Huamantla, 426;
    at Pachuca, 433.

  _Nonata_, captured, =1.= 511.

  Noncombatants, American policy toward, =2.= 210, 220, 229.
    _See also_ Conquered territory.

  Nopalucan, aspect, =2.= 69.

  Noriega, General, at Palo Alto, =1.= 165, 168;
    captured at Chapultepec, =2.= 411.

  North Carolina troops, enlistments, =1.= 195;
    calls, 537, =2.= 431;
    in Taylor's later force, 417.

  Norther, character, =1.= 541, =2.= 34.

  Nuevo León, troops at Monterey, =1.= 494;
    levy on, for guerilla warfare, =2.= 170, 422;
    attitude toward United States, 215;
    general occupation, 418.
    _See also_ Monterey.


  Oaxaca state, guerilla warfare, =2.= 173;
    revolt and the war, 369.

  Obregón, Pablo, Mexican minister at Washington, and boundary
        negotiations, =1.= 60.

  O'Brien, J. P. J., battery at Buena Vista, =1.= 388, 390-2, 394, 557.

  Ocampo, M., and Santa Anna, =1.= 376.

  Occupied territory.
    _See_ Conquered territory.

  O'Donnell, Leopoldo, and Mexican privateering, =2.= 193.

  O'Donojú, Juan, treaty with Itúrbide, =1.= 33.

  Officers, character of volunteer, =1.= 192, 207, =2.= 215;
    for the ten new regiments, 76;
    value of West Point training, 320.
    _See also_ Army; Volunteers.

  _Ohio_, and attack on Tuxpán, =2.= 444;
    in Pacific squadron, 447.

  Ohio troops, enlistments, =1.= 195;
    at Monterey, 253, 492, 496;
    in Taylor's later force, =2.= 417;
    with Scott, 418;
    in Lane's march to Puebla, 426;
    in his guerilla operations, 426, 427;
    calls (1847), 364, 365, 431;
    garrison at Puebla, 433;
    non-active men, 511.

  Ojo de Agua, aspect, =2.= 69;
    American post, 433.

  Olaguíbel, F. M. de, warnings to Santa Anna (1846), =1.= 378, 379;
    supports Farías, =2.= 82;
    character, 86;
    and opposition to Santa Anna, 86, 134, 136;
    yields to Santa Anna's demands, 92;
    supplies for Scott, 134;
    in American rear, 148;
    and evacuation of Mexico, 163;
    supports Peña, 180, 428.

  Old Peñón, fortification, =2.= 90, 369, 373;
    Mexican army at, 92;
    Scott avoids, 96.

  Oligarchy, of Spanish born, =1.= 29;
    deposes viceroy, 30;
    Hidalgo's revolt against, 31;
    partisan warfare on, 31;
    doomed, 32;
    revolt against liberal constitution, 32;
    plots against federal government, 37;
    rules Victoria, 37;
    attempted revolt (1823), 38;
    expulsion of Gachupines, 39, 42, 413;
    and Bustamante's revolt, 43;
    and Santa Anna, 45;
    and Farías' reforms, 46;
    makes Santa Anna dictator, 46;
    and Seven Laws, rule, 47;
    factions, 48;
    goes over to Santa Anna (1841), 50.
    _See also_ Government; Monarchy; Roman Catholic church.

  Olozaga, Salustiano de, on monarchy for Mexico, =1.= 448.

  Opposition to the war, Mexico counts on, =1.= 105, 107, 119, 443;
    objections to war bill, 182-3, 471;
    basis, =2.= 273-5;
    Whig troubles, 276-80, 283, 493, 494;
    warning from opposition to War of 1812, 280;
    encourages enemy, 280-1, 289, 495;
    character of speeches in Congress, 284-6;
    and Wilmot Proviso, 286-7, 498;
    Whig no-territory plan, 287-8, 498;
    protracts war, 288, 292;
    demand for stoppage of supplies and recall of troops, 290-1, 500;
    Whig House programme, 290;
    effect on, of success of war, 290;
    continued baiting of Polk, 291, 500;
    results, 292, 314, 510;
    historical results, 292-3, 501.

  Oregon country, question and Mexican relations, =1.= 90, 94, 130, 137,
        =2.= 299, 504;
    and British aid of Mexico, =1.= 114;
    and outbreak of the war, 200, 458, 478;
    compromise settlement, 201;
    effect on Polk, =2.= 271, 281;
    settlement and Wilmot Proviso, 286;
    danger in, 295.

  Organic Bases, =1.= 52;
    revival, 217.

  Orizaba, situation, aspect, =1.= 2, =2.= 222;
    Santa Anna's preparations at, 67-8;
    Bankhead's expedition, aspect of route to, 184-5, 433;
    American rule, 223;
    Lane at, 427.

  Orizaba, Mount, aspect, =2.= 18, 60, 223.

  Ortega, J. M., in Monterey negotiations, =1.= 502.

  Osgood, David, on War of 1812, =2.= 280, 494.

  Oswandel, J. J., on Pillow, =2.= 377.

  Otero, Mariano, on advance to Rio Grande, =1.= 155;
    on income of the Church, 408;
    on Texas and the war, 458;
    and peace negotiations, =2.= 136, 236;
    leader of Moderados, 327.

  Outbreak of the war, Mexican policy to avoid formal declaration, =1.=
        88, 434;
    protection of Texas and boundary question, 138, 153, 449, 457, 470;
    Taylor's force occupies Corpus Christi, 141-3, 452;
    original size of force, 142;
    reinforcements, 143, 454;
    condition of force, 143;
    rank controversy, 144;
    crossing of Rio Grande by Mexicans as invasion, 144, 453;
    Taylor's advance to Rio Grande, 145-8, 454;
    retaliatory orders, 148, 455;
    Mexicans cross and attack Thornton, 149, 455;
    de facto war, Taylor calls for more troops, 150, 455;
    justification of advance to Rio Grande, 151-4, 456;
    advance not cause of war, 154-5, 185, 457, 471;
    war begun by Mexico, 155, 190, =2.= 311-2;
    her grief for first battles, =1.= 179;
    Polk's Message, 181, 470;
    war bill in Congress, 182-3, 471-3;
    quick peace expected, 184, 471;
    political considerations, Benton, 184-5, 471;
    Calhoun's opposition, 185-7, 472;
    existence of legal war, 186-7, 472;
    causes, 187-90, 326, 471, 473, 526, =2.= 284, 310-1, 508-9;
    proclamation, =1.= 191, 474;
    raising of army, 190-6, 445;
    selection of commander, 196-8, 200;
    Polk and Scott's plans, Scott's relegation, 198-200, 476-8;
    and Oregon question, 200, 458, 478;
    negotiations with Santa Anna, 201-3, 478-9;
    Mexican preparations and declaration, 212, 222-3, 484, 488;
    effect of Rio Grande campaign on Mexicans, 213;
    overthrow of Paredes, 214-22, 485;
    Santa Anna's policy to command army only, 222-4;
    error of short-war policy, 347;
    popularity, =2.= 268;
    Whig inconsistency on, 276-7;
    Webster on pretexts, 279, 494;
    Buchanan's diplomatic circular on, 297;
    British attitude, 299-300;
    French attitude, 300, 503;
    Polk's alleged inconsistencies on causes, 491;
    as result of lack of preparedness, 509.
    _See also_ Preparation; Rio Grande campaign.

  Owens, S. C., in Doniphan's expedition, =1.= 303;
    at battle of Sacramento, killed, 311.


  Pacheco, F., at Buena Vista, =1.= 389-91.

  Pacheco, J. R., and peace negotiations, =2.= 133, 137, 393, 396.

  Pachuca, occupied, =2.= 184, 433;
    under American rule, 460.

  Pacific squadron, vessels during the war, =2.= 189, 447.
    _See also_ Shubrick; Sloat; Stockton.

  Padierna, battle of.
    _See_ Contreras.

  Pageot, A. J. Y., French minister at Washington, reports cited
        _passim_.

  Pakenham, Richard, British minister at Mexico and Washington, and
        expulsion of Americans, =1.= 72, 423;
    and American claims against Mexico, 79, 81, 431;
    on chances of expected war, 107, 109;
    warning against slavery expansion, 114;
    on California, 320, 322;
    on growing distaste for war, 347;
    on Polk's dilemma, 349;
    on plan against Vera Cruz, 350;
    on Santa Anna's rule, 415;
    on Mexican treatment of Poinsett, 417;
    on Monterey armistice, 502;
    on march to Mexico City, =2.= 37;
    on desire for peace, 123, 126;
    on American war finances, 260, 482;
    and mediation, 301, 504.

  Palmasola fort near Tuxpán, =2.= 202.

  Palmerston, Viscount, and Mexican privateering, =2.= 192;
    offers mediation, 301, 504;
    and California, 302;
    and Guizot, 304;
    and American victories, 305;
    and interposition, 306;
    and absorption of Mexico, 309.

  Palmetto Regiment, in Vera Cruz expedition, =1.= 368;
    call, 537;
    in march to Puebla, =2.= 69;
    in Scott's army, 78, 343;
    at Churubusco, 117, 384;
    at Chapultepec, 157;
    at Belén garita, 160, 412;
    in Alvarado expedition, 344.

  Palo Alto, battle of, American force, =1.= 163;
    American line, 164;
    map, 164;
    Mexican advance and position, 164-5;
    Mexican force, 165;
    artillery, 165, 465;
    Torrejón's attack and repulse, 166-7;
    American movement on right, 167-8;
    defeat of Mexican right, 168-9;
    losses, 169, 466;
    Mexican retreat, 169.
    _See also_ Rio Grande campaign.

  Palo Alto, Camp, =1.= 480.

  Pánuco expedition, =1.= 281.

  Pareda, J. N., and privateering, =2.= 192.

  Paredes y Arrillaga, Mariano, revolt (1841), =1.= 50;
    revolt against Santa Anna (1844), 52, 53;
    and Herrera's rule, 55, 56;
    and monarchy, 90, 214;
    revolt (1845), 95, 98-9, 438;
    as temporary President, 100;
    hostility toward United States, 100;
    and Slidell, 100, 439;
    and the war, 104, 155, 190, 452, =2.= 66;
    revolt and American opinion, =1.= 120;
    effect of Rio Grande campaign on, 180, 470;
    on cause of the war, 189, 457, 474;
    his policy, 212;
    cuts off consuls, 212, 484;
    elected President, 212;
    war proclamation, 213;
    and plans to take command, 214-5, 217;
    difficulties, 214-6, 485;
    combination against, 216;
    overthrow, 217, 485;
    and California, 329, 522-4, =2.= 302;
    and artillery, =1.= 462;
    exiled, 485;
    supposed desire for peace, =2.= 122;
    combination against Santa Anna (1847), 134, 137;
    subsides, 242;
    return, 306, 395.

  Paredes, Fort, constructed, =1.= 158.

  Paris _Constitutionnel_, on chances of expected war, =1.= 105, 110,
        113;
    on California, 325;
    on three-million fund, =2.= 126;
    on clergy and repeal of law of Jan. 11, 332;
    criticism of military operations, 507.

  Paris _Correspondant_, sympathy with Mexico, =1.= 112;
    on Mexican church, 408;
    pessimism on peace prospects, =2.= 235;
    on outbreak of war, 300.

  Paris _Epoque_, and interposition, =2.= 304.

  Paris _Globe_, on chances of expected war, =1.= 108.

  Paris _National_, on Guizot's American policy, =2.= 296;
    on outbreak of war, 300;
    on England and war, 304.

  Paris _Portefeuille_, and neutrality, =2.= 304.

  Parish, Elijah, on War of 1812, =2.= 280, 494.

  Parker, Theodore, on Taylor at Buena Vista, =1.= 559;
    on conduct of the war, =2.= 324.

  Parker, W. A., _Creole_ exploit, =2.= 444.

  Parras, gathering of Wool's force at San Antonio, =1.= 267-70;
    his advance to Parras, 270-5;
    aspect, 275;
    Comanche raid, 521;
    American rule, =2.= 230;
    outrages at, 450.

  Parrodi, Anastasio, at Tampico, =1.= 278, 511;
    at Tula, 553;
    command in Army of the North, =2.= 369.

  Parrott, John, American consul at Mazatlán, and T. A. C. Jones,
        =1.= 69;
    on California, 522;
    on Scott, =2.= 316, 317;
    and Sloat, 333;
    and American funds in Mexico, 488.

  Parrott, W. S., American consul and confidential agent in Mexico,
        =1.= 88, 89, 93, 94, 133, 434, 435;
    and advance to Rio Grande, 152;
    and Sloat, 333;
    claim, 426, 430;
    on British control of Mexico, 443.

  Parsons, M. M., in battle of Sacramento, =1.= 309, 311, 312.

  Paso. _See_ El Paso.

  Patria battalion, at Chapultepec, =2.= 408.

  _Patriota Mexicano_, on Slidell mission, =1.= 436.

  Patronage, as Polk's resource, =2.= 270.

  Patten, G. W., on Scott at Cerro Gordo, =2.= 56.

  Patterson, Robert, and Tamaulipas, =1.= 263;
    and securing of Tampico, 281, 512;
    and command of Vera Cruz expedition, 351;
    march to Victoria, 360, 542, 543;
    as general, 361;
    and Pillow, 361;
    march to Tampico, 365-6;
    at Lobos Islands, 368;
    command on Rio Grande, 493;
    distribution of force (Oct.), 506;
    career, 507;
    at siege of Vera Cruz, =2.= 26, 343;
    before Cerro Gordo, and plan to assault, 49;
    and the battle, 58, 354;
    takes time-expired men home, 64, 357;
    return to Mexico, 184;
    at Jalapa, 354;
    and Jarauta, 421;
    retained in service, 432;
    division at San Angel, 461;
    leaves Mexico City, 476;
    on West Pointers, 513.

  Patterson, Camp, =1.= 480.

  Paul, G. R., at Chapultepec, =2.= 410.

  Paulding, J. K., on Polk, =2.= 270.

  Paz, occupied, counter attacks, =2.= 208, 448, 449.

  Peace, speedy, expected, =1.= 184, 471;
    Polk's suggested terms to Santa Anna (1846), 202, 471;
    Santa Anna and, after return, 221, 487;
    mistake in expecting speedy, 347;
    Mexican law forbidding negotiations, =2.= 81, 130, 135, 367, 389,
        393;
    Scott's halt after Churubusco, 121, 386, 393;
    attitude of Polk and Buchanan, 121;
    supposed favorable Mexican attitude (1846), 122;
    rejection of Buchanan's advances (1846), 122, 386;
    three million fund and bribery, 123, 126, 387;
    general American desire, 123;
    Atocha's mission, 123-4, 126, 387;
    reasons for Mexican obstinacy, 124-6;
    problem of ignoring Slidell, 126;
    appointment of Trist, his character, 127;
    his preconceived attitude toward Scott, 127;
    Trist's papers, 128;
    Trist-Scott misunderstanding and quarrel, 128-9, 389;
    Bankhead as mediator for Trist, 129, 390;
    controversy over receiving Buchanan's communication, 130-3, 390;
    Scott-Trist reconciliation, 130, 392;
    question of douceur, 131-2, 390-1;
    Puebla negotiations, 132, 391, 393;
    Scott's military proposal to facilitate, 133, 393;
    Mexican overtures after Churubusco, 133;
    armistice, 133, 394-6;
    negotiations during armistice (1847): Santa Anna's attitude, 135;
    his terms and instructions, neutral region east of Rio Grande, 135,
        396, 398;
    Mexican commissioners, 135;
    Trist's terms, deadlock, 135;
    Santa Anna's dilemma, 136-7, 398;
    counter-projet, failure, effect, 138-9, 399;
    chronology of negotiations (1847), 396;
    Santa Anna and foreign support, 397;
    ---- Arguments against, after fall of capital, 233, 470;
    attitude of Eventualists and other war factions, 234, 463;
    and governmental chaos, 234;
    American pessimism, 235, 463;
    Peña's determination to negotiate, 235, 463;
    Trist reopens negotiations by reply to counter-projet, 235, 463;
    party success in Presidential election, 236;
    state discussion, 236, 464;
    abortive insurrection of war party, 236, 464;
    support of Mexican Congress, 236;
    recall of Trist, 236, 464;
    intention to harden American terms, 237, 244, 464, 474;
    Trist ignores recall, 237-8, 465, 467;
    his boundary ultimatum, 238;
    further retardation, 238, 465;
    Mexican commissioners, 239;
    secret meetings, propositions, 239, 460;
    delays, need of haste, de facto truce, 239;
    insurrection threatens disruption, Scott's promise of protection,
        240, 466;
    treaty secretly signed, 240, 467;
    terms, surrender of conquered territory to Mexico, 240, 467-70, 473;
    map, 241;
    armistice, 242, 471;
    plan for absorption of Mexico, 243-4, 309;
    Polk and treaty, his dilemma, 244-6, 471-2;
    treaty in Senate, 246-7, 472-3;
    amendment there, 247, 473;
    ratification commissioners, 248-9, 473;
    Mexican opposition to acceptance, 249, 250;
    arguments in favor, 249-51, 474;
    ratification by Mexican Congress, 250, 474;
    exchange of ratifications, 251, 474;
    misunderstandings, 251, 475;
    evacuation of Mexican territory, 251-2, 475-6;
    American opposition to annexations, 274;
    British offer of mediation, 301, 368, 503-4;
    reception of treaty in Europe, 308-9;
    justice and liberality, 322-3;
    Mexican cordiality, 323;
    effect in Europe, 323;
    explanatory protocol, 475;
    Spain and mediation, 503;
    Mexico and British guaranty of treaty, 508.

