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University of Illinois Studies in the Social Sciences
Vol. 111. No. 3        September, 1914

THE SCANDINAVIAN ELEMENT IN THE UNITED STATES

by

KENDRIC CHARLES BABCOCK, Ph. D.

Dean of the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences in the University of
Illinois

Sometime Fellow in the University of Minnesota and in Harvard
University







PRICE $1.00

Published by the University of Illinois
Urbana

Copyright, 1914
By the University of Illinois




  TO
  HARRY PRATT JUDSON, KNUTE NELSON,
  NICOLAY A. GREVSTAD, AND ALBERT BUSHNELL HART
  IN GRATEFUL RECOGNITION OF
  UNFAILING ASSISTANCE, ENCOURAGEMENT,
  AND FAITHFUL CRITICISM




CONTENTS


  CHAPTER I
  Introduction--General discussion                            7-14

  CHAPTER II
  Swedes, Norwegians, and Danes                             15-21

  CHAPTER III
  Early Norwegian Immigration                               22-34

  CHAPTER IV
  The Rising Stream of Norwegian Immigration                35-49

  CHAPTER V
  Swedish Immigration before 1850                           50-61

  CHAPTER VI
  The Danish Immigration                                    62-65

  CHAPTER VII
  A Half Century of Expansion and Distribution, 1850-1900   66-78

  CHAPTER VIII
  Economic Forces at Work                                  79-105

  CHAPTER IX
  The Religious and Intellectual Standpoint               106-129

  CHAPTER X
  Social Relations and Characteristics                    130-139

  CHAPTER XI
  The Scandinavian in Local and State Politics            140-156

  CHAPTER XII
  Party Preferences and Political Leadership              157-178

  CHAPTER XIII
  Conclusion                                              179-182

  CHAPTER XIV
  Critical Essay on Materials and Authorities             183-204

  APPENDIX I
  Statistical Tables of Population                        206-216

  APPENDIX II
  Statistics of Three Minnesota Counties                      217

  INDEX                                                   219-223




CHAPTER I.

INTRODUCTION.


The history of the United States, according to newer views which have
largely supplanted, or progressed beyond, those of the New England
school of great historians, is the history of the march of a
civilization, chiefly English, across the vast North American continent,
within the short period of three hundred years. It is the story of the
transformation of a wide-stretching wilderness--of an ever-advancing
frontier--into great cities, diversified industries, varying social
interests, and an intensely complex life. Wave upon wave of races of
mankind has flowed over the developing and enlarging West, and each has
left its impress on that area. Across the trail of the Indian and the
trapper, the highway of the pioneer on his westward journey, have spread
the tilled fields of the farmer, or along it has run the railroad. The
farm has become a town-site and then a manufacturing city; the trading
post at St. Paul and the village by the Falls of St. Anthony have
expanded into the Twin Cities of the Northwest; the marshy prairie by
the side of Lake Michigan, where the Indians fought around old Fort
Dearborn, has come to be one of the world's mighty centers of urban
population--and all this transformation within the memory of men now
living.

The progress of this rapid, titanic evolution of an empire was greatly
accelerated by the desires, the strength, and the energy of multitudes
of immigrants from Europe; and in at least six great commonwealths of
the Northwest the Swedes, Norwegians, and Danes have been among the
chief contributors to State-building. During the eighty years ending in
June, 1906, among the 24,000,000 immigrants who came to the United
States, the Scandinavians numbered more than 1,700,000. Whether viewed
as emigrations on the eastern shores of the Atlantic, or as immigrations
on the western shores, these modern _Völkerwanderungen_ constitute one
of the wonders of the social world, in comparison with which most of the
other migrations in history are numerically insignificant. The
Israelites marching out of Egypt were but a mass of released bond-men;
the invasions of the Goths, Vandals, and Huns were conquering
expeditions, full of boisterous, thoughtless, unforecasting energy. Even
the immigration from Europe to America in the whole of the seventeenth
century scarcely equalled in number the columns which moved westward in
any one year from 1880 to 1890.

In this flux of humanity, mobile almost to fluidity, various in promise
of utility, shifting in proportions of the good and bad, of pauper,
refugee, and fanatic, or "bird of passage", sweatshop man, and
home-builder, there has been such an interplay of subtle and vast forces
that no just and final appreciation can as yet be reached. But some sort
of tentative conclusions may be arrived at by intensive study of each
immigrant group, following it through years and generations, searching
for its ramifications in the body politic and social.

The student of this phase of American history must attempt the
scientific method, and exercise the patience, of the student of physical
nature. No geologist, for example, would think for a moment of
generalizing as to the history and the future of a continent of
complicated structure after a few examinations here and there of
cross-sections of its strata. He must know from thoro-going observation
the trend, thickness, and composition of each stratum; he must trace, if
possible, the sources of the material which he finds metamorphosed; he
must be familiar with the physical and the chemical forces at work in
and on this material,--heat, pressure, movement, affinities, gases,
water, wind, and sun. In like manner, the student of immigration as a
whole, or of a section as large as that of the Scandinavians or
Italians, must make careful discriminations as to previous conditions
and influences, and also must notice carefully the differentiation of
peoples, places, and times.

Too much stress, however, should never be laid on the character of any
one group of immigrants, lest it warp the judgment upon the immigration
movement as a factor in American progress. The ardent political reformer
in New York City, seeing the political activity of the Irish, and the
easy, fraudulent enfranchisement of newly-arrived aliens, cries in a
loud voice for restriction or prohibition of immigration. The California
labor agitator, feeling chiefly the effect of Chinese efficiency in the
labor market, would close the gates of the country to all the eastern
nations. The social worker, knowing mainly and best the degradation of
the Hungarians in the mines, or of the Hebrews in the sweatshops,
prophesies naught but evil from foreign immigration. From an opposite
point of view, when a man travels in leisurely fashion up and down
Wisconsin, Illinois, Minnesota, and the Dakotas, and finds a dozen race
elements--English, German, Norwegian, or Russian--he begins to understand
the real benefit to the nation of the coming of this vast, varied,
peaceful army.[1] The scale of immigrants runs from the pauper or the
diseased alien, awaiting deportation on Ellis Island in New York Harbor,
to the rich Norwegian or German owning a thousand-acre farm in North
Dakota, and to the millionaire Swedish lumberman or manufacturer of
Wisconsin or Minnesota.

  [1] Whelpley, _The Problem of the Immigrant_, I.

For more than half a century, the United States has been almost a nation
of immigrants, a mixture of races in the process of combination; upon
the exact nature of this combination, whether it take the form of
absorption, amalgamation, fusion, or assimilation, depends future
political and social progress.

The writer has for years felt a profound conviction of the vital
importance of this whole problem of the alien, and a corresponding
belief in the value of the investigation of each cohort in the national
forces. Hence this attempt at a sympathetic study of the Scandinavian
element in American life and of its contributions to the evolution of
the Northern Mississippi Valley during the last sixty years.

In such a study, the Norwegians, Swedes, and Danes, like all other
citizens of foreign birth, must be judged by the character and
preparation which best fit men to contribute to the permanent progress
of a self-governing people. What are the signs of readiness for full
Americanization? The fundamentals are manliness--Roman virility--,
intelligence, and the capacity for co-operation, ennobled by "dignified
self-respect, self-control, and that self-assertion and jealousy of
encroachment which marks those who know their rights and dare maintain
them";[2] devotion to law, order, and justice; and a ready acquiescence
in the will of the majority duly expressed.[3]

  [2] J. R. Commons, "Racial Composition of the American People,"
      _Chautauquan_, XXXVIII, 35.

  [3] R. Mayo-Smith, _Emigration and Immigration_.

Such qualities in America have been the especial possession of that
sub-race of the Caucasian stock which the later ethnologists call the
Baltic, in contradistinction to the co-ordinate sub-races, the Alpine,
and the Mediterranean or Ligurian. This Baltic race has for centuries
occupied the British Isles, the northern plains of Germany, and the
North European peninsulas, being found in its purest state in Norway,
Sweden, and Scotland. The people of this sub-race, asserts the writer of
an admirable article on racial characteristics, are mentally
"enterprising and persevering, and cheerfully dedicate most of their
time and thought to work.... They are liberally gifted with those moral
instincts which are highly favorable to the creation and growth of
communities, altho not always so favorable to the individual who
possesses them; they are altruistic, fearless, honest, sincere. They
love order and cleanliness, and attach considerable importance to the
dress and personal appearance of individuals."[4] While the other
Caucasian sub-races do not lack these qualities, their most dominating
characteristics are different; for example, one may exemplify the
artistic or the idealistic side of human nature.

  [4] G. Michaud, "What shall we be?", _Century_, LXV, 685.

As related to the progress of civilization in America, all immigrants
fall into three classes: those who powerfully re-enforce the strength
and virtue of the nation, those who supplement its defects with
desirable elements, and those who lower its standards and retard its
advancement. Hence, those immigrants will be presumably the most
desirable to America who come from the regions where the purest Baltic
stock now exists, that is, north of a line running east and west through
Brussels, and especially in north-central Germany and the Scandinavian
peninsula.

Measured by character and training, the Baltic race in America stands up
well to the test, not only in the foreign-born alone, but in the second
and third generation born on American soil. If generations of ignorance,
mental inertia, social depression, political passivity, shiftlessness,
and improvidence stretch behind the immigrant, if his religion be
chiefly a superstition or strongly antagonistic to the principles of the
Republic, and if he be physically inferior and long inured to the
hardships of a low standard of living, just so far is he an undesirable
addition to American population. But, on the other hand, if his homeland
show a very low percentage of illiteracy; if his life has been saturated
with the ideas of thrift and small economies; if he hold himself free
from domination by priest, landlord, or king; and if his history be the
story of a sturdy struggle for independence, he should be rated high and
welcomed accordingly, for it is of such stuff that mighty nations are
made.

The student of Scandinavian immigration in the nineteenth century is not
left to conjecture in his endeavor to estimate the probable result of
the injection into American society of this foreign-born element. Before
the second generation of English and Dutch settlers in America in the
seventeenth century had grown to manhood, the Swedes began a colony upon
the Delaware River; and their descendants are still a distinguishable
part of the population of the lower Delaware valley. This beginning of
Swedish immigration to America is particularly instructive because the
settlements undertaken in the period of the Thirty Years War drew their
recruits from the same classes of Swedish society as the movements of
the nineteenth century, and developed under substantially similar
conditions and along much the same lines.

The Swede of the seventeenth century and the Swede of the nineteenth
century are essentially one in character, for two hundred years have
wrought less change in him than in his cousins of Germany and England.
The accounts of Stockholm, its people and its surroundings, written in
the early seventeenth century, might serve, with very little
modification, to describe the large features of the Sweden and the
Swedes of today. Great progress has of course been made in two
centuries, but in political wisdom, high moral courage, and benevolent
purpose, Gustavus Adolphus and his advisers were distinctly in advance
of the first two English Stuarts and their courts.

Perhaps no better illustration of this difference could be found than in
the plans for the beginnings of the colonies on the James River and on
the Delaware River. The scheme for a colony on the Delaware was
originally outlined by the great Gustavus himself in 1624, but sterner
duties took his energies; and after the fatal blow on the field of
Lützen, it devolved on his daughter, Queen Christina, and her faithful
minister, Oxenstjerna, to carry out his plan for establishing a colony
which was to be "a blessing to the common man," a place for "a free
people with wives," and not a mere commercial speculation or a haven for
aristocratic adventurers and spendthrifts.[5]

  [5] _Argonautica Gustaviana_, 3, 16.

The first company of immigrants arrived in 1638, and year by year
additions were received. So early as the middle of the seventeenth
century, Sweden had a touch of the "America fever," and when an
expedition left Gothenburg in 1654 with 350 souls on board, about a
hundred families were left behind for want of room. Perhaps only the
transfer of the colony, first to the Dutch and then to the English,
prevented the Swedish immigration from attaining large proportions two
and a half centuries ago. The Swedish flag floated over New Sweden
notwithstanding the protests of both the Dutch and the English, until
the conquest of the colony by Governor Stuyvesant in 1655, and then it
disappeared from the map of America.

In spite of threats, subjugation, and isolation, the prosperity of the
early colony continued, and by the end of the seventeenth century it
numbered nearly a thousand. No injustice in dealing with the Indians
provoked a massacre, for these protégés of the Swedish crown, before
William Penn was born, carefully and systematically extinguished by
purchase the Indian titles to all the land on which they settled. Their
piety and loyalty built the church and fort side by side, and long after
they became subjects of the king of Great Britain they continued to
receive their ministers from the mother church in Sweden. In fact,
pastors commissioned from Stockholm did not cease their ministrations
until they came speaking in a tongue no longer known to the children of
New Sweden.

This Swedish colony, planted thus in the midst of larger English
settlements, continued for many generations to add its portion of good
blood and good brains to a body of colonists in the New World, which too
often needed sorely just these qualities. The Honorable Thomas F.
Bayard, who lived long among their descendants, wrote in 1888: "I make
bold to say that no better stock has been contributed (in proportion to
its numbers) towards giving a solid basis to society under our
republican forms, than these hardy, honest, industrious, law-abiding,
God-fearing Swedish settlers on the banks of the Christiana in Delaware.
While I have never heard of a very rich man among them, yet I have never
heard of a pauper. I cannot recall the name of a statesman or a
distinguished law-giver among them, nor of a rogue or a felon. As good
citizens they helped to form what Mr. Lincoln called the plain people
of the country,--and I have lived among their descendants and know that
their civic virtues have been transmitted."[6]

  [6] Mattson, _Souvenir of the 250th Anniversary of the First Swedish
      Settlement in America_ (1888), 44.

Their thrift and comfort and sobriety attracted the attention of Thomas
Pascall, one of the Englishmen of Penn's first colony, who wrote in
January, 1683: "They are generally very ingenious people, live well,
they have lived here 40 years, and have lived much at ease having great
plenty of all sorts of provisions, but they were but ordinarily
cloathed; but since the English came they have gotten fine cloathes, and
are going proud."[7] Penn himself declared: "They have fine children and
almost every house full; rare to find one of them without three or four
boys and as many girls; some six, seven and eight sons. And I must do
them right--I see few young men more sober and industrious."[8]

  [7] This letter, printed as a broadside in England about 1683, was
      furnished me by Mr. George Parker Winship of the Carter Brown
      Library of Providence, Rhode Island.

  [8] Janney, _Life of William Penn_, 246-247.




CHAPTER II.

SWEDES, NORWEGIANS, AND DANES


The common use of the term Scandinavian to describe Swedes, Norwegians,
and Danes in a broad and general way, is one of the products of the
commingling of these three peoples on the American side of the Atlantic.
The word really fits even more loosely than does the word British to
indicate the English, Welsh and Scotch. It was applied early in the
history of the settlements in Wisconsin and Illinois, to groups which
comprised both Norwegians and Danes on the one hand, or Norwegians and
Swedes on the other hand, when no one of the three nationalities was
strong enough to maintain itself separately, and when the members of one
were inclined, in an outburst of latent pride of nationality, not to say
conceit of assumed superiority, to resent being called by one of the
other names; for example, when a Norwegian objected to being taken for a
Swede. Thus the Scandinavian Synod of the Evangelical Lutheran Church,
organized in 1860, included both Norwegians and Danes; ten years later
the name was changed to the Norwegian-Danish Conference; and in 1884 the
differentiation was carried further, and the Danes formed a new Danish
Evangelical Lutheran Church Association, supplementing the Danish
Evangelical Lutheran Church in America, which dated back to 1871.

Vigorous protests were made from time to time against the use of
"Skandinavian" or "Skandinav." "Shall we Norwegians let the Danes
persist in calling us Scandinavians?" wrote "Anti-Skandinavian" to the
leading American Norwegian weekly of 1870.[9] He also quoted the
sarcastic words of Ole Bull: "Scandinavia, gentlemen,--may I ask where
that land lies? It is not found in my geography; does it lie perhaps in
the moon?"[10] But the use and acceptability of the word steadily grew;
the great daily paper in Chicago took the name _Skandinaven_; in 1889,
the editor of _The North_ declared: "The term has become a household
word ... universally understood in the sense in which we here use it (to
designate the three nationalities)."[11]

  [9] _Fædrelandet og Emigranten_, May 12, 1870: "Skulle vi Norske lade
      de Danske fremture i at kalde os Skandinaver?"

  [10] "Skandinavien, mine Herrer, tör jeg spörge, hvor det Land ligger?
       Det findes ikke i min Geografi; ligger det maaske i Maanen?" Ole
       Bull, _Fædrelandet og Emigranten_, May 12, 1870.

  [11] _The North_, June 12, 1889.

Ole Bull was, of course, right in saying that there is no Scandinavian
language, no Scandinavian nation; but the ordinary reader or student
does not recognize clearly that Sweden, Norway and Denmark have
different spoken languages (though the Danish and Norwegian printed
language is one), different traditions, as well as different
governments. Almost while these words are being written, the coronation
ceremony in the ancient cathedral at Throndhjem completes the process by
which Norway is severed entirely from Sweden and again assumes among the
powers of earth that "separate and equal station to which the laws of
Nature and of Nature's God entitle them."

The physique and characteristics of the three Scandinavian peoples have
been profoundly affected by the physical features of the northern
peninsulas; the mountains, fjords, and extensive coast lines of Norway,
the level stretches, lakes, and regular coast of Sweden, and the low,
sandy islands of Denmark find a counterpart in the varying types of men
and women of those countries. The occupations which necessarily grew out
of these differences of surface and soil tended to give to all a strong,
sturdy, hardy body; farming naturally claims by far the largest
percentage, though great numbers of the men yield to the call of the
sea. Both Norway and Sweden have large lumbering interests, while Norway
leads in fishing industries, Sweden in mining, and Denmark in dairying.

Nature is no spendthrift in any part of the Scandinavian peninsulas;
small economies are the alphabet of her teaching, and her lessons once
learned are rarely forgotten. Her children of the North, therefore, down
to the stolidest laborer, mountaineer, and fisherman, are generally
industrious and frugal, and when they migrate to the American West, to
enter upon the work of pioneering, with its stern requirements of
endurance, patience, persistent endeavor, and thrift, they start out in
the new life with decided temperamental advantages over most other
immigrants, and even over most native-born Americans.

Other characteristics common to these three peoples distinguish them
strikingly from the South European. From their Viking ancestors they
have inherited a love for adventure, a courage in facing the
possibilities of the future. Their hatred of slavery, and their clear,
high ideas of personal and political freedom, are strongly marked, and
their peasantry is ranked highest on the continent.[12] Their
adaptability to changes of clime, of conditions, of circumstance, has
been remarkably demonstrated over and over again, in Normandy in the
11th century, in Sicily in the 12th, and in America in the 19th; yet it
has not degenerated into a facile yielding to moods and whims even under
the rapid changes of New World society.

  [12] N. S. Shaler, "European Peasants as Immigrants," _Atlantic_,
       LXXI, 649.

The typical Swede is aristocratic, fond of dignities, assertive: he is
polite, vivacious, and bound to have a jolly time without troubling too
much about the far future. Yet he is not afraid of hard work; he is
persistent, ofttimes brilliant, and capable of great energy and
endurance. He is notably fond of music, especially the singing of
choruses and the opera, and the poetry of Bellman and the epics of
Tegner belong to the great literature of the world.

The Norwegian is above all democratic. He is simple, serious, intense,
severe even to bluntness, often radical and visionary, and with a
tendency to disputatiousness.[13] There is an unmeasured quantity of
passion and imagination in him, as there are unmeasured stores of power
and beauty in the snows of his mountains and the waters of his coast. He
has the capacity for high and strenuous endeavor, even verging on the
turbulent, but he rarely has developed the qualities of a great leader.
Like the Swede, the Norwegian is fond of music, but it is of a different
sort. Both in his music and in his literature, the dramatic element is
strong; no names in the realm of literature of the last generation stand
higher than those of Ibsen and Björnson, who are first cosmopolitan and
then Norwegian.

  [13] N. P. Haugen comments on the good and bad features of this
       tendency in his Norway Day speech at the World's Columbian
       Exposition. _Skandinaven_, May 24, 1893.

The Dane is the Southerner of the Scandinavians, but still a
conservative. He is gay, but not to excess; the healthiness and jollity
of a Copenhagen crowd are things to covet. He is pre-eminently a small
farmer or trader, honest and persevering, ready and easy-going, and
altho not given to great risks, he is quick to see a bargain and shrewd
in making it. Of self-confidence and enterprise he manifests a decided
lack.[14] His country is small, open on all sides, and near to great
Powers; his interests, therefore, have led him out from his peninsula
and islands, and foreign influences have more affected him than they
have his neighbors across the Sound and the Skager Rack. His best work
in literature and art has been done under strong Romantic and classic
impulses from the South.

  [14] Borchner, _Danish Life in Town and Country_, 3-6; Bille, _History
       of the Danes in America_, 1, 7, 8.

Such being the qualities of the peoples of Sweden, Denmark and Norway,
the conditions of life and society in those countries in the first half
of the nineteenth century seem on close examination quite unlikely to
produce a great emigration, in comparison with conditions in other
countries from which large numbers of men and women migrated to America.
There were no great social, economic, or political upheavals sufficient
to cause the exodus of any class; religious intolerance and persecution
were, with few minor exceptions, neither active nor severe. The
Napoleonic wars did not depopulate these northern lands, nor did they,
like their sister nations to the south, suffer seriously from the
commercial restrictions of the Emperor of the French. Militarism did not
crush them with its weight of lead and steel and its terrible waste of
productive energy. Political oppression and proscription, so marked in
the affairs of central and western European states down to 1850, were
not features of the history of Norway, Sweden or Denmark. Though Norway
protested in 1814 in no uncertain terms against the union with Sweden in
a dual monarchy, she was, under the constitution of that year, one of
the freest nations of Europe, "a free, individual, indivisible kingdom."
In Sweden before 1840, one of the chief restrictions on the individual
was potential rather than actual: a man who wished to leave the kingdom
must have a passport from the king, for which he had to pay 300 kroner
(about $81). He would also be under the close supervision of the state
church, to which he was expected to belong.

There were, however, conditions in the home-lands as well as in America,
which impelled immigration. Anyone who has travelled over the fertile
prairies of the Mississippi valley and then through Norway or Sweden,
will often wonder that so many people have been content to remain so
long in the older Scandinavia. In Norway there were in 1910, in round
numbers, 2,390,000 people on an area of 124,000 square miles.[15] Of
this population, about 425,000 were gathered in the larger towns, and
250,000 were in the smaller towns, making a total urban population of
29%, over against 21% twenty years before. The remainder were scattered
over the vast mountainous country or along the coast-line of three
thousand miles.[16] Thousands of fishermen's huts are grappled
barnacle-like to the rocks, while behind them along a trickling thread
of water stretches a precious hand-breadth of soil. The greater part of
the interior is one wide furrowed plateau, in whose hollows, by lakes
and streams, thrifty farmers skilfully utilize their few square yards
of tillable land and pasture their cattle on the steep slopes. Save
around Lake Mjösen, the Leir, Vos, and Throndhjem, there can scarcely be
found in all Norway anything like a broad rich meadow. The farm products
are almost literally mined from the rocks. "It is by dogged, persistent,
indomitable toil and endurance, backed up in some cases by irrepressible
daring, that the Norwegian peasant and fisher-folk--three-fourths of the
population--carry on with any show of success their struggle against iron
nature."[17] Yet in spite of such adverse conditions, these people have
ever clung with passionate tenacity to their mountainous storm-beaten
Norway, and by it have been made brave without bitterness, hardy without
harshness, strong yet tender.

  [15] _Statesman's Year-Book, 1914_, 1141 ff.

  [16] In 1880, 20% lived in towns; in 1890, 23.7% lived in towns, and
       76.3% in the rural districts. _Norway_ (English edition of the
       official volume prepared for the Paris Exhibition of 1900), 90.

  [17] Wm. Archer, "Norway Today," _Fortnightly Rev._, XLIV, 415.

In Sweden the physical conditions are decidedly different. The area of
172,900 square miles supports a population of 5,600,000 (1912), of whom
50% dwell in cities of which there are now thirty with more than 10,000,
Stockholm leading with 350,000. The urban population increased 166%
between 1871 and 1912.[18] There are few lofty mountains and no jagged
peaks, majestically dominating the outlook; the crag-set fjords are
replaced by gentler bays and sounds sprinkled with beautiful islands; in
some parts of the country, as in Wermland and Smaaland, are low and
marshy sections, where, according to legend, the Lord forgot to separate
the land and water. Agricultural conditions are less hard and means of
communication are better than in Norway; closer relations exist between
provinces and between parishes; information is more readily diffused,
and gatherings of considerable size are held without particular
difficulty.

  [18] _Statesman's Year-Book, 1914_, 1316. The increase of urban
       population was five times the increase of the kingdom.

Denmark more closely resembles Sweden than Norway, and is in still
better touch with the larger world than either of the others. With an
area of about 15,000 square miles,--Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and
Connecticut, combined--it held in 1911 a population of 2,775,000.
Copenhagen and its suburbs had a population of 560,000. The urban
population was 26%. Unlike the other two, Denmark has several important
colonies in other parts of the world.[19]

  [19] _Statesman's Year-Book, 1914_, 789 ff.

In all three countries, as in the rest of Europe, changes in commercial,
industrial, social, legal, and religious matters were sure to be slow.
The tenure and succession in lands, the limited market for labor, the
relatively small opportunity for initiative, especially for the younger
members of considerable families,--all of these conditions with the
characteristics already described, lent added attractiveness to the call
of the American West.




CHAPTER III.

EARLY NORWEGIAN IMMIGRATION.


     "Arrived last evening" (October 9, 1825).

     "Danish Sloop Restoration, Holland, 98 days from Norway, via Long
     Island Sound, with iron to Boorman and Johnson, 52 passengers."[20]

     "The vessel is very small, measuring, as we understand, only about
     360 Norwegian lasts, or 45 American tons, and brought 46
     passengers, male and female, all bound for Ontario County, where an
     agent who came over sometime since, purchased a tract of land."[21]

  [20] _The New York Evening Post_, Oct. 10, 1825.

  [21] _The New York Daily Advertiser_, Oct. 12, 1825.

These ordinary shipping notices in the newspapers of New York City, and
several other similar paragraphs, are the first entries in the
chronicles of the newer Scandinavian immigration to the United States.
From the cessation of Swedish immigration in the seventeenth century
down to 1825, no considerable companies made the long journey from the
Northlands to America, tho adventurous fellows in twos and threes came
now and then, men who misliked the humdrum life in the old parishes,
with its narrow opportunity and outlook, men who found the sea the only
highway to novelty and a possible fortune.[22] Now, at last, the coming
of a company of some size, from Norway, adding one more to the
lengthening list of nationalities which contributed to the complex
population of the United States, attracted more than passing
attention.[23] That the sloop was not Danish, and that there is some
discrepancy in the number of passengers--(and crew?)--and in the number of
days in the voyage, are minor matters and easily accounted for; the New
Yorker of 1825 could hardly be expected to distinguish clearly between
Danes and Norwegians, when the people of the Northwest at the present
time apply the name Swede indiscriminately to Swedes, Danes, Norwegians,
Finns, and Icelanders. But back of the arrival of this little sloopful
of Norwegians, is a story of motive, organization, and movement, more or
less characteristic of Scandinavian immigration during the next two
generations. The two main elements are: conditions in Norway and the
United States, and the personal activities of one of the adventurous
fellows already referred to.

  [22] Interview with Capt. O. C. Lange (who reached America in 1824) in
       Chicago, 1890; Norelius, _Svenskarnes Historia_, 1.

  [23] _Niles' Register_, XXIX., 115. Several extended quotations from
       newspapers in New York, Boston, and Baltimore, for the month of
       October, 1825, relating to this company of the sloop
       "Restoration", indicating the interest created by its coming, are
       printed in Anderson, _Norwegian Immigration_, 69-76.

In the region about Stavanger, in southwestern Norway, in 1825, there
had been for some time a feeling of discontent with the religious
conditions of the country, and a tendency to formal dissent from the
established church. The direction of this tendency and the definition
of the movement were vitally influenced by certain zealous and
philanthropic Quaker missionaries from England, Stephen Grellet and
William Allen, who visited Norway in 1818. Grellet was a French nobleman
who sought refuge in the United States during the French Revolution, and
there united himself with the Quakers or Friends. After residing in
America for twelve years, he began making tours through Europe to
propagate Quaker ideas, even obtaining an interview with the Pope, which
he describes in his diary. The visit to Norway was in furtherance of his
general plan. While his account of his stay in Norway does not make any
mention of America, it is impossible to believe that no reference to
America and to the conditions of the Friends in that part of the world,
where he himself found refuge, crept into the conferences which he held
around Stavanger, and that no seeds of desire to seek the New World were
sown in the slow-moving minds of the Norwegian peasants whom he met.[24]

  [24] Grellet, _Memoirs_, I, 321 ff.

As dissenters from the established church, these Quakers were
continually subject to actual or threatened pains and penalties, in
addition to those troubles which might arise from their refusal to take
oaths and to render military service. Their children and those of other
dissenters must he baptised and confirmed in the Lutheran Church; they
must themselves attend its services and pay taxes for its support, or
suffer fines or other punishment for failing so to do. Tho prosecutions,
or persecutions, were really few before 1830, an episode now and then
showed the dissenters what might be in store for them if they persisted,
as when one of the Quakers was arrested in 1821 for burying his children
in unconsecrated ground, and fined five specie dollars a day until he
re-bury them in consecrated ground, and agree to follow the outward
ceremonies and customs of the state church.[25] Two years before one of
the Friends wrote: "There are no laws yet made in favor of Friends, so
that those who stand firm in their principles act contrary to the laws
of the country. Friends must be resigned to take the consequences."[26]
With signs of persecution, with an increase of discontent, and with the
leadership of a man possessed of first-hand knowledge about the United
States, it is not surprising that emigration was decided upon.

  [25] Richardson, _Rise and Progress of the Society of Friends in
       Norway_, 37.

  [26] _Ibid._, 23.

Kleng Peerson, called also Kleng Pederson and Person Hesthammer, was a
man of dubious character, who has been variously described. One has
called him the "Father of the Newer Norwegian Immigration" and as such
entitled to a chapter by himself; another has written him down as a
tramp.[27] A softer characterization, however, makes of him a "Viking
who was born some centuries after the Viking period."[28] He appears to
have been a sort of Quaker, either from conscience or convenience. His
leaving his home parish of Skjold near Stavanger, and his emigration to
the United States in 1821 in company with another Norwegian, are
attributed to motives ranging from a commission from the Quakers to find
a refuge for them in America, to a desire to escape the rich old widow
whom he married, and who was tired of supporting him in idleness.[29]
Certain it is that upon his return to Norway in 1824, after three years
of experience in the New World, the sentiment favoring emigration from
Stavanger soon crystallized.

  [27] R. B. Anderson, "En Liden Indledning" in the series of articles
       "Bidrag til vore Settlementers og Menigheders Historie,"
       _Amerika_, April 4, 1894. Bothne, _Kort Udsigt over det Lutherske
       Kirkearbeide bladnt Normændene i Amerika_, 822.

  [28] O. N. Nelson, "Bemerkning til Prof. Andersons Indledning",
       _Amerika_, May 2, 1894.

  [29] Nelson, _History of the Scandinavians_, I, 134 B-C.

By midsummer of 1825 a company of fifty-two persons, mostly Quakers from
the parish of Skjold, was ready to journey to America. They purchased a
sloop and a small cargo of iron which would serve as ballast and which
might bring them profit in New York, tho this was probably a secondary
matter.[30] On the 4th of July, 1825, they set sail from Stavanger, and
after a somewhat circuitous voyage of fourteen weeks, which was not very
long, as such voyages went, they made their landing in New York, October
9th, numbering fifty-three instead of fifty-two, for a daughter was born
to Lars Larson on shipboard.[31] This landing of the "Sloop Folk" of the
"Restoration," whose story is a favorite and oft-told one with the older
Norwegian immigrants, is occasionally likened to the Landing of the
Pilgrim Fathers who fled to a wilderness to escape persecution and to
seek social and religious freedom; but on close examination the
comparison breaks down at almost every point,--motive, objective, method
and result.[32]

  [30] Langeland, _Nordmændene i Amerika_, 11.

  [31] C. A. Thingvold gives a list of the names of the "Sloop Folk,"
       save four, which he obtained from one of the survivors, in
       "The First Norwegian Immigration to America," _The North_,
       Aug. 10, 1892.

  [32] J. B. Wist, _Den Norske Invandring til 1850_, published about
       1890, ventures to question seriously whether such a company ever
       came to the United States! His reason is that the clearance
       records of Stavanger show no such name as the "Restauration,"
       and American statistics give the total Scandinavian immigration
       as 35, of whom 14 are credited to Norway.

In New York the captain and mate of the "Restoration" were arrested for
having more passengers than the Federal law allowed--two passengers to
each five tons of the vessel. Having an excess of twenty, the sloop was
legally forfeited to the United States.[33] However, for some unknown
reason, the offenders were released and allowed to dispose of their
cargo. The original cost of ship and cargo appears to have been about
$1950, but both were sold for $400. This inadequate sum was supplemented
by the generosity of the Quakers of New York, whose contributions and
assistance enabled the "Sloop Folk" to proceed inland to Western New
York.

  [33] _Statutes of the United States, 1819_, Act of March 2.

They took up land in Kendall and Orleans County on the shores of Lake
Ontario, about thirty-five miles northeast of the new town of Rochester
in which two of the families decided to remain. The price of the land
was $5 per acre, and each man was to take about 40 acres; but as they
were without cash, they agreed to pay for their farms in ten annual
instalments. The reasons for selecting this region are not difficult to
surmise, tho there is no direct proof of the motive. The country around
Rochester was, in 1825, in the midst of a sort of Western "boom"; the
Erie Canal was just finished, and the prospects of Rochester were very
promising.[34] Its population grew quite marvelously; in September,
1822, it was 2700; in February, 1825, 4274; and in December of the same
year, nearly 8,000.[35]

  [34] "Rochester is celebrated all over the Union as presenting one
       of the most striking instances of rapid increase in size and
       population, of which the country affords an example." Capt.
       Basil Hall, _Travels in North America_, I, 153.

  [35] _Ibid._, I, 155.

The first five years of the little colony were full of hardships and
suffering. It was November of 1825 when they reached their destination;
the country was all new and thinly settled; their own land was wild and
could be cleared only with difficulty; and nothing could be grown upon
it before the following summer. Just one man among them, Lars Larson,
understood any English. By united efforts several families built a
log-house, where the winter was spent in a most crowded condition, worse
even than the three months in the close quarters of the "Restoration".
The only employment by which they could earn anything was threshing with
a flail in the primitive fashion of the time, and the wages consisted of
the eleventh bushel threshed. With these scanty earnings and the help of
kindly neighbors, they passed the dismal winter in a strange land. "They
often suffered great need, and wished themselves back in Norway, but
they saw no possibility of reaching Norway without sacrificing the last
mite of their property, and they would not return as beggars."[36] But
at length time, patience, and their own strength and diligence gave them
a foothold. The land was cleared and produced enough to support them. A
five years' apprenticeship made them masters of the situation; and when
at last they had the means to return to the parish of Skjold, the desire
had gradually faded out. Instead of re-migration, they were persuading
others to join them in the New World.

  [36] Langeland, _Nordmændene i Amerika_, 15.

But the New Norway, or the New Scandinavia, was not to be located in the
Middle Atlantic States, though a beginning was made in Delaware and in
New York. Land was too dear around the older settlements even at $5 per
acre; the promised land was shifted to northern Indiana and northern
Illinois, where fine prairie tracts which needed no clearing could be
had for $1.25 per acre and upwards. And into these newer regions went
the settler and the land speculator, sometimes in one and the same
person. Schemes for internal improvement sprouted on every side, and
canal-building was much discussed as the best means of providing cheap
transportation.[37] One of these projects was for a canal from Lake
Michigan to the Illinois River, for which a land grant was made in 1827.
This canal would bring great prosperity to northern Illinois, it was
argued, just as the Erie Canal had developed central and western New
York; the price of land would go up, markets would be accessible, and
speculator and farmer would reap rich rewards.

  [37] Ackerman, _Early Illinois Railroads_ (No. 23, _Fergus Hist.
       Ser._), 19, quoting an editorial from the _Sangamo Journal_,
       Oct. 31, 1835: "We rejoice to witness the spirit of internal
       improvement now manifesting itself in every part of Illinois."

Nor was this argument based entirely on theory, for halfway to the East,
in Indiana, this progressive realization was in full blast. Harriet
Martineau travelled through this part of the West in 1836, and noted
with the eye of an acute and experienced observer, the rapid rise in
values of farms. She estimated that a settler, judiciously selecting his
land in the Northwest, would find it doubled in a single year, and cites
the case of a farmer near LaPorte, Indiana, whose 800 acres, costing
him $1.25 per acre three years before, had become worth $40 per
acre--probably not a unique example of prosperity.[38] With these visions
before them, many men moved from western New York, and along the line of
the proposed canal in Illinois grew up hamlets bearing the names
familiar along the great Erie Canal,--Troy, Seneca, Utica, and Lockport.

  [38] Martineau, _Society in America_, I, 247, 259, 336.

Among those attracted thither, was Kleng Peerson, who again served,
perhaps without deliberate planning, as a scout for his Quaker
friends.[39] On his return to the Orleans County settlers, he convinced
them that a better future would open to them in Illinois, and in the
spring of 1834 some of the families moved into the West and began the
so-called Fox River settlement in the town of Mission near Ottawa, La
Salle County, Illinois. By 1836 nearly all the Norwegians of the New
York colony had removed to the West, and several tracts of land were
taken up in the towns of Mission, Miller, and Rutland. The sections
located seem to have been unsurveyed at the time of the first
settlement, for no purchases are recorded until 1835.[40] Henceforth
most of the immigration from Norway was turned toward the prairie
country, and whole companies of prospective settlers after 1836 went
directly to the Fox River nucleus, for the region thereabouts had the
double advantage of being at once comparatively easy of access and in
the most fertile and promising region in which government land could be
had at the minimum price.

  [39] "I have complete evidence that he visited La Salle County,
       Illinois, as early as 1833." Anderson, _Norwegian Immigration_,
       172.

  [40] _Ibid._, 174, 176 ff.

In its new location, the twice transplanted colony of "Sloop Folk" was
reasonably prosperous from the start, tho the panic of 1837 made
impossible any realization of Miss Martineau's roseate estimate of
probable profits. No further move of the original immigrants was made,
and the Fox River Valley is still occupied by the well-to-do descendants
of the Norwegian settlers of the thirties.

As a preliminary to further immigration from the three countries of
Northern Europe, a definite knowledge of America and its opportunities
must be developed among the peasants, and a desire to remove themselves
thither must be awakened and stimulated. To whole communities in Norway,
made up of simple, circumscribed people, America about 1835 was an
undiscovered country, or at best a far-off land from which no traveller
had ever come, and from which no letters were received; the name itself,
if known at all, was a recent addition to their vocabulary. Ole
Nattestad, one of the early immigrants, who was decently educated for
his time and more experienced in the world than the majority of his
neighbors, relates how he first heard of America in 1836, when he was a
man thirty years old.[41]

  [41] _Billed Magazin_, I, 83.

The leavening process went on but slowly from 1825 to 1836, for the
story of the early experiences of the little company of dissenters,
obscure persons from an obscure parish, if known at all, was not likely
to inspire others to follow in large numbers. With increasing prosperity
in the Rochester, and later in the Fox River, colony, the tone of
letters sent back to friends in Norway took a new ring: America came to
mean opportunity, and now there were men speaking the Norwegian tongue
to whom newcomers might go for instruction, advice, and encouragement.
Old settlers still bear witness to the great influence of these letters
of the thirties telling of American experiences and of American
conditions. Among the most influential of these semi-conscious
propagandists of emigration was Gjert G. Hovland, who came to the
Rochester settlement with his family in 1831, and bought fifty acres of
land, which after four years of cultivation he sold at a profit of $500.
Writing to a friend near Stavanger in 1835, he spoke in terms of high
praise of American legislation, equality, and liberty, contrasting it
with the extortion of the Norwegian official aristocracy. He counseled
all who could to come to America, as the Creator had nowhere forbidden
men to settle where they pleased.[42] Of this and other letters by
Hovland, copies were made by the hundred and circulated in the Norwegian
parishes, and many of the early immigrants have stated that they were
induced to emigrate by reading these letters.[43] Another man whose
words prompted to emigration, was Gudmund Sandsberg, who came to New
York in 1829 with a family of four.[44]

  [42] Translated from Langeland, _Nordmændene i Amerika_, 16n. This
       writer summarizes a letter of which he saw a copy as a young
       man in Norway.

  [43] _Ibid._; Anderson, _Norwegian Immigration_, 147.

  [44] Anderson, _Norwegian Immigration_, 133.

These letters scattered through western Norway from 1830 to 1840, were
as seed sown in good ground. Times were hard; money was scarce and its
value fluctuating.[45] The crops were often short, the prices of grain
were high, and the demand for the labor of the peasants was weak; the
economic conditions of the lower classes, especially in the rural
districts--much the greater part of the country--were growing worse rather
than better.[46] Even the oldest son, who was heir to his father's
homestead, was likely to find himself possessed of a debt-burdened
estate and with the necessity of providing for the mother and numerous
younger children.[47] The younger sons, being still worse off, were
forced to try their hands at various occupations to earn a bare living.
Ole Nattestad, already mentioned, was by turns before his emigration
farmer, peddler, blacksmith, and sheep-buyer.[48] To many a man with a
large family of growing children the possibility of disaster in the
United States was less forbidding than the probability of ultimate
failure in Norway.

  [45] _Billed Magazin_, I, 18-19. Of the year 1836, one writer asserts:
       "En Daler ei gjældt mere end to norske Skilling," and that many
       lost all their property.

  [46] In Anderson, _Norwegian Immigration_, 133-135, is a translation
       of a letter written in Hellen in Norway, May 14, 1836: "If good
       reports come from them (certain emigrants about to sail) the
       number of emigrants will doubtless be still larger next year.
       A pressing and general lack of money enters into every branch of
       business, stops, or at least hampers business, and makes it
       difficult for many people to earn the necessaries of life. While
       this is the case on this side of the Atlantic, there is hope of
       abundance on the other, and this, I take it, is the chief cause
       of this growing disposition to emigrate."

  [47] _Billed Magazin_, I, 6 ff.

  [48] _Ibid._, I, 83.

But not to occasional letters alone was the peasant,--and the emigration
movement--to be left for information and inspiration. Young men who had
prospered in the new life returned to the homesteads of their fathers
and became, temporarily, missionaries of the new economic gospel,
teaching leisurely but effectively by word of mouth and face to face,
instead of by written lines at long range. One such man was Knud A.
Slogvig, who returned to his home in Skjold in 1835 after ten years in
America, not as an emigrant agent nor as a propagandist, but as a lover
to marry his betrothed,--an early example which thousands of young
Scandinavians in the years to come were to follow gladly.[49] Whatever
may have been the results of his visit to Slogvig personally, they were
of far-reaching importance to the emigration movement in western Norway.
From near and from far, from Stavanger, from Bergen and vicinity, and
from the region about Christiansand, people came during the long
northern winter, to talk with this experienced and worldly-wise man
about life in New York or in Illinois--or, in their own phrase, "i
Amerika." There before them at last, was a man who had twice braved all
the terrors of thousands of miles of sea and hundreds of miles of
far-distant land, who had come straight and safe from that fabulous vast
country, with its great broad valleys and prairies, with its strange
white men, and stranger red men. The "America fever" contracted in
conferences with Slogvig and men of his kind, was hard to shake off.[50]

  [49] Anderson, _Norwegian Immigration_, 148.

  [50] Langeland, _Nordmændene i Amerika_, 18; _Billed
       Magazin_, I, 83. Langeland writes: "Tre af Nedskriverens
       Paarörende, som reiste fra Bergen i 1837, var blandt dem, som i
       Vinteren 1836 besögte ham, og kom hjem fulde af Amerikafeber."

The accounts of America given by this emigrant visitor were so
satisfactory, that when he prepared to go back to the United States in
1836, a large party was ready to go with him. Instead of the fifty-two
who slipped out of Stavanger, half-secretly in 1825, there were now
about 160, for whose accommodation two brigs, _Norden_ and _Den Norske
Klippe_, were specially fitted out.[51] The increased size of this party
was doubtless due in some measure to discontent with the religious
conditions of the kingdom, but more to the activity of Björn Anderson
Kvelve, who desired to escape the consequences of his sympathy with
Quakerism, and of the marriage which he, the son of a peasant, had
contracted with the daughter of an aristocratic, staunchly Lutheran
army officer.[52] Being, as his son admits, "a born agitator and
debater"--others have called him quarrelsome,--he persuaded several of his
friends to join the party, and he soon became its leader.[53] The
greater part of the two ship-loads, after arrival in New York, went
directly to La Salle County, Illinois, a few stopping in or near
Rochester. For several years after the arrival of this party, the
immigrants from Norway generally directed their course towards the
Illinois settlement, which, as a result, grew rapidly and spread into
the neighboring towns of Norway, Leland, Lisbon, Morris, and Ottawa.

  [51] Langeland, _Nordmændene i Amerika_, 18; _Billed
       Magazin_, I, 83, 150 (Nattestad's account).

  [52] Anderson, _Norwegian Immigration_, 157 ff; _Madison
       Democrat_ (Wis.), Nov. 8, 1885.

  [53] Anderson, _Norwegian Immigration_, 155.

The actual process of migration from Norway to Illinois or Wisconsin was
full of serious difficulty, and to be entered upon by those only who
possessed a strong determination and a stout heart. The dangers,
discomforts, and hardships which everywhere attended immigration before
1850, were made even more trying, in prospect, by the weird stories of
wild Indians, slave-hunters, and savage beasts on land and sea, all of
which were thoroly believed by the peasants. Moreover, the church took a
hand to prevent emigration, the bishop of Bergen issuing a pastoral
letter on the theme: "Bliv i Landet, ernær dig redelig." (Remain in the
land and support thyself honestly.)[54] Until a much later time, no port
of Norway or Sweden had regular commercial intercourse with the United
States, and only by rare chance could passage be secured from Bergen or
some southern port direct to New York or Boston. The usual course for
those desiring passage to America was to go to some foreign port and
there wait for a ship; it was good luck if accommodation were secured
immediately and if the expensive waiting did not stretch out two or
three weeks. The port most convenient for the Norwegians was Gothenburg
in Sweden, from which cargoes of Swedish iron were shipped to America;
from that place most of the emigrants before 1840 departed, tho some
went by way of Hamburg, Havre, or an English port.

  [54] Langeland, _Nordmændene i Amerika_, 22. He naïvely remarks
       that the Scandinavians have preferred to follow that other text:
       "Be fruitful ... replenish the earth."

Long after 1850, the immigrants came by sailing vessels because the
rates were, on the whole, cheaper than by steamer; those men who had
large families were especially urged to take the sailing craft.[55]
The days of emigrant agents, through-tickets, and capacious and
comparatively comfortable steerage quarters in great ocean liners were
far in the future; the usual accommodations were poor and unsanitary;
the danger from contagious diseases, scurvy, and actual famine were very
real, especially if the voyage, long at the best, was prolonged to four
and perhaps five months.[56] The cost of passage varied greatly
according to accommodations and according to the port of departure.
Sometimes the passage charge included food, bedding, and other
necessaries, but usually the passengers were required to furnish these.
One company of about 85 in 1837 paid $60 for each adult, and half fare
for children, from Bergen to New York.[57] In the same year another
company of 93 paid $31 for each adult from Stavanger to New York,
without board; still another, numbering about 100, paid $33 1-3 for each
adult passenger from Drammen in Norway to New York; the Nattestad
brothers paid $50 from Gothenburg to Boston.[58] In 1846, a large party
went to Havre, and paid $25 for passage to New York.[59] The extreme
figures, therefore, seem to be about $30 and $60 for passage between one
of the Scandinavian ports and New York or Boston. When the cost of
transportation from the Atlantic seaboard to Illinois and Wisconsin is
added to these figures, it will be plain that a considerable sum of
ready cash, as well as strength and courage, was necessary for
undertaking the transplantation of a whole family from a Norwegian
valley in the mountains to an Illinois prairie.

  [55] _Billed Magazin_, I, 123-124.

  [56] Interview with the late Rev. O. C. Hjort of Chicago, July, 1890,
       whose party spent five months on the sea.

  [57] Langeland, _Nordmændene i Amerika_, 25--"saavidt nu erindres."

  [58] _Billed Magazin_, I, 9, 94.

  [59] _Ibid._, I, 388.




CHAPTER IV.

THE RISING STREAM OF NORWEGIAN IMMIGRATION.


The second period of Norwegian immigration, extending from 1836 to 1850,
is marked by the strengthening and deepening of the emigration impulse
in Norway and by its spread to new districts, and also by the deflection
of the course of the rising stream in the United States. Not merely in
the vicinity of Stavanger, from which a second party, made up of 93
persons from Egersund, followed the wake of the first and reached
Illinois in 1837, but from Bergen and in the districts near it, the
"America fever" was spreading. The letters of Hovland circulated there,
and at least three men journeyed to interview Slogvig. Knud Langeland,
whose little book on the Northmen in America is frequently quoted in
these pages, relates how, as a young man of sixteen, his imagination was
fired by reading a small volume written by a German and entitled
_Journey in America_, which he discovered in the library of a friend in
Bergen in 1829; how he read eagerly for several years everything which
he could lay hands on relating to America; and how he gathered all
possible information about the emigration from England, during a visit
to that country in 1834--and then became himself an immigrant.[60]

  [60] Langeland, _Nordmændene i Amerika_, 20-21. See Cobbett, _The
       Emigrant's Guide_ (London, 1829), a typical English guide book
       of the period.

By 1837 a goodly number were determined to emigrate, and had disposed of
their holdings of land. A way opened for them to make the long voyage
under especially favorable circumstances. Captain Behrens, owner and
commander of the ship _Ægir_, on his return to Bergen in the autumn of
1836, learned that a large party wanted transportation to America. In
New York he had seen vessels fitted up for the English and German
immigrant traffic; he had learned the requirement, of the laws of the
United States on the subject; two German ministers who returned to
Europe in his ship, gave him further information. He therefore fitted up
his vessel for passengers, and carried out his contract to transport to
New York the party which finally numbered 84, being mainly made up of
married men each with "numerous family," at least one of which counted
eight persons.[61] From New York the company proceeded to Detroit, where
they were joined by the two Nattestad brothers from Numedal, and from
thence they went by water to Chicago.

  [61] Langeland, _Nordmændene i Amerika_, 25 ff.

Their original intention was to go to the La Salle County settlement,
but in Chicago they met some of the Fox River people, Björn Anderson
among others, who gave such an unfavorable account of conditions in that
colony that the majority determined to seek another location. At the
instigation of certain Americans, presumably land speculators, a
prospecting party of four, including Ole Rynning, one of the leading
spirits of the company, went into the region directly south of Chicago
and finally chose a site on Beaver Creek. Thither about fifty immigrants
went, and began the third Norwegian settlement, which proved to be the
most unfortunate one in the history of Norwegian immigration. Log huts
were built and the winter passed without unusual hardships, tho it was
soon evident that a mistake was made in settling so far from neighbors
and from a base of supplies at that time of the year when the soil
produced nothing. Serious troubles, however, developed with the spring,
and grew with the summer. The land which appeared so dry and so
well-covered with good grass when it was selected and purchased in
August or September, proved to be so swampy that cultivation was
impossible before June. Malaria attacked the settlers, and as they were
beyond the reach of medical aid, nearly two-thirds of them died before
the end of the summer. The remnant of the colony fled as for their
lives, regardless of houses and lands, and scarcely one of them
remained on the ground by the end of 1838.[62]

  [62] Langeland, _Nordmændene i Amerika_, 30 ff; Anderson, _Norwegian
       Immigration_, 195 ff.

One of the victims of these hard experiences was Ole Rynning, who
succumbed to fever in the autumn of 1838. Tho in America scarcely a year
and a half, he is one of the uniquely important figures in the history
of Norwegian immigration. The son of a curate in Ringsaker in central
Norway, and himself dedicated by his parents to the church, he passed
the examinations for entrance to the University of Christiania, but
turned aside to teaching in a private school near Throndhjem for four
years before his emigration.[63] He is invariably spoken of as a man of
generous, philanthropic spirit, genuinely devoted to the human needs of
his fellow immigrants.

  [63] Anderson, _Norwegian Immigration_, 203-205; Langeland,
      _Nordmændene i Amerika_, 31. Much information regarding
      Rynning was derived from the Rev. B. J. Muus, of Minnesota,
      a nephew of Rynning.

Having learned by personal observation in America the answers to many of
the questions which he, as a man of education, had asked himself in
Norway, he took advantage of the confinement following the freezing of
his feet during a long exploring tour in Illinois, to write a little
book of some forty pages, to which he gave the title (in translation):
"A true Account of America, for the Instruction and Use of the Peasants
and Common people, written by a Norwegian who arrived there in the Month
of June, 1837."[64] The manuscript of this first of many guidebooks for
Norwegian emigrants was taken back to Norway by Ansten Nattestad and
printed in Christiania in 1838.[65] It plays so large a part in a great
movement, that a detailed analysis is worth presenting.

  [64] Sandfærdig Beretning om Amerika til Veiledning og Hjælp for
       Bonde og Menigmand, skrevet af en Norsk som kom der i Juni
       Maaned, 1837.

  [65] _Billed Magazin_, I, 94.

The preface, bearing the author's signature and the date, "Illinois,
February 13, 1838," is translated as follows:

"Dear Countrymen,--Peasants and Artisans! I have now been in America
eight months, and in that time I have had an opportunity of finding out
much in regard to which I in vain sought information before I left
Norway. I then felt how disagreeable it is for those who wish to
emigrate to America to be in want of a reliable and tolerably complete
account of the country. I also learned how great is the ignorance of the
people, and what false and ridiculous reports were accepted as the full
truth. In this little book it has, therefore, been my aim to answer
every question which I asked myself, and to clear up every point in
regard to which I observed that people were ignorant, and to disprove
false reports which have come to my ears, partly before I left Norway,
and partly after my arrival here."[66]

  [66] Anderson, _Norwegian Immigration_, 207-208. In making this and
       the following translations, Mr. Anderson used the copy of
       Rynning's book belonging to the Rev. B. J. Muus, the only copy
       known to be in America. This copy is now in the library of the
       University of Illinois.

The body of the book is made up of thirteen chapters devoted to these
questions and their answers:

     1-3. The location of America, the distance from Norway, the nature
     of the country, and the reason why so many people go there.

     4. "Is it not to be feared that the land will soon be
     overpopulated? Is it true that the government there is going to
     prohibit immigration?"

     5-6. What part of the land is settled by Norwegians, and how is it
     reached? What is the price of land, of cattle, of the necessaries
     of life? How high are wages?

     7. "What kind of religion is there in America? Is there any sort of
     order and government, or can every man do what he pleases?"

     8-9. Education, care of the poor, the language spoken in America,
     and the difficulties of learning it.

     10. Is there danger of disease in America? Is there reason to fear
     wild animals and the Indians?

     11. Advice as to the kind of people to emigrate, and warning
     against unreasonable expectations.

     12. "What dangers may be expected on the ocean? Is it true that
     those who are taken to America are sold as slaves?"

     13. Advice as to vessels, routes, seasons, exchange of money, etc.

Rynning assured his readers, in the seventh chapter, that America is not
a purely heathen country, but that the Christian religion prevails with
liberty of conscience, and that "here as in Norway, there are laws,
government, and authority, and that the common man can go where he
pleases without passport, and may engage in such occupation as he
likes."[67] Then follows this strong, significant paragraph,
intelligently describing the slavery system, which undoubtedly had a
powerful influence on the future location, and hence on the politics, of
the immigrants from Scandinavia:

"In the Southern States these poor people (Negroes) are bought and sold
like other property, and are driven to their work with a whip like
horses and oxen. If a master whips his slave to death or in his rage
shoots him dead, he is not looked upon as a murderer.... In Missouri the
slave trade is still permitted, but in Indiana, Illinois, and Wisconsin
Territory it is strictly forbidden, and the institution is strictly
despised.... There will probably soon come a separation between the
Northern and Southern States or a bloody conflict."

  [67] Rynning, _Sandfærdig Beretning_, 23, 24. Translated in Anderson,
       _Norwegian Immigration_, 214-215.

From the account given thirty years afterwards by Ansten Nattestad, it
appears that a chapter on the religious condition of Norway was omitted
by the Rev. Mr. Kragh of Eidsvold, who read the proofs, because of its
criticisms of the clergy for their intolerance, and for their inactivity
in social and educational reforms.[68] This has led some writers like R.
B. Anderson to attribute large weight to religious persecution as a
cause of emigration. While religious repression was a real grievance
and affected many of the early emigrants, the cases where it was the
moving or dominant cause of emigration after 1835 are so few as to be
almost negligible.[69] At best, it re-enforced and completed a
determination based on other motives. For most Norwegian dissenters, the
Haugians for example, lack of toleration was rather an annoyance than a
distress, save, perhaps, for the more persistent and turbulent
leaders.[70] It is hardly fair, therefore, to compare them, as a whole,
with the Huguenots of France.[71]

  [68] _Billed Magazin_, I, 94.

  [69] Letters of R. B. Anderson and J. A. Johnson, _Daily Skandinaven_,
       Feb. 7, 1896.

  [70] Brohough, _Elling Eielsens Liv og Virksomhed_, 10-11, 20-21,
       30-36.

  [71] Anderson, _Norwegian Immigration_, 50.

In the years immediately following 1838, the "America Book," distributed
from Christiania, went on its missionary journeys and reached many
parishes where the disaster at Beaver Creek and the untimely death of
Ole Rynning had never been heard of. By its compact information and its
intelligent advice, it converted many to the new movement. The diary of
Ole Nattestad, printed in Drammen in the same year, seems to have
exerted very little influence, but the visit of his brother Ansten to
his home in Numedal, in east-central Norway, a hitherto unstirred
region, awakened keen and active interest in America, and again men
travelled as far as 125 English miles to meet one who had returned from
the vast land beyond the Atlantic.[72]

  [72] _Billed Magazin_, I, 94.

The first party from Numedal left Drammen in the spring of 1839, under
the leadership of Nattestad, and went directly to New York. It numbered
about one hundred able-bodied farmers with their families, some of them
being men with considerable capital. From New York they went to Chicago,
expecting to join Ole Nattestad at the Fox River. At the latter city
they learned that he had gone into Wisconsin after his brother left for
Norway in 1838, and that he had there purchased land in the township of
Clinton in Rock County, thus being probably the first Norwegian settler
in Wisconsin. Accordingly the larger part of the Numedal party followed
him to the newer region, where better land could be had than any
remaining in La Salle County, Illinois, at the minimum price, and took
up sections near Jefferson Prairie. Thus the current of Scandinavian
settlement was deflected from Illinois to Wisconsin, and later comers
from Numedal, in 1840 and afterwards, steered straight for southeastern
Wisconsin. In 1839 and later other recruits for the growing and
prosperous settlement of Norwegians in Rock County and adjoining
counties came from Voss and the vicinity of Bergen. Possibly the
difference of dialects had something to do with drawing people from the
same province or district into one settlement, but in a general way the
same reasons and processes operated among the Norwegian emigrants as
among those from Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, and Virginia who settled
in various States in sectional groups, sometimes dividing a county by a
well-defined line.

Closely connected with this settlement, begun under the leadership of
the Nattestad brothers, were other settlements in adjacent townships,--at
Rock Prairie or Luther Valley, comprising the present towns of Plymouth,
Newark, Avon, and Spring Valley in Rock County, Wisconsin, and Rock Run
in Illinois. Through these settlements many new comers filtered and
spread out rapidly toward the West and Northwest, reaching in a few
years as far as Mineral Point, more than fifty miles from Jefferson
Prairie.