  Pedraza, Manuel Gómez, character, elected President, =1.= 40;
    overthrow, 41;
    restored by Santa Anna, 44-5;
    as Federalist leader, 48;
    and Butler, 62;
    Paredes courts, 215;
    and Santa Anna (1846), 224;
    as leader of Moderados, =2.= 2, 4;
    and clerical revolt, 14, 330;
    and peace negotiations, 132, 466.

  Pedregal near Contreras, =2.= 101, 104.

  Peel, Sir Robert, and California, =2.= 302.

  Peña fort near Tuxpán, =2.= 202, 203.

  Peña y Barragán, M. de la, and revolt, =2.= 12, 13;
    at San Cosme garita, 161, 162.

  Peña y Peña, Manuel de la, character, =1.= 26, =2.= 180, 427;
    and renewal of American intercourse, =1.= 91-4, 435;
    and Slidell mission, 96, 97, 437;
    on Texas and war, 457;
    as Executive (1847), =2.= 180, 427, 428;
    eliminates Santa Anna, 181, 428;
    determines to re-open peace negotiations, 235;
    Congress upholds, 235;
    and recall of Trist, 237, 465;
    and renewal of negotiations, 238;
    resumes administration, 240, 466;
    and insurrection and negotiations, 240, 466;
    and treaty before Congress, 250, 474;
    at exchange of ratifications, 251;
    on European interposition, 506.

  Pennsylvania, and tariff of 1846, =2.= 273.
    _See also_ next title.

  Pennsylvania troops, in Vera Cruz expedition, =1.= 368, =2.= 343;
    calls, =1.= 537, =2.= 364, 430;
    at Cerro Gordo, 56, 57, 353;
    in Scott's army, 78;
    at Chapultepec, 157;
    at Puebla, 174;
    at Huamantla, 425, 426;
    in Lane's guerilla operations, 426;
    at Jalapa, 361, 433.

  Peñón Viejo.
    _See_ Old Peñón.

  Pensions, Mexican War, =2.= 490.

  Peñúñuri, F., at Churubusco, =2.= 382.

  Peonage, not displaced by slavery, =1.= 188.

  People.
    _See_ Population.

  Perdigón Garay, J. G., at Belén garita, =2.= 159, 160.

  Pérez, F., at Buena Vista, =1.= 393-5, 559;
    at Coyoacán, =2.= 101;
    at Contreras, 105, 379;
    at Churubusco, 110;
    at Casa Mata, 142, 145;
    brigade, 369.

  Perote, castle of, occupied by Worth, =2.= 61;
    American garrison, 65, 74, 361, 362;
    and relief of Puebla, 176, 425.

  Perry, M. C., in occupation of Tampico, =1.= 280;
    and reinforcements for it, 281, 512, 513;
    Taylor on, 352;
    at siege of Vera Cruz, =2.= 30, 36, 339, 340;
    Tabasco expeditions, 199-200, 204-5, 443, 445;
    Yucatan operations, 201, 204, 443;
    supersedes Conner, 201-2;
    character as officer, 202;
    capture of Tuxpán, 202-3, 444;
    operations at small ports, 203, 445;
    Alvarado expedition, 344-5;
    squadron, distribution, 442, 444-6;
    and attack on Ulúa, 444.

  _Perry_, damaged, =2.= 449.

  _Petrel_, in occupation of Tampico, =1.= 279, 281;
    at siege of Vera Cruz, =2.= 388;
    added to navy, 438;
    in Home Squadron, 442, 446;
    in attack on Tuxpán, 444.

  _Petrita_, at Vera Cruz, =2.= 23, 336;
    in Tabasco expedition, 199;
    in Home Squadron, 446.

  Philadelphia, enlistments, =1.= 195.

  Philadelphia _North American_, on tariff of 1846, =2.= 257;
    and the war, 268, 275;
    on war and extension of slavery, 492.

  Philadelphia _Public Ledger_, on speeches in Congress, =2.= 284.

  Physical aspect, general, of Mexico, =1.= 1-3, 16;
    of Corpus Christi, 143;
    between there and Rio Grande, 146;
    of camps near Rio Grande, 205-7;
    of Camargo, 211;
    of Cerralvo. 229;
    beyond Cerralvo, 236, 496;
    of Monterey, 257, =2.= 212;
    between Monterey and Saltillo, =1.= 265;
    between the Rio Grande and Monclova, 272;
    of Monclova, 273;
    of Parras, 275;
    of Tampico, 276, 280, =2.= 214;
    of Raton Pass, =1.= 291;
    of Santa Fe, 296;
    of Jornada del Muerto, 300;
    of El Paso, 300, 302;
    between El Paso and Chihuahua, 304;
    at Sacramento River, 308;
    of Monterey, Cal., 334;
    between Monterey, Mex., and Victoria, 357-9;
    between Matamoros and Victoria, 360;
    between Victoria and Tampico, 366;
    between Saltillo and Agua Nueva, 373;
    between San Luis Potosí and Encarnación, 380, 553;
    of Buena Vista field, 385;
    view on approaching Antón Lizardo, =2.= 18;
    of Vera Cruz, 18-9, 34-5, 221-2;
    along highway from Perote to puente nacional, 39;
    of Cerro Gordo, 42-5, 347;
    of national highway between Vera Cruz and Cerro Gordo, 46-8;
    of Jalapa, 59, 223;
    between Jalapa and Perote, 60-1;
    between Perote and Puebla, 69;
    of Puebla, 71, 178;
    between Puebla and Valley of Mexico, 92-3;
    of the Valley, 94, 119, 138, 158;
    of the routes across it, 95-7;
    of Santa Anna's southern line, 99, 102, 374;
    of Contreras field, 101, 103, 375;
    of Churubusco, 111;
    of Tacubaya, 138, 400;
    of Molino del Rey, 140;
    of western and southern approaches to Mexico City, 147;
    of Chapultepec, 150-2, 405-6;
    between Vera Cruz and Orizaba, 184-5;
    coast storms, 194;
    of San Juan Bautista, 200;
    of Tuxpán, 202-3;
    of Mazatlán, 206;
    of Orizaba, 222;
    of Mexico City, 228.

  Pickett, G. E., at Chapultepec, =2.= 157.

  Pico, Andrés, battle of San Pascual, =1.= 341, 342, 534;
    succeeds Flores, 345;
    capitulation, 345.

  Pico, Jesús, and Frémont, =1.= 345.

  Pico, Pio, as governor of California, =1.= 319;
    character, 328;
    British partisan, 328, 333, 531;
    civil war with Castro, 329;
    and American occupation, 335, 337, 530.

  Pierce, Franklin, on war enthusiasm, =1.= 442;
    reinforcements for Scott, =2.= 77, 171;
    brigade in Scott's army, 78, 363;
    brigade at Contreras, 104, 378;
    and at Churubusco, 115-7, 384;
    and plan of attack on Mexico City, 149, 408;
    armistice commissioner, 394;
    and Molino del Rey, 403;
    and battles before Mexico, 415;
    leaves Mexico, 438.

  Pillow, G. J., as political general, character, =1.= 208, 361, 367,
        543, 546, =2.= 185-6, 433;
    and Polk, =1.= 367, =2.= 128, 186, 510;
    joins Scott's headquarters, =1.= 367;
    on Ripley's book, 405;
    at Brazos, 476;
    on Taylor's confidence, 492;
    left at Camargo, 493;
    on Taylor and Vera Cruz expedition, 536;
    on Taylor and administration, 538;
    brigade at Vera Cruz, =2.= 27;
    before Cerro Gordo, 49;
    in the battle, 56-8, 352-3;
    censures on Scott to Polk, 74;
    absence, return as major general, 77, 357;
    division, 77;
    in advance from Puebla, 93, 371;
    at Contreras, 103-5, 376, 378, 380;
    at Churubusco, 110, 385;
    force after the battle, 120;
    and armistice, 134, 395;
    advance after armistice, 142, 400;
    at Chapultepec, 152, 153, 156, 409;
    misgivings there, 153;
    division in advance on Belén garita, 159;
    cabal against Scott, Leonidas letter, 187, 435;
    Scott's charges against, and arrest, 188, 437;
    Polk rescues, 188;
    and the recalling of Trist, 236;
    intrigue against Scott and Presidential ambition, 376;
    opinion of good officers, 377;
    ascendancy over Scott, 378;
    and douceur, 391;
    and plan of attack on Mexico City, 408;
    leaves Mexico, 438.

  Pineda, Manuel, attack on La Paz, =2.= 449.

  Pino, Manuel, force to resist Kearny, =1.= 293, 294.

  "Pintos," in Alvarez's force, =2.= 369.

  Pinzón, Luis, at Cerro Gordo, =2.= 44, 51.

  Plan del Rió, as defensive point, =2.= 40, 42;
    Scott's advance at, 48.

  Plana mayor, Mexican, =1.= 156.

  Plateau, central, of Mexico, =1.= 1-2.

  _Plebeian_, on war and expansion, =1.= 444.

  Poblana market girls, =2.= 71.

  Poinsett, J. R., treatment as minister at Mexico, =1.= 58-9, 417;
    boundary and Texas negotiations, 59-60, 418;
    commercial negotiations, 61, 419;
    recall demanded, 62;
    on Mexican agriculture, 410;
    on Mexican cavalry, 440;
    on American army, 451;
    on Trist mission, =2.= 390.

  Point Isabel, occupied by Taylor, =1.= 146, 148;
    as base, Taylor and line of communication, 160-1, 463;
    Taylor's hurried march to, 163;
    as camp, 205;
    Mexican customhouse, 452;
    navy at, 466, =2.= 197;
    troops left at, =1.= 493.

  Police, in occupied territory, =2.= 213, 215, 229, 450, 452.

  Politics, in choice of a commander, =1.= 197, 199-200;
    in Vera Cruz expedition, 356, 363, 368, 539, 544;
    influence on war operations, 545.
    _See also_ Congress; Democratic; Government, Mexican; Opposition;
        Polk, J. K.; President of United States; Whig.

  Polk, J. K., efforts to restore intercourse with Mexico, =1.= 88-91;
    Slidell mission, 94-5, 98, 100, 133, 436, 447;
    alleged desire for war, 127-8, 445-6, 478;
    diary, 128;
    character, 128-30, 447, =2.= 270-1, 314-5, 510;
    disproof of desire for war, =1.= 130-4, 150, 326, 447, 526;
    and Oregon, 130, 137, 200-1, 478;
    and Scott, 130, 354, =2.= 75, 188, 436, 511;
    intolerable conditions facing, =1.= 134-7;
    peaceful intent and advance to Rio Grande, 151-5, 456-61;
    war Message, 181, 470;
    expects quick peace, 184, 471;
    and slavery and the war, 188;
    war proclamation, 191, 474;
    and volunteering, 191, 193;
    and selection of commanding officer, 196, 198, 200, 202, 476;
    and Taylor, 196, 352-3, 507, 538, 544, 547;
    alarm over Rio Grande conditions, 198, 476;
    and Scott's war policy, clash, 199-200, 477;
    negotiations with Santa Anna, 201-3, 471, 478-9, =2.= 491, 493;
    and terms at Monterey, =1.= 260, 263, 505;
    war programme, occupation of territory, 262, 266-7, 350-1, =2.= 273,
        492;
    and Tampico, =1.= 278;
    and defensive-line policy dilemma, 283, 348;
    and New Mexico, 286;
    and California, 325, 326, 332, 526, =2.= 514;
    selection of commander for Vera Cruz expedition, =1.= 351-4;
    and plans and responsibility for Scott's expedition, 356, 540, 541,
        =2.= 343;
    and insubordination of Harney, =1.= 365, 545;
    Pillow's influence with, 367, 547, =2.= 128, 186, 510;
    and Texan boundary, =1.= 449;
    and Doniphan's expedition, 517;
    and Ten Regiment Bill, =2.= 74, 76;
    and commanding generalcy for Benton, 75, 365;
    and seekers for army office, 76;
    desire for peace negotiations, 121;
    and rejection of overtures (1846), 123, 387;
    three million fund, 123, 387;
    effect of policy on Mexican obduracy, 126;
    problem of ignoring Slidell, 126;
    appointment of Trist as agent, 127;
    and failure of negotiations (1847), 138, 399;
    and cabal against Scott, 185-8, 438;
    on privateering, 192;
    and puppet government for Mexico, 235;
    recalls Trist, 236, 237, 464;
    and absorption of Mexico, 244;
    and the treaty, dilemma, 244-6, 471;
    appointment of ratification commissioners, 248-9, 473;
    and tariff, 257;
    and war loans, 259, 260, 264, 482;
    and tariff for Mexican ports, 261, 262;
    and levies on Mexicans, 264, 486;
    public and party attitude toward, 269, 271, 282, 291;
    Cabinet, 269, 282;
    and patronage, 270, 283;
    and New York politics, 270, 491;
    effect of Oregon policy on, 271, 281;
    and of river and harbor veto, 271, 281;
    and of attitude toward Taylor and Scott, 272;
    and of Texas, 272;
    and of unfavorable war conditions, 272;
    and of fiscal policy, 273, 281;
    Whig jibes, 275-6;
    inconsistency of Whig criticism, 276-80, 493;
    and Whig encouragement of enemy, 281;
    character of Congressional attacks on policy, 284-6, 289;
    continuation of baiting, 291, 500;
    hampering of policy, 292;
    injustice of condemnation, 293;
    reassertion of Monroe Doctrine, 295;
    on France and Texas, 295, 501;
    British on, 300;
    and British mediation, 301, 504;
    achievement, 314-5, 510;
    and Trist-Scott quarrel, 389;
    and douceur, 391;
    and armistice, 393;
    and mutiny at Buena Vista, 418;
    and Hays's regiment, 423;
    further call for volunteers, 431;
    and trial of Frémont, 454;
    and Yucatan, 472;
    Message (1847) on pushing the war, 474;
    and Lower California, 476;
    alleged war inconsistencies, 491;
    and policy of annexations, 502.

  Polk, Fort, =1.= 205.

  Polko revolt, =2.= 12-14, 330-2, 334.

  Polko battalions, formation, =2.= 3, 13;
    at Churubusco, 111.

  Poll tax, question of Mexican, =2.= 328.

  Pommarès, ----, Conner's agent, =1.= 478.

  Ponce de León, Antonio, Brazito affair, =1.= 301-2, 518;
    in battle of Sacramento, 310.

  Popocatepetl, Mount, aspect, =2.= 92, 93.

  Popularity of the war in the United States, general American war spirit,
        =1.= 124, 444;
    why concentrated upon Mexico, 125, 444-5;
    initial, =2.= 268;
    reaction, 269, 281, 490;
    restoration, 290, 499.
    _See also_ Attitude; Opposition; Outbreak; Preparation.