Other sections of Norway than those already mentioned began to feel the
effects of the emigration bacillus after 1837, and the processes
illustrated by the movements from Stavanger, Bergen, and Numedal were
repeated--the emigration of two or three, letters sent home, the return
of a man here and there, the organization of the party, the long
journey, and the selection of the new home. Thelemark, the rugged
mountainous district in south central Norway, was in a condition to be
strongly moved by stories of freer and larger opportunities. Long before
1837, great tracts of land in Upper Thelemark became the property of two
wealthy lumber men, and the tenant-farmers were drawn more and more into
work in the lumber mills, to the neglect of farming and grazing.
Consequently, when logging was suspended in the hard times, and the
wages, already low, were stopped altogether, great distress resulted,
and emigration seemed about the only means of escape. "With lack of
employment and with impoverishment, debt and discontent appeared as the
visible evidences of the bad condition. That was the golden age of the
money-lenders and sheriffs. So the America fever raged, and many crossed
the ocean in the hope of finding a bit of ground where they could live
and enjoy the fruits of their labors without daily anxiety about
paydays, rents, and executions."[73]

  [73] Translated from _Billed Magazin_, I, 18 ff.

A company of about forty, representing eleven families from Thelemark,
failing to get accommodations with the Nattestad party at Drammen, went
on to Skien and thence to Gothenburg, where they secured passage in an
American vessel loaded with iron, and made the voyage to Boston in two
months.[74] Three weeks more were consumed in the circuitous journey to
Milwaukee by way of New York, Albany, the Erie Canal and the Great
Lakes. Like several other parties of that year they originally aimed at
Illinois.[75] But their boat "leaked like a sieve," and the stop at
Milwaukee was probably precautionary. Instead of proceeding further,
they were persuaded to send a committee, under the guidance of an
American, into the present county of Waukesha, where they selected a
tract about fourteen miles southwest of Milwaukee, on the shore of Lake
Muskego.[76] Here each adult man took up forty acres at the usual
minimum price of $1.25 per acre, and so began the Muskego colony
proper, the name, Muskego, however, being later applied to the group of
settlements in Waukesha County and to several towns in Racine
County.[77] Like the colony in Rock County, the Muskego group grew
rapidly in spite of malarial troubles, and for ten years it was an
objective point for immigrants from Thelemark, and a halting place for
those bound for the frontier farther west in Wisconsin or in Iowa.

  [74] _Ibid._, 6-7.

  [75] A shipping notice in the _Boston Daily Advertiser_, Aug. 1,
       1839 reads: "Passengers,--in the "Venice" from Gothenburg, 67
       Norwegians on their way to Illinois."

  [76] An oft-repeated story tells how the company was persuaded to
       remain in Wisconsin by some enterprising Milwaukee men who
       pointed out to the immigrants a fat, healthy-looking man as
       a specimen of what Wisconsin would do for a man, and a lean,
       sickly-looking man as a warning of what the scorching heats
       and fever of Illinois would quickly do to a man who settled
       there. See _Billed Magazin_, I, 7.

  [77] _Billed Magazin_, I, 10.

As the emigration movement from Norway increased, the planning of
settlements and the organization of parties took on a more definite and
business-like air. The process is well illustrated in the case of the
town of Norway in Racine County, Wisconsin, which was one of the most
successfully managed settlements in the Northwest. In the fall of 1839,
two intelligent men of affairs, Sören Bakke, the son of a rich merchant
of Drammen, and John Johnson (Johannes Johannesson), came to America on
a prospecting tour, for the purpose of finding a place where they might
invest money in land as a foundation for a colony, which they may
possibly have intended to serve as a new home for a sect of dissenters
known as Haugians.[78] After visiting Fox River in Illinois, and various
locations in Wisconsin, they found a tract that suited them--good land,
clear water, and abundance of game and fish, enough to satisfy the most
fastidious. This they purchased, building a cabin on it and awaiting the
coming of their friends to whom they sent a favorable report.[79] The
party arrived in the autumn of 1840, under the leadership of Even Heg,
an innkeeper of Leir, who brought still more money, which was also
invested in land. Altogether, the money which Bakke brought with him, or
received later, amounted to $6000.[80] It was all used for purchasing
land, which was either sold to well-to-do immigrants, or leased to new
comers. This business was supplemented by a store kept in the first
cabin. Upon the death of Johnson in 1845, Bakke went home and settled
upon an estate owned by his father in Leir, one of the first of the very
small number of men who have returned to permanent residence in Norway
after some years spent in America.[81] Even Heg became the real head of
the colony at Norway, Wisconsin, after the departure of Bakke, whose
interests he continued to look after, and under his management a steady
development followed. This settlement became the Mecca of hundreds of
immigrants arriving in Milwaukee in the late forties, and "Heg's barn
was for some months every summer crowded with newcomers en route for
some place farther west."[82]

  [78] _Ibid._, I, 12.

  [79] _Ibid._, I, 18.

  [80] _Ibid._, I, 12.

  [81] _Ibid._; Anderson, _Norwegian Immigration_, 280 ff.

  [82] Langeland, _Nordmændene i Amerika_, 44; _Billed Magazin_, I, 13.

Another important and highly prosperous group of settlements, called
Koshkonong after the lake and creek of that name, sprang up in 1840 and
1841, in the southwestern corner of Jefferson County, Wisconsin, and the
adjacent parts of Dane and Rock Counties. The beginning was made by men
who removed thither from the Fox River and Beaver Creek localities after
investigating the lands in Wisconsin. In 1840 there were nine entries of
land by Norwegians in the present townships of Albion, Christiana, and
Deerfield, the usual purchase being eighty acres; the next few years saw
the spread of the colony to the townships of Pleasant Valley and
Dunkirk, from the influx of immigrants from Illinois and from
Norway.[83] After the stress and hardship of the first pioneer years,
the fortunate choice of location in one of the best agricultural
sections of Wisconsin told very promptly, and Koshkonong became "the
best known, richest, and most interesting Norwegian settlement in
America, the destination of thousands of pilgrims from the fatherland
since 1840."[84] Many of the farms are still in possession of the
families of the original settlers, whose children are prominent in
business, professional and political circles.

  [83] Anderson, _Norwegian Immigration_, 326 ff. Anderson quotes in
       full a letter from the United States Commissioner of Land Office
       giving date and extent of each entry by Norwegians.

  [84] M. W. Odland, _Amerika_, Jan. 15, 1904.

The movement of the stream of Norwegian immigrants after 1845 was
distinctly in a direction westward from the Wisconsin settlements; the
land farther out on the prairies was better, tho it did not have the
combination of timber and stream or lake which the early settlers
insisted on having, often to their detriment, since land chosen with
reference to these requirements was apt to be marshy. The fresh
arrivals, after a few weeks or months in the friendly and helpful
communities of early immigrants, were better prepared by a partial
acclimatization, by knowledge of the steps necessary for acquiring
citizenship and land-ownership, and by the formation of definite plans
of procedure, for the next stage in the western course of their empire.
Occasionally a shrewd farmer of the older companies took advantage of
the rise in the value of his farm, sold out, and bought another tract
farther out on the frontier, perhaps repeating the process two or three
times.[85] John Nelson Luraas, for example, was one of those men who
first spent some time in Muskego, then bought land in Norway, Racine
County; after improving it for three years, he sold it in 1843 and moved
into Dane County.[86] Here he lived for twenty-five years, and then
moved into Webster County, Iowa, taking up new land. After a few years
he went back to his Dane County property, where he spent another
thirteen years; finally, as an aged, retired, wealthy farmer, he died in
the village of Stoughton in 1890.[87]

  [85] Langeland, _Nordmændene i Amerika_, 44-45; _Billed Magazin_,
       I, 13.

  [86] It may be well to note that the name of Dane county has no
       relation to Scandinavian settlement, but was given in honor
       of Nathan Dane of Massachusetts, author of the Northwest
       Ordinance of 1787.

  [87] Anderson, _Norwegian Immigration_, 276.

Provision for religious instruction and ministration was one of the
early concerns of the Norwegian immigrants, as would be expected from a
people essentially religious, who moved by whole families. Nor was there
much distinction between the more orthodox and the dissenters. After
their magnetic center shifted to the west in 1835 and the settlements
and population multiplied, a good deal of lay preaching of one sort and
another went on,--Lutheran, Methodist, Haugian, Baptist, Episcopalian,
and Mormon. Lay services, in fact, were the rule all along the westward
moving frontier, and services conducted by regular clergymen the
exception. One of the Norwegians wrote: "We conducted our religious
meetings in our own democratic way. We appointed our leader and
requested some one to read from a book of sermons.... We prayed,
exhorted, and sang among ourselves, and even baptised our babies
ourselves."[88]

  [88] A letter of John E. Molee, February, 1895, quoted by Anderson,
       _Norwegian Immigration_, 320. (See also, _ibid._, 396-399.)

Cut off by language from much participation in English worship--a man
must know an alien tongue long and thoroly to make it serviceable for
religious purposes--the men from Numedal, Vos, and Drammen, felt keenly a
great need for some one to instruct their children in the Norwegian
language and in the Lutheran religion after the Old World customs. In
1843, two hundred men and women in the flourishing group of settlements
around Jefferson Prairie, Wisconsin, signed a petition addressed to
Bishop Sörenson in Norway asking him to send them a capable and pious
young pastor, to whom they promised to give a parsonage, 80 acres of
land, $300 in money, and fees for baptisms, marriages, and the like.[89]
Tho this petition itself seems not to have been answered, it was not
long before a properly ordained clergyman arrived.

  [89] Anderson, _Norwegian Immigration_, 255.

Claus Lauritz Clausen, a Danish student of theology seeking employment
as a tutor in Norway, was persuaded, probably by the father of Sören
Bakke in Drammen, to heed the call from America.[90] On his arrival in
the West in 1843, he found the need for a pastor and preacher more
urgent than for a teacher, and accordingly he sought and received
ordination at the hands of a German Lutheran minister, October,
1843.[91] He proceeded to organize, in Heg's barn at Norway, the
first congregation of Norwegian Lutherans in the United States, and so
began a career of useful ministration which lasted nearly half a
century. Not long after his ordination, its validity was called in
question by strict Lutherans. The question was finally submitted to the
theological faculty of the University of Christiania, which decided that
"the circumstance that an ordination is performed by a minister and not
by a bishop, cannot in itself destroy the validity of the ministerial
ordination."[92] At any rate, Clausen's activity, general helpfulness,
staunchness of convictions, and length of service, if not his
ordination, make him one of the typical pioneer preachers.[93]

  [90] Nelson, _Scandinavians in the United States_, (2d ed.) 387 ff.

  [91] Bothne, _Kort Udsigt_, 835 ff.

  [92] Jacobs, _Evangelical Lutheran Church_, 411.

  [93] Bothne, _Kort Udsigt_, 835; Jensson, _American Lutheran
       Biographies_, "Clausen."

Another clergyman of the same class as Clausen, was Elling Eielsen, a
Haugian lay-preacher who went from place to place in the Northwest from
1839 to 1843, holding services with his countrymen. He was ordained in
the same month as Clausen, and, like him, in a semi-valid fashion, by a
Lutheran clergyman, not a bishop.[94] Like Clausen, also, his term of
labors as a Haugian apostle, passed forty years.[95]

  [94] Brohough, _Elling Eielsens Liv og Virksomhed_, ch. II, and App.

  [95] Nelson, in his _Scandinavians in the United States_, 388, is
       probably mistaken in stating that Eielsen built the first
       Norwegian church and organized the first congregation in 1842
       at Fox River, confusing the fact that Eielsen had built a log
       house on his own land, and held religious services in the loft,
       with the possibility of the formation of a congregation.
       Eielsen's biographer makes no mention of his organization of
       a regular congregation. Brohough, _Elling Eielsens Liv og
       Virksomhed_, 61.

Whatever irregularities in the ordination of Clausen or of Eielsen may
have disturbed the consciences of the stricter of the Lutheran sect,
nothing of the sort attached to the Rev. Johannes Wilhelm Christian
Dietrichson, who arrived in 1844, fresh from the University of
Christiania and from the ordaining hands of the Bishop of Christiania.
He was a diligent, aggressive, zealous young man of about thirty, sent
out as a kind of home missionary in foreign parts at the expense of a
wealthy dyer of Christiania. For two years, summer and winter, he went
back and forth in southern Wisconsin ministering to the Norwegians of
all ages and beliefs,--and all for the stipend of $300 yearly.[96] One of
the results of these labors, was a little book, _Reise blandt de norske
Emigranter i "de forenede nordamerikanske Fristater,"_ in which
Dietrichson gives the earliest detailed account of the settlements in
Wisconsin and Illinois before 1846. He described the origin, numbers,
conditions, and prospects of each community in his wide parish. At Fox
River, he says he found about 500, who were of all creeds, mostly
dissenters, including 150 Mormons.

  [96] _Minde fra Jubelfesterne paa Koshkonong_ (1894), 54 ff; Bothne,
       _Kort Udsigt_, 839-842.

Three church edifices were erected in 1844-5, and dedicated within a
short time of each other. Dietrichson dedicated one at Christiana, Dane
County, Wisconsin, December 19, 1844, and another at Pleasant Valley a
little further west; Clausen dedicated his church at Muskego on March
13, 1845.[97] All were simple structures, as would be expected; a plain
table was the altar, and the baptismal font was hewn out of an oak log.
But they served none the less as effective and inspiring centers of the
religious life of the settlements. For the Muskego church, Even Heg gave
the land, and Mr. Bakke of Drammen, whose protégé Clausen was, gave $400
towards construction. Dietrichson left his two churches in Koshkonong in
1845, and returned to Norway where he remained about a year. Aided by
benevolent friends and by the Norwegian government, he came back to his
prairie parishes in 1846 for a final stay of four years.[98] But his
ways were not altogether ways of pleasantness, nor entirely in the paths
of peace. The records of the church, and his own story, show that he had
more than one stormy time with his people.[99] He departed for Norway
in 1850, and never again was in America.[100]

  [97] Dietrichson, _Reise blandt de norske Emigranter_, 45 ff; _Minde
       fra Jubelfesterne paa Koshkonong_.

  [98] _Nordlyset_, Sept. 9, 1847.

  [99] Dietrichson, _Reise blandt de norske Emigranter_, 57-67. Some
       of the church records are printed in _The Milwaukee Sentinel_,
       July 21, 1895.

  [100] The following year he published a second book, _Nogle Ord fra
        Prædikestolen i Amerika_.

The preceding account of the beginnings and progress of the earliest
Norwegian settlements in Illinois and Wisconsin has been given in some
detail, for the reason that the course of these settlements, in a very
broad sense, is typical of all the Norwegian colonization in the
Northwest, and of the Swedish and Danish as well. In the later chapter
on economic conditions, the causes which led these people to settle upon
the land rather than in the cities will be discussed at length. Suffice
it here to say that the average immigrant brought only a small amount of
cash, along with his strong desire for land, and he consequently went
where good land was cheap, in order the more speedily to get what he
wanted. This meant that he would push out on the newly accessible
government land in Iowa, Minnesota, and the Dakotas in turn. So the
transformation of the frontier has witnessed the continual repetition of
the experiences of the early Norwegian immigrants in Illinois and
Wisconsin in the years from 1835 to 1850, as they are described in this
and the preceding chapters. At the present time, in the remoter parts of
the Dakotas, Montana, Washington, Oregon, and Utah, the same story is
being retold in the same terms of patience, hardship, thrift, and final
success.




CHAPTER V.

SWEDISH IMMIGRATION BEFORE 1850.


When the Swedish emigration of the nineteenth century began, it is
doubtful if many persons in Sweden knew of the existence of the
descendants of their compatriots of the seventeenth. The last Swedish
pastor of Gloria Dei Church in Philadelphia died in 1831, and there is
no evidence that any immigrant after 1800 turned his steps toward
Philadelphia or the valley of the Delaware expecting to join the third
or fourth generation of Swedes there.[101] Before 1840, in New York,
Philadelphia, and a few other places, a Swede might now and then be
found. One of these adventure-seeking young fellows was Erick Ålund, who
reached Philadelphia in 1823; another was O. C. Lange who arrived in
Boston in 1824, and by 1838 found himself in Chicago, probably the first
of that mighty company of Swedes which has made Chicago the third
Swedish city in the world.[102] Olof Gustaf Hedström, who left Sweden in
1825, and his brother Jonas, were influential early arrivals.[103] But
the number of such men could not have been large, for ignorance as to
America was quite as dense in Sweden as in Norway, the name being all
but unheard of in parts of the kingdom.[104]

  [101] Winsor, _Narrative and Critical History of America_, IV, 488.

  [102] Interview with Capt. O. C. Lange in Chicago, March, 1890. He
        stated that he was the only Swede in Chicago in 1838, but that
        there were thirty or forty Norwegians "who were doing anything
        for a living, even begging,"--but Capt. Lange was an ardent Swede
        and despised Norwegians!

  [103] Norelius, _Svenskarnes Historia_, 23-26.

  [104] Mikkelsen, _The Bishop Hill Colony_, 26.

Sixteen years elapsed after the "Sloop Folk" landed in New York, and
five years after they located in their second American home, in
Illinois, before the Swedish immigration really began. The first party,
or regular company, of Swedes, consisting of about twelve families,
arrived in 1841 under the leadership of Gustav Unonius, a young man who
had been a student at the University of Upsala.[105] It was made up of
the "better folk", and included some, like Baron Thott, who were
entitled to be called "Herr."[106] The immigration does not appear to
have been induced by any religious persecution or discontent, but was
purely a business venture of a somewhat idealistic sort, into which the
immigrants put their all, in the hope that they could get a more
satisfactory return than they could from a like investment in Sweden.

  [105] Norelius, _Svenskarnes Historia_, 2 ff. The early history of the
        Swedish immigration is treated in a much more complete and
        scholarly fashion than is the Norwegian, in the works of
        Unonius, Norelius, and Peterson and Johnson. For this reason,
        and because of the similarity of the early Swedish and Norwegian
        movements, the Swedish settlements are not followed up in this
        study with the same detail as the Norwegian.

  [106] Unonius, _Minnen_, I, 5 ff; _History of Waukesha County, Wis._,
        748.

From New York the party went by the water route to Milwaukee, following
in the wake of parties of Norwegians. There they met Captain Lange, who
seems to have persuaded them to select a location near Pine Lake--a name
that would certainly attract a Swede--in the neighborhood of the present
town of Nashotah, about thirty miles west of Milwaukee. Here they were
later joined by a variegated assortment of characters attracted by
letters which Unonius wrote to newspapers in Sweden,--noblemen, ex-army
officers, merchants, and adventurers,[107] so that the colony took on
almost as motley an air as that at Jamestown in the first years after
1607. While they hardly could have succeeded under more favorable
circumstances, they were particularly unfitted by their previous manner
of living to become farmers or to undergo the deprivations and hardships
of pioneering. The winter of 1841-2 was severe, and their poorly-built
houses gave inadequate protection against the cold of January and
February in Wisconsin; their land was badly tilled, tho they labored
earnestly; and their first crop fell short of their necessities. Their
hope of leading an Arcadian life in America was rudely shattered.
Captain von Schneidau, late of the staff of King Oscar, was a farm
laborer, and Baron Thott became a cook for one of the settlers in order
to get a bare living.[108] Sickness, misfortune, want of labor, and lack
of money led to almost incredible suffering at the first, and some of
the settlers, like Unonius and von Schneidau, went to Chicago, where the
former became pastor of a Swedish congregation, and the latter prospered
as "the most skilful daguerreo-typist, probably, in the whole
state."[109]

  [107] "and a large proportion of criminals," Nelson, _Scandinavians in
        the United States_, II, 117.

  [108] _History of Waukesha County, Wisconsin_, 749.

  [109] Bremer, _Homes of the New World_, II, 214-217. Miss Bremer
        relates how Mrs. von Schneidau "had seen her first-born little
        one frozen to death in its bed," and how Mrs. Unonius "that gay,
        high-spirited girl, of whom I heard when she was married at
        Upsala to accompany her husband to the New World ... had laid
        four children to rest in foreign soil."

Frederika Bremer, the famous Swedish traveller, visited both the
Norwegian and the Swedish settlements in Wisconsin in 1850, and has left
a very graphic and sympathetic account of the Pine Lake colony where she
spent a few days.[110] She found about a half dozen families of Swedes.
"Nearly all live in log-houses, and seem to be in somewhat low
circumstances. The most prosperous seemed to be that of the smith; he, I
fancy, had been a smith in Sweden ...; he was a really good fellow, and
had a nice young Norwegian for his wife; also a Mr. Bergman who had been
a gentleman in Sweden, but who was here a clever, hard-working peasant
farmer."[111] At one of the houses she met twenty-one Swedish settlers.
The failure of the colony, to Miss Bremer's mind, was not altogether due
to circumstances; the settlers at first "had taken with them the Swedish
inclination for hospitality and a merry life, without sufficiently
considering how long it could last. Each family built for itself a
necessary abode, and then invited their neighbors to a feast. They had
Christmas festivities and Midsummer dances."[112]

  [110] _Ibid._, 225-235.

  [111] _Ibid._, 225; Unonius, _Minnen_, II, 6 ff.

  [112] Bremer, _Homes of the New World_, II, 214.

Notwithstanding the hard life of the first years at Pine Lake, the
letters from well-educated and well-known men like Unonius, especially
those published in the Swedish newspapers, helped to stimulate a desire
for emigration in Sweden. A company of fifty, from Haurida in Smaaland,
left in the autumn of 1844, part of them going to Wisconsin, and at
least one family going to Brockton, Massachusetts, and beginning the
considerable Swedish settlement in that city.[113] In the following
year, five families were influenced by letters from a Pine Lake settler,
to leave their homes in Östergötland, and to set out for Wisconsin. At
New York, however, they were persuaded, probably by Pehr Dahlberg, to go
to Iowa, then just admitted to the Union, where land was supposed to be
better than at Pine Lake, and could be had at the same price. The route
followed was an unusual one for Scandinavian immigrants,--from New York
to Pittsburg, down the Ohio River, and up the Mississippi. The location
finally chosen was in Jefferson County, Iowa, about forty-two miles west
of Burlington; and the settlement was christened New Sweden. To it many
immigrants from the parishes of Östergötland found their way in later
years. The second rural settlement of the Swedes thus established was,
quite in contrast to the first one, distinctly successful from the
start.[114]

  [113] Norelius, _Svenskarnes Historia_, 27.

  [114] G. T. Flom, "Early Swedish Immigration to Iowa," _Iowa Journal
        of History and Politics_, III, 601 ff. (Oct., 1905); Norelius,
        _Svenskarnes Historia_, 27.

The first Swedish settlements in Illinois, may be traced to the efforts
of the brothers Hedström already mentioned. Olof visited his old home in
1833, after an absence of eight years, and on his return to New York he
was accompanied by his brother Jonas.[115] These two men influenced the
course which Swedish immigrants were to take in America down to 1854,
in much the same way as the Nattestad brothers had earlier affected the
Norwegians. After several years, spent presumably in New York, Jonas
moved into Illinois and settled in the township of Victoria, in Knox
County.[116] Olof Hedström was converted to Methodism in America, and
became a zealous minister of that church; in the history of Methodism in
New York City and in the chronicles of Scandinavian immigration, his is
a unique figure. The needs of the multiplying hosts of immigrants of all
sorts, who were flocking to New York, were thoroughly understood by the
Methodist authorities of that city, and Hedström was put in charge of
the North River Mission for Seamen. His "Bethel Ship" work began about
1845, a time when there was great need for a helping hand to be extended
to the Scandinavians, among other immigrants, for whom agents,
"runners," and "sharks" were lying in wait. The Rev. E. Norelius, the
cultivated and scholarly pastor and historian, who had personal
experience of the kindly offices of Hedström, declares that the
missionary was a father to the Scandinavian people who came to America
by way of New York.[117]

  [115] Norelius, _Svenskarnes Historia_, 21.

  [116] _Ibid._, 24-26; Johnson and Peterson, _Svenskarne i Illinois_,
        286.

  [117] Norelius, _Svenskarnes Historia_, 21, 23-26.

With Olof Hedström offering friendly greeting, help, and advice in New
York, and working in connection with his brother Jonas in Illinois, no
prophetic instinct was needed to foretell the goal which would be
ultimately sought by those who came under the benevolent ministrations
of this Swedish Methodist preacher. The path to Illinois became a
highway for multitudes of Swedes, and that State was to the Swedish
immigration what Wisconsin was to the Norwegian.

Swedish settlement on a large scale began in 1846, with the founding at
Bishop Hill, in Henry County, Illinois, of the famous Jansonist colony,
whose history is exceedingly interesting and, at times, highly pathetic.
Not only were there many hundreds of Swedes and some Norwegians grouped
together in a single county, but the colony was also an experiment in
communism, based on peculiar religious tenets.[118]

  [118] The history of this Swedish settlement, with its numerous
        peculiarities, its prosperity and its misfortunes, has been
        so often written up with considerable detail, that only the
        outlines of it are given here. See Bibliography.

The Jansonist movement in Sweden, which must not be confused with the
Jansenist school or system of doctrine of another time and place in
Western Europe, began about 1842 in Helsingland, in the prosperous
agricultural province of Norrland.[119] For fifteen years there had been
an undercurrent of dissent in the Established Church in that province,
led by Jonas Olson, who called his followers "Devotionalists." The
agitation was carried on primarily against the general ignorance of the
people and the sloth of the clergy, but not until Eric Janson appeared
on the scene did any organization of the dissenters take definite form.
When he moved from Wermland to Helsingland in 1844 and published the
high claim that he represented the second coming of Christ and was sent
to restore the purity and glory of Christianity, he was received with
great enthusiasm by the restless peasants, and accepted as a divinely
appointed leader who should gather the righteous into a new theocratic
community.[120]

  [119] Mikkelsen, _The Bishop Hill Colony_, 19 ff.

  [120] _Ibid._, 25. "The glory of the work which is to be accomplished
        by Eric Janson, standing in Christ's stead, shall far exceed
        that of the work accomplished by Jesus and his Apostles,"--quoted
        in translation by Mikkelsen from _Cateches, of Eric Janson_
        (Söderhamn, 1846), 80.

The progress of the dissenting sect was so rapid that the Established
Church, backed by the civil authorities, took stern measures to suppress
the heresy. It must be confessed that the dissenters continued to show a
fanatical spirit, and gave the ecclesiastical officers special cause for
alarm. In June, 1844, for example, the Jansonists made an immense
bonfire near Tranberg, and burned as useless and dangerous, all the
religious books which they could lay their hands on, with the exception
of the Bibles, hymn-books, and catechisms. As if one offense of this
kind were not enough to shock the pious Lutherans and everywhere stir
up the zeal of the Lutheran clergy, a second burning of books followed
in October, in which the Bible alone was spared.[121]

  [121] Mikkelsen, _The Bishop Hill Colony_, 22; Norelius, _Svenskarnes
        Historia_, 63.

Janson was repeatedly arrested and imprisoned; his followers were
subjected to the same treatment; and finally, a price was put upon the
head of the pestilent arch-heretic. It was these persecutions,
supplemented by letters from a Swedish immigrant in America, which
turned the thoughts of the Jansonists towards the United States. So it
happened that when Janson was rescued by his friends from the crown
officer who had him in custody, he was spirited off over the mountains
to Norway, and thence to Copenhagen, where he embarked for America. In
New York he met Olof Olson, the "advance agent," who was sent out by the
new sect in 1845 to spy out the better country where there was no
established church, no persecution for conscience's sake, and no
aristocracy.[122] Olson met Olof Hedström on landing in New York, and by
him was directed to his brother Jonas in Illinois, who gave the
new-comer a hospitable reception, and assistance in a prospecting tour
of Illinois, Wisconsin, and Iowa. Olson decided on Illinois as the State
in which to plant the proposed colony. On the arrival of Eric Janson in
1846, the exact site in Henry County was selected, and the name Bishop
Hill given it after Biskopskulla, Janson's birthplace in Sweden.[123]

  [122] Mikkelsen, _The Bishop Hill Colony_, 24.

  [123] Johnson and Peterson, _Svenskarne i Illinois_, 26; _History of
        Henry County, Illinois_.

Janson appointed leaders for the would-be emigrants,--captains of tens
and of hundreds--before he left Sweden, and under their guidance several
parties made their way to Henry County in 1846, usually going by way of
New York, the Erie Canal, and the Great Lakes. Nearly 1100 persons were
ready to emigrate, but, like the early Norwegians, they experienced
great difficulty in securing passage, being compelled to go in companies
of fifty or one hundred in freight vessels, usually loaded with
iron.[124] The greater number sailed from Gefle, though some went from
Gothenburg and some from Stockholm.[125]

  [124] Swainson in _Scandinavia_, Jan., 1885.

  [125] Mikkelsen, _The Bishop Hill Colony_, 28.

The greater part of these emigrating Jansonists were poor peasants,
unable from their own means to bear for themselves and their families
the great expense of the long journey from Helsingland to Illinois. In
addition to other difficulties some of them had to purchase release from
military service. It was to solve these problems of poverty and expense,
that Janson followed the example of other leaders of religious sects,
even of the early Christian leaders, and instituted community of goods
for the whole sect. The pretext seems to have been religious, but from
this distance it is clear that the motive of the leader was essentially
economic and philanthropic. Nothing could better attest the tremendous
earnestness of these uneducated enthusiasts than their implicit
obedience to the commands of Eric Janson, for they gave all they had
into his care and discretion--their property, their families, and
themselves. The amounts contributed to the common treasury after the
sale of individual property varied greatly, of course. Some turned in
almost nothing, while others gave sums reaching as high as 24,000
kroner, or about $6,500.[126]

  [126] Johnson and Peterson, _Svenskarne i Illinois_, 28.

The methods and practices of the sect are revealed, in unsympathetic and
perhaps exaggerated fashion, in a printed letter, dated at New York, May
23, 1847, written by one who found himself unequal to the high demands
of the new faith and its self-appointed apostle.[127] This backslider,
who emigrated with the rest, tells a story that sounds strangely like
accounts of the action of more recent sects and their "divinely
ordained" prophets and priestesses. Janson and all his works are
denounced in very bitter terms. After a five-months voyage not more
than fifty out of three hundred, says the writer of the letter, were
well, and many were suffering from scurvy; but Janson's "prophets" came
aboard and "tried to work miracles and heal the sick," even damning
those who did not believe they were well when they were raised up. He
further says that the Jansonists were warned in Illinois to use medicine
or the government would take a hand in their affairs. The letter closes
with a statement that more than a hundred had already left the society.

  [127] This account is contained in a small pamphlet, signed O. S.,
        which was unearthed in the Royal Library in Stockholm while the
        author was searching there in 1890 for material on Swedish
        emigration.

The colony had a homestead at the outset, for Janson and his co-workers
purchased for $2000 a tract of 750 acres, part of which was under
cultivation. By the end of 1846, new recruits brought the number in the
settlement up to about 400 souls, who were accommodated in log-houses,
sod-houses, dug-outs, and tents. A church was improvised out of logs and
canvas, and services were held daily at half past five in the morning
and in the evening. In spite of the community of goods, the first year
with its crowding brought much suffering; the funds of the society were
depleted by the expenses of the great journey for so many people, and by
the expenditures for land.

With the coming of spring in 1847, the settlement became a hive of
industry. Adobe bricks were made, a new saw-mill was erected, better
houses were built, and more land was bought to accommodate the new
arrivals. By 1850 the community owned fourteen hundred acres of land,
nearly free from debt. The religious or economic attractiveness of the
colony is evidenced by the fact that its population in 1851 reached the
considerable figure of about eleven hundred,[128] nearly one-third of
the total population of Henry County, notwithstanding a schism in 1848
whose centrifugal force drove upwards of 200 from the fold, and
notwithstanding the epidemic of cholera in 1849 which claimed 150
victims. Among these hundreds were representatives of almost every
province in Sweden.

  [128] Swainson puts the number of seceders at 250, and asserts
        that they were drawn off by Jonas Hedström, the Methodist.
        _Scandinavia_, Jan. 1885. Mikkelsen, _The Bishop Hill Colony_,
        33, 35, 37.

The communistic principle worked well, at least in the first years, in
spite of the severity of the religious discipline. The land was
thoroughly cultivated. The growing of flax became a prominent factor in
the prosperity of the colony, and from this crop were made linen and
carpeting which found a ready market, the product of the looms reaching
30,579 yards in 1851.[129]

  [129] Johnson and Peterson, _Svenskarne i Illinois_, 335.

The death of Eric Janson by the hands of a Swedish adventurer, John Root
(or Rooth), with whom he had a quarrel of long standing, removed the
prophet and builder of this New Jerusalem, but did not seriously
interrupt its development. In fact it might be said to have been a
benefit to the colony, for Janson was not a careful and skilful man of
business, and he had involved the community in debt. To relieve this
pressure of obligation, Jonas Olson, Janson's right-hand man, was sent
out with eight others, in March, 1851, to seek a fortune in the
California gold fields.[130]

  [130] _Ibid._, 39.

The period of which this chapter treats ends with 1850; but inasmuch as
that year marks no break in the history of Bishop Hill, it will be well
here to finish the sketch of the development of that colony. On learning
of the death of Janson, Olson returned at once from California and
became the head of the colony after February, 1851. Improvements
immediately followed; the government, which had been autocratic or
theoretically theocratic, became more and more democratic under Olson.
Finally, as a completion of this broadening evolution, an act of the
Illinois legislature of 1853 incorporated the Bishop Hill Colony, and
vested the government in a board of seven trustees who were to hold for
life or during good behavior, their successors to be elected by the
community.[131]

  [131] Act of January 17, 1853. The Charter and Bylaws are reprinted in
        Mikkelsen, _The Bishop Hill Colony_, 73 ff. (App.).

The trustees were from the first afflicted with a speculative mania, and
invested in all sorts of enterprises--in grain, in lumber, in Galva town
lots, in railroad and bank stock, and in a porkpacking establishment.
Disaster after disaster followed between 1854 and 1857, when a general
panic prostrated the industries of the country. The climax of the
reckless mismanagement of the Colony came in 1860, and the corporation
went into the hands of a receiver, only to get deeper and deeper into
financial and legal troubles. Individualization of property took place
in 1861, when $592,798 was distributed among 415 shareholders, and other
property to the value of $248,861 was set aside to pay an indebtedness
of about $118,000.[132] The last traces of communism were gone, and with
the disappearance of communism went also the old religious tenets
peculiar to the faith. The majority of the Jansonists joined the
Methodist communion; even Jonas Olson deserted and became "an
independent Second [Seventh?] Day Adventist."[133]

  [132] Johnson and Peterson, _Svenskarne i Illinois_, 44 ff.

  [133] Mikkelsen, _The Bishop Hill Colony_, 71.

Difficulties continued, however, for Olof Johnson, the chief offending
trustee, secured his appointment as one of the receivers. Assessment
followed assessment, and when the totals were footed up the chicanery of
trustees and receivers was made clear: to pay an original debt of
$118,403, these ill-fated people of the Bishop Hill Colony actually
expended in cash $413,124, and in property $259,786, or an aggregate of
$672,910.[134] Of course a lawsuit was begun, and the "Colony Case"
dragged along in the courts for twelve years, to be finally settled by
compromise in 1879, nine years after the death of Olof Johnson.[135]

  [134] Johnson and Peterson, _Svenskarne i Illinois_, 49-52.

  [135] The special master in chancery found in 1868 that Olof Johnson
        was indebted to the Colony in the sum of $109,613.29. Mikkelsen,
        _The Bishop Hill Colony_, 68.

Besides the numerous companies which went to Bishop Hill, many others
between 1846 and 1850 sought different localities in the United
States.[136] Some remained in Chicago; some built homes in Andover,
Illinois; others began the large Swedish settlement in Jamestown, New
York; while still others were persuaded to go to Texas, thus beginning
the only considerable permanent settlement of Scandinavians in the
Southern States before 1880, with the exception of settlements in
Missouri. During these years, knowledge of the prosperous condition of
the immigrants was spreading, in the usual fashion, into every province
of Sweden; Småland, Helsingland, Dalarne, and Östergötland, were
especially affected. Not merely were Jansonists and dissenters moved to
emigrate, but men of the Established Church as well; a Jansonist's word
in matters of faith, Scriptural interpretation, and religious practice
was worse than worthless to staunch Lutherans, but there was no reason
to doubt the accuracy of his statements regarding land, wages, prices,
and opportunities in Illinois or Iowa. Even Lutheran clergymen began to
lead little companies of their adherents to the "States," and no one
considered it a mortal sin or eternal danger to follow in the footsteps
of worldly-wise heretics.[137]

  [136] Norelius, _Svenskarnes Historia_, 30-38.

  [137] Norelius, _Svenskarnes Historia_, 34.




CHAPTER VI.

THE DANISH IMMIGRATION.


The Danish immigration began much later than the Norwegian and Swedish,
and its proportions were inconsiderable until after the Civil War. Not
until 1869 did the annual influx of Danes reach 2,000. Tho the
population of Denmark was and is somewhat greater than Norway's, yet the
Danish immigration has never in any one year equalled the Norwegian, and
in but seven years has it been more than one-half. As against Norway's
total of nearly 600,000 from 1820 to 1905, Denmark's is only about
225,000.[138] In calculating the immigration, however, a large allowance
must be made. Since the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein were acquired
by Prussia in 1864 and 1866, their emigrants have of course been
recorded as German. Nevertheless, taken as a whole, the movement from
Denmark has lacked momentum; its proportions are relatively small; and
the influence of the Danes in the United States is much less important
than that of either of the other Scandinavian nationalities.

  [138] See the tables in Appendix.

The causes of the smaller emigration from Denmark are to be found in the
nature of the people and in the conditions of the kingdom itself.
Generally speaking, the Danes are not highly enterprising, adventurous,
or self-confident; instead of daring all and risking all for possible,
even probable, advantage, they remain at home, for,

  "Striving to better, oft we do mar what's well."

Want is practically unknown in Denmark outside the slums of Copenhagen.
The condition of the common people has steadily improved since the
beginning of the nineteenth century, when nearly all the land was in the
hands of the nobility; at the present time, six-sevenths is owned by the
peasants. While this change has been going on, another, of even greater
significance, has taken place. Improved methods of cultivation, in the
course of a hundred years, have multiplied the productive power of the
land by ten, which is equivalent to increasing tenfold the available
area of the kingdom. No nation, except the United States and Canada, has
in recent times had such agricultural prosperity.[139]

  [139] Bille, _History of the Danes in America_, 8 n2, summarizing H.
        Weitemeyer, _Denmark_, 100.

As already noted, the activity of the Mormon missionaries drew off into
the wilderness of Utah nearly 2000 Danes between 1850 and 1860, and
nearly 5000 more in the next decade. In the two Prussian duchies after
1866, the discontent of Danes who preferred emigration to German rule
drove a large number to the United States; and as these were far from
being sympathizers with Mormonism, they found homes in the middle west.
Settlements sprang up after 1870 in Wisconsin, at Racine; in Iowa, at
Elk Horn in Shelby County and in the adjoining counties of Audubon and
Pottawatomie; and in Douglas County (Omaha), Nebraska, just across the
line from Pottawatomie County, Iowa. It should be noted in this
connection that all the Danish settlements save those in Utah, were well
within the frontier line, and hence are not to be classed as pioneering
work, for which the Danes have shown little inclination.

The efforts of the Danish Evangelical Lutheran Church in America,
organized at Neenah, Wisconsin, in 1872, have been several times
directed deliberately to the organization of new Danish colonies,
always, of course, with a view to strengthening the church or to
carrying out some of its peculiar ideas. Of the four colonies,--in Shelby
County, Iowa, in Lincoln County, Minnesota, in Clark County, Wisconsin,
and in Wharton County, Texas,--that in Iowa is the most noteworthy and
successful. Soon after 1880, the church secured an option on a tract of
35,000 acres in Shelby County from a land company. In return for 320
acres to be given by the company to the church for religious and
educational purposes when one hundred actual settlers were secured, the
church promised to use its influence to secure settlers for the whole
tract. The company agreed for three years time to sell only to Danes at
an average price of $7 per acre, for the first year, with an advance not
exceeding $.50 per year for each following year. The end of the first
year found more than the required number of settlers, the church
received its grant, and still maintains its worship, a parochial school,
and a high school, in a community which numbers about 1,000 Danes. The
other colonies have been less successful.[140]

  [140] Bille, _History of the Danes in America_, 26-28; A. Dan,
        "History of the Danish Evangelical Lutheran Church in America,"
        in Nelson, _History of the Scandinavians_, I, 166-171.

The Danish element in America has always lacked unity and solidarity.
Even in their European home the Danes possess no strong national
ambition, and no national institution claims their enthusiastic and
undivided support. The Danish church, or churches, has gripped its
immigrant sons and daughters less closely than similar organizations
among the Swedes and Norwegians. It is estimated that only one out of
fifteen of the Danes in the United States belongs to some church, while
one out of five of the Swedes, one out of three and one-half of the
Norwegians, and one out of three of the total population of the country,
is connected with an ecclesiastical organization.[141]

  [141] Nelson, _History of the Scandinavians_, II, 49.

One reason for the low ebb of church influence among the Danes is
undoubtedly the wranglings of the clergy over matters of theology and
polity, a continuation of the factional differences between the
followers of Bishop Grundtvig and the anti-Grundtvigians or Inner
Mission people in the years 1854-1895. In its beginning, the Danish
Lutheran Church in America unanimously adopted this resolution: "We, the
Danish ministers and congregations, hereby declare ourselves to be a
branch of the Danish National Church, a missionary department
established by that church in America."[142] The government of Denmark
recognized this relation; graduates of the University of Copenhagen,
who received calls to churches in America, were ordained by a bishop in
Denmark, and were appointed by the King as regular ministers in the
Danish Church; and since 1884 the Danish Government has made a small
annual appropriation for the education of ministers for the American
branch of the Danish Church. This allowance was at first spent in
Denmark, but since 1887, in the United States.[143] But with all this
effort at maintaining unity and continuity, the American branch has not
been united, peaceable or effective.

  [142] Bille, _History of the Danes in Amerika_, 18.

  [143] Bille, _History of the Danes in America_, 18n. The appropriation
        was $840 per year.

If the test of supporting educational institutions for their own people
be applied to the Danes, the same deficiency of interest and
contributions as in matters ecclesiastical, will be revealed. The
attempt of the Grundtvigians to set up the peculiar "high schools" which
they maintained in Denmark, for instruction of the common people in
Scandinavian history, mythology, religion, language, and literature, all
in Danish, was doomed to failure.[144] The first of these schools was
located at Elk Horn, Iowa, in the midst of the largest Danish settlement
in the United States, yet in the fifteen years after its establishment
in 1878 the average attendance never reached forty. Four other schools,
in Ashland, Michigan, in Nysted, Nebraska, in Polk County, Wisconsin,
and in Lincoln County, Minnesota, all established between 1878 and 1888,
suffered from like indifference and lack of financial help; not one
averaged thirty pupils per year. Aside from tuition, the contributions
of the Danes for educational purposes did not reach fifty cents per
communicant during any consecutive five years up to 1894.[145] This is a
poor showing alongside the three dollars per communicant contributed by
the Norwegians when they were building Decorah College in 1861 to
1865.[146]

  [144] _Ibid._, 21; _Kirkelig Samler_, 1878, 320.

  [145] Bille, _History of the Danes in America_, 16.

  [146] Bille, _History of the Danes in America_, 15; Estrem,
        "Historical Review of Luther College," in Nelson, _History
        of the Scandinavians_, II, 24.




CHAPTER VII.

A HALF CENTURY OF EXPANSION AND DISTRIBUTION, 1850-1900.


While the immigration movement from Norway and Sweden was
well-established by 1850, and certain to expand, it was numerically
unimportant when compared with that from some other countries of Europe.
In 1849 the influx from all Scandinavia was slightly more than one
per-cent of the total immigration from Europe. Yet the rising stream
had, by 1850, worn for itself a clear and definite channel from eastern
ports like New York and Boston to such gateways to the Northwest as
Chicago and Milwaukee; and through these it continued to flow out over
the wilderness of the upper Mississippi Valley extending north of the
Missouri and Illinois Rivers and west of the Great Lakes. For more than
a half century there have been relatively few variations from this
course, tho in the later decades, with an increase in the proportion of
skilled laborers among the incoming thousands, certain eastern cities
have detained a considerable percentage.

No other marked change in the character and quality of the immigrants
has developed since 1850, nor have any new motives appeared, except in
the case of the Danes, to be discussed later. In a word, the
Scandinavian immigration since 1850 is simply the earlier Scandinavian
immigration enlarged in numbers, with broader and deeper significance.
The areas of interest in emigration in Europe gradually extended to
every part and every class of the three Northern kingdoms; and the
localities attractive to Scandinavians in the United States, expanded
until eight contiguous States in the Old Northwest and the Newer
Northwest showed each a foreign-born population of Northmen numbering
more than thirty thousand. In the State of Minnesota they now reach
close to a quarter of a million.[147]

  [147] After 1850 the book of Frederika Bremer, _Homes of the New
        World_, is credited with large influence in Sweden among
        the better classes. See McDowell, "The New Scandinavia",
        _Scandinavia_, Nos. 5-8.

The total recorded Scandinavian immigration, according to the statistics
of the United States, from 1820 to 1912, is in round numbers 2,200,000.
According to the statistics of Norway, Sweden, and Denmark, which may be
disregarded for inaccuracy before 1850, the total falls about 142,000
short of this figure, a difference which may be easily enough accounted
for by persons leaving those countries for a more or less indefinite
stay in other parts of Europe, before starting for America.[148] The
American statistics in later years have sometimes shown larger numbers
than the Swedish, but the discrepancy is accounted for by the fact that
a great number of emigrants from Finland have passed through Sweden on
their way to America and therefore are counted as Swedes.[149] The
totals by decades with the percentages of the whole immigration for the
decades, is as follows:[150]

                                                           Per cent
              Denmark     Norway      Sweden   Total Sc.   of immig.

  1820-1830       189               91              280     .2
  1831-1840     1,063            1,201            2,264     .4
  1841-1850       539           13,903           14,442     .8
  1851-1860     3,749           20,931           24,680     .9
  1861-1870    17,094          109,298          126,392    5.2
  1871-1880    31,771     94,823     115,922    242,516    8.6
  1881-1890    88,132    176,586     391,733    656,451   12.5
  1891-1900    52,670     95,264     230,679    378,613    9.8
  1901-1910    65,285    190,505     249,534    505,524    5.7

  [148] Nelson in his _History of the Scandinavians_, I, 253 ff., gives
        some careful and excellent tables of statistics compiled from
        official publications of the United States and of the three
        Scandinavian kingdoms. Too much reliance should not be put upon
        the earlier figures derived from either source. It will also be
        noted that the European figures are in many cases given in even
        fifties and hundreds, which savors of estimates rather than of
        exact statistics. Nelson, p. 244, declares that these foreign
        statistics, so far as they go, are more reliable than the
        American.

  [149] Sundbärg, _Sweden_ (English Translation), 132; Sundbärg,
        _Bidrag till Utvandringsfrågan från Befolkningsstatistisk
        Synpunkt_, 34 ff.

  [150] The statistics of Norwegian and Swedish immigration were
        combined down to 1868, but for convenience here the combination
        is continued to the end of the decade. Statistical Abstract of
        the U. S. (1912), 110.

The fluctuations of the annual immigration have been very great, as an
inspection of the accompanying chart and the tables in Appendix I, will
readily show. The addition of other lines to this chart indicating the
fluctuations in the numbers of immigrants from Germany and Ireland,
demonstrates that these rather striking variations were chiefly caused
by conditions and prospects in America, rather than by circumstances in
Europe. In 1849 the total immigration of Norwegians and Swedes passed
2,000, and even reached 3,400, but the terrible scourge of cholera in
that year under which so many of the Scandinavians in the West fell,
caused a falling off of more than half in 1850. After the panic of 1857,
the Danish immigration fell from 1,035 to 252 in one year, while the
total from the Northern lands fell steadily from 2,747 to 840 in 1860.

The Civil War disturbed comparatively little the conditions favoring
Scandinavian immigration, for the Northwest was never in danger of
invasion, and nominal prices for farm produce ranged higher and higher.
Furthermore, the Homestead Act of 1862 gave new and cumulative impetus
to the immigration which sought farming lands.[151] So from a total of
850 in 1861 (the statistics of Norway show 8,900 emigrants for that
year, and those of Sweden, 1,087), the numbers gradually increased, in
spite of the war, to 7,258 in 1865. The panic of 1873 did not affect the
Scandinavian movement so immediately and seriously as might at first
thought be expected, probably because the Northmen were seeking farms in
the West, and also because the farmers as a class are about the last to
feel the effects of financial crises like that of 1873. As the
depression deepened, letters from America to Northern Europe lost their
tone of buoyancy and enthusiasm; the eastward flow of passage-money and
prepaid tickets almost ceased. At the same time a series of good crops
in the three Scandinavian countries caused a rise of wages about 1873,
doubling them in some instances.[152] Consequently the current of
immigration lost force and volume for several years, the totals
dropping, in round numbers, from 35,000 in 1873, to 19,000 in 1874, and
to 11,000 in 1877.

  [151] _United States Statutes at Large_ (1861-2), 392 ff.

  [152] Young, _Labor in Europe and America_, 676,--quoting and
        summarizing from a report to the Secretary of State
        by C. C. Andrews, United States Minister to Sweden,
        Sept. 24, 1873.

After the high-water mark of 105,326 in 1882, reached during the revival
of business from 1879 to 1884, the totals did not again fall below
40,000 Scandinavian immigrants per year, until after the industrial and
financial stagnation of 1893 to 1896; 62,000 in 1893 became 33,000 in
1894, and 19,000 in 1898. With the prosperity of the first years of the
new century in the United States, the number again passed 50,000,
reaching another climax in the 77,000 of 1903.

In general, the variations of the curves for the three nationalities
under discussion have been nearly co-incident, as for example the high
points in 1873 and 1882, and the low points in 1877, 1885, and 1898. The
Danish immigration did not rise proportionately with the other two,
especially in 1903, probably because of the democratizing of
land-ownership in Denmark, and because of the remarkable improvement in
methods of cultivation in the course of the nineteenth century.[153] No
such decided improvements took place in the other peninsular kingdoms.

  [153] J. H. Bille, "History of the Danes in America", _Transactions of
        the Wis. Acad. of Sciences, Arts, and Letters_, IX, 8 n., citing
        H. Weitemeyer, _Denmark_, 100.

Another feature of the fluctuation is entitled to some consideration. In
proportion to the population of those nations, the emigration from
Norway and Sweden since 1870 has been very large, and such drafts as
were made in the years 1882 or 1903 could not be expected to keep up.
The periodicity of the ripening of a good "crop" of eligible emigrants
for the great American West seems to have been since 1877 from five to
eight years. In this connection it is a noteworthy fact that the
population in each of the Scandinavian kingdoms, notwithstanding the
great emigrations, has steadily tho slowly increased since 1850.[154]
For the last decade of the nineteenth century, the figures for the
increase were, Denmark, 16.6%, Norway, 10.6%, Sweden 7.3%, United States
20%.[155] In this statistical distribution, account must also be taken
of the Scandinavians of the second generation, born in this country of
foreign-born parents, since this element, racially speaking, is just as
much an alien stock, with its inheritance of tendencies, temperament,
and passions, as were the original immigrants. The census of 1910
enumerated among the foreign-born and the native-born of specified
foreign parents:[156]

                            Native white having
            Foreign-born     both parents born       Total
               white        in specified country

  Danes        181,621             147,648          329,269
  Norwegians   403,858             410,951          814,809
  Swedes       665,183             546,788        1,211,971
             ---------           ---------        ---------
             1,250,662           1,105,387        2,356,049

To these must be added still another group, made up of those persons
having a father born in Norway, Sweden, or Denmark, and a mother born in
one of the other two countries, in other words, persons of pure
Scandinavian descent. The number of such in 1910 was 72,152. It does not
include, be it noted, those persons of equally pure Norse blood whose
parents, one or both, were born in the United States. The minimum number
of Scandinavians, then, in the United States in 1910, who must be taken
into account in all calculations and estimates of power and influence
exercised by that factor of the population, is 2,428,201. If it were
desired to bring the estimate up to date, the immigration of 1910-1913
and an approximation of the increase of the native-born, would have to
be included, and the grand total of persons of pure Northern stock
would not be far from 2,700,000 at the present time (1913).

  [154] For Denmark, the increase has been about 1% per year since 1870;
        Sweden shows a slightly smaller increase, falling as low as
        ¼% in 1890; Norway has a still smaller average increase than
        Sweden, estimated by Norwegian authority "1865-1890, .65%". The
        same writer adds: "The Norwegian race, in the course of the
        fifty years from 1840 to 1890 must have about doubled itself,
        which is equivalent to an annual growth of about 1.4%." Norway,
        103; _Statesman's Year-Book, 1900_, 491, 1047, 1050.

  [155] _Supplementary Analysis of 12th Census_, 31-33.

  [156] These figures are drawn from the tables in the _Census Reports,
        1910, Population_, I, 875 ff. The statistics generally deal
        only with white persons, thus excluding blacks and mulattoes
        of the Danish West Indies.

The distribution of this vast company to the different States of the
Union is a consideration of primary importance. The detailed analysis of
the motives, processes, and results of the occupation of the
Northwestern States by the children of the Northlands, belongs in later
chapters.[157] The reasons why the stream flowed to the north of Mason
and Dixon's Line are a combination of climate and a fear and hatred of
slavery. If the movement from Scandinavia had begun fifty years earlier,
before the anti-slavery agitation became acute, the New Norway and the
New Sweden of the nineteenth century, would doubtless still have been in
the North and probably in Ohio, Indiana, and Michigan, for very much the
same reason that the Western Reserve was a New Connecticut.

  [157] See chapters VIII-X.

Desiring ownership of good agricultural land above all else, and finding
after 1835 that the best and cheapest was to be found along the
advancing frontier west of a north-and-south line drawn through Chicago,
the men from Norway, Sweden, and Denmark followed their distant cousins
of New England and the Middle States in the great trek into the
Any-Man's-Land of the fertile upper Mississippi Valley.[158] For more
than two decades after the Civil War, tho slavery no longer existed in
the South, that region was still in the depression and uncertainty of
the post-bellum industrial disorganization, and hence unattractive to
immigrants of any class. So the tide continued to run high in the
Northwest and spread wider and wider because of the traditions of two
generations, and because of the attracting power of the Scandinavian
mass already comfortably and solidly settled there.

  [158] The "line which limits the average density of 2 to a square
        mile, is considered as the limit of settlement--the frontier
        line of population". _Eleventh Census, Report on Population_,
        I, xviii. See R. Mayo-Smith in _Political Science Quarterly_,
        III, 52.

The first States of the Northwest into which the Norwegians and Swedes
penetrated, as has been described above, were Illinois and Wisconsin;
and in the censuses of 1850 and 1860 Wisconsin held first place in the
number of these aliens, showing an increase from 8,885 to 23,265.[159]
In 1850, Iowa, in the "far west," ranked fourth, with 611. Minnesota,
which then stretched away to the Rocky Mountains, had 4 Swedes, 7
Norwegians, and 1 Dane.[160] By 1860 Iowa was passed by Minnesota which
then had 11,773, and thenceforward the Scandinavians were to keep close
step with the westward march of the frontier. In 1870 Minnesota took
first place, with 58,837, a position which the State has continued to
hold. In 1890 she had within her borders 236,670 foreign-born Northmen,
and enough of the second generation to make her Scandinavian population
466,365, or about one-fifth that of Denmark or Norway. The order of
Minnesota, Wisconsin, Illinois, and Iowa held good for 1870 and 1880,
but Wisconsin and Illinois changed places in the reports of 1890 and
1900. The Dakotas, as one Territory, received their first Norse settler
in 1858, but when the census of 1880 was taken there were 17,869, and in
1890, when the Territory was divided into two States, the Scandinavian
contingent was more than 65,000 strong.[161] Nebraska illustrated in a
similar manner the widening overflow of the steady stream out of the
European North; her population of Scandinavian birth which numbered only
3,987 in 1870, grew by direct entry of immigrants, and by the secondary
movement of early immigrants out of the middle Northwest, to 16,685 in
1880, and to 40,107 of foreign-born in 1900. According to this last
census, Nebraska counted 38,914 native persons of foreign-born
Scandinavian parents, showing that the second generation did not fall
much behind the first in the habit of frontier-seeking.[162]

  [159] For the tables illustrating this discussion, see Appendix.

  [160] Gronberger, _Svenskarne i St. Croixdalen_, 3 ff.

  [161] Sparks, _History of Winneshiek County, Iowa_, III.

  [162] See Appendix I.

In the rush of gold-seekers into California after 1848 were many Danes
and Swedes, who gave that State in 1860 fifth rank as to the number of
Scandinavians; by 1890 these numbered about 42,000, of whom the greater
part were of the two nationalities just named. Another frontier region
which gained from the Danish immigration between 1850 and 1860 was the
Territory of Utah, for the Mormon missionaries seem to have been
particularly successful in Denmark, and nearly every convert became an
immigrant. Quite in advance of their invasion of Dakota, more than 2,000
Danes had settled in the Mormon Territory, and ten years later Utah
counted nearly twice as many Scandinavians as Nebraska, seven-tenths
being Danes.

The increasing density of this Scandinavian population in certain
localities,--what might be called its vertical distribution--is strikingly
illustrated in both urban and rural communities. Chicago had barely
emerged from the Fort Dearborn stage when the first Scandinavians walked
its streets. Yet within two generations there were found inside of her
wide-stretching borders more than 100,000 Swedes, Norwegians, and Danes
of foreign birth, and enough of the second generation to give her more
than 190,000, so that the city at the head of Lake Michigan was next
after Copenhagen, Stockholm, and Christiania,--the largest Scandinavian
city in the world.[163] By a similar calculation, Minneapolis would rank
sixth or seventh.

  [163] _Svenska Folkets Tidning_, Jan. 1, 1896, estimated the totals as
        follows: Swedes, 100,000, Norwegians, 62,000, and Danes, 35,000!

Rockford, Illinois, received the first of its signally prosperous
Swedish colony about 1853; by 1865 the city had 2,000 Swedes.[164] The
census of 1910 credits Rockford with 10,000 foreign born Swedes, and a
total of Swedish parentage reaching close to 19,000. One of the
west-central counties of Minnesota, Otter Tail, counted (1900) more than
half of its 45,000 population of pure Scandinavian blood of the first
and second generation of immigrants. Polk county, newer and farther
north in the same State, reveals almost sixty per-cent of the same sort
of population in a total of 35,000. For some of the still newer and more
sparsely settled counties even larger percentages might be obtained.

  [164] Kæding, _Rockfords Svenskar_, 27, 35.

A closer analysis of the tables of population reveals some further facts
as to the distribution of the different nationalities. The Swedes are
the most numerous in Minnesota, Illinois, Iowa, Michigan, Nebraska, and
Kansas; the Norwegians predominate in Wisconsin, North Dakota, and South
Dakota, and nearly equal the Swedes in Minnesota where each passes
200,000. The Danes are strongest--they can hardly be called a very
important factor in any State--in Iowa, Minnesota, Wisconsin, Illinois,
and Nebraska; in each State they have more than 25,000. Another feature
of this varying density of the three groups has to do with the cities.
Chicago, Rockford, Minneapolis, St. Paul, and Duluth account for a large
proportion of the Swedes of Illinois and Minnesota, and represent the
later rather than the earlier stages of distribution. Outside of the
cities mentioned, the Norwegians in Minnesota outnumber the Swedes by
some 52,000. In North Dakota, the Norwegians are 72% of the foreign-born
Scandinavian population, in South Dakota, 56%, and in Wisconsin, 60%,
while in Illinois the Swedes are about 70%, and in Michigan and
Nebraska, 63% and 59% respectively. The Danes reach their highest
percentages of the Scandinavian foreign-born in Utah, 50%, in Nebraska,
34%, and in Iowa, 23%. Large numbers of the later immigrants, especially
of the skilled Swedish laborers, have found occupation in New York and
Brooklyn, Boston and Worcester, Hartford and Providence. These have
raised the proportion of the Swedes in the United States living in
cities of more than 25,000, to 36%, while only 28% of the Danes, and 19%
of the Norwegians were similarly located in 1900.[165]

  [165] _Census Reports, 1900, Population_, I, Tables 33 and 35.