  Population of Mexico, in 1846, =1.= 3, 407;
    characteristics of Spanish born, 3;
    of Creoles, 3, 407;
    of Indians, 4;
    social and economic classes, 5-6;
    clergy, 6-8;
    army, 8-11;
    civil officials, 11;
    judges, 12-3;
    criminals, 13;
    need, 16;
    picture of life and character, 18-28;
    general state, types, 28, 445;
    of New Mexico, 284;
    of California, 315;
    characteristics of Californians, 315-7;
    popular American opinion of Mexican, 445;
    of Santa Fe, 517;
    characteristics of New Mexicans, =2.= 216;
    British view of American character, 294-5, 502;
    contrast of American and Mexican character, 310, 508;
    attitude of Mexican, toward the war, 312, 510.
    _See also_ Character; Conquered territory; Social conditions.

  _Porpoise_, in Home Squadron, =2.= 197, 445.

  Port La Vaca, as base, =1.= 267.

  Porter, Andrew, at Contreras, =2.= 104.

  Porter, D. D., and Ulúa, =2.= 201;
    at siege of Vera Cruz, 339.

  Porter, J. D., acknowledgment to, =1.= 444.

  Porter, T. H., skirmish, killed, =1.= 160.

  _Portsmouth_, at San Francisco, =1.= 333;
    in Pacific squadron, =2.= 189, 206, 446, 447;
    off Mazatlán, 446, 447;
    at Guaymas, 447.

  Posada y Garduño, Manuel, and Santa Anna's dictatorship, =1.= 52;
    chief monarchist, dies, 215.

  Posey, Carnot, on soldiers and Taylor, =1.= 374.

  _Potomac_, and Vera Cruz expedition, =2.= 18, 25;
    scurvy, 195;
    in Home Squadron, 197, 442;
    and attack on Tuxpán, 444.

  Pratt, H. C, in Lane's march to Puebla, =2.= 426.

  _Preble_, in Pacific squadron, =2.= 189, 206, 447.

  Preparation for war, Mexican, on annexation of Texas, =1.= 87-8, 434;
    Mexican hostile attitude toward Americans, 102-4, 484;
    reasons for hope of Mexican success, 104-16;
    United States deemed feeble, 104-5;
    expected opposition in United States, 105, 107, 119, 443;
    foreign opinion on relative military strength, 105-6;
    Mexico's opinion of its own army, 106;
    Texas as expected field, 107, 110;
    successful invasion of Mexico deemed impossible, 107-8;
    Mexican hope in privateering, 108;
    and on financial burden on United States, 109, 130;
    expected revitalization of Mexico, 110;
    expected aid from Spanish America, 111;
    and from Europe, 112-5, 441, 442;
    importance of Oregon controversy, 114-5, 130, 137, 442;
    Mexican desire for war, 115-6, 442, =2.= 312, 510;
    American attitude, =1.= 117-37;
    resentment of Mexican outrages, 117-9, 443;
    patience with an inferior people, 119;
    attacks on policy of forbearance, 119-21;
    effect of claims controversy, 120, 132, 134, 448;
    of rejection of Slidell, 120, 127, 145, 445;
    supposed European manipulation of Mexico, 121-2, 443;
    demand of the southwest, trade influences, 122, 443;
    slaveholders fear, 123;
    chance to overthrow Calhoun, 123;
    and spirit of expansion, 123, 444;
    unrest, war spirit and allurements of Mexico, 124-6, 444-5;
    expected easy victory, 125;
    annexation of Texas and war spirit, 126, 132;
    Polk's alleged desire for war, disproof, 127-34, 150, 326, 445-8,
          478, 526;
    intolerable conditions, force as only solution, 134-7;
    and monarchy for Mexico, 135, 448;
    bold attitude as argument for negotiations, 152.
    _See also_ Diplomatic intercourse; Outbreak.

  President of Mexico, powers under first constitution, =1.= 37;
    election of Victoria, 37;
    and of Pedraza, 40;
    Guerrero, 41;
    Bustamante, 43, 47;
    Pedraza restored, 45;
    election of Santa Anna (1832), 45;
    Santa Anna temporary, 49;
    Santa Anna's election (1844), 53;
    Herrera, 55;
    Paredes in power, 100, 212;
    Santa Anna titular and Farías acting (1846), =2.= 5-6;
    Farías eliminated, Anaya substitute, 14, 15;
    Santa Anna resumes power (1847), 83;
    election of 1847 deferred, 73, 84, 363;
    Santa Anna resigns, Peña acting, 180, 240, 427, 428, 466;
    Anaya elected ad interim (1847), 236;
    Herrera (1848), 252.
    _See also_ Dictatorship; Revolution.

  President of United States, Scott's ambition, =1.= 130, =2.= 284,
          390-2;
    Taylor's candidacy proposed, =1.= 179, 208;
    his ambition and suspicions, 352, 363, 368, 538, 544, 547;
    effect of Buena Vista on it, 400;
    his letter to Gaines, 507;
    effect on Taylor of Polk's attitude and own conduct, =2.= 272,
          278, 493;
    Whigs and candidates, 284;
    Webster's candidacy, 291;
    Taylor's candidacy as vindication of the war, 292;
    Pillow's ambition, 376.
    _See also_ Polk.

  Press, Mexican, conditions, =1.= 15;
    Paredes's decrees on, 215;
    during the war, =2.= 84, 85, 91.
    _See also_ Newspapers.

  Price, Sterling, to raise men, =1.= 290;
    troops to reinforce Kearny, 290, 516;
    to hold Santa Fe, 298, 517;
    Chihuahua and Rosales expedition, =2.= 166, 419;
    as governor of New Mexico, 217, 453;
    supposed force (Nov., 1847), 432.

  _Princeton_, in occupation of Tampico, =1.= 279;
    at Vera Cruz, =2.= 26;
    in Home Squadron, 197, 441;
    in attack on Alvarado, 198.

  Principles of war, =1.= 405.

  Prisoners of war, Encarnación, =1.= 370-1, 562, =2.= 418;
    release after Monterey armistice, =1.= 507;
    Scott's treatment, parole, =2.= 58, 340, 353, 515;
    and armistice after Churubusco, 134, 394;
    in treaty of peace, 468.

  Prisons, Mexican, =1.= 13, 21.

  Privateering, Mexican hope in, =1.= 108;
    projects, failure, =2.= 191-3;
    question of American, 192, 439.

  Proclamations, war, =1.= 191, 213, 474;
    Scott's, at Vera Cruz, =2.= 38;
    of May 11, 66, 357-8.

  Programme of war, Polk's rejection of Scott's policy, =1.= 198-200;
    policy of occupying territory, 262, 266-7, 508, =2.= 273, 492;
    defensive-line policy, =1.= 282-3, 461, 513, 514, =2.= 183, 430;
    failure of quick peace programme, =1.= 347;
    project of attack on Mexico City, 349;
    question of attack on Vera Cruz, 349-50;
    no further advance in north, 350;
    attack on Vera Cruz adopted, 350-1;
    advance to capital left open, 351, 540, =2.= 344;
    Marcy shifts responsibility to Scott, =1.= 355, 540;
    Taylor ignores programme, 368;
    Mexican plan after fall of capital, =2.= 182, 430;
    American problem after capture of capital, 183, 430;
    hampered by opposition, 292;
    effect of inadequate preparation, 314, 510.

  _Progreso_, on American peace party, =2.= 495.

  Pronunciation of Spanish, =1.= xxi.

  Propaganda, Mexican, among Taylor's troops, =1.= 160;
    among Irish soldiers, 507, =2.= 81, 358;
    at siege of Vera Cruz, 337.
    _See also_ Desertion.

  Prospects of war.
     _See_ Preparation.

  Prosperity, of occupied territory, =2.= 214, 215, 219, 232;
    American, in the war, 263, 484.

  _Provisional_, on United States and Texas, =1.= 423.

  Prussia, and the war, =1.= 403, =2.= 298-9.
    _See also_ Canitz.

  Public debt.
     _See_ Finances; Loans.

  Public lands, bounty to soldiers, =2.= 75, 490;
    gradation policy, 261, 482.

  Public opinion, lack in Mexico, =1.= 13.

  Puebla, situation, aspect, =1.= 2, =2.= 71;
    Scott's advance from Jalapa, 64, 66, 69;
    clerical control and attitude toward Scott's advance, understanding,
          65-6, 357;
    Santa Anna at, 69, 360;
    he evacuates, 70;
    Worth's conference, erroneous agreement, 70, 360;
    occupation, 71;
    character of Worth's rule, 71-2, 361;
    Scott at, 72;
    condition of army in, 72-3;
    advance from, 78, 92, 371;
    Scott at, and peace negotiations, 130, 391;
    guerilla operations and beginning of siege, 173-4, 424;
    American garrison and positions, 174, 424, 433;
    Santa Anna's siege, 174-6;
    Lane's march to relieve, 176, 425;
    battle of Huamantla, 176-8, 425-6;
    arrival of Lane, siege raised, 178;
    losses in siege, 426;
    American rule, 225, 229, 231.

  Puebla state, guerilla warfare, =2.= 173;
    in discussion on peace, 464.

  Pueblo Indians, submit to Kearny, =1.= 296.

  Puente nacional, as defensive point, =2.= 40, 348;
    abandoned, 41-2;
    aspect, 47;
    American post, 432.

  Pulque, =1.= 508.

  Punta Aguda, occupied, =1.= 562.

  Purísima bridge at Monterey, =1.= 249, 254.

  Puros, rise, aims, opposition, =2.= 2-4;
    demands and loss of prestige, 4-5;
    and Presidential election (1846), 5;
    abandon Farías, 12;
    attitude toward Santa Anna, 15, 82, 83, 87;
    and peace negotiations (1847), 136;
    and local government under Scott, 229;
    Eventualists, 234, 465;
    oppose treaty, 250;
    and British mediation, 368.
    _See also_ Farías; Federalism.


  Querétaro, situation, =1.= 3; revolt, =2.= 236.

  Querétaro battalion, at Monterey, =1.= 494;
    at Chapultepec, =2.= 408.
  Querétaro state, in discussion on peace, =2.= 464.

  Quijano, Benito, armistice commissioner, =2.= 242, 394.

  Quitman, J. A., brigade at Monterey, =1.= 249, 252-6, 492;
    Taylor on, 352;
    march to Victoria, 357, 360;
    march to Tampico, 365-6, 368;
    at Brazos, 476;
    at siege of Vera Cruz, =2.= 27;
    at Jalapa, 62;
    in advance to Puebla, 64, 69;
    Amozoc affair, 70;
    division in Scott's army, 78, 356, 365;
    in advance from Puebla, 93, 94, 371;
    at San Agustín, 103, 376, 380;
    during armistice, commissioner, 134, 394;
    advance after armistice, 142, 401;
    at Chapultepec, 152, 153, 156, 157, 409-11;
    at Belén garita, 158-60, 162, 412, 414-6;
    takes possession of the city, 163, 416;
    as governor of it, 164, 226, 460;
    and Scott, 248;
    Alvarado expedition, 344-5;
    court of inquiry on Worth, 361;
    and Contreras, 381;
    and douceur, 391;
    and plan of attack on capital, 408;
    division broken up, 432;
    leaves Mexico, 438;
    not West Pointer, 513.


  Radepont, Marquis de, on volunteers, =2.= 513.

  Radicals, aim of Mexican (1846), =2.= 2-4.
    _See also_ Puros.

  Rainfall of Mexico, =1.= 1-2.

  Ramírez, J. F., on Mexican responsibility for the war, =1.= 116;
    on Santa Anna's manifesto, 219;
    on the Church, 408;
    on judicial system, 409;
    on political situation (1847), =2.= 16, 83;
    on guerilla warfare, 168;
    on Mexican political character, 310;
    on justice of the war, 323;
    conference with Santa Anna, 368;
    on armistice, 399.

  Ramírez, Simeón, brigade at Monterey, =1.= 235, 494;
    at Molino del Rey, =2.= 142;
    flight, 145;
    at Belén garita, 159, 160.

  Ramiro, José, and Contreras, =2.= 106.

  Ramsey, A. C., regiment, =2.= 363.

  Ranchero, =1.= 19.

  Ranelagh, Viscount, proffer to Mexico, =2.= 306.

  Rangel, J., and preparations below Perote, =2.= 40, 346;
    and Contreras, 110;
    at Molino del Rey, 142;
    at Chapultepec, 157, 161, 410, 411;
    at San Cosme garita, wounded, 161, 162, 413;
    brigade, 369.

  Rank controversy in American army, =1.= 144.

  Ransom, T. B., at Contreras, =2.= 109, 110, 378;
    at Chapultepec, killed, 155;
    regiment, 263.
    _See also_ Ninth Infantry.

  _Raritan_, and Vera Cruz expedition, =2.= 25;
    scurvy, 195;
    in Home Squadron, 197, 442, 446;
    in attack on Tuxpán, 444.

  Raton Pass, Kearny at, aspect, =1.= 291.

  _Razonador_, peace organ, =2.= 82.

  Rea, J., as guerilla, =2.= 173;
    siege of Puebla, 174, 176;
    retirement and overthrow, 178-9, 426-7.

  Rebolledo, J. C., as guerilla, =2.= 171;
    betrayed, 423.

  Recognition of Texas, American, =1.= 66, 422, 423;
    European, 432.

  Red Comet, secret society, =1.= 376.

  _Reefer_, captured, =1.= 511;
    at siege of Vera Cruz, =2.= 238;
    added to navy, 438;
    in Home Squadron, 442, 445, 446;
    in attack on Tuxpán, 444.

  _Reforma_, desires war, =1.= 116.

  Reforms, Farías' attempts, =1.= 45-6.

  Regulars.
    _See_ Army.

  Reid, J. W., in battle of Sacramento, =1.= 309, 311;
    pursuit of Comanches, 521.

  Reid, Mayne, at battle of Chapultepec, wounded, =2.= 156, 157.

  Rejón, M. C., and annexation of Texas, =1.= 86;
    Santa Anna's manifesto (1846), 219;
    and new government, 222;
    return with Santa Anna, 486;
    as leader of Puros, =2.= 2, 3;
    demands and dismissal, 4;
    and demand on Church property, 10, 329, 331;
    rejects peace overtures (1846), 122;
    and Atocha as peace agent, 124;
    key of policy, 125;
    corrupt, 131;
    opposes peace negotiations (1847), 136;
    and treaty of peace, 249;
    and poll tax, 324;
    and British offer of mediation, 368;
    suspected intrigue with Scott, 390.

  Religion.
    _See_ Roman Catholic church.

  Reno, J.L., at Contreras, =2.= 104;
    at Chapultepec, 154.

  Reports, character of American army, =1.= ix, 404, =2.= 59, 354.

  _Republicano_, on financial chaos, =2.= 11;
    on three-million fund, 126;
    on Atocha, 386.

  Repudiation, state, and American war finances, =2.= 256, 294, 478.

  Requena, T., and defence of Monterey, =1.= 233, 489;
    and Santa Anna, 377;
    in Monterey negotiations, 502;
    on Taylor's blunders, 503.

  Resaca de Guerrero.
    _See_ Resaca de la Palma.

  Resaca de la Palma, battle of, map, =1.= 170;
    Mexican position and conditions, 170-2, 467;
    American advance, mêlée, 172-3;
    flanking of Mexican left, 174;
    panic of Mexican right, 174;
    May's charge, 174, 467;
    Arista's conduct, 175;
    flight across Rio Grande, 175;
    little pursuit, 175, 467;
    losses, 176.
    _See also_ Rio Grande campaign.

  _Revista Económica y Comercial_, on Herrera administration, =1.= 438.

  Revolutions in Mexico, as relief for ennui, =1.= 21;
    Hidalgo's attempt (1810), 31;
    Itúrbide's (1821), 33;
    overthrow of Itúrbide (1823), 35;
    Montaño attempt (1827), 38;
    Santa Anna's overthrow of Pedraza (1828), 40-1;
    overthrow of Guerrero (1829), 43;
    Santa Anna restores Pedraza (1832), 44-5;
    attempt against Farías (1833), 46;
    Mejía's attempt (1839), 49;
    attempts of Paredes and Valencia (1841), 50;
    Santa Anna's (1841), 51;
    overthrow of Santa Anna (1844), 53-5;
    attempted Federalist (1845), 56;
    Paredes (1845), 98-9, 120, 438;
    Alvarez (1846), 216;
    overthrow of Paredes, 216-7, 485;
    complexity of this, =2.= 1;
    clerical (Polko), against Farías (1847), 12-4, 230-2.