Climate, particularly the mean temperature, has also played considerable
part in the choice by the immigrants from Northern Europe of the sites
for their new homes, though it is an open question whether they would
not have been established where they were and when they were even if
the climate were different. Certain it is that the few Icelandic
settlements are situated in the extreme northern part of Minnesota and
North Dakota, and in Southern Manitoba.[166] South of them come, in
order, the zones of densest Norwegian population, 49° to 42°, of the
Swedish, 48° to 40°, and of Danish, 44° to 38°. The three nationalities
thus occupy relatively the same latitudinal position in America as in
their homes in the Old North.[167]

  [166] These are of course enumerated as Danes. Pembina County, in the
        extreme northeast corner of North Dakota had in 1900 1588 Danes
        (Icelanders). The movement from Iceland began about 1870. See
        R. B. Anderson in _Chicago Record Herald_, Aug. 21, 1901.

  [167] G. T. Flom, "The Scandinavian Factor in the American
        Population", _Iowa Journal of History and Politics_, III, 88.

Summarizing the matter of location, the great bulk of the Scandinavian
immigrants went into the Northwest, 78% of them during the first fifty
years of the movement, and about 70% of the total. Out of the
immigration of the different nationalities, 81% of the Norwegians are in
the Northwest, 60% of the Danes, and 59% of the Swedes, the percentage
of the last being brought down, in comparison with the Norwegians, by
the fact that nearly 100,000 Swedes are found in Massachusetts, New
York, and Pennsylvania.[168]

  [168] _Statistical Atlas of the Twelfth Census_, Plates 69, 71, 73,
        76; _Iowa Journal of History and Politics_, III, 76.

The Civil War occurred before the numbers and expansion of the Norse
element of the country's population had much passed a promising
beginning; the 75,000 present in 1860 could not be expected to play any
large and leading rôle. Yet the one dramatic and heroic chapter in the
whole story of the progress of the Scandinavians in America is that
dealing with their part in that great struggle, in which many hundreds
of them gave their strength and their lives for the unity and safety of
their adopted country no less bravely and no less cheerfully than did
the native-born American. The men from Thelemark and Smaaland and the
sons of Massachusetts and Michigan were inspired by the same fine and
pure motives; they hated slavery and loved the flag under whose folds
they realized their hopes and dreams.[169] By temperament, by religion,
by education, by tradition, men of Norse parentage were fitted to
participate in upholding a cause so essentially right and high.

  [169] Mattson, _Story of an Emigrant_, 60, 94. Here is printed, in
        translation from _Hemlandet_, a stirring appeal "To the
        Scandinavians of Minnesota!;" _Fædrelandet og Emigranten_,
        September 29, 1870.

In the short space of this volume, details of the loyal services of
companies made up wholly or in large part of Swedes and Norwegians must
be omitted, and the laurels won by such men as General Stohlbrand, who
was made a brigadier by President Lincoln himself,[170] Colonel H. C.
Heg,[171] Colonel Mattson,[172] and Lieutenant Colonel Porter C.
Olson,[173] must be passed by with mere allusions.

  [170] Osborn, "Personal Memories of Brig. Gen. C. J. Stolbrand",
        _Year-Book of the Swedish Historical Society of America_,
        1909-10, 5-16.

  [171] Dietrichson, _Det Femtende Wisconsin Regiments Historie_, 26.

  [172] Mattson, _Story of an Emigrant_, 59-93.

  [173] Anderson, _Norwegian Immigration_, 112-127.

The Fifteenth Wisconsin Regiment of Volunteers, consisting of about 900
men, whose organization was decided upon at a mass meeting held in the
Capitol at Madison, in September, 1861, was made up almost entirely of
Norwegians and Swedes, some of whom had been in the United States less
than a year. Hans C. Heg, one of the early leaders of the Norwegian
immigration into Wisconsin, was appointed colonel of the regiment and
began organization at Camp Randall, near Madison, in the following
December.[174] The roster of officers indicates plainly their origin,
including such names as Rev. C. L. Clausen, Thorkildson, Hansen,
Grinager, Skofstad, Ingmundson, Tjentland, and Solberg.[175] The
regiment left for the front in March, 1862, and participated in the
operations of the next three years in Kentucky, Tennessee and northern
Georgia. It was mustered out at Chattanooga in February, 1865, having
lost about 300, quite one-third of its total enlistment, from deaths in
battle or in the hospitals, including Colonel Heg, who was killed at
Chickamauga.[176] Its record is summed up by the military historian of
Wisconsin who states that it was "one of the bravest and most efficient
regiments that Wisconsin sent to the field."[177]

  [174] Enander, _Borgerkrigen i de Forenede Stater_, 106; Dietrichson,
        _Det Femtende Wisconsin Regiments Historie_, ch. i.

  [175] Dietrichson, "The Fifteenth Wisconsin, or Scandinavian,
        Regiment," _Scandinavia_, I, 297 ff.

  [176] Nelson, _History of Scandinavians_, I, 166.

  [177] Quiner, _The Military History of Wisconsin_ (ch. xxiii,
        "Regimental Histories--15th Infantry"), 631.

Besides this Scandinavian regiment, there were several others in which
the Norse element was large. Company C of the 43d Illinois Regiment was
made up of Swedes, serving under Captain Arosenius. It was organized in
the spring of 1862 and mustered out in the fall of 1865, with
an honorable record of services faithfully and uncomplainingly
performed.[178] Company D of the 57th Illinois Regiment, which served
from the autumn of 1861 to July, 1864,[179] and Company D of the 3d
Minnesota Regiment, which was mustered in at about the same time,[180]
were composed of Scandinavians. A sprinkling of Swedes, Norwegians, and
Danes appears in the lists of many of the regiments of Illinois,
Wisconsin, and Minnesota, and many of these men rose to the ranks of
commissioned officers.[181] The Adjutant General of Minnesota in 1866
estimated that of the enlistments from that State, at least 800 were
Norwegians, 675 Swedes, and 25 Danes. "In numerous instances the
nativity of the soldiers is omitted; and it is not easy to count
correctly all the names in such publications; hence it is fair to
estimate that 2,000 Scandinavians from Minnesota enlisted under the
Stars and Stripes.... One-eighth of the total population of the State
enlisted under the Union flag; while at the same time one out of every
six Scandinavians in Minnesota, as well as in Wisconsin, fought for his
adopted country."[182]

  [178] Johnson and Peterson, _Svenskarne i Illinois_, 143-149.

  [179] _Ibid._, 155-161.

  [180] Mattson, _The Story of an Emigrant_, 59-93.

  [181] _Ibid._, 62.

  [182] _Annual Report of the Adjutant General of Minnesota_, 1866, II;
        Nelson, _History of the Scandinavians_, I, 303-304. Similar
        figures for Iowa are in Nelson, II, 67.

Everywhere the story of their services in the army is creditable, and it
is not strange that the survivors are proud of their war records as the
badge of loyal Americanism. They did not go into the war for mere love
of adventure, nor for love of fighting, for men in large numbers do not
leave their families and their half-developed farms for flimsy and
temporary reasons. They loved the new country they had made their own,
with a love that was measurable in the high terms of sacrifice, even to
the shedding of blood and to death. The stock out of which Gustavus
Adolphus made brave and effective soldiers had not degenerated through
lapse of time nor through transplanting.

Though John Ericsson was in no wise connected with the regular Swedish
immigration movement, nor with Swedish settlement in the Northwest, the
United States owes him too large a debt for what has sometimes been
called the salvation of the Union through the agency of his "Monitor",
to warrant the omission of his name from among those Swedes who served
American freedom during the Civil War.[183]

  [183] Church, _Life of John Ericsson_.




CHAPTER VIII.

ECONOMIC FORCES AT WORK.


In the many monographs and more pretentious works dealing with various
phases of the economic history of the United States, much attention
has been given to the tariff, manufacturing, banking, currency,
transportation, and public lands. Only recently have the economic
results of immigration begun to receive the attention which their
importance deserves. For a long time the excellent work of Professor
Richmond Mayo-Smith, _Emigration and Immigration_ (1890), notable for
the strength and breadth of its general treatment, was quite alone in
its field. Mere statistical studies no longer suffice, and just as the
census-taking of the Federal Government has changed from the simple,
old-fashioned inventory of numbers--so many heads, black and white,
native-born and foreign-born--to an elaborate investigation of the life
problem of the population, so the meaning of immigration as a whole, and
of Scandinavian immigration in particular, requires a discussion
extending beyond annual and decennial statistics and maps of the density
of settlement.

In the economic development of the Northwest, as compared with the
history of the Eastern, Middle, or Southern States during the nineteenth
century, the three principal topics are immigration, the Federal land
policy, and improvements in transportation. In a peculiar manner the
last two subjects are interwoven with the story of the Norwegians,
Swedes, and Danes in America. When people by the hundreds of thousands
were settled in the West, when commerce and manufacturing arose upon the
sound basis of a prospering agriculture, then and not till then,
protection, currency, and bimetallism might be accepted as real and
immediate issues.

The Scandinavian immigrants along the frontiers, like the other pioneers
all through the prairie west, were from the first vitally interested in
securing some form of cheap transportation of the produce of the farms
to a good market; railroads were indispensable to the development of the
agricultural areas of the Great West. Western Pennsylvania might find
profit in 1794 in shipping the quintessence of its agriculture across
the mountains in demijohns; the cattlemen of the South and Southwest
might drive their products to market on the hoof; but at the very best
these were exceptional, inelastic, and primitive methods. Many pioneer
Norwegians and Swedes in Minnesota and Iowa were obliged to carry their
wheat and corn forty and fifty miles to have it ground for their
families, but they could not hope to haul any great amount of ordinary
farm produce over the abominable roads of the West for a distance
greater than forty miles and make a profit.[184] Without the hope of
railroads, the vast stretches of cereal-producing land in the
trans-Mississippi would long have remained virgin soil. Yet without
assurance that population would rapidly increase in numbers and in
complexity of life, thus giving a large traffic in both directions, no
railroad company would build out into the thinly settled area.[185]

  [184] _Fædrelandet og Emigranten_, July 21, 1870; interview in 1890
        with the Rev. U. V. Koren, the first Norwegian Lutheran minister
        permanently located west of the Mississippi. Miss Bremer in
        October, 1850, described the road over which the early settlers
        in Wisconsin went 30 and 40 miles to market: "the newborn roads
        of Wisconsin, which are no roads at all, but a succession of
        hills and holes and water pools in which first one wheel sank
        and then the other, while the opposite one stood high up in
        the air.... To me, that mode of travelling seemed really
        incredible.... They comforted me by telling me that the
        diligence was not in the habit of being upset very often!"
        _Homes of the New World_, II, 235-236.

  [185] It was on faith in the future of the northern zone of the
        Northwest, based upon observation, that the Great Northern
        Railroad was built without any land-grant or subsidy such as
        the Northern Pacific and other roads demanded and got.

Broadly speaking, then, the real problem of the Northwestern frontier
after 1850 was: how to put more and ever more men of capacity,
endurance, strength, and adaptability into the upper Mississippi and Red
River valleys, men who first break up the prairie sod, clear the brush
off the slopes, drain the marshes, build the railroads, and do the
thousands and one hard jobs incident to pioneer life, and then turn to
the building of factories and towns and cities. Not every sort of man
who could hold a plow or wield a hoe would do: Chinese coolies, for
example, would hardly be considered desirable, even with all their
capacity for hard work, persistence, and patience. Furthermore, it is
plain now, that the West could not have looked to the Eastern States
alone to send out an industrial army sufficient in numbers and spirit
for the conquest of the new empire and the extraction of its varied
resources at the desired speed. The demands were too severe, the rewards
too remote and uncertain for the average prosperous native-born citizen.
The aliens from the western side of the Atlantic, as it were by
regiments and battalions, must re-enforce the companies westward-bound
from the older States; in such a situation the Scandinavians were all
but indispensable to rapid material progress in the Northwest after the
middle of the last century.

It is not easy to realize how attractive to the Northland immigrants
were the broad, level lands of the West, to be had from the United
States Government on the easiest of terms, both before and after the
passage of the Homestead Act of 1862. Scarcely in their dreams had they
conceived of soil so fertile, so readily tilled, and so cheaply
acquired. To speak to a Norwegian from Thelemarken, to a Swede from
Smaaland, or to a Dane from the misty, sandy coast of Jutland, about
rich, rolling prairies stretching away miles upon miles, about land
which was neither rocky, nor swampy, nor pure sand, nor set up at an
angle of forty-five degrees, about land which could be had almost for
the asking in fee simple and not by some semi-manorial title--this was to
speak to his imagination rather than to his understanding. The letters
from immigrants to their old friends in Europe continually dilated on
these advantages, sometime with a curious mingling of humor and pathos.
One of these communications, which was printed as a small pamphlet in
1850, sets forth in large letters, that the land was so plentiful that
the pigs and cattle were allowed to run at will.[186] What more could
be asked of Providence by a poor peasant or "husmand," owing to his
landlord, for the little strip of land on which he lived, the labor of
two or three days each week?[187]

  [186] A copy of this interesting little pamphlet, without signature,
        was found in the National Library in Stockholm.

  [187] Young, _Labor in Europe and America_, 696. Laing, _Journal of a
        Residence in Norway_ (1834), 151, describes the conditions in a
        parish, Levanger, near Throndhjem. There fifty estates were
        entered to pay land tax. Out of a population of 2465, 124 were
        proprietors cultivating their own land; 47 were tenants leasing
        lands, and 144 were "housemen" or tenants owing labor for their
        land.

These strictly economic advantages of soil and price were not the only
attractions for the sons of the Northlands. Both the traveller and the
prospector for a site for a settlement were deeply impressed by the
general appearance of the rolling country of the Northwest with its
abundance of streams and lakes. During her visit to Wisconsin and
Minnesota in the fall of 1850, Frederika Bremer saw with quite prophetic
vision, the possibilities of the region:

"What a glorious new Scandinavia might not Minnesota become! Here would
the Swede find again his clear, romantic lakes, the plains of Scania
rich in corn, and the valleys of Norrland; here would the Norwegian find
his rapid rivers, his lofty mountains, for I include the Rocky Mountains
and Oregon, in the new kingdom; and both nations their hunting fields
and their fisheries. The Danes might here pasture their flocks and
herds, and lay out their farms on richer and less misty coasts than
those of Denmark.... Scandinavians who are well off in the old country
ought not to leave it. But such as are too much contracted at home, and
who desire to emigrate, should come to Minnesota. The climate, the
situation, the character of the scenery, agrees with our people better
than that of any other of the American States, and none of them appear
to me to have a greater or a more beautiful future before them than
Minnesota. Add to this that the rich soil of Minnesota is not yet bought
up by speculators, but may everywhere be purchased at government
prices.... There are here already a considerable number of Norwegians
and Danes."[188] The Swedish air-castle took material shape rapidly;
during forty years the name Minnesota, even more than Iowa, or
Wisconsin, was a name to conjure with among the laborers and would-be
farmers of the old kingdoms.[189]

  [188] Bremer, _Homes of the New World_, II, 314-315.

  [189] The charm of this name was illustrated in a curious way during
        the journey of the writer and another American through the
        mountains of central Norway in the summer of 1890. One early
        evening they came to the cabin of a _sæter_, or summer pasture,
        high up on the side of Gaustafjeld, and asked to be lodged for
        the night. It appeared that the only room available for
        strangers was already occupied by two young men from
        Christiania; but when the conversation developed the fact that
        both the late-comers were from America, and one from Minnesota,
        the woman of the house hastened off into the next room, ordered
        out the two Norwegians, and announced on returning that the room
        was at the service of the foreigners!

Of the peculiar fitness of the Swedes, Norwegians, and Danes for this
promotion of economic progress in a great section of the country, there
is practically a unanimous opinion. A dispassionate, mature estimate is
expressed officially by an agent of the British Government sent out to
study the question of immigration in the United States. "It is generally
admitted," he states, "that physically, morally, and socially, no better
class of immigrants enter the United States. In some respects they are
the most desirable of all."[190] A first-hand observer of their work as
western farmers wrote in 1868 concerning the settlers in a Norwegian
township in Minnesota, "They open their farms quicker, raise better
stock than most any other class, and quickly become wealthy."[191] In a
hearing before the Industrial Commission in 1899, Hermann Stump, a
prominent German, testified that the Scandinavians "are really the best
immigrants who come to the United States."[192]

  [190] _Report of the Board of Trade of Great Britain on Alien
        Immigration to The United States_, 211, 212.

  [191] Goddard, _Where to Emigrate and Why_, 247.

  [192] _Report of the Industrial Commission_, XV, 22.

While the Scandinavians were admirably fitted to become substantial
citizens and to develop their own properties, and while the prospect of
possessing a farm was the most potent and pervading influence affecting
their movements after about 1850, the very high rate of wages paid in
the United States, as compared with the wages in Europe, was everywhere
an important factor among the immediate attractions. All of the western
States, in the first decade of their growth, were exceedingly anxious to
secure settlers who should take up and improve the vacant square miles,
thus adding to the population and to the taxable values of the
commonwealth. At the same time there was a large and steady demand for
wage-labor; the farmers needed helpers; the construction of internal
improvements, begun and projected, like the rapidly expanding railroad
systems, could be carried on only by the aid of an abundance of
laborers.[193]

  [193] Mattson, _The Story of an Emigrant_, 29 ff.

These needs could not be met by any considerable migration of laborers
from the eastern States, for there the development of manufacturing and
of transportation by land and by sea would operate to keep up wages and
so to hold the laborers. The hard labor of the Far West, therefore, must
be done, if done at all, by those who had not already found places for
themselves in the industrial system of the United States, and for such
services a good rate of wages would be paid, or at least a rate
sufficient to draw the desired labor. In 1851 the $15 per month received
by some Swedes working as farm hands near Buffalo, New York, was
considered "big wages."[194] At the same time laborers on railroad
construction in the West were receiving $.75 and $1 per day. Whether
measured as real or nominal wages, these rates were certainly higher
than even the average skilled laborer could earn in Norway or
Sweden.[195] Tho the wages in the peninsular kingdoms rose considerably
from 1850 to 1875, there was still at the later date and afterwards a
large differential in favor of the American scale, whether for skilled
or unskilled laborers. The experienced agricultural laborer in the
fields of Illinois or Wisconsin received two or three times as much as
the corresponding worker in Norway and Sweden, while in new States like
Minnesota the multiple was even greater.[196] Still more marked were the
differences between skilled laborers, such as carpenters and smiths, in
America and Europe even after the panic of 1873.[197]

  [194] Mattson, _The Story of an Emigrant_, 17.

  [195] _Ibid._, 29. For work on the Chicago & Rock Island Railroad,
        Mattson received $.75 per day, and paid for board $1.50 a week,
        but the determination of the real wages, per month, requires a
        liberal deduction from these day-wages, for the process of
        acclimatization was severe in such malarial districts as that
        in which Mattson worked, and few men at first worked more than
        fifteen or twenty days in the month.

  [196] The following tabulation is drawn from the statistics of Dr.
        Young, _Labor in Europe and America_, to illustrate the
        differences of wages. Personal inquiries among men from all
        parts of Northern Europe confirm in a general way these figures
        reported from Europe. The European rates are reduced to gold
        values, while those for the United States are in paper money
        values, and should be discounted 10% or 12% to put them on a
        par with the other rates.

                                      Summer              Winter

        Experienced agric.       With      Without     With    Without
        laborers, per day       Board      Board      Board    Board

        Sweden, 1873             $ .66      $         $.46      $
        Norway, 1873               .28-.43   .42-.55   .21-.31   .55
        Denmark, 1872              .54       .80       .40       .60
        U.S. (Western), 1870      1.34      1.84       .97      1.40
        Minnesota, 1870           1.60      2.50      1.17      1.67
        U.S. (Western), 1874      1.15      1.58       .93      1.35
        Minnesota, 1874           1.00      1.50       .75      1.25

  [197] _Ibid._

        Mechanics and skilled
         laborers, per day            Blacksmiths      Carpenters

        Sweden, 1873                     $.80            $.80
        Norway, 1873                      .90             .85
        Denmark, 1873                     .85             .65-.85
        U.S. (Western), 1870 & 1874      2.88 & 2.66     2.98 & 2.72
        Minnesota, 1870 & 1874           3.03 & 3.00     2.92 & 2.50
        Domestic servants, female, per month
        Sweden, 1873                                    $2.14-8.00
        Norway, 1873 (cooks)                             2.42-3.59
        U.S. (Western), 1870 & 1874                      9.43 & 9.28
        Minnesota, 1870                                  8.98

The eloquence of these figures, and of the conditions behind them, was
not left to do its work by chance in the private letters of immigrants
or in the occasional pamphlet. States and counties, as well as railroad
corporations disseminated very widely and systematically the knowledge
of the opportunities open to the laborer in the great West. If he were a
man who would progress from a temporary tho necessary factor in
construction or in the field, to a permanent settler taking up vacant
land, so much the better for the State and the corporation. Fortunately
for those great railroads, which were pushing construction and receiving
large subsidies in public lands, they found just such men in the Swedes
and Norwegians. As the Rock Island railroad pushed across Illinois and
Iowa, as the Northern Pacific built out through Minnesota and Dakota,
and as the road now known as the Great Northern carried its lines from
St. Paul into the Red River valley, and on across North Dakota, the
Scandinavian and the Irishman supplied the demand for labor front 1850
to 1890, in precisely the same way as the Italian, Pole, Mexican and
Greek have been doing in later years.

When construction of a railroad ended, the demand for immigrants merely
changed its form and became cumulative. The dividends of any railroad
running out into a new country depend on the development of the
tributary territory, and this is especially true of the land-grant roads
which owned half of the land within ten miles of their tracks. Thus it
came about that the Scandinavians were doubly valuable, first as
laborers for wages, and second as independent farmers in the townships
made accessible by the new lines.[198] It was, indeed, faith in human
nature, and especially Swedish and Norwegian human nature, which led to
the construction and profitable operation of hundreds of miles of new
roads in Minnesota and Dakota after 1880. One prominent railroad man
estimated that each settler (presumably each head of a family) meant in
the long run from $200 to $300 a year for the railroad.[199]

  [198] Personal interviews with a large number of Swedes and Norwegians
        in northwestern Minnesota, in May, 1890, brought out the fact
        that many of them worked in the construction of the Northern
        Pacific and Great Northern railroads, and then invested their
        savings in railroad lands in the Red River valley, where they
        were prosperous farmers.

  [199] Mr. Powell. General Immigration Agent of the Chicago, Milwaukee
        & St. Paul Railroad, in the _Milwaukee Sentinel_, Dec. 30, 1888,
        p. 10.

The fulfilment of the expectations of the builders of railroads and
commonwealths was often surprisingly prompt. The prophetic insight of at
least one "captain of industry," President James J. Hill of the Great
Northern Railway Company which built its transcontinental system without
land-grant, was as sure a reliance for capital as the subsidy of the
federal Government. Speaking in 1902 at Crookston, in the center of the
great Scandinavian region in northwestern Minnesota, he described in
striking terms the growth of farm values, and of the railroad business
in some of the towns in Minnesota and North Dakota: "I took the best
towns [of the Red River valley] outside Crookston [for comparison with
towns in North Dakota].... I will give you the annual business. Warren's
last year's railroad business with our company was $86,000; Hallock,
$94,000,--a respectable sum; Stephen, $87,000; Ada, $81,000.... Langdon
[in North Dakota] ... away up towards the boundary, upon Pembina
Mountain, $210,000; Osnabrock, I hardly know where it is myself,
$101,000; Park River, $170,000; ... Bottineau, away at the west end of
the Turtle Mountains, where a few years ago people said it was too far
away; could not live there and could not raise anything if they did live
there, $258,000.... Land up there [around Bottineau], worth $3, $5, and
$8 an acre, and a few pieces $10 an acre, a few years ago, is worth
today $25 and $30 per acre."[200]

  [200] _Northwest Magazine_, XX. 7, 11 (1902).

The railroads left nothing undone to stimulate the economic desire of
the Scandinavians to migrate to their particular sections of land and to
the adjoining government sections. Several companies maintained for
years regular immigration or land agents, besides a considerable and
variable corps of sub-agents, port agents, and lecturers; some of them
paid the expenses of men representing groups of prospective immigrants,
who desired to visit and report upon a particular locality. The St.
Paul, Minneapolis & Manitoba Railroad advertised in "Facts about
Minnesota" (1881): "The settler--his family, household goods, live stock
and agricultural implements--will be carried from St. Paul to any point
on either of our lines at one-half the regular price."

Besides these efforts and inducements, the railroad companies prepared
handbooks in different languages, distributed them widely throughout the
East and West, and circulated them systematically in Norway, Sweden and
Denmark.[201] A few of the companies even sent special representatives
to Europe to work directly with the people of those countries. The Hon.
Hans Mattson left the office of Secretary of State in Minnesota in 1871
to become the liberally paid European agent for the Northern Pacific
Railroad whose resources he was to advertise from his headquarters in
Sweden.[202] He was not, however, to organize regular parties of
emigrants. A high official of one of the northwestern roads summed up
the matter by saying, "There is as much competition among the railroads
desiring to attract immigrants, as among dry-goods stores in aiming to
attract customers."

  [201] Such pamphlets were issued by the Wisconsin Central, the Chicago
        & Northwestern, the Chicago, Milwaukee & St. Paul, and the
        Northern Pacific railroads. Some of them were printed in
        Swedish, Norwegian, German, Dutch, and Polish.

  [202] Mattson, _The Story of an Emigrant_, 118 ff.

The northwestern State governments were hardly less interested in
inducing immigrants to help fill up the vacant square miles and
townships than were the railroads, for developed farms meant towns,
diversified industry, and greater assessment values, which, being
translated, meant much-needed public buildings, institutions, and
improvements. The competition of the States, for immigrants such as the
Norwegians, re-enforced and parallelled that of the railroad and land
companies. Wisconsin appointed a Commissioner of Emigration in 1852,
who resided in New York, and employed a Norwegian and a German
assistant.[203] The following year another Act created a Traveling
Emigrant Agent, and prescribed that he should "travel constantly between
this State and the city of New York," to advertise "our great natural
resources, advantages and privileges, and brilliant prospects for the
future."[204] Pamphlets by the thousand in German, Norwegian, and Dutch
were sent out in America and Europe. The office was abolished in 1855,
but in 1867 another Act created an unpaid Board of Immigration and
appropriated $2,000 for printing pamphlets in English, Welsh, German,
and the Scandinavian languages.[205] The State even went so far, in a
later Act, as to authorize the Board, in its discretion, to help with
money, "such immigrants as are determined to make Wisconsin their future
home."[206]

  [203] _Laws of Wisconsin_, 1852, ch. 432; Ibid., 1853, ch. 53;
        _Wisconsin Documents_, 1853, 1854, Reports of Commissioner
        of Emigration.

  [204] _General Acts of Wisconsin_, 1853, ch. 56.

  [205] _Ibid._, 1855, ch. 3; 1867, ch. 126; 1868, ch. 120; _Governor's
        Messages and Documents_, 1870, 11.

  [206] _General Acts of Wisconsin_, 1869, ch. 118.

The Board was succeeded by a Commissioner (Ole C. Johnson) in 1871,
whose office was in turn abolished in 1874. The story of Wisconsin's
later organizations for promoting immigration ought almost to go into
the chapter on politics--a new Board in 1879, abolished in 1887, renewed
for two years in 1895, and revived for another two years in 1899.[207]
In 1880, at the request of the president of the Wisconsin Central
Railway Company, K. K. Kennan, agent of the land department of that
company, was also appointed agent for the State in Europe, without
expense to the State.[208]

  [207] _Ibid._, 1871, ch. 155; 1874, ch. 238; 1879, ch. 176; 1887, ch.
        21; 1895, ch. 235; 1899, ch. 279. The abolished Commissioner of
        1874 declared the repeal was "conceived in vindictiveness and
        brought about by third-rate politicians, and followed my refusal
        to appoint to place in my office" certain incompetents. _Report
        of Commissioner of Immigration_, 1874, 2.

  [208] _Annual Report of Board of Immigration_, 1880, 6.

For the same purposes, and with the same methods, Iowa had a
Commissioner, 1860-1862, and a Board (of which the Rev. C. L. Clausen
was a member), 1870-1874, which sent agents to Norway, Sweden, and
Denmark, where they published articles in the newspapers and stirred up
emigration sentiment.[209]

  [209] _Laws of Iowa_, 1860, ch. 81; 1862, ch. 11; 1870, ch, 34.

Minnesota, likewise, in 1867 created a Board of Emigration, and Hans
Mattson was appointed secretary. He proved a very efficient officer, and
not the less so because at the same time, as he admits, he acted as land
agent for one of the great railroad companies, whose line went through
Wright, Meeker, Kandiyohi, Swift and Stevens counties.[210] Of the work
of the Board, Mattson gives a convincing summary: "In the above-named
localities there were only a few widely scattered families when I went
there in 1867, while it is now (1891) one continuous Scandinavian
settlement, extending over a territory more than a hundred miles long
and dotted over with cities and towns, largely the result of the work of
the board of emigration during the years 1867, 1868, and 1869.... Our
efforts, however, in behalf of Minnesota brought on a great deal of envy
and ill-will from people in other States who were interested in seeing
the Scandinavian emigration turned towards Kansas and other States, and
this feeling went so far that a prominent newspaper writer in Kansas
accused me of selling my countrymen to a life not much better than
slavery in a land of ice, snow, and perpetual winter, where, if the poor
emigrant did not starve to death, he would surely perish with cold. Such
at that time was the opinion of many concerning Minnesota."[211]

  [210] Mattson, _The Story of an Emigrant_, 97, 99, 101.

  [211] Mattson, _The Story of an Emigrant_, 100-101.

The secretaries or commissioners of immigration were usually men of
alien birth or extraction, and therefore intelligent and sympathetic in
their labors for succeeding immigrants.[212] Probably no State gave
better care, guidance, and protection to foreigners coming as settlers
than did Minnesota, and naturally, with a Swede as commissioner, the
Scandinavians were "preferred stock." The work of the Minnesota
commission included the appointment of interpreters to meet immigrants
at New York, Montreal, and Quebec and accompany them to Minnesota;
provision for temporary homes for the new-comers until they went to
their chosen locality; and wide publication of newspaper articles in
different languages. Pamphlets containing maps and detailed descriptions
of States and counties were distributed at railroad stations and on
steamers, in America and in foreign countries.[213] It would be
stretching the truth a little to say that these circulars sent out by
States, counties, and railroad companies were always strictly accurate
and ingenuous, but they brought the desired results, not in one campaign
alone, but year after year. Taken as a whole the energies of the State
and railroad agents, were honorable, well-managed, and highly beneficial
to both the States and the immigrants. The best evidence for this
statement lies in the figures of the censuses of 1880, 1890, and 1900
for the population of Wisconsin, Iowa, Minnesota, and the Dakotas.[214]

  [212] _Ibid._, 99, 102; _Wisconsin Legislative Manual_, 1895, 133.

  [213] See Bibliographical Chapter, under the names, Hewitt, Listoe,
        and Mattson, for Minnesota.

  [214] See Statistical chapter, tables 5, 6, 7.

The value of so many tens of thousands of immigrants added to the assets
of western commonwealths,--so many scores of thousands of "hands," to
make use of the colloquial term for labor units,--is at once great and
difficult to measure or estimate. In economic terms, how much is a
full-grown, healthy, intelligent, literate young man worth to a
community into which he drops himself, for is he not as much a finished
labor-performing machine as a new traction engine or a span of mules,
either of which the assessor would set down in his books? The risks and
pains and costs of up-bringing through unproductive years, of educating,
of training for occupation, have all been borne by another community;
the increment of wealth arising from his labor, providence, and skill
will enrich the United States.

Yet it is not a fair test of the value of an immigrant to this country
to measure it by the cost of his bringing up and education, either by
the standards of his old home or by the American standards. Professor
Mayo-Smith pointed out the fallacy in the oft-quoted estimate of Kapp,
made up on this basis, that "the capital value of each male and female
immigrant was about $1,500 and $750 respectively, making an average of
$1125."[215] Dr. Young, formerly Chief of the United States Bureau of
Statistics, chooses as a basis the "market value" rather than the "cost
of production," and estimates the approximate yearly addition made by
each immigrant to the realized wealth of the country in the form of
farms, buildings, stock, tools, and savings, to be about $40, which,
capitalized at 5%, gives $800 as the value of each immigrant.[216] An
interesting German calculation in 1881, made in much the same way as Dr.
Young's, put the capital value of each immigrant at $1,200.[217] Another
method of gauging the amount contributed to the earnings of the country
by each immigrant, is to multiply the average daily wage of $1 by
one-fifth the total number of immigrants, and that by 300, the number
of working days in the year.[218] Taking the values of the immigrant
over fourteen years of age and under forty-five, as $1000, and
estimating conservatively that 80 per-cent of the foreign-born
enumerated in the census of 1900 reached the United States between those
ages, the Scandinavians so enumerated represented a capital value of
about $850,000,000, to which the immigration from the North countries in
the next five years added not less than $230,000,000. Viewed from one
point, this capital was just so much given by the gods of plenty to
accelerate the development of the West.

  [215] Kapp, _Immigration and the New York Commissioners of
        Emigration_, 146; Mayo-Smith, _Emigration and Immigration_,
        ch. vi.

  [216] Young, _Special Report on Immigration_ (1871), vii-ix.

  [217] "According to other statistics, the average annual earnings of a
        workman amount to $625, and one may safely presume that every
        able-bodied workman contributes every year 1/5 of his earnings
        to the increase of national wealth. Taking into consideration
        the period of time of a full working capacity of emigrants
        according to their age, and considering the much less working
        capacity of females, and the cost of raising the children which
        they bring with them, one may fairly presume that, during the
        last few years, not only considerable cash capital has been
        taken to the United States by emigrants, but that every one of
        them carries to that country, in his labor, a capital which may
        be estimated at $1200. The total value of the labor thus
        conveyed to the United States during the last five years, may
        therefore be estimated at about $700,000,000. No wonder that the
        United States of America prosper." _Hamburger Handelsblatt_,
        March 18, 1881, quoted in translation from this "leading trade
        journal of Germany", in _Annual Report of the Wisconsin Board
        of Immigration_, 1881, 14.

  [218] J. B. Webber, in _North American Review_, CLIV, 435 (1892).

Another phase of the economic advantages of Scandinavian immigration has
to do with the cash capital brought by the incoming thousands. While the
first Norwegians were of the poorest class of the community, who escaped
from unfavorable conditions almost empty-handed, squeezed out from the
bottom of society, as it were through cracks and crevices, and while
many of the later arrivals have had no other capital than strong hands
and equally strong determination, the great proportion of adults have
brought with them average sums variously estimated from $22 to $70 each.
G. H. Schwab of New York, whose firm was general American agent for the
North German Lloyd Steamship Company, estimated the average money or
money equivalent brought by the Scandinavians, at $22 per head, probably
including children in the calculation.[219] W. W. Thomas, Jr.,
Commissioner of Immigration for Maine, and later minister to Sweden,
states that 900 Swedes who came to Maine in one year, besides clothing,
tools, and household goods, had $40,000 in cash; and elsewhere he puts
the average at $50 per head.[220] The figures from Wisconsin, which
received better material than the average, would naturally run higher;
in 1880 the official estimate of cash brought by each immigrant was
"from $60 to $70."[221] Assuming an average of 50,000 Scandinavian
immigrants per year for the last thirty years,--a safe minimum--and an
average of $50 cash per capita, the annual addition to the cash capital
of the country would be at least $2,500,000.

  [219] _Forum_, XIV, 810.

  [220] _Report of the Board and Commissioner of Immigration of Maine_,
        1872, 6; F. L. Dingley, "European Emigration," _Special
        Consular Reports_, II, No. 2, 1890, 260.

  [221] _Annual Report of the Board of Immigration of Wisconsin_, 1880,
        4. A writer in the _Milwaukee Sentinel_, Sept. 10, 1889, states,
        "Many of them (Germans and Scandinavians) bring abundant means
        to secure large farms and stock them well."

Whatever may be gained in this way is, however, offset by the steady
stream of remittances flowing from America to Northern Europe,
especially during the last quarter of a century, and by the large sums
spent by the thousands of erstwhile immigrants returning to their old
homes for a winter or for a vacation.[222] Many a son, prospering in
America, has contributed regularly to the support or added comfort of
his parents or family in the fatherland; every holiday season swells the
mail sacks with letters containing money-orders and drafts. During 1902
at least $1,000,000 was sent to Norway alone.[223] In the last two
months of 1903, it is estimated that $3,000,000 went from the United
States to the Scandinavian countries in these personal remittances.[224]
Another sort of remittance which does not immediately take the form of
cash, is the prepaid ticket for passage to an American port, sent to
friends and relatives to assist them to emigrate. The United States
consuls at Bergen and Gothenburg reported that about one-half of the
emigrants from Norway and Sweden in 1891 made the journey on tickets
sent from America.[225] In this connection, it should be noted that the
money thus spent by immigrants is not in the nature of a permanent
investment of hoarded earnings; it is not the remittance of "birds of
passage" like some Italians, for example, who will shortly follow it. In
comparison with the millions of dollars sent home by Italian immigrants
in an average year, the Scandinavian remittances and spendings are
almost insignificant.[226]

  [222] Brace, _The Norsefolk_, 146; _Harper's Weekly_, Sept. 1, 1888;
        _Gamla och Nya Hemlandet_, Jan. 14, 1903 (Malmö correspondent).

  [223] _Special Consular Reports_, XXX, 116 (1903, Christiania).

  [224] _Amerika_, Jan. 8, 1904.

  [225] _Letter of the Secretary of the Treasury, etc._, 1892, 45, 50,
        65.

  [226] "In an average year the Italian bankers of New York City alone
        sent to Italy from $25,000,000 to $30,000,000. This is said
        to have an appreciative effect upon the money market."
        _Lippincott's Magazine_, LVIII, 234 (1896).

From the first, great numbers of the immigrants have come with no other
capital than strong and willing hands, stout hearts, and an unchanging
land-hunger. They served for a time as laborers on the older farms, in
town, in the lumber camps, or in railroad construction, saving their
money, learning American ways, and acquiring some English, but as soon
as money enough was saved, perhaps in a year, to buy forty or eighty
acres of government land at the minimum price, a yoke of oxen or a team
of horses, and a few necessary farm tools and implements, the
prospective farmer moved upon new land and started out for himself.
Under the Homestead Act of 1862 the amount of capital required for the
beginning of operations was greatly reduced, and it was under this act
that the lands of the northwestern States beyond the Mississippi were so
rapidly taken up.[227]

  [227] "An Act to secure Homesteads to Actual Settlers on the Public
        Domain," _U. S. Statutes at Large_, 1861-2, 392.

A typical illustration of the process described is found in Levor
Timanson, who came with his father in 1848, at the age of eighteen, to
Rock County, Wisconsin, where he worked for several years as farm
laborer, carpenter, and mason. He visited Iowa and Minnesota in 1853 in
search of satisfactory land; finding it at Spring Grove, in the latter
State, he settled down there as a grain and stock farmer. In 1882 he
owned 840 acres of land of which 550 acres were under cultivation.[228]
A study of the histories of counties and townships in eastern Iowa and
Minnesota, and of the biographies which usually accompany them, reveals
clearly the fact that the larger part of the Scandinavian farmers
resident in those counties in the sixties and seventies spent from one
to five years in Wisconsin or Illinois before moving into the Farther
West.[229] They were in turn apprentices and journeymen, and finally
attained to the full dignity of masters of their own estates.

  [228] _History of Houston County, Minnesota_, 481.

  [229] _History of Goodhue County, Minnesota_; _History of Houston
        County, Minnesota_; Sparks, _History of Winneshiek County,
        Iowa_. See the numerous biographies in Nelson, _History of
        the Scandinavians_, I, II.

The economic as well as the social importance of the tendency of the
Scandinavian immigrants to settle upon the unoccupied farm lands of the
West, can scarcely be over-emphasized. It gains still more striking
significance when the figures showing such settlement are compared with
those of some other races which have more recently contributed largely
to the immigrant population; for the man who owns and develops a farm
necessarily makes a permanent, long-time investment of himself and his
family in a reproductively extractive industry; while the wage-earner in
the mines or in lumbering is quite likely to be a "bird of passage,"
engaged in destructively extractive industries, with only vague notions
of, or longings for, citizenship and its responsibilities. Professor
John R. Commons, perhaps the best statistical authority on this subject,
gives some striking figures illustrative of the farm-ward tendencies of
different alien elements, showing the percentage of total number of
males in 1890 engaged (1) on farms, (2) as farmers and planters, and (3)
as laborers not specified:[230]

                               (1)        (2)       (3)
                            Farm Labor  Farmers   Laborers

  Danes                       40.78      27.41     13.30
  Swedes and Norwegians       38.26      27.12     14.95
  Germans                     27.04      21.14     11.58
  English                     18.53      14.82      7.47
  Irish                       14.71      11.60     25.16
  Russians                    13.19      11.03     10.96
  Italians                     5.81       3.91     34.15
  Hungarians                   3.92       2.13     32.44

From calculations based upon the reports of the censuses of 1870, 1880,
and 1890, it appears that one out of four of the Scandinavians was in
the last year engaged in agriculture; of the Americans, one out of five;
of the Germans, one out of six; and of the Irish, one out of
twelve.[231]

  [230] _Report of the Industrial Commission_, XV, 301-302. Mr. R. C.
        Jones, assistant superintendent of Castle Garden, New York,
        estimated, according to an interview in the _Milwaukee
        Sentinel_, Dec. 30, 1888, that about one Swede out of a
        hundred went to a city.

  [231] See Nelson, _History of the Scandinavians_, I, 246.

One of the very natural consequences of the tendency of the Norse
immigrants to seek agricultural locations, and to seek them along the
advancing frontier, is the township and even the county, particularly in
Minnesota and the Dakotas,[232] peopled almost solidly with the men and
women of one nationality. The names of post-offices and townships, and
the assessment rolls of the counties, bear witness to the density of
these settlements which were made up of immigrants in both the first and
second stages, composed in part of people coming from the older colonies
like those in Dane County, Wisconsin, or Henry County, Illinois, or
Goodhue County, Minnesota, and in part of newcomers direct from their
Old World homes. About 1880, the names of those whose land abutted upon
the two railroads traversing Houston County, Minnesota showed plainly
this process of massing. Taken in order, the first twenty-two names were
those of American, Irish, and German settlers; then followed nineteen,
all Scandinavian save two.[233] Fillmore County, Minnesota, one of the
older counties, largely Norwegian from its beginning, and Chisago
County, on the eastern border of the same State, a stronghold of the
Swedes from its first settlement, are excellent examples of the economic
contributions made to the State by the Scandinavian element through its
development of the wilderness into cultivated fields and prosperous
villages. Of the transformation of Dakota before 1890, and the part of
the sons of the North in it, a writer says: "Most of them came with just
enough to get on Government land and build a shack.... Now they are
loaning money to their less fortunate neighbors.... Every county has
Norwegians who are worth from $25,000 to $50,000, all made since
settling in Dakota."[234]

  [232] _History of the Upper Mississippi Valley_, 281, 312, 416, 440,
        511; _History of Fillmore County, Minnesota_, 344, 346;
        _Northwest Magazine_, Oct., 1899.

  [233] _History of Houston County, Minnesota_, 286.

  [234] _The Northwest Magazine_, Oct., 1889, p. 32.

In comparing statistics of such counties as Fillmore and Chisago,
showing their growth in wealth and productivity, as reported in the
decennial census, two facts regarding the nativity and parentage of the
population must be kept clearly in mind if the full significance of the
work of the men of alien stock is to be appreciated: first, that the
increase of the foreign born is largely made up of adults; second, that
the increase of the native-born is in reality an increase of the purely
Norwegian or Swedish element, the sons and daughters, grandsons and
granddaughters of foreign-born parents, for the census-taker, even in
1900, did not penetrate beyond the first degree of ancestry.

The tabulation given in Appendix II illustrates the economic progress of
three Minnesota counties in which the Norse factor has been strong from
the early days of their settlement: Fillmore, Chisago, and Otter Tail,
one of the newer counties in the west-central part of the State. From
these figures some conception of the influence of the North European in
one American commonwealth may be obtained. These are not unique cases,
but rather they are what might be called normal counties of their class,
counties whose population is made up more or less of good native-born
settlers from the older Eastern States.

Several processes already discussed will be easily and forcibly
illustrated by these tables. In Fillmore County, for example, the oldest
of the three, the increase of the foreign-born element was most rapid in
the decade 1870-1880, while during the next ten years there was a
distinct falling off, due beyond any doubt to the rise in the price of
lands in that county and to the opening up of new counties like Otter
Tail where just as good land was to be had at the minimum rate. This
falling off was paralleled in the same decade in Chisago County, while
both the rise and decline in the number of foreign-born Norwegians
going into Otter Tail County occur in the two later decades, 1880-1890
and 1890-1900, when the Dakotas were filling up.

The continuing additions to the acreage of farm lands and the steady
transformation of unimproved areas into improved areas, indicate the
extent to which the labor of alien hands was enhancing the value of the
prairies even down to 1900, and presumably since that date. The figures
for the increase of the cash values of the farms, including fences,
etc., but not improvements, have been chosen because the increases in
the total valuations of counties is not infrequently due to the rise of
considerable villages and cities, and to the building of railroads, and
to these enterprises in contrast with the evolution of agricultural
values, the Scandinavian is a comparatively insignificant contributor.
The extent to which this development of rural areas may go, is curiously
evidenced in the names of the subdivisions of the relatively new Otter
Tail County. Of its sixty-two townships in 1900, not less than thirteen
bear unmistakable Scandinavian (Norwegian) names--Aastad, Aurdal,
Norwegian Grove, St. Olaf, Tordenskjold, Throndhjem, etc.

The price which the immigrant-agriculturist was willing to pay for his
coveted free-hold farm was not measured in dollars and cents alone. In a
very real way, the land was to become the property of the highest
bidder, tho each one paid $1.25 per acre; the land was sure to go to
him who would in the long run put the most of himself into the
bargain--muscle, courage, patience, pride in his family, and the future
of himself and his family as over against the present. It was due in no
small degree to the composite nature of this individual investment by
the man from Europe's Northwest, that he so promptly and intelligently
succeeded in acquiring free of debt his farm and home in the American
Northwest.[235]

  [235] See the testimony of John Anderson, editor of _Daily
        Skandinaven_, before the Select (Congressional) Committee
        on Immigration and Naturalization, 1891. _House Reports,
        No. 3472_, 51 Cong. 2 Sess., 679-683.

Another reason for his nearly uniform success lies in the fact that he
was brought up to a more careful and intensive system of farming than
his average American neighbor. Perhaps, too, he works harder than the
American, but hard work, long and unflinchingly continued, is a
fundamental condition of the success of a farmer whatever his
nationality. From the Scandinavian immigrant's point of view, he does
not work so hard in the United States, in order to gain a given
result,--ownership of his own farm, for illustration,--as he would have
had to work in the land of his birth. Personal interviews with scores of
men in various parts of the Northwest confirm the opinion expressed to
Miss Bremer in Wisconsin so far back as 1850, when pioneering was as
hard as at any time since the "Sloop Folk" landed in New York: "About
seven hundred Norwegian colonists are settled in this neighborhood, all
upon small farms.... I asked many, both men and women, whether they were
contented; whether they were better off here or in old Norway. Nearly
all of them replied, '_Yes_, we are better off here; we do not work so
hard, and it is easier to gain a livelihood.'"[236]

  [236] Bremer, _Homes of the New World_, I, 242.

In a discussion of the competition of the immigrants with American
laborers, an eminent scholar maintains that the Scandinavians of the
West have succeeded where the American with a better start has
failed.[237] He questions if this success is a survival of the fittest,
if it has not been purchased at the expense of American labor which is
forced elsewhere, because the Americans will not endure the hard work
and live on the coarse fare, through which the immigrants win their
success.[238] However true this might be as a generalization about
immigrants as a whole, it can hardly be true of the Swedes and
Norwegians, except in so far as they have been more willing than the
native American to live the life of a pioneer and to stick to the soil.
But this cannot fairly be called forcing out American labor, or driving
the American to the wall; immigrant labor went in where there was no
labor of any kind. Furthermore, up to 1890, there was certainly plenty
of land for all the American, or native-born, laborers who desired to
devote themselves to that sort of work by which the Scandinavians were
gaining their independence. If the agricultural land of the vast West be
looked upon as a national asset, to be held for cautious and
discriminating distribution to examined and approved settlers, then it
may be that the foreigner has occupied land which might have sometime
fallen to a better man.

  [237] Mayo-Smith, _Emigration and Immigration_, 146.

  [238] _Ibid._, quoting a letter from Fargo, Dakota, July 24, 1887, to
        the _New York Times_.

The standard of living among the Scandinavian settlers, whether on the
frontier or in the towns, has not been very different from that of their
American neighbors. It cannot vary much in a sod-house on the prairie,
in a cabin on a claim, or in a log-hut in a clearing, whether the
occupant be of Viking or Puritan descent.[239] The food was Indian corn,
sometimes ground in a coffee-mill, occasionally wheat, milk, fish, wild
fowl, pork, and common vegetables; the clothing was often primitive and
always rough, and in the early days, at least, "men in wooden shoes and
home-made woolen jackets were no uncommon sights at their religious
meetings, or even when they were locked in holy matrimony before the
altar."[240] But with prosperity, Americanization, and the settling up
of the region about them, they took to comforts and luxuries just as
soon as they could afford them. During the autumn of 1886 the writer
spent more than six weeks in the family of a well-to-do Danish farmer in
central Minnesota, and made frequent calls at the homes of Swedish and
American neighbors; very little perceptible difference could be observed
in the standards of living, whether judged by furniture, dress, or food.
In the gradations up to the wealthy families of the larger towns and
cities, the same statement would be true. If any modifications were to
be made, it would be that Scandinavians set a more bountiful table, and
give more attention than the Americans to festivals and celebrations.

  [239] Langeland, _Nordmændene i Amerika_, ch. xi; Strömme, _Hvorledes
        Halvor blev Prest_,--an excellent picture of life among the
        Norwegians in Wisconsin and Minnesota; Foss, _Tobias: a Story
        of the Northwest_.

  [240] _Scandinavia_, I, 142.

The men of Scandinavian stock have by no means devoted themselves
exclusively to agriculture, tho it has already been shown how dominant
with them is the desire for the possession of land and the independence
which that possession brings. In business--trade, manufacturing, and
finance,--and in the professions, in all that differentiates the village
or urban community from time rural, they have, especially since 1890,
played an active part. A rising percentage of skilled laborers and of
those who had in the Old World experience with business affairs, marked
the immigration from Northern Europe after 1880. The accumulated wealth
of the earlier immigrants sought investment in the thriving towns of the
newer commonwealths of the Northwest. Villages which sprang up along
railroads, became cities with the advent of other lines; water power has
developed fast; the forests were to be turned into lumber and its
further manufactured products. The Scandinavian villages and wards of
great cities evolved their own stores, shops, factories, and banks just
as they did their churches, lodges, and other social organizations,
manned by men of ambition, ability, skill, and resourcefulness.

Both in the cities like Chicago, Minneapolis, Rockford, and Madison, and
in the more homogeneous villages of the solidly Scandinavian counties,
Norwegian and Swedish merchants and tradesmen, catering to Americans as
well as to persons of their own nationality, rapidly achieved success
and fortune. Seven years after landing, a Swedish immigrant is
reported in 1873 to have built up in Anoka, Minnesota, the largest
grocery establishment in that section, doing an annual business of
$100,000.[241] In the city of Minneapolis one of the largest department
stores west of Chicago, and probably the greatest Scandinavian business
house in the country, is that of S. E. Olson & Co., which does a yearly
business of about $2,000,000, and in the height of the season employs
more than 700 persons.[242] Scattered over the Northwest are scores of
enterprising Scandinavian individuals and firms engaged in business as
merchants, grain-dealers, contractors, etc., whose annual business
passes $100,000.[243]

  [241] _History of the Upper Mississippi Valley_, 228.

  [242] Söderström, _Minneapolis Minnen_, 204; Nelson, _History of the
        Scandinavians_, I, 466.

  [243] _Ibid._, I, 504, 467; II, 160, 164, 193, 229, 233, 248, 261;
        Söderström, _Minneapolis Minnen_, 202, 203.

The manufacturing industries in which the Swedes and Norwegians play the
more active part are those closely related to agriculture and the
forest--the cutting and sawing of lumber, the manufacture of furniture,
and the manufacture of agricultural implements. By foresight and shrewd
investments in timber lands in Wisconsin and Minnesota, a certain
Norwegian immigrant accumulated nearly a million dollars; a Swedish
immigrant in like manner built up the C. A. Smith Lumber Company of
Minneapolis, one of the great manufacturers of the upper Mississippi
Valley, with works occupying seventy acres, employing upwards of 800
men, and with branch lumber yards situated in western Minnesota and in
the Dakotas.[244]

  [244] S. A. Quale, a Norwegian immigrant of 1869, and C. A. Smith, a
        Swedish immigrant of 1867. _The North_, May 21, 1890;
        Söderström, _Minneapolis Minnen_, 191.

The manufacture of furniture is the chief occupation of the Swedes of
Rockford, Illinois, who comprise fully one-third of that city's
population of 30,000. In 1875 fifteen Swedes organized the Forest City
Furniture Company, with a capital of $50,000; ten years later, Rockford
was the second city in the country in the production of furniture, and
in 1893 there were more than twenty furniture companies with a capital
varying from $50,000 to $200,000. Nearly all of these companies were
organized on the co-operative basis, nearly all were composed of Swedes,
and nearly all were earning a clear profit of 20 per-cent and
upwards.[245] Other notable instances of successful Scandinavian
manufacturers are John A. Johnson, whose works for making agricultural
implements in Madison, Wisconsin, employed about 300 men; the great
printing and publishing house of John Anderson & Company of Chicago,
from which are issued the daily and weekly editions of "Skandinaven,"
and the Swedish-American Publishing Company of Minneapolis, publishing
the widely circulated "Svenska Amerikanska Posten."[246]

  [245] Kæding, _Rockfords Svenskar_, 67, 95; _The North_, Jan. 8, 1890,
        July 12, 1893.

  [246] Nelson, _History of the Scandinavians_, II, 209; Söderström,
        _Minneapolis Minnen_, 181-189.

The economic progress of the immigrants from the Northlands may well be
gauged by the number of public and private banking establishments in the
Northwest controlled by them. Surprisingly numerous are the men who,
after gaining a competency as merchants, grain-dealers (one of these
built twenty-five elevators along the Great Northern Railway), land
speculators, and lumbermen, have turned to banking as their communities
developed. The market for capital was active, ready to absorb large or
small amounts; rates of interest ran from ten to twenty per cent.; the
thrift and honesty of the Norse folk were equivalent to a bond. Hence
small banks with $25,000 and $50,000 capital multiplied, not always on
the soundest basis, it should be said, though this does not imply
dishonesty. In Minneapolis, between 1874 and 1900, the names of no less
than six Scandinavian banks appear, the largest becoming the strong
Swedish American National Bank with a capital of $250,000.[247] Smaller
cities like Sioux City and Boone, Iowa, have developed similar sound
banks capitalized for $100,000. Not all Scandinavian bankers, however,
have escaped the temptations of "high finance," though the total of
failures is comparatively small. One of the most notorious and shameful
examples of bank-wrecking in recent years occurred in Chicago in 1906,
when Paul O. Stensland, for years the trusted and honored and admired
president of the Milwaukee Avenue State Bank, the depository of hundreds
of working men and small tradesmen, wrecked the bank through
speculations in real estate, fled to Africa, and was brought back and
placed in the Joliet prison for a term of fifteen years.[248]

  [247] Söderström, _Minneapolis Minnen_, 206; Nelson, _History of the
        Scandinavians_, II, 164, 228.

  [248] The Chicago papers for August, September, and October give full
        details of the wrecking of the bank and the career of its
        president. See _Chicago Tribune_, August 9 ff., 1906.

As the regions into which the Scandinavian immigrants have gone so
determinedly as agricultural settlers have gradually become more complex
in their economic structure, these men and women have once more
illustrated their notable capacity to adapt themselves to the new
conditions and to share in new advantages. The second and third
generation will probably develop much the same tendency city-ward which
the Americans of the same class show so markedly; and they will take
their share of the honors and emoluments of business, manufacturing,
banking, the technical professions, and the so-called learned
professions.




CHAPTER IX.

THE RELIGIOUS AND INTELLECTUAL STANDPOINT


The social results of the settlement of a body of aliens in any country,
as compared with the economic, are far more undefinable and elusive,
even when the settlement is compact and homogenous, like that of the
Dutch in New York or the French in Louisiana. But when a particular
element, like the Irish or the Scandinavian, in a complex population, is
distributed over a wide area, with accessions running through
three-quarters of a century, the problem of its social influence and
importance becomes vastly more difficult. No study or observation of
such a well-established racial group, outside of the purely statistical,
at best can reach far beyond an impression or an individual opinion; it
cannot arrive at a convincing and conclusive scientific deduction.[249]
Looked at in its length and breadth, the question of social results of
Scandinavian immigration takes various forms. Have the foreign-born
citizen and his immediate descendants adapted themselves rapidly and
vitally to the best American customs in business, politics, education,
and religion? Have they learned English quickly? What has been their
attitude towards such questions as intemperance, slavery, and public
honesty? Are they re-enforcing the best standards of public and private
morality prevailing in the communities into which they come?

  [249] Hall, _Immigration_, ch. viii.

Fundamental to this discussion, is the general effect of the process of
immigration and new settlement, upon the physical and intellectual state
of the immigrant and his offspring. It has already been pointed out that
the immigrants of the nineteenth century, like those hardy souls of the
sixteenth, who left England, Holland, France, or Sweden, were the more
adventurous and determined men and women of their parishes, and that the
incidents and anxieties of settling up affairs in their old homes and of
getting off for America, would stir to quicker thinking the minds of
even the slow and inert. Then came the influence of adjustment to the
ways of a new and larger world, with its greater distance, its more
rapid communication, its more strenuous activities, its new language,
and its different climate and diet; all these re-enforced the original,
quickened impulse, and of necessity affected both subtly and powerfully
the mind and body of two generations.

The change has in general been for the better, tho some observers think
they see a retrogression, especially in physical respects. A Norwegian
physician who spent about nine months in the United States in 1892,
wrote for a Christiania medical journal an article in which he declared:
"That the Norwegian race in the United States is declining physically,
every one, I think, who has spent some time among our emigrated
countrymen there must admit. But the change is a slow one." The causes,
as he saw them, were the unwholesome climate of the Northwest, the
unsuitable food of the farmers, the cold, damp houses of the prairies,
and the abuse of alcoholic liquors and tobacco. By way of final summary
of opinions, he states that "the general rule is that, these dark sides
to the contrary notwithstanding, the social conditions in America and
its democratic institutions are conducive to individual thinking thereby
contributing to the development of individual talent, great or small as
that may be."[250]

  [250] Dr. E. Kraft, "The Physical Degeneration of the Norwegian Race
        in North America," _The North_, Jan. 3, 1893,--translation from
        _Norsk Magazin for Lægevidenskaben_; Ch. Gronvald, "The Effects
        of the Immigration on the Norwegian Immigrants," appendix
        to the _Sixth Annual Report of the State Board of Health of
        Minnesota_, (1878), II, 507-534.