  Reyes, I., and the defence of northern states, =1.= 305;
    and plans against Taylor, =2.= 165;
    succeeds Santa Anna, 181, 429.

  Reynolds, J. F., at Chapultepec, =2.= 156.

  Reynosa, occupied, =1.= 204, 479.

  Rhett, R. B., position in House, =2.= 496.

  Rhode Island, and peace, =2.= 123.

  Richmond _Enquirer_, on war spirit, =1.= 126;
    on divided sentiment toward Mexico, 443.
    _See also_ Ritchie, Thomas.

  Richtofen, Freiherr von, Prussian minister at Mexico, on Bocanegra's
        note, =1.= 69.

  Ridgely, Randolph, battery at Resaca de la Palma, =1.= 172, 173, 467;
    at Monterey, 254, 492, 496.

  Riley, Bennet, at Cerro Gordo, =2.= 53, 55, 352, 354;
    brigade in Scott's army, 77;
    at Contreras, 104, 108-10, 378-80;
    at Churubusco, 114, 382;
    and plan of attack on Mexico City, 149, 408;
    at Chapultepec, 152;
    advance after armistice, 401;
    at Tacubaya, 461.

  Rincón, Manuel, and Alvarez' revolt, =1.= 216;
    at Churubusco, =2.= 110, 114, 117;
    and high command, 182, 429;
    and peace commission, 239, 466.

  Rincón del Diablo.
    _See_ Diablo.

  Rinconada Pass, Mexicans to retire to line of, =1.= 259;
    Taylor's force at, aspect, 265;
    Wool's march and Mexican abandonment, 508.

  Ringgold, Samuel, in advance to Rio Grande, =1.= 146, 147;
    at Palo Alto, mortally wounded, 164, 167, 465, 466;
    field battery, 450, 451;
    and artillery arm, 451.

  Río, Señor del, and peace negotiations, =2.= 236.

  Río Frio, American post, =2.= 432.

  Rio Grande campaign, river as boundary of Texas, =1.= 138;
    Taylor's force as guard, 142;
    crossing by Mexicans as invasion, 144, 453;
    Taylor's advance to, 145-8, 454;
    retaliatory orders, 148-9, 455;
    Mexicans cross and attack, 149, 455;
    de facto war, Taylor calls for more troops, 150, 205, 458, 480;
    justification of advance to, 151-4, 456-61;
    advance not cause of war, 154-5, 185, 457, 471, =2.= 276-7;
    Mexican force, =1.= 158, 462;
    Matamoros fortifications, 158;
    condition and position of American force, Mexican opinion, 158-60,
          462, 463;
    map of Matamoros and American position, 159;
    minor mishaps, 160;
    Mexican propaganda, 160;
    Mexican impatience for combat, 161, 463;
    Taylor and line of communication, 161, 464;
    Mexican advance on line, 162, 464;
    Taylor's march to Point Isabel, 163;
    return march, train, 163;
    size of American force, 163;
    its morale, 164;
    battle of Palo Alto, 164-9, 465;
    attack on Fort Brown, 164, 176, 467-9;
    pursuit of Mexicans, 169, 466;
    battle of Resaca de la Palma, 170-6, 467;
    Taylor's inaction, permits Mexicans to retire from Matamoros, 176-8,
          469;
    Americans cross and occupy town, 178;
    results of campaign, Taylor's conduct, 178-80, 469, 470;
    effect on Mexicans, 179, 213;
    original American force, =2.= 511.

  Ripalda, Father, catechism, =1.= 13.

  Ripley, R. S., value of his history, =1.= 404;
    on Scott and Taylor, 490;
    on Wool's march, 510;
    on Scott's preparations, 539, 544;
    at Cerro Gordo, =2.= 53, 58;
    on Cerro Gordo, 348, 353, 354;
    on Scott's delay at Puebla, 361;
    on choice of routes, 373;
    on Contreras, 380;
    on Churubusco, 383;
    on Scott and Trist, 392;
    on armistice, 398, 399;
    on Molino del Rey, 403;
    on Scott's failure to prepare, 404;
    on plan to attack city, 405;
    on Chapultepec, 409;
    on Belén garita, 412;
    on San Cosme garita, 413;
    on Scott's failure to occupy country, 433;
    on excesses in Mexico City, 460;
    on peace negotiations, 467.

  Ritchie, Thomas, on southern opposition to the war, =1.= 189;
    on attitude of Whigs, =2.= 276, 279.
    _See also_ Richmond _Enquirer_.

  River and harbor bill, Polk's veto, =2.= 271, 281.

  Rives, W. C., plan to stop the war, =2.= 290.

  Roa Bárcena, J. M., on Mexican desire for war, =1=. 116;
    value of his history, 404;
    on Texan boundary, 449;
    on American and Mexican armies, 469;
    on Taylor and Scott as conquerors, =2.= 324, 511.

  Roads, Mexican, =1.= 16.

  Roberts, B. S., on charge at Cerro Gordo, =2.= 54;
    at Contreras, 104;
    at Chapultepec, 158, 410;
    hoists flag in Mexico City, 164.

  Roberts, W. B., at Cerro Gordo, =2.= 56, 57.

  Robertson, J. B., on mistakes at Monterey, =1.= 503.

  Robinson, J. A., American consul at Guaymas, reports cited _passim_.

  Robles, Manuel, and defences of Vera Cruz, =2.= 19, 334;
    at Cerro Gordo, 42, 43, 45, 348.

  Rockwell, J. A., on Walker, =2.= 480.

  Rogers, R. C., captured, =2.= 444.

  Roland, J. F., company of light artillery, =2.= 366.

  Roman Catholic church in Mexico, religious qualities, =1.= 4, 7, 14,
        22, 26;
    authority and character, wealth, 6-7, 408;
    and education, 14;
    Farías' attempted reforms, 45-6;
    and Seven Laws, 47;
    and Santa Anna's dictatorship, 52;
    fears American influence, 103;
    and war funds, 213-4, 223, =2.= 254, 346, 347, 477;
    Santa Anna declares against ecclesiastical domination (1846), =1.=
        219;
    and war demands on its property, law of Jan. 11, =2.= 8-11, 329;
    Beach's intrigue and revolt, 11-4, 330-2, 334;
    and Santa Anna after revolt, 15, 65, 85, 332;
    arrangement with Scott, 65-7, 331, 357-8;
    and peace, 125;
    incitation of religious fervor against Americans, 142, 346;
    American attitude toward, 211, 221, 324, 458, 459;
    in treaty of peace, 248, 468.
    _See also_ Government; Oligarchy.

  Romero, Manuel, at Monterey, =1.= 243, 494;
    and Taylor's march to Victoria, 542.

  Rosa, Luis de la, opposes peace negotiations (1847), =2.= 136;
    as Peña's minister, 181, 428;
    at exchange of ratifications, appearance, 251;
    and reopening of peace negotiations, 463;
    minister at Washington, 475.

  _Rosita_, Mexican privateer, =2.= 192, 193.

  Rothschilds, and American funds in Mexico, =2.= 266, 488;
    and war borrowings, 481.

  Rowan, John, claims commissioner, =1.= 430.

  Rowe, T. F., at siege of Puebla, =2.= 424.

  Royce, Josiah, on justice of acquiring California, =2.= 322.

  Ruiz de Apodaca. _See_ Apodaca.


  Sabine River, as boundary, =1.= 63.

  Sacramento, Cal., and Sutter's trading post, =1.= 318.

  Sacramento River, battle of, Mexican force, =1.= 306, 519;
    topography, Mexican defences, 306-8, 520;
    map, 307;
    Doniphan's formation, 308;
    his crossing of Arroyo Seco and gaining of plateau, 309;
    repulse of Mexican cavalry, 310;
    artillery duel, 310;
    capture of forts, 311-2, 520;
    losses, 312.

  St. Louis, enlistments, =1.= 195;
    and Santa Fe trail trade, 286.

  St. Louis _Missouri Reporter_, attacks policy of forbearance,
        =1.= 121;
    demand for war, 443.

  St. Louis _Republican_, on rejection of Slidell, =1.= 120;
    on war spirit, 132.

  St. Louis _Reveille_, on war spirit, =1.= 126.

  _St. Mary's_, in occupation of Tampico, =1.= 279, =2.= 197;
    off Vera Cruz, =1.= 486;
    in Home Squadron, =2.= 197, 442.

  Salas, J. M., revolt in favor of Santa Anna, =1.= 217, 222, 485, 488;
    on Santa Anna at San Luis Potosí, 379;
    and Farías and Santa Anna, =2.= 1, 4;
    and Polkos, 3;
    supports Moderados, 4;
    and rising against Farías, 13;
    captured at Contreras, 110, 378;
    and peace negotiations, 122;
    and guerilla warfare, 169;
    command in Army of the North, 369.

  Saldaña, General, captured at Chapultepec, =2.= 411.

  Saltillo, road from Monterey, Worth's movement on it, =1.= 239-44,
        497;
    Taylor's advance and occupation of town, 264-6;
    Wool's expedition diverted to, 275, 358;
    Doniphan joins Wool, 313, 521;
    Santa Anna's plan against (Dec.), 357, 541;
    and battle of Buena Vista, 383, 395, 555, 556, 559;
    Valencia's plans against, =2.= 165;
    under American rule, 213, 452;
    Wool's later force, 417;
    Hamtramck commands, 418.

  San Agustín (Tlálpam), Scott's advance to, =2.= 96-8, 374, 381.

  San Angel, Patterson's division at, =2.= 461.

  San Antonio, Mex., fortification, =2.= 98;
    American reconnaissance and advance, 102-3;
    capture, 112, 382.

  San Antonio, Texas, danger of Mexican attack (1846), =1.= 153;
    gathering of Wool's force, 267;
    aspect, 268.

  San Antonio (Abad) garita, =2.= 147.

  San Blas, as port, =1.= 3;
    blockade, =2.= 206, 207, 448;
    not occupied, 207, 448.

  San Blas battalion, at Chapultepec, =2.= 410.

  San Cosme garita, =2.= 147;
    capture, 161-2, 413-4, 416.

  San Diego, Cal., in the conquest, =1.= 336, 340, 534.

  San Fernando de Presas, =1.= 259, 502.

  San Fernando de Rosas, Wool at, aspect, =1.= 272.

  San Francisco, Cal., importance of port, effort to acquire, =1.= 95,
        323-4, 436.

  San Gerónimo village, in battle of Contreras, =2.= 104, 105, 107, 379,
        380.

  San Isidro, Harney at, =2.= 94.

  San Jacinto, battle of, =1.= 47.

  San José, Lower Cal., occupied, counter-attacks, =2.= 208, 448, 449.

  San Juan, American post, =2.= 432.

  San Juan Bautista, Perry's attacks, =2.= 199, 204-5, 443, 445.

  San Juan de Ulúa, fortress, captured by French, =1.= 49;
    position and strength, 349, 536, =2.= 19, 21, 333;
    plan, 21;
    and the siege, 33;
    surrender, occupation, 36, 340;
    plan for naval attack, 201, 444.
    _See also_ Vera Cruz expedition.

  San Lucas, occupied, =2.= 208.

  San Luis Potosí, situation, =1.= 3;
    Santa Anna at, 375-80;
    his march against Taylor, 380;
    Scott's intention to occupy, =2.= 184, 432;
    war-party insurrection, 240, 466.

  San Luis Potosí battalion, at Monterey, =1.= 494.

  San Luis Potosí cavalry, at Monterey, =1.= 494.

  San Luis Potosí state, in discussion on peace, =2.= 464.

  San Pascual, Cal., battle, =1.= 341-2;
    map, 341.

  San Patricio, Texas, Taylor's intended movement, =1.= 452.

  San Patricio corps of Irish deserters, at Buena Vista, =1.= 391, 393,
        395;
    origin, 494, 550;
    at Churubusco, =2.= 111, 117, 385;
    fate, 385.

  Sanders, John, and artillery in Monterey campaign, =1.= 228;
    in battle of Monterey, 246.

  Sands, J. R., at siege of Vera Cruz, =2.= 338.

  Santa Anna, Antonio López de, and education, =1.= 14;
    first appearance, 31;
    in Itúrbide's revolt, 33;
    revolt against Itúrbide, 35;
    and overthrow of Pedraza (1828), 40, 41;
    and Spanish invasion, 41;
    appearance and character, 42, 54, 220, 414, 415, 487, =2.= 312-3,
        510;
    in retirement, =1.= 44, 45, 47, 48, 52;
    restores Pedraza (1832), 44-5;
    elected President (1832), 45;
    dictator with reactionary support, 46, 415;
    plans, effect of Texan revolt, 47;
    loses leg in attack on French, hero, 49;
    undermines Bustamante, 49-50;
    and Paredes revolt, 50;
    seizes power (1841), dictatorship, 51-2;
    constitutional President, 53;
    overthrow, banished, 53-4;
    and United States and Texas, 63, 66, 85-6, 433;
    plans against Texas (1842-3), 67, 70;
    closes New Mexican trade, 72;
    and claims, 78;
    hatred of United States, 103;
    boasts power of army, 106;
    invites a blockade, 110;
    incites fears of Spanish America, 111;
    on desire for war, 116;
    "butcher," 117;
    Polk's negotiations (1846), 201-3, 471, 478-9, =2.= 491, 493;
    combination against Paredes, =1.= 215-7, 485;
    Alvarez' revolt in favor of, 216;
    return, 218, 486;
    manifesto, 219;
    position and caution, 219-22, 487;
    policy and command of army only, 222-4;
    reception at the capital, 222, 488;
    sets out for front, 223;
    and Monterey campaign, 230, 234, 494, 503;
    and termination of Monterey armistice, 264;
    and Tampico, 278, 511;
    potential army, 283, 513;
    policy toward northern frontier, 305;
    and Doniphan's march, 306;
    and California, 319;
    plan to attack during Taylor's Victoria march, 357;
    programme of one victory, 374-5;
    at San Luis Potosí, incites patriotism, 375;
    attitude of states toward, 376, 550;
    and National Guard and officers, 376;
    financial worries and operations, 377, =2.= 254-5, 477;
    character of his northern army, =1.= 377, 379, 550;
    rumors of his intended treachery and dictatorship, 378, 379, 551;
    inaction condemned, 379;
    plan to attack Taylor's weak and isolated force, 379, 543, 552;
    march, force, 380-2, 552-4;
    discovered by Americans, their flight to Buena Vista, 382-3, 554;
    battle of Buena Vista, 384-97;
    retires to preserve organized army, 397-8, 562;
    retreat to San Luis Potosí, 398;
    credited with victory, 399;
    robs treasury (1844), 432;
    and Texan boundary, 449;
    and Salas and Farías, =2.= 1;
    and Puros, 2-5;
    and shelving of Farías, 4, 327;
    and election (1846), 5;
    and Church property, 9-12, 65, 329, 331;
    and clerical revolt, supersedes Farías, 13-4, 331;
    political position as Executive (1847), 14-5, 332;
    and defence of Vera Cruz, 20, 334;
    on surrender of Vera Cruz, 33, 341, 342;
    preparations against Scott below Perote, 40-2, 346;
    defences and force at Cerro Gordo, 42-5, 347, 348;
    battle of Cerro Gordo, 48-59, 352;
    flight, 55;
    in retreat, 67, 358;
    preparations at Orizaba, funds, 67, 359;
    political influences on movements, at Puebla, 68-9, 360;
    Amozoc affair, evacuates Puebla, 70, 360;
    loss of prestige after Cerro Gordo, 80, 367;
    as target for discontent, 82;
    return to capital with army, breach of faith, 82-3, 368;
    resumes executive power, opposition, 83-5;
    defied by states, 86-7;
    collection of matériel, 87;
    organization of army, its character and officers, 87-9, 369;
    plan of operation against Scott's advance, 89-90, 370;
    defences, 90;
    power and enthusiasm for, on start of final campaign, 91-2;
    and Scott's march to San Agustín, 97-8, 374;
    confidence in, again lost, 98;
    southern line, 99-101, 374;
    and Valencia's occupation of Contreras field, 102, 375;
    and battle of Contreras, 105, 106, 110, 379, 380;
    preparations at Churubusco, 110-1, 382;
    battle of Churubusco, 112-9, 382-5;
    attitude toward peace on his return (1846), 122, 124, 386;
    and Trist mission, 130-2;
    peace move after Churubusco, 133;
    armistice, 133, 137-8, 394-6;
    activity during it, combination against him, 134, 136, 398;
    peace negotiations during armistice, 135-8, 396-400;
    preparations at Molino del Rey, 142;
    and the battle there, 144, 402, 404;
    preparations against attack on city, 152;
    and Chapultepec, 153-5, 410;
    at Belén garita, 159, 160, 413;
    at San Cosme garita, 161, 162;
    evacuates the city, 163, 415;
    and uprising in city, 167, 168, 420;
    and guerilla warfare, 169;
    siege of Puebla, 174-6;
    battle of Huamantla, 176-8, 425, 426;
    eliminated, 179-81, 427, 428;
    yields command, 181, 429;
    voluntary exile, 181, 242, 429;
    and salary, 327;
    capture of his wooden leg, 354;
    Scott's proclamation on, 357;
    and British offer of mediation, 368;
    almost captured, 427.
    _See also_ Mexico expedition.