The views of Dr. Kraft were more or less disputed by several Norwegian
physicians in the United States, in _The North_ for January and
February, 1893. Dr. Harold Graff, writing to the periodical in which Dr.
Kraft's article originally appeared, says: "With astonishing rapidity,
the wide mouth and ungainly nose of the specific Norwegian peasant type
become modified and disappear, the difference between the physiognomy
and facial expression of parents and children being often bewilderingly
great.... I have interviewed some of the oldest and most experienced
physicians practising in this country, and also other intelligent
Norwegians who have travelled among their countrymen in the States,
without as yet having heard any divergent opinion whatever. All agree
that the Norwegian race in every respect is progressing in both mind and
body."[251] Others, who were not so sure of the physical improvement,
agree as to the intellectual quickening. In a word, if the transplanting
of the tree has not certainly produced an improved trunk or foliage, it
has bettered the quality of the fruit. The next logical step is to
attempt to estimate the value of such fruit in the American market.

  [251] _The North_, Jan. 18, 1893, translating the article mentioned.

The two obvious ways of determining the influence of a foreign element,
are to compare it with some other foreign-born constituent longer and
better known, and to compare it with the native American. The latter is
the fairer criterion, but it is not easy to ascertain and define what
are the purely American characteristics with which comparison is to be
made. Statistics on social matters are so incomplete that reliance must
be placed upon the consensus of opinion of thoughtful, sympathetic
observers and students of American life, whether they be statesmen and
philosophers bred in the United States, or scholarly, penetrating
foreigners like James Bryce and Alexander de Toqueville.[252] Such men
of insight agree that the American ideal comprises love of freedom,
independence, and equality; respect for law, government, education, and
social morality (including reverence for the family and the home); and
lastly a willingness to share the common burden and, if need be, to make
a common sacrifice for the permanent welfare of the commonwealth.

  [252] Bryce, _American Commonwealth_ (3rd ed.), ch. lxxx; Matthews,
        _American Character_, 20-34; Roosevelt, _American Ideals_, ch.
        i, ii.

In acquiring the use of English and in maintaining high standards of
education, the Scandinavians have an unimpeachable record which no other
foreign, non-English-speaking element can equal. Illiteracy in Norway
and Sweden is almost unknown. Taken together, these two kingdoms have
less than one per-cent of illiteracy, and among the recruits in Sweden
in 1896 only .13% were unlettered, and only .63% were unable to
write.[253] Personal acquaintance with many hundreds of Scandinavians,
on both sides of the Atlantic, has failed to reveal to the writer a
single adult who was unable to read and write.

  [253] _Statesman's Year Book, 1900_, 1049; Kiddle & Schem, _Dictionary
        of Education_, 452. In the latter work, Norway, Sweden, Denmark,
        and Switzerland are marked with asterisks, signifying that they
        are practically without illiteracy. The contrast of these
        figures with the percentages of illiteracy of some other
        European countries is very striking. In 1890 the percentage of
        illiterates in Austria was 40%, in Hungary, 54%, in Italy, in
        1897, among conscripts, 37.3% (reduced from 56.7% in 1871), and
        among those persons marrying, males, 32.9%, females, 52.13%
        (reduced respectively from 37.73% and 76.73% in 1871). For
        Russia the percentage is probably about 80%, perhaps as high as
        90%. See _Statesman's Year Book, 1900_, 374-375, 392, 744-745.
        Statistical returns relating to German army recruits indicate
        that in 1896-7 only about .11% could neither read nor write.
        _Ibid._, 592. See also, Hall, _Immigration_, 46, 48, 54, 61,
        141.

One of the very first matters to receive attention in a Scandinavian
settlement in the United States, has been the establishment of a school,
and, as speedily as possible, the instruction has been given in English,
partly because the school laws of most of the States would not recognize
a public school conducted in a foreign language, and partly because the
settlers desired to have the children know English.[254] For a year or
two in some of the isolated communities, as in Arendahl, Fillmore
County, Minnesota, in 1857-8, it was necessary to conduct the schools in
Swedish or Norwegian; but only rarely has any attempt been made
to continue systematic, regular instruction exclusively in the
mother-tongue by the maintenance of year-long parish schools. The
immigrants have frequently been insistent, and properly so, upon some
scheme by which they might be able to educate their children in the use
of the mother-tongue; but schools for this purpose have usually
supplemented rather than supplanted the ordinary public school.[255] In
a very few localities, like the older settlements in Goodhue County and
Fillmore County, Minnesota, Allamakee County, Iowa, and Dane County,
Wisconsin, parish schools are still maintained throughout the year.[256]

  [254] _History of Fillmore County, Minnesota_, 346, 463,--a Norwegian
        school for one year in a private house, then an English school;
        Sparks, _History of Winneshiek County, Iowa_, 16-17.

  [255] For a discussion of the Bennett Law in Wisconsin, see pp.
        167 ff.

  [256] _Beretning om det syttende Aarsmöde for den Forenede norsk
        lutherske Kirke i Amerika_, 1906,--"Parochialraporter for
        Aaret 1905."

The church schools are more commonly a sort of summer vacation school
supported either by the persons whose children attend, or at the expense
of the whole congregation; in them are taught the language of the
parents and the preacher, the church catechism, and something of church
history; sometimes especial attention, as in the case of the Danish
Grundtvigian "high schools," is given to keeping alive the traditions of
the European kingdom from which sprang the immigrants. The teacher of
both the language and the doctrines of religion is customarily a student
in some theological seminary of the denomination to which the
congregation belongs. The Lutherans have kept up these vacation schools
more consistently than any other Scandinavian church. The report of the
parochial schools of the United Norwegian Lutheran Church for 1905
showed that on the average almost thirty days were devoted to the church
school in each of the 750 congregations reporting.[257]

  [257] "Sammendrag af Parochialraporter", _Beretning om det syttende
        Aarsmöde for den Forenede norsk lutherske Kirke i Amerika_,
        1906, LVI; J. J. Skordalsvold, in Nelson, _History of the
        Scandinavians_, I, 241.

The clergy are mainly active in this mild paternalism, upon which the
younger people not infrequently look with disfavor, for to the second
generation it appears an unnecessary perpetuation of an un-American
custom, a scheme for emphasizing peculiarities and differences rather
than a means of hastening the process of amalgamation. Sometimes the
younger men have revolted and broken entirely with the Lutheran church,
identifying themselves with American congregations, or drifting out on
the wide sea of religious indifference.

The loyalty of the Scandinavians to the public school system has been of
far-reaching consequence to the immigrants themselves as well as to
American society. There is always a more or less strongly marked
tendency among aliens speaking a foreign language to congregate in
groups in the country or in certain wards in large towns and cities, and
out of this tendency springs a sort of clannishness which cannot be
avoided and which is not peculiar to any class, for the immigrants
naturally follow the lines of least resistance. They go to those whom
they know, to those whose speech they can understand, to those from
whose experience they may draw large drafts of suggestion and help. But
this clannishness with the Swedes, Norwegians and Danes, has been but a
stage in their evolution out of which, through the gates of the English
language, public schools, naturalization, and increased prosperity, they
have passed to broader relations. The filling up of the Scandinavian
quarters of great cities like Chicago, Minneapolis, and St. Paul, may
modify the effect of their persistent attachment to the public school;
but so far the public school is the great foe to clannishness, and
loyalty to it one of the best evidences of the desire of these people
from the Northern lands to become Americanized. In the cities of
Minneapolis and St. Paul, with their large Scandinavian population,
there was not in 1907 a single parish in which the parochial school
lasted through the year, and only a few in which vacation schools were
maintained.

In higher education the Scandinavians have allowed their denominational
zeal to outrun their judgment. They have founded numerous seminaries and
so-called colleges, but almost invariably as a part of the necessary
equipment of a religious denomination, for how could a self-respecting
sect, no matter how young or how slightly differentiated from its older
brethren, permit its children to attend the schools of those whose
denominational beliefs or practices had become objectionable enough to
warrant a schism in the church? A few of these institutions, like Luther
College, at Decorah, Iowa, Gustavus Adolphus College at St. Peter,
Minnesota, Augustana College at Rock Island, Illinois, and Bethany
College at Lindsborg, Kansas, have maintained an excellent standard of
work and exercise a wide and beneficent influence.[258] The great
majority, however, have simply wasted resources by the multiplication of
ambitious, struggling, poorly-equipped, so-called colleges, with little
or no endowment, and often dependent upon the congregations of the
denomination which gave them birth.[259]

  [258] See catalogs of these institutions.

  [259] Several of the Norwegian and Swedish weekly papers supported by
        the different denominations publish regularly lists of donors to
        particular schools, stating the amount of money, or the nature
        of the articles given, enumerating the books, quantities of
        fuel, clothing, etc.

One of the results of the excessive splitting-up of the Scandinavian
churches is that the energies which ought to be concentrated are
frittered away on unnecessary schools. A separate denominational school
and a family paper seem to be indispensable parts of the machinery of
every newly organized sect, no matter how young or how small or how poor
it may be.[260] The number of these institutions continually varies with
the ups and downs of the denominations trying to support them. In 1893,
Mr. J. J. Skordalsvold, a graduate of the University of Minnesota, put
the number of Scandinavian colleges, schools, and seminaries in the
United States at thirty-six, with an attendance of about five
thousand.[261] Sixteen of these, with an attendance of twenty-five
hundred, one-half of the total, were located in Minnesota. By 1900 the
sixteen had grown to twenty schools, having property worth $500,000, one
hundred and sixty teachers, and three thousand students.[262] In that
state, however, and in others like North Dakota, these schools are
likely to follow the same course as many of the schools of other
pioneering Protestant denominations, and become little more than
preparatory schools on the one hand, or theological seminaries on the
other, leaving to the State university the maintenance of higher
education in every field save arts and theology. Even as secondary
schools, not many of them will be likely to survive the third generation
of the original immigrants, unless they are much better endowed than any
one of them is at the present time.[263] The Red Wing Seminary (Hauge
Synod) of Red Wing, Minnesota, founded in 1878, is essentially an
ordinary private secondary school with a theological course attached,
and three-fourths of its work is conducted in English.[264] Bethany
College at Lindsborg, Kansas, one of the three prosperous Swedish
colleges, and perhaps the most ambitious, is substantially an
English-speaking college, with nine departments of instruction, and in
1912 a registration of 919. Only in the classes in Swedish language and
literature is the instruction given in Swedish, tho "Swedish is required
of all students preparing to enter the ministerial work of our Swedish
Evangelical Lutheran Church."[265] Luther College, the Norwegian
institution at Decorah, Iowa, has followed along the same course only
not quite so far. Several years ago the proportion between English and
Norwegian as media of instruction was slightly in favor of the English
in the college classes; in the classes in the preparatory department,
in the literary societies, and in the conversation of the students,
English was decidedly predominant.[266] The practice of this, the
oldest, and in some respects the soundest and most influential, of the
Scandinavian colleges, is sure to be adopted by the lesser schools which
survive their adolescence.

  [260] Bille, _History of the Danes in America_, 20-24,--an excellent
        account of some of these attempts.

  [261] (Transcriber's Note: This footnote does not exist in the
        original work.)

  [262] Nelson, _Scandinavians in the United States_ (2nd ed.), 317 ff.

  [263] _The World Almanac and Encyclopedia_, 1914, 599-609.

                               Instructors  Students  Prod. Fds.  Income

        Augsburg Seminary           8         173      40,000     20,000
        Augustana College          31         629     414,356    101,923
        Bethany College (Kan.)     44         893      55,777     93,166
        Gustavus Adolphus College  23         348      75,000     35,328
        Luther College             16         213     272,408     37,000
        St. Olaf College           32         550     250,000     74,000

  [264] Interview with Professor G. O. Brohough, August, 1906. See
        Nelson, _Scandinavians in the United States_, I, 179-180.

  [265] _Catalogue of Bethany College, 31st Academic Year_ (1912), 54.

  [266] A. Estrem, "A Norwegian-American College," _Midland Monthly_, I,
        605-611.

From a religious standpoint, the most noteworthy characteristic of
Scandinavians wherever found, is their intense Protestantism. Everywhere
and always they are uncompromising enemies of the Roman Catholic church,
and there are barely enough Catholics among them in Europe and in the
United States to prove that it is possible to convert one of them to
that faith. In fact, their dislike of Catholicism is an instinct coming
down from Reformation times rather than a matter of experience or
close-at-hand observation; but so strong is this feeling that it colors,
consciously or unconsciously, their relations in politics and society in
the United States. Their distrust of the Irish is at bottom more a
religious than a racial instinct, even when it takes an active form.
While this dislike and suspicion are still real and large, it has
undoubtedly been reduced by the breaking-up of the old rigid lines of
Lutheranism, which has taken place in the last two decades in the United
States.

Each of the three peninsular kingdoms of Northern Europe has an
established Lutheran church, administered by bishops, which holds still
the great majority of the people. Toleration has been generally
practiced for a half century, the sole exception being the ban against
Jesuits in Norway.[267] Of all the Protestant churches, none is more
rigidly orthodox than the Lutheran, none is more unwilling to admit
changes in its traditional creed; only a few years ago, the Norwegian
Synod in America re-affirmed its belief in the literal inspiration of
the Bible. Yet in spite of this conservatism, the Lutherans settled in
the United States have invariably rejected the episcopal form of
government, and have organized upon a more or less democratic basis. No
matter how loyal they were to the Establishment in the Old World, a
bishop has not appeared to be necessary to their happiness or salvation
in the New. The Lutheran Church proper has kept within its folds a much
larger percentage of Swedes than of Norwegians in the United States, the
characteristic independence of the latter leading many of them even
farther than mere separation from the mother-church. The persistence of
the centrifugal force of dissent shows itself again and again in the
violent polemics and divisions which have marked the course of Norwegian
church history in America.[268] While this divisiveness may in some
degree be due to the fashion set by the early settlers of whom many were
dissenters, probably the deeper cause is to be found in the general
freedom from religious restriction and prescription which characterizes
the whole United States and especially the West.

  [267] _The Statesman's Year Book, 1900_, 491, 1048, 1062.

  [268] Gjerset, "_The United Norwegian Lutheran Church_," in Nelson,
        _History of the Scandinavians_, I, 229-242.

Even the more extreme sects, in regard to belief and practice, have been
recruited from among the Scandinavians both before and since their
coming to this country. The Mormons were early at work as missionaries
in Northern Europe and, as has been stated above, won many converts,
particularly in Denmark, from whose immigration Utah mainly profited. In
1900 Utah had a total foreign-born population of 53,777, of whom 9132
were Danes; 7025, Swedes; and 2128, Norwegians. The real result of the
missionary work, however, is better seen in the figures for persons
having both parents born in a specified country and residing in Utah in
1900: Danes, 18,963; Swedes, 12,047; Norwegians, 3,466; total,
34,476.[269]

  [269] _Twelfth Census, 1900_, _Population_, Pt. I, Tables 33 and 39;
        H. H. Bancroft, _Utah_, 441, 431; Montgomery, _The Work Among
        the Scandinavians_, 8. Mr. Montgomery, the superintendent of
        Minnesota for the American Home Missionary Society (1886),
        laments the fact that very large numbers of the Scandinavians
        "have become converts to Mormonism, and have 'gathered' to
        Utah," and adds further: "I have before me the official
        statistics of the Mormon church (not easily obtained) giving a
        report of their missionary work in Scandinavia for each year
        from 1851 to 1881. They report that their converts in these
        lands during these thirty-one years reached the enormous total
        of 132,766 persons, and that of these 21,000 emigrated to Utah."
        From a beginning of four elders of the Mormon church at work in
        Denmark, Sweden, and Norway in 1850, the force increased to
        sixty-one missionaries at work in 1881.

The American churches and missionary societies were not unmindful of the
needs of the Scandinavians scattered over the Middle West in the early
days of its development, and in zealous and effective fashion gave them
aid. The work of the Hedström brothers in New York and in the West,
already described, reflects credit on the Methodist Church. Once at
least, help came to them from an unexpected source: Jenny Lind, the
"Swedish Nightingale," devoted to charity the proceeds of a concert in
New York, in November, 1850, and among the items of the distribution of
the total of $5073.20 by a committee, is "To the Relief of the Poor
Swedes and Norwegians in the city of New York per the Rev. Mr. Hedström,
$273.20. To the distribution of Swedish Bibles and Testaments, in New
York."[270] Besides the Bethel Ship in New York Harbor (1845), this same
church established a Scandinavian mission in the Rock River Conference,
in Illinois, in 1849, and two others in Iowa and Wisconsin in 1850.
Three years later the report showed two Swedish missions with four
missionaries, and two Norwegian missions with four missionaries.[271]

  [270] Rosenberg, _Jenny Lind in America_, 79.

  [271] Simpson, _Cyclopedia of Methodism_, 785.

The American Lutheran churches undertook to aid their co-religionists,
and in 1850 the Pittsburg Synod and the Joint Synod of Ohio each sent
one of its ministers into the Northwest, but the epidemic of cholera
caused them to hurry back to their former homes.[272] The real support
of some of the immigrant Lutheran missionaries came from the American
Home Missionary Society (Congregational). One of the men thus assisted
was Paul Anderson (Norland) who came from Norway in 1843, and received
a part of his education in the new Congregational college at Beloit. He
was chosen pastor of the first Norwegian Lutheran Church in Chicago in
1848, and journeyed to Albany, New York, to be ordained by a Lutheran
minister, but he nevertheless served under a commission from the
Congregational Society, and made reports to it for several years.[273]

  [272] _The North_, Aug. 30, 1893, quoting from _The Workman_.

  [273] Jensson, _American Lutheran Biographies_, 25 ff; _The Home
        Missionary_, XXII, 263, 264; XXIII, 119. In Anderson's report
        for 1850 is an account of a visit to Dane County, Wisconsin,
        where 'one of the Formalists,' after five years of labor had
        failed to bring much enlightenment. "There are some four
        thousand or more Norwegians in one settlement, about
        three-quarters of whom are members of this man's church, and the
        rest are sheep without a shepherd. They had had preaching there
        for the last five years, but such gross immorality I had never
        witnessed before.... We have no reasonable ground to hope that a
        single individual of those three thousand souls is converted to
        God; for all are intemperate and profane.... Of all I saw (and I
        saw a great many) two out of three were intoxicated, or had been
        drinking so that it was offensive to come within the sphere
        poisoned by their breath; and of every two I heard talking
        together one or both profaned their Maker."

In a similar manner this Society supported for several years the
missionary labors of Lars Paul Esbjörn, a graduate of Upsala University,
who was ordained a Lutheran clergyman when he emigrated in 1849, and
likewise the labors of T. N. Hasselquist. Esbjörn was appointed a
missionary of the Society in December, 1849, on the recommendation of
the Central Association of Congregational Ministers of Illinois, to whom
he presented his credentials and by whom he was examined and received
into the Association.[274] He was re-appointed year by year, making
reports from 1851 to 1854.[275] Hasselquist makes acknowledgment of his
obligations to the Society in a letter of July, 1853, saying that he
rejoices "in connection with your in the highest sense benevolent
Society, without which it would have been impossible for me to do for my
scattered countrymen what I have done.... I give humble thanks to the
Home Missionary Association which out of Christian benevolence helps to
build up the Kingdom of Christ among scattered Swedes who are almost all
very poor, but still love the word of God."[276] In 1852 the Society
appointed the Rev. Ole Anderson [Andrewson?] to the charge of the
Scandinavian church in Racine, Wisconsin, and two years later he reports
to the Society from La Salle County, Illinois.[277]

  [274] _The Home Missionary_, XXIII, 250, 263.

  [275] _Ibid._, XXIV, 238; XXIV, 287.

  [276] _The Home Missionary_, XXVI, 73.

  [277] _Ibid._, XXV, 77; XXVI, 268.

Since the Civil War and the great increase in the numbers of immigrants,
the home missionary efforts of the Methodists, Congregationalists, and
Baptists have been carried on with persistence, if not always with
perfect wisdom. In 1911 the Methodists had five Swedish Conferences with
222 churches, a membership of about 18,000, and property valued at
upwards of $2,000,000, and two Norwegian-Danish Conferences, with 119
churches, 6,300 members, and property worth $400,000.[278] The cost of
this work to the Methodist Missionary Society is not far from $50,000
per year.[279] The Baptists began their proselyting work in Norway and
Sweden, and have prosecuted it steadily in the Northwest since the
establishment of the first Swedish Baptist church in Rock Island,
Illinois, in 1852. In 1912 the church reports showed 18 Swedish
conferences, 374 churches, 28,000 members, and current income of
about $350,000, and also eleven Norwegian-Danish conferences, 94
churches, 5,900 members, and current income of $65,500.[280] The
Congregationalists have pushed their denominational interests in like
manner, and in 1913 had about one hundred churches, with rather more
than six thousand members.[281] Besides these churches regularly
connected with the Congregational organization, there are about one
hundred congregations of the Swedish Mission Union, and the group of
independent congregations whose faith and practice are closely allied
with those of the Congregationalists.[282] The Unitarian church has
endeavored to organize congregations, spending $25,000 on one church in
Minneapolis in sixteen years.[283] A few Protestant Episcopal parishes
also exist among the Swedes, chiefly in the large cities.[284]

  [278] Liljegren, "Historical Review of Scandinavian Methodist in the
        United States," in Nelson, _History of the Scandinavians_, I,
        208; _The Methodist Year Book_, 1912, 42-45.

  [279] Nelson, _History of the Scandinavians_, I, 337; _The Methodist
        Year Book_, 1912, 90-92.

  [280] Newman, _A Century of Baptist Achievement_, 126; Nelson (and
        Peterson), _History of the Scandinavians_, I, 202; _Annual of
        the Northern Baptist Convention_, 1913, 189.

  [281] _Congregational Year Book_, 1914. Cf. Nelson, _Scandinavians
        in the United States_, I, 346; Montgomery, _Work among the
        Scandinavians_ (1888), and a _"Wind from the Holy Spirit" in
        Norway and Sweden_, 7-8, 109-112.

  [282] Söderström, _Minneapolis Minnen_, 231-236.

  [283] _Cosmopolitan_, Oct., 1890; Nelson, _Scandinavians in the United
        States_, I, 337; Söderstsröm, _Minneapolis Minnen_, 249-250.

  [284] Söderström, _Minneapolis Minnen_, 237-241.

The three denominations first mentioned have for many years maintained,
in their respective western theological seminaries, departments or
professorships for the education of young men for ministerial service
among the immigrants from the Northlands. At the Chicago Theological
Seminary (Congregationalist) the Dano-Norwegian department was organized
in 1884, with one professor and two students; in the following year a
Swedish department was added, the professor being chosen from the
Swedish Free Mission Church. In 1906 these two departments had each two
professors and respectively thirteen and twenty-seven students, and
published a religious paper, _Evangelisten_.[285] Besides the Garrett
Biblical Institute (Methodist), Northwestern University has two similar
departments, with thirty-one students in the Swedish, and sixteen in the
Norwegian-Danish section.[286] In the Divinity School of the University
of Chicago (Baptist), the same departments appeared up to 1912; in 1897
there were twenty-two students in the Dano-Norwegian Department, and
thirty-five in the Swedish; for 1905, the corresponding figures were
twenty-four students, with one professor and two instructors, and
thirty-four students, with two professors and one instructor. Both
departments were dropped after 1913.[287]

  [285] _Year book of the Chicago Theological Seminary_, 1906;
        Montgomery, _The Work Among the Scandinavians_ (1888), 9-12, 22.

  [286] _Catalogue of the Northwestern University_, 1913-1914, 379-380,
        478.

  [287] _Annual Register of the University of Chicago_, 1904-5;
        1912-1913, 311.

So far as the movements represented by these missionary endeavors and by
the organization of schools help to furnish church privileges to those
beyond the reach of other Protestant churches--since the Catholics are
out of the question--they are admirable, accomplishing much good. But
when they cease to be efforts to extend religious opportunities, when
they are mainly devoted to swinging men and women already Christian from
one denomination to another, they simply add one more factor to the
inexcusable competition which too often characterizes the home
missionary activity, even when it does not degenerate into a mere
scramble for denominational advantage. The results in very many cases
have been sadly disproportionate to the expenditures.[288]

  [288] Nelson (and Skordalsvold), "Historical Review of the
        Scandinavian Churches in Minnesota," _History of the
        Scandinavians_, I, 335-349.

Not all the forces, however, have been centrifugal; the divided body of
Lutherans has attempted, with varying success, to effect permanent
union. Since 1890 the centripetal reaction has been strong, gaining
impetus from the highly significant efforts of the branches of the
Norwegian Lutherans in a synod held in that year in Minneapolis, to
create a single organization. The United Norwegian Lutheran Church,
formed June 13, 1890, was made up of the Norwegian Augustana Synod, the
Norwegian-Danish Conference, and the Anti-Missourian Brotherhood, thus
becoming the strongest of all the American Norwegian churches, numbering
1,122 congregations, about 120,000 members, and having property valued
at more than $1,500,000.[289] But old antagonisms and animosities,
generated in the bitterness of religious controversy, were not easily
overcome, and disputes soon arose to disturb the life of the United
Church. The chief of these related to the control of certain educational
institutions, especially Augsburg Seminary (theological) in Minneapolis.
So acute was the factional quarrel that it was taken into the courts in
1893, and continued on until 1898, when the "Augsburg strife" was
settled out of court by mutual agreement. Meantime the Augsburg party
had withdrawn from the United Church, taking some 40,000 members,
keeping the Seminary, worth about $60,000, but giving up to the United
Church the endowment fund of about $40,000.[290] In spite of factions,
secessions, and the expulsion of twelve congregations, the United Church
as a whole prospered. Its annual report for 1905 gave the following
statistics: congregations, more or less closely affiliated, 1,325;
ministers and professors, 453; communicants, 267,000; property,
$715,000.[291] While the United Church was the largest, there were no
fewer than four other branches of Norwegian Lutherans in 1914.[292]

  [289] _Ibid._, I, 236 ff.; Jacobs, _History of the Evangelical
        Lutheran Church in the United States_, 513; _Minneapolis
        Tribune_, June 14, 1890.

  [290] Nelson, _History of the Scandinavians_, I, 217-224, 263; _U. S.
        Eleventh Census_, 1890, Churches, 452.

  [291] _Beretning om det syttende Aarsmöde for den Forenede norsk
        lutherske Kirke i Amerika_, 140 and LVI.

  [292] _World Almanac and Encyclopedia, 1914_, 538-539.

In contrast with the Norwegians, the Swedes have manifested a
commendable unity in keeping the faith once delivered to them by the
fathers, the chief exception being the Swedish Evangelical Mission
Covenant, which can scarcely be called Lutheran. The great Swedish
Lutheran Augustana Synod, one of the constituent members of the General
Council of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America, stood staunchly
united in the midst of many changes in other branches of the church.
Under the broad name of the Scandinavian Evangelical Lutheran Augustana
Synod of North America, which comprised both Norwegians and Swedes down
to 1870, it grew rapidly, setting its face sternly against the New
Lutheranism which sought to modify the old rigidity of doctrine and
practice. In 1894 the word Scandinavian was dropped.[293] By 1899 the
Synod represented 900 congregations, 200,000 members, and a material
estate of $4,200,000.[294]

  [293] Nelson, _History of the Scandinavians_, I, 219.

  [294] _Ibid._, I, 217; Carroll, _The Religious Forces of the United
        States_ (rev. ed.), 190.

The break-up of the Lutheran church is not wholly to be regretted when
viewed in relation to the process of Americanization, for the church has
usually been a stronghold of traditionalism and conservatism. Perhaps,
too, the vigorous religious and ecclesiastical disputes, wasteful of
energy and of money as they sometimes seem, have contributed to a
wholesome and pervasive intellectual activity not altogether unlike the
results of the Puritan disputations. So careful a student of
Northwestern immigrants as Mr. O. N. Nelson is inclined to the opinion
that the contentions of the Lutherans may have benefited the church.
"Close observation has convinced us that if there had been peace instead
of war, the Norwegian Lutherans in the State (Minnesota) would have
numbered several thousand less than they do. It may not seem pious to
say so, but many a worldly-minded Viking has become so interested in the
fight that he has joined the faction with which he sympathized in order
to assist in beating the opposing party."[295]

  [295] Nelson, _History of the Scandinavians_, I, 339.

The church services in the great majority of cases are still conducted
in the mother-tongue. In the United Norwegian Lutheran Church, in 1905,
for example, the services in Norwegian numbered 30,407 as against 1,542
in English, and out of 1,300 congregations reporting, no more than six
held services in English only, including two large congregations in
Chicago and Milwaukee.[296] Five other congregations conducted more
services in English than in Norwegian; in ten localities the numbers
were equal; and in twenty-two, they were about equal, making a total of
forty-three in which English figured prominently.[297] The Hon. N. P.
Haugen, speaking on Norway Day at the World's Columbian Exposition, in
Chicago, commented on the fact that a Lutheran church had just been
dedicated, in which English alone would be used, and said significantly:
"Twenty years ago our theologians would not have entertained such a
proposition."[298] Now the younger Lutheran preachers are expected to be
able to preach both in their mother-tongue and in English.

  [296] _Beretning om det syttende Aarsmöde for den Forenede norsk
        lutherske Kirke i Amerika, 1906_, XLIV.

  [297] _Ibid._, II-LV.

  [298] _Daily Skandinaven_, May 24, 1893.

The conduct of services in non-English languages will and should
continue so long as there is a considerable body of men and women who
emigrated too late to learn the new language well enough to stand that
final linguistic test, the power to worship genuinely and satisfyingly
in the adopted speech. This means that the churches will use the foreign
speech until the generation of the foreign-born ceases to be
predominant, and in the cities, perhaps while the second generation is
in the majority; but children who receive their education in the public
schools or other English speaking schools, will require that their
religious instruction and their devotional exercises be conducted in
English.

The children and grandchildren of the immigrants, except in certain
large and compact settlements, chiefly in the cities, prefer English,
and commonly use that language in conversation and in correspondence
with each other. In the Swedish and Norwegian wards of such cities as
Chicago, Minneapolis, St. Paul, and Rockford, and in a county like
Goodhue in Minnesota, where the presence of large numbers of the
foreign-born makes the use of the foreign tongue imperative in the
homes, streets, markets, and places of business, and where the news is
read in a Scandinavian daily or weekly, the tendency to keep to the
speech of their ancestors is strong. The preacher and the politician
alike understand this, and the literature, speeches, and even the music,
in the campaigns for personal and civic righteousness are presented in
no unknown tongue, as the theological seminaries and Scandinavian
departments in other institutions, and the Swedish and Norwegian
political orators in critical years, bear abundant witness.