  Santa Barbara, Cal., Pico's convention, =1.= 329, 527;
    occupied by Stockton, 337;
    Frémont at, 345;
    captured by insurgents, 534.

  Santa Cruz de Rosales, capture, =2.= 166.

  Santa Fe, Mex., powder-mill, =1.= 462, =2.= 87.

  Santa Fe, N. Mex., Texan expedition, =1.= 72, 118;
    occupied by Kearny, 296;
    aspect, 296;
    troops remaining at, 298;
    population, 517;
    condition of force at, 518.
    _See also_ next title, and New Mexico.

  Santa Fe trail, development and importance, =1.= 72, 284, 286, 514;
    Kearny's expedition on, 288-9, 515.

  Santa Rosa, Wool at, =1.= 272.

  Santa Rosa Pass, skirmish, =1.= 541.

  Santangelo, O. G. D. de A., claim, =1.= 427;
    on outrages, 448.

  Santiago, Fort, at Vera Cruz, =2.= 19.

  _Saratoga_, in Pacific squadron, =2.= 189;
    yellow fever, 195;
    in Home Squadron, 446.

  Saunders, J. L., attack at Tampico, =2.= 197, 441.

  Saunders, R. M., American minister at Madrid, and Spanish mediation,
        =2.= 503.

  _Savannah_, at Monterey, =1.= 335;
    and Frémont, 345, 536;
    in Pacific squadron, =2.= 189, 447.

  Schatzel, I. P., American consul at Matamoros, =1.= 455.

  School of Mines, Mexican, =1.= 14.

  Scenery, Mexican.
    _See_ Physical aspect.

  _Scorpion_, in Home Squadron, =2.= 446.

  Scott, H. L., at siege of Vera Cruz, =2.= 335;
    of Scott's staff, 366.

  Scott, Martin, at Monterey, =1.= 245, 498.

  Scott, Winfield, political ambition and the war, =1.= 130, =2.= 284,
        390, 391;
    relations with Polk, =1.= 130, 354, =2.= 75, 188, 436, 511;
    and Taylor and Bliss, =1.= 141;
    and Twiggs-Worth controversy, 144;
    and advance to Rio Grande, 152-4;
    and command in the field, 196, 198;
    character, 197, 545, =2.= 248, 316-8;
    war policy and clash with administration, relegated, =1.= 198-200,
         476-8;
    and Taylor's intelligence system, 227;
    on Monterey, 261, 505, 506;
    and Taylor, 262, 352, 353, 363, 368, 544;
    and defensive-line policy, 283;
    and war programme, 350, 351;
    selected to command Vera Cruz expedition, 351-4;
    and earlier rebuff, 353, 539;
    and Harney, 364-5, 545, 546;
    attitude toward Pillow, 367, =2.= 186, 378;
    character of reports, =1.= 404, =2.= 59, 354;
    and flintlocks, =1.= 450;
    on Polk's alarm at outbreak, 476;
    and Taylor's advance from the Rio Grande, 490;
    and Doniphan's expedition, 517;
    and Taylor's insubordinate advance, 547;
    on Twiggs, =2.= 48;
    attitude of troops, 49;
    at Cerro Gordo, 56;
    at Contreras, 105, 106, 378, 379;
    at Churubusco, 111, 118, 119, 383;
    halt after Churubusco, on it, 121, 386;
    quarrel with Trist, 128, 389;
    reconciliation and harmony, 130, 392, 397;
    and douceur, 131, 132, 390, 391;
    and Mexican attitude toward Trist, 132, 133, 390, 393;
    peace move after Churubusco, 133;
    armistice then, 133, 137, 138, 394-6, 398-9;
    and Molino del Rey, 143, 147, 401, 402;
    decides to attack Chapultepec, 149, 408;
    misgivings on it, 154;
    at the battle, 158;
    and advance after Chapultepec, 161, 412, 414-6;
    in Mexico City, 164, 415-6;
    cabal against, 185-8, 434-8;
    and Worth, 186, 361;
    removed, 188, 438;
    orders for military government, 455-7;
    and Catholic church, 221;
    discipline in Mexico City, 226, 459-60;
    and local government there, 229;
    on conduct of his army, 231;
    pessimism on war outlook, 235;
    and recall of Trist, 238, 465;
    and peace negotiations and de facto truce, 240, 242, 467;
    promise to protect peace government, 240;
    and armistice after signing of peace, 242, 471;
    magnanimity, 248, 317;
    and tariff for Mexican ports, 262;
    and levies on Mexicans, 265, 486-7;
    political effect of Polk's attitude, 272;
    political effect of actions, 278;
    and foreign interests, 303;
    achievement, 316-8;
    invited to be dictator, 323;
    on plan at Cerro Gordo, 350;
    rebuke of Worth at Puebla, 361;
    and Semmes's mission, 389;
    suspected Rejón intrigue, 390;
    Scott not acting in politics, 390;
    proposal to facilitate peace by halting before Mexico, 393;
    at southern front, 408;
    and Peña government, 428;
    plea for adequate forces, 510;
    contrasts regulars and volunteers, 512.
    _See also_ Mexico expedition; Vera Cruz expedition.

  _Scourge_, in attack on Tuxpán, =2.= 203, 444;
    at Alvarado, 344;
    in Home Squadron, 446.

  Scouting.
    _See_ Intelligence.

  Scurvy, in navy, =2.= 194.

  _Sea_, at Tampico, =1.= 281.

  Secession, and Texan annexation, =2.= 272.
    _See also_ Coalition.

  Second Artillery, in Scott's army, =2.= 77;
    at siege of Vera Cruz, 343;
    at Churubusco, 384;
    in Lane's march to Puebla, 426;
    garrison at Puebla, 433.

  Second Dragoons, at Fort Jesup, =1.= 140;
    go to Texas, 142-3;
    advance to Saltillo, 264;
    at Buena Vista, 388, 555;
    in Monterey campaign, 492, 496;
    at the battle, 497;
    in Wool's march, 509;
    in Harney's brigade, 541;
    in Scott's army, =2.= 77;
    at siege of Vera Cruz, 343;
    at Churubusco, 384;
    in Taylor's later force, 417.

  Second Infantry, in Victoria march, =1.= 357;
    in Harney's brigade, 541;
    at Cerro Gordo, =2.= 53;
    in Scott's army, 77;
    at Churubusco, 114, 382;
    at siege of Vera Cruz, 343.

  Second Ligero, at Resaca de la Palma, =1.= 173, 174;
    at Monterey, 494;
    at Cerro Gordo, =2.= 52, 347.

  Sedgwick, John, on Reynosa, =1.= 212;
    on Scott and Pillow, =2.= 439.

  Seiffart, ----, Prussian minister at Mexico, and peace negotiations,
        =2.= 397.

  Semmes, Raphael, at San Cosme garita, =2.= 162;
    wrecked, 194;
    on Worth at Puebla, 360;
    bias of account, 373;
    on Churubusco, 383;
    and Scott, 389;
    on Molino del Rey, 402, 403.

  Senate, treaty of peace in, =2.= 246-8, 472-3.
    _See also_ Congress, American.

  Senobio, M., and siege of Vera Cruz, =2.= 31;
    in preparations below Perote, 40, 41;
    guerilla, 421.

  Sentmanat, Francisco, executed, =1.= 117, 241.

  Serfdom in Mexico, =1.= 5.

  Seven Laws, =1.= 47;
    failure, 50.

  Seventh Infantry, in Texas, =1.= 143;
    Mexican propaganda in, 161;
    at Fort Brown, 163;
    march to Camargo, 209;
    at Monterey, 245, 247, 492, 496, 501;
    left there, 508;
    in Smith's brigade, 541;
    at Cerro Gordo, =2.= 51, 54, 55, 352;
    in Scott's army, 77;
    at Churubusco, 114, 382;
    at siege of Vera Cruz, 343.

  Seventh Line Infantry, Mexican, at Sacramento, =1.= 307;
    at Monterey, 494.

  Severance, Luther, encourages enemy, =2.= 280;
    position in House, 496.

  Sevier, A. H., on Polk and peace, =2.= 245;
    ratification commissioner, 249, 251, 474.

  Seward, W. H., on expansion, =1.= 444.

  Seymour, Sir George, and California, =1.= 334, 336, 531.

  Seymour, T. H., at Chapultepec, =2.= 410.

  Shannon, Wilson, American minister at Mexico, and annexation of Texas,
        =1.= 86, 87.

  _Shark_, in Pacific squadron, =2.= 189.

  Shaw, T. D., at siege of Vera Cruz, =2.= 338.

  Shawnee Indians, in Kearny's expedition, =1.= 288.

  Sherman, T. W., at Buena Vista, =1.= 390, 392, 395, 555;
    in Smith's brigade, 541;
    light artillery, =2.= 366.

  Sherman, W. T., on California and independence, =1.= 321;
    on treaty of peace, =2.= 246.

  Shields, James, on enlistment, =1.= 195;
    in Wool's march, 271, 509;
    at Tampico, as governor, 282, =2.= 229, 418, 461;
    Taylor on, =1.= 352;
    in Vera Cruz expedition, 368, =2.= 27;
    at Brazos, =1.= 476;
    career, 509;
    before Cerro Gordo, =2.= 49;
    in the battle, 52, 53, 55;
    wounded, 55, 352;
    brigade in Scott's army, 78;
    at Contreras, 105, 107, 108, 110, 379, 380;
    at Churubusco, 115-7, 384;
    force after that battle, 120;
    wounded at Chapultepec, 157;
    discipline, 215;
    and douceur, 391;
    and plan to attack Mexico City, 408;
    retained in service, 432;
    leaves Mexico, 438;
    not West Pointer, 513.

  Shiver, Captain, in Monterey campaign, =1.= 492, 496.

  Shover, W. H., at Saltillo, =1.= 556, 559.

  Shubrick, W. B., commands Pacific squadron, blockade order, =2.= 206,
        446;
    operations, 206-8, 447-9;
    and occupied territory, 208.

  _Siglo XIX_, on Herrera's rule, =1.= 56;
    on Americans, 103;
    on corruption, 417;
    on Paredes revolt, 438;
    on Church property and war funds, =2.= 8.

  Silva, Mariano, and surrender of Monterey, Cal., =1.= 334.

  Simmons, S. G., in Lane's march to Puebla, =2.= 426.

  Simms, W. G., and absorption of Mexico, =2.= 243;
    on Vera Cruz expedition, 336.

  Simpson, Sir George, on California, =1.= 321.

  Sinaloa state, and secession, =2.= 86.

  Sitgreaves, Lorenzo, reconnaissance in Wool's march, =1.= 271.

  Six-months men, Gaines's requisition and service, =1.= 196, 205, 452,
        476, =2.= 272, 511.

  Sixteenth Infantry, in Taylor's later force, =2.= 417, 418.

  Sixth Infantry, in Wool's march, =1.= 509;
    in Scott's army, =2.= 77;
    at Churubusco, 112, 115, 116, 384;
    at siege of Vera Cruz, 343;
    at Molino del Rey, 402;
    at Belén garita, 412.

  Sixth Line Infantry, Mexican, at Monterey, =1.= 494;
    at Cerro Gordo, =2.= 44, 54, 347.

  Size of Mexico, =1.= 1.

  Slavery, Mexico counts on help of American slaves, =1.= 107;
    European warning against expansion, 114;
    interests and attitude toward Mexico, 123;
    extension not cause of war, 187-9, 473;
    and war annexations, =2.= 274, 289, 492, 502;
    politics of Wilmot Proviso, 286-7;
    and stopping of the war, 500.

  Slidell, John, Mexican mission and rejection, =1.= 91, 95-8, 100-1,
        127, 145, 326, 436-9, 447, 453, 460;
    on Oregon and Mexican controversies, 114, 115;
    effect of rejection on American opinion, 120;
    on failure of mission, 133, 135, 181;
    and advance to Rio Grande, 152;
    report on Santa Anna's attitude, 201;
    and Patterson, 351;
    and peace negotiations, =2.= 126, 387;
    and Conner, 202;
    House demand for instructions, 500.

  Sloat, J. D., pacific instructions to (1845), =1.= 131, 447;
    instructions on California, 326, 526, 530;
    hesitation, final occupation of Monterey, 333-5, 530-1;
    gives place to Stockton, 336;
    squadron, =2.= 189.

  Smith, A. J., and Mormon battalion, =1.= 290.

  Smith, Ashbel, on Polk and war, =1.= 446.

  Smith, C. F., at Resaca de la Palma, =1.= 172;
    at Monterey, 242, 244, 498;
    in march to San Agustín, =2.= 98;
    at Churubusco, 112, 115, 116, 384;
    battalion at Molino del Rey, 144, 145, 403;
    and at Chapultepec, 161.

  Smith, D. W., American consul at Matamoros, reports cited _passim_.

  Smith, Ephraim Kirby, mortally wounded at Molino del Rey, =2.= 403.

  Smith, G. W., and Cerro Gordo, =2.= 349;
    with Scott, 366.

  Smith, Isaac, on mistakes at Monterey, =1.= 503.

  Smith, J. L., engineer company with Scott, =2.= 349, 356, 366;
    and plan of attack on Mexico City, 408.

  Smith, J. M., at Churubusco, =2.= 117.

  Smith, M. L., reconnoitres Old Peñón, =2.= 369.

  Smith, P. F., brigade in march to Monterey, =1.= 229, 492, 496;
    in the battle, 245, 498;
    commands at Monterey, 508;
    brigade, 541;
    and Cerro Gordo, =2.= 52;
    brigade in Scott's army, 77;
    at Contreras, 104-10, 376, 379;
    at Churubusco, 114;
    at Chapultepec, 156, 158, 408, 410;
    in Mexico City, 163;
    as governor there, 226;
    armistice negotiations, 242, 394;
    and evacuation, 252, 475;
    on engineers, 320;
    court of inquiry on Worth, 361;
    credit for Contreras, 376;
    career and character, 377;
    not at conference on attack on capital, 408;
    not West Pointer, 513.

  Smith, Sidney, and American repudiation, =2.= 256.

  Smith, William, on the war, =2.= 499.

  Smuggling, Mexican, =1.= 17, 410.

  Social conditions, in Mexico, idleness, =1.= 15, 22;
    in country, 18;
    in villages and towns, 19-21;
    at the capital, 21-8;
    character of ruling class, 25-7;
    general conclusions, 28, 410;
    Mexican statement on character, 411.
    _See also_ Character; Population; Roman Catholic church.

  Society, Mexican, conditions, =1.= 25;
    intercourse in occupied territory, =2.= 230-1, 461-2.

  Soldado, Fort, at Monterey, =1.= 241;
    capture, 245, 498.

  _Somers_, wrecked, =2.= 194;
    in Home Squadron, 197, 442.

  Sotepingo, captured, =2.= 113.

  Soto, Juan, and defending of Vera Cruz, =2.= 22, 31, 341;
    and preparations below Perote, 41;
    and Santa Anna at Orizaba, 68.

  South Carolina troops, call, =1.= 537;
    in Taylor's later command, =2.= 417.
    _See also_ Palmetto.

  _Southampton_, in Pacific squadron, =2.= 447.

  _Southern Quarterly Review_, on Worth, =2.= 360.

  Spain, colonial policy, =1.= 29-30;
    and Mexican-American relations (1846), 100;
    and monarchy for Mexico, 448, 485, 486;
    and Mexican privateering, =2.= 193;
    attitude, 297, 298;
    and blockade, 440, 449;
    and mediation, 503.
    _See also_ Bermúdez de Castro; Lozano.

  Spanish, as class in Mexico, =1.= 3;
    merchants, 17.
    _See also_ Gachupines.

  Spanish America, and expected Mexican-American war, =1.= 111;
    and the actual war, =2.= 298.

  Spanish language, key of pronunciation, =1.= xxi.

  _Spectator_, on misrule in Mexico, =2.= 509.

  Speight, Jesse, position in Senate, =2.= 496.

  _Spitfire_, in occupation of Tampico, =1.= 279, 281;
    in attack on Tuxpán, =2.= 203, 444;
    at siege of Vera Cruz, 338;
    in Home Squadron, 446.

  Spooner, ----, Mexican Spy Company, =2.= 362.

  _Springfield Illinois State Register_, on war and expansion, =1.= 444.

  Staff, Scott's, =2.= 306.

  Staniford, Thomas, brigade in Monterey campaign, =1.= 492.

  States, Mexican.
    _See_ Federalism.

  Stauffer, Mrs. W. R., acknowledgment to. =1.= 451;
    on Bliss, 451.

  Stearns, A. J., as trader in California, =1.= 318;
    and American occupation, 337.

  Stephens, A. H., on the war, =1.= 183.

  Steptoe, E. J., battery in Scott's army, =2.= 77;
    during Chapultepec, 152, 409;
    in Mexico City, 163;
    at Cerro Gordo, 348;
    at Belén garita, 415.

  Sterett, J. S., at siege of Vera Cruz, =2.= 338.

  Stevens, I. I., on mistakes at Monterey, =1.= 502;
    at Churubusco, =2.= 113, 383;
    on Cerro Gordo, 350, 353;
    engineer with Scott, 366;
    reconnoitres Old Peñón, 369;
    on Molino del Rey, 402;
    reconnoitres southern approach to capital, 408;
    and plan of attack on capital, 408.

  Stevenson, J. D., in California, =2.= 219.

  Stewart, Andrew, on Walker, =2.= 480.

  Stockton, R. F., pacific instructions to (1845), =1.= 131;
    command in California, character, 336, 532;
    and Frémont, address, 336, 532;
    first southern campaign, 336-7, 532;
    rule, 337-8;
    plan against Mexico, 338;
    second southern campaign, 339-44, 534-5;
    sends aid to Kearny, 341;
    and Frémont's capitulation, 346;
    and blockade, =2.= 205;
    relinquishes rule, 217.

  Stone, C. P., ordnance officer with Scott, =2.= 366.

  Storms, Mrs., in Mexico, =2.= 11;
    and Scott, 39;
    and absorption of Mexico, 243.

  Storrs, Augustus, claim, =1.= 425.

  _Stromboli_, in Home Squadron, =2.= 446.

  Sub-treasury plan restored, =2.= 257, 479.

  Sumner, Charles, on cause of war, =1.= 189;
    attitude, 274;
    demands recall of troops, 290.

  Sumner, E. V., and Harney, =1.= 365;
    at Cerro Gordo, disabled, =2.= 52, 350;
    in Scott's army, 77;
    at Molino del Rey, 144, 146, 403;
    during and after Chapultepec, 161, 408, 410, 414.

  Supplies.
    _See_ Transportation.

  Supreme Court, on title by conquest, =2.= 241, 468.

  Surnames, Spanish, =1.= 44 _n._

  Sutter, J. A., trading post, =1.= 318, 522.

  Swift, A. J., and engineer corps, =1.= 451.


  Tabasco River, Perry's expeditions, =2.= 199-200, 204-5, 443, 445;
    map, 205.

  Tacitus, on a Roman general, =2.= 313.

  Tacubaya, Americans at, =2.= 134;
    aspect, 138.

  Tacubaya, Bases of, =1.= 51.

  Talbot, Theodore, escape from Santa Barbara, =1.= 534.

  Talcott, G. H., battery in Scott's army, =2.= 77;
    at Cerro Gordo, 348.

  Talcott, George, ordnance bureau, =1.= 474.

  Tamaulipas cavalry, at Monterey, =1.= 494.

  Tamaulipas state, plan to occupy, =1.= 263, 507;
    authorities and Urrea, =2.= 166;
    attitude toward United States, 215;
    general occupation, 418;
    and American tariff, 484.
    _See also_ Tampico; Victoria.

  Tampico, as port, =1.= 2;
    situation, map, 276;
    defences, 277;
    reasons for occupation, 277, 511;
    Conner's attitude, 277;
    Mexicans evacuate, 278-9, 510;
    American navy occupies, 279-81, 511-2;
    securing, 281-2, 512, 546;
    march of troops from Victoria to, 366, 546;
    assemblage for Vera Cruz expedition, 367, 546;
    plans for uprising, =2.= 165;
    first naval attack, 197, 441;
    under American rule, 214-5, 229, 230, 452, 461;
    aspect, 214;
    garrison, 418;
    American tariff, 484.

  _Tampico_, at siege of Vera Cruz, =2.= 338;
    in Home Squadron, 445.

  Tariff, Mexican protective, =1.= 17;
    American, and the war, 105, 130, 186;
    of 1846, political effect, opposition, =2.= 257, 273, 281, 286,
        478-9;
    proposed, on tea and coffee, 261, 285, 482;
    American, for Mexican ports, 261-3, 303, 484, 500, 505.

  Tattnall, Josiah, in occupation of Tampico, =1.= 281, 512;
     in attack on Tuxpán, wounded, =2.= 203;
    at siege of Vera Cruz, 338, 339.

  Taxation, Mexican, of mines, =1.= 15;
    Mexican war, =2.= 253;
    question of American war, 258, 480.
    _See also_ Finances; Tariff.

  Taylor, Francis, field battery, =1.= 450;
    in Scott's army, =2.= 77;
    at Churubusco, 114;
    during Chapultepec, 152, 409;
    at Cerro Gordo, 348.

  Taylor, George, at Huamantla, =2.= 425, 426.

  Taylor, William, American consul at Vera Cruz, reports cited _passim_.

  Taylor, Zachary, at Fort Jesup, =1.= 140;
    career, 140;
    character and ability, 140-1, 352, =2.= 315-6, 318;
    Bliss as adjutant, =1.= 141, 451, =2.= 318;
    takes force to Corpus Christi, =1.= 141-3;
    its original size and first reinforcements, 142, 143, 454, =2.= 511;
    condition of force, =1.= 143;
    and Worth-Twiggs rank controversy, 144;
    attitude of officers and men, 144, 362, 372, 374, 549;
    Rio Grande campaign [_see_ this title];
    neglects to acquire information, 145, 161, 208, 226, 249, 374, 451,
        464, 476, 478, 549;
    fortifies the Mexicans, 158-61, 163, 177;
    hero after Rio Grande campaign, 179;
    Presidential ambition, personal effect, perverted judgments, 179,
        208, 352, 363, 368, 538, 547, =2.= 284;
    and volunteers, =1.= 191, 474, =2.= 212, 450;
    relations with Polk, mutual hostility, =1.= 196, 263, 352-3, 507,
        538, 544, 547;
    continued in command, 200, 478;
    feelings and problems at Matamoros, 204, 208, 481;
    volunteer reinforcements, their camps and morale, 205-8, 480, 481;
    Monterey campaign, [_see_ this title];
    results of campaign to, 261, 506;
    condition and size of force after it, 262, 506;
    fears displacement, 262;
    and Scott, 262, 352, 353, 363, 368, 544;
    and Patterson's orders for Tamaulipas, 263, 507;
    advance and occupation of Saltillo, 264-6;
    and Wool's march, 275, 276, 509, 510;
    entire force of department (Dec., 1846), 282, 355, 513, 537, 539;
    defensive-line policy, 282-3, 347, =2.= 183;
    insubordinate letter to Gaines, =1.= 347, 507;
    on war programme, 349, 536;
    instructed not to operate beyond Monterey, 350;
    and command of Vera Cruz expedition, 351-3, 539;
    and Scott's plans for expedition, 355-6, 363, 540, 543-4, 546, 552;
    sets out for Victoria, 357-60, 541-2;
    frustrates Scott's plan for conference, 356, 358, 541, 542;
    temporary return to Monterey expecting attack, 357;
    to Victoria, 362;
    returns to Monterey, 365, 368;
    insubordinate advance to Agua Nueva, 368, 373-4, 547;
    Buena Vista campaign [_see_ this title];
    belittles enemy, 374, 463;
    visits to Saltillo during battle, 383, 388, 555, 556;
    return to the field, 385, 391;
    personal part in battle, 393, 395;
    guerilla operations against, suppression of them, 399, =2.= 169-71,
        421, 422;
    effect of battle on Presidential chances, =1.= 400;
    on capture of Tampico, 511, 512;
    force at time of Buena Vista battle, 548;
    and further operations, =2.= 165, 417;
    Valencia's plans against, 165, 419;
    leaves front, 166;
    ordered policy toward inhabitants, 210-1;
    failure to preserve discipline at Matamoros, 211, 450;
    and levies on Mexicans, 264;
    political effect of Polk's attitude, 272;
    and of own actions, 278, 493;
    candidacy as vindication of the war, 292;
    foreign criticism, 306-7, 507;
    achievement, 315-6, 318;
    later force, 417;
    not West Pointer, 513.

  Taylor, Fort.
    _See_ Brown.

  Tea and coffee, proposed American impost, =2.= 261, 285, 482.

  Tecolote, Kearny's expedition at, =1.= 292.

  Tehuacán, and Santa Anna, =2.= 429.

  Tehuantepec, in peace negotiations, =2.= 466.

  _Telégrafo_, on Santa Anna as hero, =1.= 485.

  Telégrafo hill at Cerro Gordo, fortifications, =2.= 42, 44;
    attacks on, capture, 52-5, 350, 352, 354.

  Téllez, Rafael, and California expedition, =1.= 523, =2.= 447;
    at Mazatlán, 207, 447.

  Temascalitos.
    _See_ Brazito.

  Temple, R. E., regiment in Taylor's force, =2.= 417.

  Ten Regiment Bill, passage and amendment, =2.= 74-5, 363-4.

  Tenería redoubt at Monterey, =1.= 249-250;
    capture, 251-3, 500;
    after capture, 255.

  Tennessee troops, enlistments, =1.= 195;
    in Texas, 205;
    at Camargo, 211;
    in Victoria march, 357;
    in Monterey campaign, 492, 496;
    at Cerro Gordo, =2.= 56, 57, 352, 353;
    at siege of Vera Cruz, 343;
    leave Scott, 356;
    further call, 431.

  Tenth Infantry in Taylor's force, =2.= 417, 418.

  Tenth Line Infantry, Mexican, at Chapultepec, =2.= 408.

  Terrés, A., at Belén garita, =2.= 159, 160, 413;
    brigade, 369.

  Terrett, G. H., at Chapultepec, =2.= 410.

  Tête de pont.
    _See_ Bridgehead.

  Texas, effect of revolt on Santa Anna, =1.= 47;
    conditional recognition by Mexico, 55;
    American efforts to purchase, 59, 62, 418, 419;
    United States and revolt, recognition and neutrality, 63, 66,
        422-3, 432, =2.= 311;
    neutrality and Gaines's expedition, =1.= 64-6, 420-2;
    British designs, 67;
    Santa Anna's threatened invasions (1842-43), 67, 70, 121;
    Webster's protest (1842), 69;
    antislavery opposition and Mexican relations, 70;
    Santa Fe expedition, 72, 118;
    annexation justified, 82-3, 432, =2.= 311, 322, 509;
    and European aid, =1.= 82, 86;
    Mexico and expected annexation, 83-6;
    American offers of indirect payment to Mexico, 84-6, 88-9, 91, 95,
        433-6;
    Mexican diplomatic rupture and war preparations on annexation, 87,
        126, 132, 434;
    as expected theatre of war, 107, 110;
    Europe and annexation, 113, =2.= 295, 303, 501, 502, 506;
    American resentment of Mexican outrages, =1.= 117;
    protection and question of southern boundary, 138, 153, 457, 470;
    Taylor's force in, 142-3, 454;
    annexation as cause of the war, 189, 445-6, 448, =2.= 276;
    and Jackson's message on claims, =1.= 428;
    British and French recognition of republic, 432;
    in peace negotiations, =2.= 135, 136, 238, 396, 398, 399, 463, 464,
        469;
    effect of annexation on Polk's position, 272;
    justice of revolt, 311;
    and Kearny's occupation of New Mexico, 497.
    _See also_ Rio Grande; Texas troops.

  Texas, Fort.
    _See_ Brown.

  Texas troops, rangers, =1.= 143, 236;
    calls, 150, 480, 537;
    in Monterey campaign, 237, 241-4, 256, 492, 496, 501;
    and Santa Anna's advance, 382, 554;
    at Buena Vista, 389, 556;
    retaliation for guerillas, =2.= 169;
    conduct, 212, 450;
    in Taylor's later force, 417;
    in Lane's operations, 427.
    _See also_ Hays; Henderson, J. P.

  Theatre, Mexican, =1.= 24.

  Thiers, L. A., and United States, =2.= 296.

  Third Artillery, in Twiggs's division, =1.= 541;
    at Buena Vista, 555;
    in Scott's army, =2.= 77;
    in California, 219;
    at siege of Vera Cruz, 343;
    in Taylor's later force, 417;
    at Huamantla, 425.

  Third Cavalry, Mexican, at Monterey, =1.= 494.

  Third Dragoons, in Scott's army, =2.= 77, 364, 432;
    origin, 363;
    in Taylor's later force, 417;
    in Lane's operations, 426, 427.
    _See also_ Dragoons.

  Third Infantry, at Fort Jesup, =1.= 140;
    goes to Texas, 141-2;
    at Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma, 164, 167, 467;
    at Monterey, 250, 256, 492, 496, 502;
    in Harney's brigade, 541;
    at Cerro Gordo, =2.= 54, 352;
    in Scott's army, 77;
    at Churubusco, 117;
    at siege of Vera Cruz, 343;
    at Chapultepec, 410.

  Third Ligero, at Monterey, =1.= 494;
    at Cerro Gordo, =2.= 347;
    at Chapultepec, 410.

  Third Line Infantry, Mexican, at Monterey, =1.= 494;
    at Cerro Gordo, =2.= 44, 347.

  Thirteenth Infantry, in Taylor's force, =2.= 417.

  Thom, George, topographical engineer with Scott, =2.= 366.

  Thomas, G. H., at Reynosa, =1.= 204;
    at Buena Vista, 394.

  Thompson, G. L., special mission to Mexico, =1.= 84, 85, 433.

  Thompson, G. W., on Democratic dissensions, =2.= 282.

  Thompson, Waddy, minister at Mexico, and decree expelling Americans,
        =1.= 73-4;
    and claims, 80, 426, 432;
    and Bocanegra's threat, 84;
    on Mexico and slavery, 188;
    opposes war, 189;
    encourages enemy, =2.= 280.

  Thornton, Edward, of British legation at Mexico, and Trist mission,
        =2.= 130, 131, 390;
    and peace, 133;
    and reopening of negotiations, 237-9, 463;
    and mediation, 506.

  Thornton, S. B., force captured, =1.= 149, 455.

  Thucydides, on vigilance in campaign, =1.= 371;
    on power and justice, =2.= 323.

  Thurman, A. G., on Delano's inconsistency, =2.= 277;
    position in House, 496.

  Tibbatts, J. W., regiment in Taylor's force, =2.= 417.

  _Tiempo_, monarchist organ, =1.= 214;
    on Americans, 484.

  Tilden, D. R., on regulars, =2.= 320.

  Tlacotálpam, Hunter at, =2.= 344.

  Tlálpam.
    _See_ San Agustín.

  Tlaxcala, Americans at, =2.= 427.

  Tobacco monopoly, mismanagement, =2.= 328.

  Todos Santos, skirmish, =2.= 449.

  Toluca, seat of Peña's government, =2.= 180;
    occupied, 184, 433.

  Toluca, Valley of, Americans in, =2.= 134;
    aspect, 180.

  Toluca battalion, at Chapultepec, =2.= 408.

  Toombs, Robert, on Polk and war, =1.= 130;
    opposes war, 189.

  _Topaz_, claim, =1.= 424.

  Topo road at Monterey, Worth's advance, =1.= 239, 241-4, 497.

  Topographical engineers with Scott, =2.= 366.

  Topography of Mexico, =1.= 1.
    _See also_ Physical aspect.

  Tornel y Mendivil, J. M., appearance, =1.= 25;
    character, 46;
    and Santa Anna's interests, 46, 49, =2.= 83, 85;
    and Herrera, =1.= 56;
    and Butler, 62;
    and expulsion of Americans, 73;
    and Paredes, 99;
    hatred of United States, 103;
    on Texas as theatre of war, 107;
    and hope in privateering, 109;
    and the war, 213, 484;
    and attack on Taylor, 456;
    and overthrow of Paredes, 485;
    opposes peace negotiations (1847), =2.= 137;
    and clerical crusade against Americans, 142;
    and uprising in city, 167;
    and riot during armistice, 396;
    and Molino del Rey, 404.

  Torrejón, A., attacks Thornton, =1.= 149;
    force at Matamoros, 158;
    on Taylor's line of communication, 162;
    at Palo Alto, 165, 167, 168;
    at Resaca de la Palma, 171;
    at Buena Vista, 390, 557;
    brigade in Monterey campaign, 494;
    at Las Bocas, 553;
    at Contreras, =2.= 107, 110, 378.

  Totten, J. G., chief engineer, =1.= 475;
    at siege of Vera Cruz, =2.= 335, 336.

  Tower, Z. B., at Cerro Gordo, =2.= 50, 56, 349;
    reconnoitres San Antonio, 102;
    at Contreras, 107, 379;
    engineer with Scott, 366;
    reconnoitres southern approach of capital, 408;
    and plan of attack on capital, 408.

  Towns, aspect of Mexican, =1.= 19-21.

  Towson, Nathan, paymaster general, =1.= 475.

  Traconis, J. B., at San Juan Bautista, =2.= 200.

  Trade.
    _See_ Commerce.

  Traill, X. F., at Buena Vista, =1.= 389.

  Transportation, in Mexico, =1.= 16, 18;
    in Taylor's advance to Monterey, 209, 227, 482, 490, 491, 493;
    in Wool's march, 274;
    Taylor's and guerilla warfare, 399-400, =2.= 169-70;
    Scott's problem and guerillas, 38, 62, 77, 171, 344, 355, 365, 422,
        423.

  Treasury.
    _See_ Finances.

  Treasury notes, American war issues, =2.= 258, 260, 479-82.

  Treaties and conventions, draft, of limits (1828), =1.= 60, 418;
    of limits (1832), 61, 419;
    of amity and commerce, 61, 419;
    claims arbitration (1838, 1839), 79, 81, 431.
    _See also_ Peace.

  Trias, Angel, as governor of Chihuahua, =1.= 305-6;
    battle of Sacramento, 306-13, 519, 520;
    at Rosales, =2.= 166, 419.

  Trigueros, Ignacio, conference with Santa Anna, =2.= 368.

  Trist, N. P., on monks, =1.= 408;
    and Texas boundary, 449;
    appointment as Polk's agent, character, =2.= 127;
    preconceived attitude toward Scott, 127;
    papers, 128;
    misunderstanding and quarrel with Scott, 128-9, 389;
    British mediation with Mexicans, 129-30, 390;
    reconciliation and harmony with Scott, 130, 392, 397;
    and douceur, 131-2;
    negotiations during armistice, 135-6, 138, 396-400;
    on Pillow, 185;
    reopens negotiations, 235, 463;
    recall, 236, 464;
    ignores it, 237-8, 465, 467;
    boundary ultimatum, 238;
    meetings and treaty, 239-40, 466;
    criticism of Polk, Polk's hatred, 244;
    ignored in ratification commission, 248, 473;
    on Scott, 316, 317;
    Mexican commissioners on, 323;
    and plan of attack on Mexico City, 408;
    on volunteers, 513.

  _Triton_, blockader, =2.= 448.

  Trollope, Frances E., jibes, =2.= 294.

  Trousdale, William, at Chapultepec, =2.= 154, 160, 410;
    regiment, 363.

  _Truxtun_, wrecked, =2.= 202, 445;
    in Home Squadron, 442.

  Tucker, George, on Walker, =2.= 480.

  Tula, force at, =1.= 550, 553.

  Turnbull, William, topographical engineer with Scott, =2.= 366.

  Tuxpán, naval capture, =2.= 202-3, 444.

  Twelfth Infantry, in Scott's army =2.= 78, 363, 422, 432;
    at Churubusco, 384;
    during Chapultepec, 408.

  Twiggs, D. E., in Texas, =1.= 143;
    rank controversy, 144;
    advances to Rio Grande, 146;
    at Palo Alto, 164, 167;
    in Monterey campaign, 250, 404, 492, 496;
    division reorganized, 357, 541;
    to Tampico, 357, 365-6;
    at Lobos Islands, 368;
    landing at Vera Cruz, =2.= 26;
    at siege, 27, 30, 343;
    march of division to Cerro Gordo, 39, 45-8, 345, 349;
    force and artillery, 45;
    appearance and character as general, 48;
    blunders into Cerro Gordo defences and retreats, 48, 349;
    question of assault, 49;
    in the battle, 50-3, 350, 352, 354;
    march to Puebla, 72;
    division in Scott's army, 77, 356;
    in advance from Puebla, 92, 94, 97, 371;
    at Contreras, 103, 109, 380;
    at Churubusco, 113, 383, 385;
    force after the battle, 120;
    during armistice, 134;
    advance after armistice, 142, 401;
    and plan of attack on Mexico City, 149, 408;
    feint during Chapultepec, 152, 153, 409;
    court of inquiry on Worth, 361;
    on credit for Contreras, 376;
    governor of Vera Cruz, 457;
    and peace negotiations, 464.

  Twiggs, Levi, at Chapultepec, killed, =2.= 156, 157;
    commands Marines with Scott, 366.

  Tyler, John, expects war with Mexico (1842), =1.= 69;
    and California, 324.


  Ugarte, M., and Kearny's march, =1.= 289, 294, 297.

  Ulúa.
    _See_ San Juan de Ulúa.

  _Unico_, Mexican privateer, =2.= 191, 193.

  Unión battalion, at Chapultepec, =2.= 408.

  _United States_, at Monterey, =1.= 423.

  University, Mexican, =1.= 14.

  Upham, William, and war bill, =1.= 183.

  Upper class.
    _See_ Aristocracy.

  Upshur, A. P., and Mexican-Texan relations, =1.= 70;
    protest against trade restrictions, 73;
    and annexation of Texas, 84.

  Upton, Emory, on inadequacy of Mexico expedition, =2.= 510.

  Uraga, J. López, at Palo Alto. =1.= 165;
    at Resaca de la Palma, 173, 174;
    at Monterey, 233, 494;
    at Cerro Gordo, =2.= 53.

  Urrea, José, forays, =1.= 400, 562;
    at Tula, 550;
    at Buena Vista, 553;
    and plans against Taylor, =2.= 165;
    removed, 166;
    guerilla, 169.


  Valencia, G., revolt, =1.= 50;
    plots against Santa Anna, 52;
    and Paredes, 99;
    and Santa Anna (1846), 377, 550;
    and Taylor's march to Victoria, 542;
    at Tula, 550;
    hostility to Santa Anna (1847), =2.= 82, 83;
    sent north, 84;
    brings northern army to capital, 88;
    character, 88, 375;
    in plan against Scott's advance, 90, 96;
    fails, 95;
    ordered to southern front, 98;
    size of force, 101, 375;
    appearance, 101;
    occupation of Contreras field, 101, 102, 104, 375;
    battle, 104-10, 377-80;
    escapes, 110, 380;
    and Trist mission, 131, 132;
    in a combination against Santa Anna, 134, 136;
    in Scott's rear, 148;
    plans for movement against Taylor, 165, 419;
    subordinates, 369;
    captured, 429.

  Vallejo, M. G., leader in California, =1.= 319;
    American partisan, 328;
    captured, 332.

  Valverde, Doniphan at, =1.= 298-9.

  Van Buren, Martin, and claims on Mexico, =1.= 78-9, 429;
    on cause of war, 189;
    and California, 324;
    followers and Polk, =2.= 270, 281;
    followers and Wilmot Proviso, 286.

  _Vandalia_, at California, =1.= 339.

  Vanderlinden, Pedro, at Buena Vista, =1.= 385.

  Vattel, Emerich de, on self-preservation, =1.= 136;
    on justification of war, 155;
    on enemy goods, =2.= 261.

  Vázquez, Ciriaco, at Cerro Gordo, =2.= 52, 53;
    killed, 54, 352.

  Vázquez, F. P., bishop of Puebla, on law of Jan. 11, =2.= 329;
    and battle of Cerro Gordo, 347;
    complaint on American desecration, 459.

  Vázquez, J. A., at Tula, =1.= 550.

  Vázquez, J. M., guerilla, =2.= 421.

  Vega, R. D. de la.
    _See_ La Vega.

  Vegas.
    _See_ Las Vegas.

  Velázquez de León, Joaquin.
    _See_ León.

  Venado, force at, =1.= 553.

  Vera Cruz, as port, =1.= 2;
    aspect, life, =2.= 18, 35, 221-2.
    _See also_ next title.

  Vera Cruz expedition, considered, risk, defences of city, =1.= 349-50,
        536, =2.= 18-20, 333;
    adoption of project, =1.= 350-1;
    new troops to be raised, 351, 537;
    question of commander, 351-4;
    Scott's plan and preparations, 354, 539-41;
    and yellow fever, 354, =2.= 22, 23, 37, 59, 336, 339, 342, 344;
    responsibility thrown on Scott, =1.= 355, 540;
    troops from Taylor's command, his resentment, 356, 362-3, 365, 540,
        543, 544, 546, 552;
    Scott at Brazos Island, 356;
    Taylor frustrates Scott's plan for conference, 356, 358, 541, 542;
    difficulties of assemblage at Brazos, 363-5, 544;
    march from Victoria to Tampico, 365-6, 546;
    assemblage at Tampico, Scott there, 367, 546;
    rendezvous at Lobos Islands, 367, =2.= 17;
    sailing to Antón Lizardo, 17-8, 332;
    policy and preparations for defence, garrison, 20-22, 334;
    and Polko revolt, 20, 331, 334;
    problem and solution of attack, 22-3, 335-6;
    landing of American force, 23-7, 336;
    general map of siege, 24;
    investment, 27;
    Scott's warning to city, 27, 337;
    establishment of first batteries, 27-9, 337;
    map of American batteries, 28;
    shortage of requisites for siege, 28, 29, 336, 338, 339;
    initial bombardment, inadequacy, 29;
    mosquito fleet, 29, 338;
    dissatisfaction of officers, 30;
    naval battery and later bombardment, 30, 338;
    conditions within city, 30-2, 337, 339;
    negotiations and surrender, 32-3, 340, 342;
    justification of bombardment, casualties in city, 33, 339, 341;
    condition of Scott's force, 34-5, 342;
    occupation, 35-6, 343;
    American garrison, 37;
    plans for naval attack on Ulúa, 201, 444;
    American rule of city, 220-2, 457;
    American evacuation, 252;
    foreign comment, 307;
    Scott's "cabinet," 335;
    American force at siege, 336, 343;
    American losses, 343;
    American tariff, 484.
    _See also_ Mexico expedition.

  Vera Cruz state, guerilla warfare, leaders, =2.= 169, 171, 421;
    American assessment on, 265;
    appeal to Mexican factions, 334;
    manifesto on Santa Anna, 359.
    _See also_ Soto.

  Veramendi, M. R., and uprising against Americans, =2.= 420.

  Vergara Camp, =2.= 222.

  Verónica causeway, =2.= 147, 161;
    advance over, 161.

  _Vesuvius_, in attack on Tuxpán, =2.= 444;
    in Home Squadron, 445, 446.

  Vice, prevalence in Mexico, =1.= 22, 23, 26, 27.
    _See also_ Gambling; Liquor.

  Vice Presidency, abolished in Mexico, =2.= 15.

  Victoria, Guadalupe, as partisan leader, =1.= 32;
    in Itúrbide's revolt, 33;
    revolt against Itúrbide, 35;
    as President, 37-40;
    and Texas, 60, 418;
    and commercial treaty, 61.

  Victoria, Taylor's march, =1.= 357-60, 541-2;
    Santa Anna's plan to attack, 357;
    Patterson's march, 360-2, 542, 543;
    map of his march, 360;
    march from, to Tampico, 365-6, 546;
    Taylor leaves, 368.

  Victoria battalion, formation, =2.= 3;
    at San Antonio, 112, 384.

  Vidal, Luis, and Doniphan's advance, =1.= 301, 518.

  Viga garita, =2.= 148.

  Vigas, as defensive point, =2.= 39;
    Worth at, 60.

  Vigil y Alarid, J. B., receives Kearny at Santa Fe, =1.= 296.

  Vigne, G. T., on American rule at Jalapa, =2.= 225.

  Villages, aspect of Mexican, =1.= 19.

  Villevêque, ----, French agent in Mexico, reports cited _passim_.

  Vinton, J. R., at Monterey, =1.= 246.

  Vinton, S. F., position in House, =2.= 496.

  Virginia, legislature on the war, =1.= 119.
    _See also_ next title.

  Virginia troops, calls, =1.= 537, =2.= 364;
    in Taylor's later force, 417;
    slow response to call, 431.

  _Vixen_, in occupation of Tampico, =1.= 279;
    in attack on Alvarado, =2.= 198, 199;
    in Tabasco expedition, 200;
    in attack on Tuxpán, 203, 444;
    at siege of Vera Cruz, 338;
    in Home Squadron, 446.

  Voltigeur regiment, in Scott's army, =2.= 78, 422, 432;
    at Chapultepec, 154-7;
    origin and status, 363;
    at Churubusco, 385;
    at Molino del Rey, 402, 403.

  Volunteers, authorization, =1.= 182, 190;
    errors in system, term, officers, their character, 191-2, 207, 474;
    Taylor and, 191, 474, =2.= 212, 450;
    first call and response, =1.= 192-5, 445, 475, 476;
    mustering, New Orleans camp, and voyage to Texas, 195-6, 475;
    Gaines's six-months men, 196, 205, 452, 476, =2.= 272, 511;
    conditions in Texan camps, morale, =1.= 205-8, 480, 481;
    further calls, 351, 537, =2.= 76, 364, 430, 431;
    Wool on, =1.= 371;
    term-expired men leave Scott, =2.= 63-4, 356;
    infamous conduct at Matamoros, 211-2, 450;
    excesses at Monterey, 212, 450;
    and elsewhere, 213, 214, 224, 225;
    officers and their men, 215;
    statistics, 318;
    contrast with regulars, 319-20, 512-3;
    authorized size of army (1847), 431;
    supposed number (Nov., 1847), 432.
    _See also_ Army; names of states.

  Von Holst, H. E.
    _See_ Holst.

  _Voz del Pueblo_, advocates war, =1.= 107, 434;
    on chances of expected war, 110;
    on Slidell mission, 436.


  Wagons. _See_ Transportation.

  Walker, Sir Baldwin, and American commander, =2.= 446.

  Walker, R. J., and expansion, =1.= 188;
    and the war, 471;
    and absorption of Mexico, =2.= 243, 244;
    opposes treaty of peace, 246;
    pre-war financial estimates, 255;
    tariff and political ambition, 257, 478;
    and need of more revenue, 258, 260, 480;
    loan negotiations, distrusted, 259, 260, 262, 480-2;
    proposed tax on tea and coffee, 261, 482;
    tariff for Mexican ports, 261-2;
    and levies on Mexicans, 264-5, 487;
    opposition to policy, 273, 281;
    as leader, 282;
    integrity, 488.

  Walker, S. H., surprise, =1.= 160, 463;
    bold trip to Fort Brown, 464;
    at Monterey, 501;
    operations against guerillas, =2.= 172, 423;
    appearance, 177;
    at Huamantla, killed, 177, 425, 426.

  Wall, William, at Punta Aguda, =1.= 562.

  Wallace, Lew, enlistment of company, =1.= 195.

  Wallace, W. H. L., at Buena Vista, =1.= 561.

  Walpole, Frederick, on California and independence, =1.= 321.

  War, simplicity, =1.= x;
    principles, 405.

  War department, staff, =1.= 474.
    _See also_ Marcy, W. L.

  War of 1812, Federalist opposition, =2.= 280.

  War spirit.
    _See_ Attitude; Outbreak; Popularity.

  Ward, H. G., British minister at Mexico, and Monroe Doctrine,
        =1.= 112;
    on Mexican character, 410;
    and Texas, 419.

  Warehouse bill of 1846, =2.= 257, 479;
    success, 263;
    opposition, 273.

  Warren, W. B., at Saltillo, =1.= 556.

  _Warren_, in Pacific squadron, =2.= 189, 205, 447.

  Washington, J. M., battery at Buena Vista, =1.= 384, 386, 389, 344,
        555, 558;
    field battery, 450;
    in Wool's march, 509.

  Washington, Camp, before Vera Cruz, =2.= 27.

  Washington and Baltimore battalion, at Monterey, =1.= 250, 251, 492,
        496;
    in Quitman's brigade, 541;
    garrison at Tampico, 546;
    at siege of Vera Cruz, =2.= 343.

  Washington _Globe_, on war spirit, =1.= 132.

  Washington _National Intelligencer_.
    _See_ _National Intelligencer_.

  Washington _Union_, and Polk's alleged desire for war, =1.= 446;
    on failure of peace negotiations, =2.= 138;
    challenge to Polk's critics, 284;
    and victorious war, 292.

  Watson, S. E., brigade in Scott's army, =2.= 78, 366, 432.

  Weatherford, William, at Buena Vista, =1.= 555.

  Weber, J. L., on Mexican army, =1.= 408.

  Webster, Daniel, Bocanegra correspondence, =1.= 68;
    protests further war on Texas, 69;
    on Mexican responsibility, 76, =2.= 508;
    and annexation of Texas, =1.= 82, 433;
    on Slidell mission, 98;
    on claims controversy, 120;
    and California, 127, 324;
    on Polk and war, 130;
    and war bill, 183, 472;
    and employment of volunteers, 192;
    and advance to Rio Grande, 458;
    and peace, =2.= 123, 387;
    opposition to the war, 126;
    pessimism on peace prospects, 235;
    and treaty of peace, 247, 472, 473;
    on cost of the war, 267;
    ineffective war criticism, 278-80, 494;
    on control of occupied territory, 285;
    on tariff, 286;
    and no-territory plan, 288;
    Presidential candidacy and success of war, 291;
    results of opposition, 314;
    and defensive-line policy, 430;
    on war and slavery extension, 492;
    and Corwin's speech, 494;
    position in Senate, 496;
    on tariff for Mexican ports, 500;
    on American attitude toward Mexico, 508;
    on volunteers, 513.

  Webster, L. B., battery in Monterey campaign, =1.= 496;
    at Saltillo, 556, 559.

  Weed, Thurlow, and Taylor's Presidential candidacy, =1.= 179.

  Weightman, R. H., battery in Kearny's expedition, =1.= 288, 515;
    in battle of Sacramento, 310, 312.

  Welles, Gideon, on Marcy, =1.= 475;
    on tariff, =2.= 273.

  Wellington, Duke of, on Scott's expedition, =2.= 89.

  Wells, J. M., guerilla attack on, =2.= 172.

  Weng hieri, Alonzo, arms for Mexican army, =2.= 346.

  Wentworth, John, and tax on tea and coffee, =2.= 285.

  West Point, value of training, =2.= 320.
    _See also_ Army.

  Westcott, J. D., Jr., position in Senate, =2.= 496.

  Whale fishery, American, and occupation of California, =1.= 323, =2.=
        514;
    and Mexican War, 205, 446, 447.

  _Whig Almanac_, on Polk, =2.= 276.

  Whig party, and outbreak of the war, inconsistencies, =1.= 185, 444,
        472, =2.= 267-7, 283;
    encourage enemy, 126, 280-1, 289, 495;
    and responsibility, 275;
    jibes at Polk, 275-6;
    and conduct of Whig generals, 277, 493;
    effect of Corwin's speech, 278, 494;
    character of Webster's war criticism, 278-80, 494;
    ghosts of the opposition to War of 1812, 280;
    position in war-time Congress, 283;
    character of opposition there, 284-6;
    and Wilmot Proviso, 286-7, 498;
    no-territory plan, 287-8, 498;
    protract war, 288;
    Clay's speech and resolutions, 289;
    control of House programme, 290;
    effect on, of success of warm, 290-1;
    about face, 292;
    results of opposition, 292-3, 501;
    and treaty of peace, 472;
    proper attitude, 493;
    leaders in Senate, 496;
    _See also_ Opposition.

  Whistler, William, in Texas, =1.= 143.

  White, E. D., and Gaines' Nacogdoches expedition, =1.= 421.

  Wickliffe, C. A., American confidential agent in Texas, reports cited
      _passim_.

  Wilcocks, J. S., American consul at Mexico, reports cited _passim_.

  Wilcox, C. M., value of his history, =1.= 404;
    on criticism at Monterey, 503.

  Wilhelm, Thomas, on Taylor in Monterey campaign, =1.= 496.

  Wilkes, Charles, on California and independence, =1.= 321.

  Williams, Thomas, of Scott's staff, =2.= 366.

  Willock, David, with Price, =1.= 516, 517.

  Wilmot, David, and Wilmot Proviso, =2.= 286, 498;

  Wilmot Proviso, politics, =2.= 286-7;
    objections, 498.

  Wilson, Benito, surrender, =1.= 339.

  Wilson, Henry, at Reynosa, =1.= 204;
    brigade in Monterey campaign, 492, 496;
    governor of Vera Cruz, superseded, =2.= 432, 457.

  Wilson, L. D., and Twelfth Infantry, =2.= 363.

  Winthrop, R. C., on cause of the war, =1.= 189, =2.= 277;
    on Slidell mission, =1.= 438;
    and peace, =2.= 123;
    position in the House, 496.

  Women, Mexican, of upper class, =1.= 24, 25.

  Wood, Allen, at Churubusco, =2.= 384;

  Wood, W. M., and Sloat, =1.= 334.

  Wool, J. E., as mustering officer, =1.= 195;
    gathering of Chihuahua force at San Antonio, 267-8;
    character of force, 268-9;
    character and discipline, appearance, 268, 269, 273, 275, 276, 509;
    and Harney's escapade, 269;
    march to Monclova, 270-3, 509;
    map of march, 271;
    halt during Monterey armistice, 273, 509;
    hardships and criticism of march, 273, 509-10;
    wagon train, 274;
    Parras route, 274, 510;
    at Parras, 275;
    diversion of expedition to near Saltillo, 275, 358;
    results of march, 276, 510;
    force (Dec., 1846), 283, 513;
    and Doniphan's expedition, 313, 521;
    command at Saltillo, carelessness of scouts, 370-1;
    diminished morale of troops, 371;
    on volunteers, 371;
    asks aid from Taylor, 372;
    in advance to Agua Nueva, 374;
    and retreat, preparations at Buena Vista, 383-5, 534, 555;
    in the battle, 393, 396, 558;
    and retreat of Mexicans, 398;
    march and Mexican abandonment of Rinconada Pass, 508;
    succeeds Taylor in command, =2.= 166;
    and suppression of guerilla warfare, 170;
    levies on Mexicans, 265, 487;
    and mutiny at Buena Vista, 418;
    and force after succeeding Taylor, 417, 432;
    and conduct of Texan volunteers, 450;
    evacuates, 475;
    not West Pointer, 513.

  Wooster, C. F., at battle of Sacramento, =1.= 520.

  Worth, W. J., in Texas, =1.= 143;
    rank controversy, 144;
    on Taylor, 144, 260, 501, 502;
    and advance to Rio Grande, 147, 152, 454;
    leaves front, 158;
    return, at Camargo, 211;
    in march on Monterey, 228, 229, 492, 496;
    at battle of Monterey: movement to Saltillo road, 241-4, 497;
    on Ampudia, 241;
    appearance and character, 241, 498, =2.= 186, 360, 434;
    capture of Federation Ridge, =1.= 244-6, 498;
    and Independence Hill and Bishop's Palace, 246-8, 499;
    Taylor neglects concerted action, 256-7;
    attack in city, 257-8, 501;
    and negotiations, 260, 501;
    as real victor, 261;
    in command at Saltillo, 264;
    as commander there, force, 266, 282, 541;
    Wool's force joins, 276;
    and expected attack (Dec.), 357, 541;
    and gathering of Vera Cruz expedition, 364, 365;
    and Harney, 365;
    embarks, 368;
    on war spirit, 444;
    and gathering of information, 490;
    on Taylor's lack of transportation, 491;
    on camp at Cerralvo, 493;
    landing at Vera Cruz, =2.= 25-6;
    and the siege, 30;
    and negotiations, 33;
    and surrender, 36;
    at Cerro Gordo, 50, 351, 352;
    pursuit to Perote, 60-1;
    advance to Puebla, 65-6, 69;
    Amozoc affair, 70;
    conference on Puebla, 70, 361;
    occupies it, 71;
    mistakes as ruler, Scott's rebuke, 71-2, 361;
    "scarecrows," 72;
    division in Scott's army, 77, 343, 356;
    in advance to Valley of Mexico, 93-4, 371;
    at San Agustín, 97, 374;
    reconnoitres San Antonio, 102-3;
    captures it, 112, 382;
    at Churubusco, 114-6, 383, 384;
    force after the battle, 120;
    during armistice, 134;
    study of Molino del Rey, 143;
    in the battle, 143-7, 402-4;
    at Chapultepec, 153, 156, 157, 161, 409, 410;
    misgivings there, 154;
    advance and capture of San Cosme garita, 161-2, 413-4, 416;
    in the city, 164, 416;
    in uprising, 167;
    cabal against Scott, arrest, 186-8, 434-6;
    Polk rescues, 188;
    discipline as governor of Saltillo, 213, 450;
    on excesses of volunteers, 213;
    armistice negotiations, 242;
    and lead in Mexico expedition, 345;
    in plan of attack by Mexicaltzingo, 372, 373;
    and Contreras, 381;
    and failure to advance after Churubusco, 386;
    not at conference on attack on city, 408;
    in command of Mexico expedition, 476;
    on volunteers, 513;
    not West Pointer, 513.

  Wright, George, at Molino del Rey, wounded, =2.= 143, 144.

  Wright, Silas, and Polk, =2.= 270.

  Wynkoop, F. M., at Cerro Gordo, =2.= 56, 57, 353;
    rule at Jalapa, 224;
    and guerillas, 422;
    at Huamantla, 425, 426;
    in Lane's operations, 426.

  Wyse, F. O., in De Russey's expedition, =2.= 418.


  Yell, Archibald, and Santa Anna's advance, =1.= 383, 554;
    and Wool, 509;
    at Buena Vista, 555, 558.

  Yellow fever, and Vera Cruz expedition, =1.= 354, =2.= 22, 23, 37, 59,
        336, 339, 342, 344;
    and Mexico expedition, 42, 59, 64, 348;
    in navy, 195;
    in New Orleans, 431.

  York rite of Masons.
    _See_ Masons.

  Yucatan, Santa Anna as commandant, =1.= 40;
    naval operations, 201, 204;
    attitude during the war, 203-4;
    annexation question, 472.

  Yulee, D. L., position in Senate, =2.= 496.


  Zacatecas, situation, =1.= 3;
    powder-mill, 462;
    Scott's intention to occupy, 184, 432.

  Zacatecas state, and Santa Anna, =1.= 47, 86, 376, 550;
    unrest, =2.= 234;
    Americans in, 418;
    in discussion on peace, 464.

  Zavala, Lorenzo de, and overthrow of Pedraza, =1.= 41.

  Zerecero, Colonel, brigade, =2.= 369.

  Zubieta, Pedro, on judicial system. =1.= 409.


Printed in the United States of America.




Transcriber's Note

In general, Spanish names, when used in English phrases, are printed
without accents. The country is referred to as 'México' when the
language is Spanish, and 'Mexico', without the accent, when in English.
On occasion, the printer fails to observe this distinction. These are
considered as printer's errors, and have been corrected here.

Where variants in spelling occur in quoted passages, they are always
retained.

The use of accents in Spanish proper nouns is not consistent. These
have been corrected, where detected, to assist in searches.

On p. 338, the reference to "37. Scott to Conner, Mar. 16" seems a
corruption for "=164=Scott to Conner", which agrees with all other
references to this source.

On p. 486, a reference printed mere as "=6= Memoir on Mex.
finances." most likely should be "=61=Memoir on Mex. finances.
Sen. 19; 30, 1, pp. 2-4 (Scott).". There is a separate reference to
that memoir in note 33.2, using =61=.

Also on p. 486, the asterisk appearing in "_Amer. Review_, Jan., 1848,
p. *2" is not explained.

The references in the Index are for both Volumes I and II. The volume
number is included in bold type when the entries shift from one to the
other. On occasion these volume numbers were missed and have been added.

On p. 570, the page references for California, following "in peace
negotiations and treaty," are to be found in volume II. The volume
number "=2.=" has been added. On p. 572, the volume reference for
volume I for Chihuahua Rangers is missing and has been added. On
p. 620, the references for W. J. Worth, beginning with "capture of
Federation Ridge" are in volume I, and that volume number has been
added.

The ordered list of numbered resources is missing #368. Nor are there
any `references to that number.

The following table describes other textual issues, and the resolution
of each. The [x/y] annotations mark the additions, deletions or
substitutions made to the text. Minor inconsistencies of punctuation in
the Notes have been silently corrected. On several occasions, letters
or numbers have gone missing from the images used to prepare this text.
Where the word intended is clear, these have been added silently.


  p. 137 ass[s]embly                                       Removed.

  p. 185 boyant                                            _sic._

  p. 192 aga[ni/in]st                                      Corrected.

  p. 217 neccessary                                        _sic._

  p. 280 deser[ser]tion                                    Removed.

  p. 286 opposi[si]tion                                    Removed.

         mea[s]sure Removed.

  p. 291 out-an-out                                        _sic._

  p. 348 a besieging force [c]ould                         Restored.

         Roa B[a/á]rcena, Recuerdos, 197-8                 Corrected.

  p. 378 a[n/i]d he believed                               Corrected.

  p. 383 not [to] be thrown away                           Added.

  p. 401 Caldéron / Calderón                               Accent
                                                              corrected.

  p. 434 dou[tb/bt]less                                    Corrected.

  p. 449 American casu[a]lties                             Added.

  p. 450 He[r/n]shaw                                       Corrected.

  p. 458 Col[l]ección de Itinerarios.                      Removed.

  p. 460 mutiliation                                       _sic._

  p. 480 Pennsyl[v]ania                                    Added.

  p. 485 deficienc[i]es                                    Added.

  p. 564 Sant[e/a] Fe                                      Corrected.

  p. 571 Téléegrafo / Telégrafo                            Accent
                                                              corrected.

  p. 582 policy of neutrality, =[2].= 300;                 Volume added.

  p. 588 Mansfield, J. K. F., at Monterey, Page =1.=
          [259/239], 250, 251, 500;                        Corrected.

  p. 601 intolerable conditions facing, =1.= 134-7;        Volume added.

  p. 617 conditions in Texan camps, morale, =1.=
           205-8, 480, 481;                                Volume added.