Co-ordinate with the school and the church, as a social force to be
estimated, is the press. Newspapers and periodicals of various sorts in
foreign languages inevitably follow the settlement of any considerable
number of aliens in a given community, for people of education and
ambition will look in a familiar medium for their news and gossip, their
instruction in commerce and politics, as well as their teaching in
religion. So the Chinese and Japanese on the Pacific Coast, no less than
the Germans, Italians, and Greeks on the Atlantic, have their dailies
and their magazines. Since the three Norse peoples, practically without
illiteracy and with active and ambitious minds, have settled in a large
number of moderate-sized communities, frequently isolated from each
other, and since their differences of opinion in matters religious and
ecclesiastical are often positive and aggressive, the number of their
publications of all kinds since the middle of the last century is
curiously large, and quite as remarkable for their migratory and
short-lived character.

The newspapers usually serve as the chief means of keeping informed
concerning the general news of the European home-lands, as well as of
the United States. Nearly all the larger papers publish regular European
correspondence, summaries of events, letters, and clippings, under such
headings as "Sverige," "Fra Norge," etc.[299]

  [299] _Gamla och Nya Hemlandet_, Apr. 8, 1903.

The newspapers and magazines render another service by the publication,
on the instalment plan, either as a part of the regular columns or as
inserted sheets, of standard works of the great Scandinavian writers or
of translations of the masterpieces of English and American authors.
Since these novels, essays, and histories are so printed that they may
be folded up and form a pamphlet for preservation, the periodical
serves both as newspaper and library. "It was the Swedish-American press
which caused the Swedish literature, as it is in America, to spring
up."[300]

  [300] _Gamla och Nya Hemlandet_, April 8, 1903 (translated).

The dailies of Chicago, Minneapolis, and Duluth, in particular, publish
every week scores of communications from subscribers in all parts of the
Northwest, in a department devoted to neighborhood news or gossip. The
old settler writes his reminiscences, sometimes a brief letter called
out by some event, sometimes at great length, like the Rev. J. A.
Ottesen's "Contribution to the History of our Settlements and
Congregations," which ran through eleven numbers of the weekly paper
_Amerika_, from April to September of 1894, and gave very minute details
of immigrant families unto the third and fourth generation, as they had
passed under the kindly eye of the patriarchal old pastor in his service
of forty years among them.[301] Great numbers of these communications
relate to the conditions and prospects of local settlements as viewed
from the settler's standpoint--crop conditions, market prices, wages,
opportunities for labor, nature and prices of nearby land, schools,
religion. As a revelation of the real mind of a community or of an
element of the population, showing the inducements and motives operating
upon the immigrant, and his response, they are exceedingly valuable, and
in some important respects almost unique.

  [301] "Bidrag til vore Settlementers og Menigheders Historie."

The editors and business agents of the larger and more enterprising
Scandinavian papers very early began making journeys about the country,
especially into the newer parts, in the interests of their papers;
incidentally they were spying out the land for themselves, but
indirectly they were furnishing first-hand observations of frontier
conditions to the hundreds who were moved to reinvest themselves and
their small accumulations. One of these "circuit riders" was Johan
Schröder, editor of _Fædrelandet og Emigranten_, founded at La Crosse,
in 1864, who published a little book of information for immigrants in
1867, after one of his extensive journeys among the settlements.[302]
Three years later he made a trip into Minnesota as far as Otter Tail
County--"En Snartur i Nordvesten"--and was deeply impressed with the
possibilities of that fertile section, to which many men of his
nationality were already looking, as the Newtown folk in Massachusetts
Bay looked in 1636 toward the Connecticut country, with a "strong bent
of their spirits to move thither." Such words as these were as seed sown
in good soil: "So far as I have journeyed about in the prairie counties
of Minnesota and Iowa, I have not yet met with any county which in
multiplicity of natural resources can come up with Otter Tail.
Immigration this year is very strong. Both newcomers direct from Norway,
and older farmers from Iowa, Wisconsin and Southern Minnesota take their
various ways thither."[303] The "America fever" of the Old World was now
the "West fever," and again more of the "West fever."[304] These
articles were not mere generalizations, but often, as in those just
quoted from, they gave the exact and practical information the reader
would desire--break-up of the prairie would cost $25 or $30 for five
acres on which to grow wheat and potatoes, cash to be had by working on
the nearby railroad at $2.50 per day, salt to be had at five cents per
pound, butter could be sold for ten cents per pound, fish and game were
abundant,--also mosquitoes![305]

  [302] This valuable little book bore the title _Skandinaverne i de
        Forenede Stater og Canada, med Indberetninger og Oplysninger fra
        200 Skandinaviske Settlementer. En Ledetraad for Emigranten fra
        det gamle Land og for Nybyggeren in Amerika._

  [303] Translated from _Fæderelandet og Emigranten_, July 21, 1870.

  [304] Schröder, _Skandinaverne i de Forenede Stater og Canada_ (1867),
        53.

  [305] _Ibid._, 53; also a two-and-a-half-column article "Vink til
        Nysettlere i Minnesota," in _Fædrelandet og Emigranten_,
        June 29, 1871.

The first of a long line of Swedish, Norwegian, and Danish periodicals
in the west, was a little paper called _Nordlyset_ (Northern Light),
which began publication in the Norwegian colony in Racine county,
Wisconsin, in 1847, with James D. Reymert as editor. It was a small
four-page sheet which at the start espoused the cause of the Free Soil
party. In 1850 it changed hands, and was re-christened _Demokraten_; tho
its subscription list increased to three hundred, the venture proved a
failure.[306]

  [306] Langeland, _Nordmændene i Amerika_, 94-107. Langeland succeeded
        Reymert as editor of _Nordlyset_. A few copies of _Nordlyset_,
        _Demokraten_, _Emigranten_, and some fifteen other early
        Norwegian papers were found some years ago in the hands of an
        old Norwegian, Christopher Hanson of St. Ansgar, Iowa. By him
        they were turned over to Rasmus B. Anderson, then editor of
        _Amerika_. _Amerika_, Jan. 4, 1899. Anderson sold the collection
        for $100 to the United Church in whose Seminary Library it now
        rests. "Raport fra Komiteen til Indsamling af historiske
        Documenter," _Beretning om det syttende Aarsmöde for den
        Forenede norsk lutherske Kirke i Amerika_ (1906), 126-128.

After 1850 the number of Scandinavian newspapers and religious
periodicals multiplied rapidly. Langeland, himself an editor and
publisher of the time, mentions five of these publications on the
Norwegian side alone in the decade following 1850.[307] _Skandinaven_,
whose foundation marks an era in the Scandinavian press, dates back to
this period. From its small beginnings has grown a great metropolitan
daily, with a circulation of 20,000, besides its semi-weekly and weekly
editions which have a circulation all over the Northwest of nearly
50,000.[308] In the ten years after 1870, a second expansion in the
number of publications took place, tho the fifteen Scandinavian papers
given in the list published in the standard newspaper directory for
1870, make an almost insignificant showing by the side of the two
hundred and fifty or more printed in America in German.[309]

  [307] Langeland, _Nordmændene i Amerika_, 96-112.

  [308] "Den skandinaviske tidnings-pressens barndom i Amerika,"
        _Hemlandet_, Feb. 25, March 4, 1913; Hansen and Wist, "Den
        Norsk-Amerikanske Presse". _Norsk-Amerikanernes Festskrift_,
        1914. 9-203.

  [309] Rowell, _American Newspaper Directory_, 1870, 948.

The Swedish press in the United States began somewhat later than the
Norwegian, but it manifested a stability and steadiness of progress
which the latter too often lacked. _Hemlandet_ was founded in 1855 as an
organ of Swedish Lutheranism, but in 1870 it was a political as well as
a religious journal, with 4,000 subscribers to the weekly edition, and
2,000 to the monthly,--"the largest circulation of any Swedish political
newspaper in this country."[310]

  [310] _Ibid._, 633.

The high-water mark in the number of these publications in the Northern
tongues seems to have been in 1892 or 1893, when Rowell mentions 146, of
which Minnesota is credited with 33, Illinois with 30, Iowa with 13, and
Wisconsin with 10, a total for these four States of 86, with a reported
total of 140,000 subscribers, out of 550,000 subscribers for all the
Scandinavian papers in the country. By 1901, the number of papers had
fallen off--many suspended in the hard times after 1893[311]--but the
number of subscribers increased for the whole country to more than
800,000, and for the four States just enumerated, to more than
650,000.[312]

  [311] _The North_, Aug. 9, 1893, reports six weeklies "suspended
        within the past few weeks."

  [312] Rowell, _American Newspaper Directory_ for years named;
        _Hemlandet_, Mar. 4, 1903: "De svenska tidningarne i Amerika har
        nu sammenlagt en prenumerantsiffra som uppgår till 400,000."

The politics and religion of the papers reflected the variegated
opinions of different parties and sects, and of men who would found new
parties and denominations, but Lutheranism and Republicanism have been
from the start the dominating influences. A historian of Lutheranism
named 16 Swedish Evangelical Lutheran periodicals in existence in the
United States in 1896.[313] About the same time a Democratic paper
remarks grudgingly and sourly: "It is worthy of note that of the fifty
or sixty Norwegian papers in the United States, including two dailies,
all are Republican tho at rare intervals some may bolt individual
nominations. Generally, however, they are amazingly steadfast to
party--moss-backed and hide-bound, in fact."[314]

  [313] Lenker, _Lutherans in all Lands_, 771.

  [314] _Madison Democrat_, Oct. 6, 1898.

The strong hold which this press exercises upon its subscribers is
excellently illustrated in the large sums of money raised from time to
time through its agency in behalf of sufferers from fire and famine in
the North European peninsulas. By editorials and special correspondence,
by subscriptions and the publications of lists of contributors, by
stimulating concerts for raising relief moneys, these journals have
pursued the shrewd, enterprising, and, at the same time, benevolent
schemes of advertising, followed by their American contemporaries. In
1893 _Skandinaven_ received and remitted to Norway for the relief of
sufferers from a landslide in Thelemark more than $2,700.[315] When a
great fire nearly destroyed the city of Aalesund, that journal in the
winter and spring of 1904 gathered and sent to Norway $19,000, mostly in
sums ranging from $.25 to $2.00; at the same time _Decorah Posten_
remitted more than $12,000 for the same purpose.[316] The great famine
in northern Sweden and Finland in 1902-3 gave rise to a similar
collection of money; the editor of the _Svenska Amerikanska Posten_, the
powerful Swedish newspaper of Minneapolis, headed the list for his
paper, and at the end of several months the contributions through this
one journal reached the total of approximately $18,000.[317] Of course
not all the money so liberally poured out to aid the unfortunate by the
Baltic or the North Sea, was transmitted through the agents of the
newspapers, but it is true that almost the sole inspiration for the
gifts came more or less directly from the Scandinavian press. Probably
out of $175,000 sent from the United States to the famine sufferers in
1903,--and America's quota was about one-half of the total handled by the
Swedish central committee in Stockholm--the newspapers were instrumental
in raising fifty per-cent.[318]

  [315] _Skandinaven_, May 3, May 31, 1893.

  [316] _Ibid._, Jan. 27-April 30, 1904; _Dannevirke_, March 30, 1904.

  [317] _Svenska Amerikanska Posten_, Feb. 17, June 30, 1903.

  [318] _Hemlandet_, Feb. 25 (quoting from _Nya Dagligt Allehanda_ of
        Stockholm for Feb. 7), July 15, Aug. 19, 1903.




CHAPTER X.

SOCIAL RELATIONS AND CHARACTERISTICS


While the normal unit in Scandinavian immigration is the family, a
considerable proportion of the immigrants has consisted of young,
unmarried men and women. Not infrequently the young man left behind him
a sweetheart who followed a little later when a solid foundation was
laid for the prospective family; or perchance, if sufficiently
prosperous, he went back at some Christmastide to marry her and bring
her to America. In any case, the farm meant a home, and the marriage
back of it was generally between two of the same nationality. Still,
intermarriages between Scandinavians and persons of American or of other
alien stock, are not infrequent, tho the number and significance of such
marriages is more a matter of personal opinion and estimate than of
exact statistics, since the latter are lacking. The opinions expressed
in this chapter are based upon the inconclusive figures of the census
reports, upon a study of a large number of brief biographies, and upon a
considerable acquaintance with conditions in the Northwest. The
biographies, it should be noted, are almost exclusively of men of
Scandinavian birth, whose intermarriage with American women is less
common than that of American men with Scandinavian women.[319]

  [319] Bremer, _Homes of the New World_, II, 222, 227, 236; Nelson,
        _History of the Scandinavians_, I, 372, 380, 384, 404, 423, 429,
        438, 504, 530.

Before the flood tide of immigration in the period beginning about 1880
brought to America so many young, unmarried women, intermarriages were
more infrequent than in the later time. Hence the discussion of the
matter in the Census Report of 1880 would not necessarily hold true for
the subsequent period: "There is but one important element (other than
the Irish) which manifests an equally strong indisposition to
intermarriage, viz., the Scandinavian. This element appears in an
important degree in but few of the States and Territories embraced in
the following tables, but in these the effects of intermarriage are
slight. Thus in Wisconsin, while there are 42,728 persons born on our
soil having both Scandinavian father and Scandinavian mother, there are
but 2,083 persons having a Scandinavian father and an American mother.
In Dakota, the respective numbers are 10,071 and 418; in Minnesota
69,492 and 1,906.... It will be noted that in some of the States and
Territories where the Scandinavians are few and where it is notorious
that they are thoroly mingled with the general population, the
proportion of intermarriages is not a low one."[320] The figures for the
children of such mixed marriages given in the reports of the Twelfth
Census certainly reveal a decided increase in the number, especially
when the necessary allowance is made for the decreasing birthrate
naturally incident to the development of urban communities and to
filling up of States, which took place between 1880 and 1900.[321]

  [320] _U. S. Tenth Census, 1880_, I, 676.

  [321] _U. S. Twelfth Census Reports, 1900_, I, _Population_, Pt. 1,
        CXCIII, and Tables 43, 46, 56.

In these two decades, large numbers of young unmarried women, moved by
the same economic motives as the young men, came to the United States
and took service among the Americans as domestic servants. The demand
for capable and well-trained servants far exceeded, and still exceeds,
the visible supply, and the wages which seemed high to the American
housewife seemed trebly high to the girl who received in cash wages in
the old home only $20 or $30 per year.[322] In the new service the girls
must perforce learn English rapidly or fail, so they learned the
language and also the ways of the American household. In return they
gave an honest, good-tempered, and trustworthy if sometimes clumsy
service. If they were not always evidently grateful for the instruction
and patience of the mistress of the household, if frequently they
married soon after they were trained into efficient and satisfactory
servants, they should not be condemned wholesale! While the marriages of
these strong, healthy, intelligent, domestically capable young women
with non-Scandinavian young men of the middle and lower classes
constitute the larger proportion of intermarriages, the intermarriage of
the American-born Scandinavian girls, trained in the public schools and
colleges, with American men is also frequent, and no reservation as to
the mixture of social classes needs to be made.

  [322] _U. S. Consular Reports_ (1887) No. 76, 148; Young, _Labor in
        Europe and America_, 681.

Large families have been a prominent characteristic of the home life of
the Northmen in America's Northwest. Race suicide should not be charged
against the Scandinavians either in their new homes or in their old, for
in spite of the steady drain which emigration has made upon the
population of Sweden, Norway, and Denmark for fifty years, each country
in each decade has shown an increase of population, due solely to
natural increase.[323] In America this natural fecundity was re-enforced
by the conditions under which settlement was made, for large families
are characteristic of the early years of a developing agricultural
frontier. So when the Scandinavians entered the newly-opened regions of
the Great West and found land and food abundant, both immediately and
prospectively, they felt no necessity for enforcing prudential or other
checks upon the increase of population. Putting the case more
positively, circumstances put a premium upon families with numerous
children; the farmer welcomed additions to his circle of boys and girls
who would grow up into helpers upon the expanding cultivated acreage of
the farm, and later take up land near the original homestead,
buttressing it with prosperous allied homes. Families of ten and twelve
were common, while others reached sixteen, eighteen, and even
twenty-four.[324] In his remarkably detailed reminiscences of Norwegian
settlers in Wisconsin and the further Northwest, the Rev. J. A. Ottesen
refers to families of his friends and acquaintances, sometimes in exact
figures, as seven, ten, or fourteen children, and sometimes in such
general phrases as "many children," or "several children," making use of
these phrases no less than seventeen times in three columns of a single
article.[325]

  [323] _Special Reports, Bureau of the Census_, "Supplementary Analysis
        and Derivative Tables" (1906), 32-33.

  [324] Sparks, _History of Winneshiek County, Iowa_, 110; _History of
        Fillmore County_ (Minnesota), 377 ff., 434 ff.

  [325] J. O. Ottesen, "Bidrag til vore Settlementers og Menigheders
        Historie," _Amerika_, April-September, 1894, especially
        July 4.

An examination of several thousand biographical sketches of Danes,
Norwegians, and Swedes who have attained some degree of success in the
American West, the very class which would first begin to limit the size
of the family, leads to the conclusion that the average number of
children per family among them is between four and five. In other words
the average is nearly double that of the United States taken as a
whole.[326]

  [326] These biographies are numerous in the many county histories
        which appeared between 1880 and 1890 as the work of a syndicate
        of publishers; they are also the staple of the latter half of
        such works as Johnson and Peterson, _Svenskarne i Illinois_, and
        Nelson, _History of the Scandinavians_, I, and II. All the
        Scandinavian newspapers print many similar sketches,
        biographical, autobiographical, and obituary.

Closely connected with this immigration of so many young, unmarried
girls of the servant class, is the question of sex morality and
illegitimacy. The statistics relating to this question are particularly
unsatisfactory so far as the United States is concerned, even for a land
where the scientific statistician is a recent product, and where the
collection of social statistics, left mainly to the States and to local
authorities, is very loosely carried on. The motives for concealment and
for prevarication are obvious, and the records of municipal courts, even
if closely inspected, would not give much more than a scant minimum of
information applicable to an estimate of the Scandinavian element in the
population.

To judge from the figures given for certain cities in Norway and Sweden,
it would be natural to expect a much higher percentage of illegitimate
births among the immigrants from those countries than among persons of
American ancestry. The United States Consul at Stockholm reported for
1884 for the whole of Sweden that 10.2% of all births were illegitimate;
for the city of Stockholm alone, 29.3%.[327] Twelve years later the
figure for the whole kingdom was 11%.[328] For Norway, the figure for
the kingdom was 7.2% for 1896; in the city of Christiania, 15.4% of the
5,349 births in 1895 were illegitimate.[329]

  [327] _U. S. Consular Reports_ (_1887_), No. 76, 151; Young, _Labor in
        Europe_, 689. C. C. Andrews, U. S. Minister to Sweden, 1873,
        states: "The proportion of illegitimate births, including the
        whole kingdom was 5.85%, but including only cities, the
        proportion of illegitimates was 14.32%."

  [328] _Statesman's Year Book, 1900_, 1048.

  [329] _Ibid._, 1062; _Folkebladet_, Feb. 5, 1896.

Such statistics are certainly ominous, whatever the allowance which
should be made for peculiar social conditions in Europe, which make the
begetting of children after betrothal and before actual wedlock a less
heinous offence against good order and morality than in America. But
over against these startling figures stands the fact that it does not
seem to be harder to maintain order and decency in cities like
Minneapolis and St. Paul, or in the Scandinavian wards of Chicago, than
it is in Detroit or Boston, or in the other alien quarters of Chicago
itself. Nor does an inspection of the court and police records of cities
of the Northwest for crimes and offences against decency, or against
women, give cause for any special alarm for the future morality of the
Scandinavians of that section.

For a safe and conclusive estimate of the contributions made by the
Scandinavian element to the delinquent and defective classes of society,
no very complete or satisfactory data are at present to be had. A
detailed study of the statistics of these classes in Wisconsin and
Minnesota warrants the judgment that the immigrants from Northern
Europe, and their immediate descendants, have a much smaller percentage
of paupers and criminals and a much larger percentage of insane, than do
either the Germans or the Irish, the two other alien elements which
approach the Scandinavians in importance in those States.[330] But these
statistics are at best unconvincing, because they are acknowledgedly
incomplete, and because in them little attempt is made to distinguish
between the children of American descent and those born of immigrant
parents in America.

  [330] A discussion of these statistics for 1885-1890 is given in _The
        Forum_, XIV, 103. The reports of the superintendents of some of
        the institutions give more or less of the history of each case.
        See Nelson, _History of the Scandinavians_, II, 1-23.

The experts working out the interpretation of the results of the Twelfth
Census (1900) have made distinct progress towards a fair comparative
judgment in matters relating to social classes and conditions. John
Koren, for example, the son of the veteran Norwegian Lutheran pastor,
the Rev. V. Koren, and an investigator and writer of unusual weight,
points out that the insane in hospitals are at least ten years of age,
while there are few children under fifteen among the immigrants as
compared with the number under that age among the native whites, and he
accordingly concludes that "Of the whites at least 10 years of age in
the general population of the United States in 1900, 80.5% were native
and 19.5% were foreign-born; while of the white insane of known nativity
enumerated in hospitals on December 31, 1903, 65.7% were native and
34.3% were foreign-born. Relatively, therefore, the insane are more
numerous among the foreign born whites than among the native."[331] How
much more convincing is such a cautious and careful estimate than the
sweeping generalizations of another recent writer: "Roughly speaking,
the foreigners furnish more than twice as many criminals, two and
one-third times as many insane, and three times as many paupers as the
native element."[332]

  [331] _Special Reports, Bureau of the Census_, 1904, "Insane and
        Feebleminded in Hospitals and Institutions," 20.

  [332] Hall, _Immigration_, 166.

The statistics for the insane in hospitals at the end of 1903 and of
those admitted during 1904, as given by Mr. Koren, show a strikingly
high percentage of insane persons of foreign parentage in Wisconsin,
Minnesota, North Dakota, and Iowa. No other State comes within ten
per-cent of the ratio of the first three. Of those enumerated in
December, 1903, 56% in Wisconsin, 48% in Minnesota, 52% in North Dakota,
and 34% in Iowa, were of foreign parentage; the percentages of the
admissions for 1904 were 53% in Wisconsin, 55% in Minnesota, and 33% in
Iowa.[333] In all these States the Scandinavian element has been
numerous for at least two generations. Figures gathered for this study
for the period between 1885 and 1895, before the children of the
Scandinavian immigrants reached in very considerable numbers what might
be termed the age for acquiring insanity, gave similarly significant
conclusions. Of the inmates of the state hospitals for the insane in
Minnesota, the foreign-born Scandinavians were 28% in 1886 and 30.7% in
1890; of the admissions to the state hospital at St. Peter in 1890, 35%
were Norse. Of the total admissions for the State in 1900, 23% were
Scandinavians, while in the Fergus Falls hospital, located in the heart
of a more recently settled Scandinavian area, 40% were of that
nationality; Wisconsin reports show like percentages.[334] All of these
statistics warrant the general conclusion that of all the foreign-born,
the Scandinavians are the most prone to insanity.[335]

  [333] _Special Reports, Bureau of the Census_, "Insane and
        Feebleminded," 21.

  [334] _Minnesota Executive Documents, 1900_--statistics for the insane
        for 1890, 1896, and 1900; The North, Dec. 18, 1889; _Wisconsin
        State Board of Control_ [biennial], 1890 to 1902.

  [335] _Special Reports, Bureau of the Census, 1904_, "Insane, etc., in
        Hospitals," 21. Nelson, _History of the Scandinavians_, II, ch.
        i, makes a conscientious, but rather lame, attempt at analyzing
        available statistics of insanity, and gives his conclusions for
        two periods, 1881-2 and 1890-4: ratio of insane in total
        population, 1:2718 and 1:1719; in American-born, 1:4120 and
        1:3009; in foreign-born, 1:1480 and 1:1144; in Irish, 1:1061 and
        1:769; in German, 1:1461 and 1:1439; in Scandinavian, 1:1588 and
        1:819.

If one seeks for adequate reasons for this unusual tendency to insanity,
he will not find ready satisfaction. Undoubtedly the difference of
environment and the severer strain upon muscle and nerve imposed by
American industrial conditions, by which the machinery of the individual
must run at a higher and unwonted speed, will account for part of the
phenomena, but these causes operate alike upon all classes of
immigrants. The change from the mountains of Norway, or from the rugged
sea-coast of the great Northern peninsula, to the rolling prairies and
the vast silent plains of the interior of the United States, has also
its depressing effect. The very flatness of the land, its extremes of
temperature, the fierce tornadoes of wind, the bewildering, imprisoning
storms of snow, with no friendly mountain or forest to offer a body of
protection or a face of comfort, and the isolation of the life of the
frontier farmer and his family, together with the severity of their
labor--all these are causes operating with peculiar force in the case of
the Norwegian and Swedish immigrants. Dr. Gronvald, writing in 1887,
stated his conviction that the women of these classes, especially the
Norwegians, were predisposed to nervous disorders and insanity by early
and frequent child-bearing, and from early rising from child-bed.[336]

  [336] Gronvald, "The Effects of the Immigration on the Norwegian
        Immigrants," _Sixth Annual Report of the State Board of Health
        of Minnesota_, 520.

Since the Norse immigrants have rarely if ever been charged with
illiteracy, dependency, pauperism or mendicancy, the remaining social
test, usually considered co-ordinate with that for insanity, is the
proportion of criminals contributed to the total of delinquents.[337]
Earlier computations must undergo the same severe correction as do the
estimates regarding the insane. By 1885 there were in the Northwest
large communities made up of the older Norwegian and Swedish settlers
and their descendants, and other communities comprising great numbers of
recently arrived immigrants. According to the State census of 1885 in
Minnesota, the Scandinavians formed 16.5% of the population, and the
Germans, 11.5%. The reports of the wardens of the State's prisons for
1886 show 8.7% of the prisoners to be Scandinavian, and 7.4% German. The
population of the State during the next five years grew rapidly; the
Scandinavian element increased faster than the German and nearly twice
as fast as the native American. Yet in 1890 the percentage of the
prisoners who could be identified as Scandinavian was only 7.1%.[338]

  [337] For an interesting background for this discussion, see Grellet,
        _Memoirs_, I, 324. He wrote in 1818 of a parish named Stavanger,
        having a population of some 7,000: "We visited their prison and
        their schools; the former kept by an old woman. She had but one
        prisoner in it, and had so much confidence in him that the door
        of his cell was kept open."

  [338] _Minnesota Executive Documents_, biennial reports of State
        Prisons for the years mentioned.

In Wisconsin, where the increase of population in the last ten years of
the nineteenth century was in the native-born of Scandinavian parentage,
rather than in the number of immigrants, the reports of the Waupun State
Prison may be supplemented by those of the State Industrial School, the
reformatory for first offenders between the ages of fifteen and thirty.
In 1900, the foreign-born Scandinavian population of Wisconsin was 5% of
the total, and the Scandinavian population of foreign-born parentage was
10% of the total.[339] Of the prisoners received at Waupun, the
Scandinavians were: 1891, 4.1%; 1898, 4.4%; 1900, 3.7%. Of boys and
young men received at the Industrial School, those of Scandinavian
parentage were: 1890-1892, 7%; 1896-1898, 6.5%; 1900-1902, 6.6%.[340]

  [339] _U. S. Twelfth Census_, I, _Population_, Pt. I, Tables 25,
        38, 40.

  [340] _Reports of the Wisconsin State Board of Control_ for the years
        mentioned.

In the matter of petty offences which are usually tried in the police
courts, particularly cases arising out of intemperance, the records of
convictions in Minneapolis, St. Paul, and Chicago, together with the
statistics of city prisons and workhouses, indicate that the Northmen
are clearly the chief offenders.[341]

  [341] _Minnesota Executive Documents_, Reports of the State Board of
        Charities and Corrections, especially for 1884, 1890, 1896; _The
        North_, Dec. 18, 1889. Nelson, _History of the Scandinavians_,
        II, ch. i, tabulates his estimates of criminality as he does
        those of insanity; for the years 1880-1822 and 1892-1894:

        Ratio of criminals in the whole population  1:2302  1:1999
        American-born population                    1:2413  1:2013
        Foreign-born population                     1:2035  1:1887
        Irish population                            1:1600  1:860
        German population                           1:2713  1:2715
        Scandinavian population                     1:3706  1:5933




CHAPTER XI.

THE SCANDINAVIAN IN LOCAL AND STATE POLITICS


The Scandinavian usually entered the field of politics rather slowly; he
took out his "first papers" for the purpose of acquiring land, not that
he might vote in the next election. In the early years of his settlement
he was too busy building and paying for a home, learning English, and
adopting American customs, to give much time or attention to public
affairs. The clearing of woodland, the breaking up of the prairie, and
the transformation of a one-room shack into a frame dwelling required
severe labor and all his energies. Not until the leisure of some degree
of success was his, did he yield to his natural inclination for politics
of the larger sort.

The Norwegian, of all the men of the Northern lands, has the strongest
liking for the political arena, and has had the most thoro political
training at home. Since 1814 he has lived and acted in a community
markedly democratic. He understands the meaning of the Fourth of July
all the better because he, and his ancestors for two or three
generations in their home by the North Sea, celebrated on the
Seventeenth of May the independence of Norway and the advent of
republicanism. His sense of individuality and equality is stronger than
that of his cousins to the east or south, and he steadily and stubbornly
fights for the recognition and maintenance of his rights. In 1821,
before the first real immigrants sailed for the United States, Norway
abolished nobility, while Sweden and Denmark still retain the
institution. Equipped thus, and educated in such a vigorous school, it
is the Norwegian rather than the Swede or Dane who figures most largely
in the political activities of the American Northwest.

Several causes operating on the western side of the Atlantic augmented
these natural advantages of the Norwegians. In their settlements they
had ten or fifteen years the start of the Swedes, and in the formative
period of Wisconsin, Iowa, Minnesota, and Dakota they greatly
outnumbered both the Swedes and Danes. They went into new States and
territories, and, settling on farms, profited by the power which the
rural portion of a developing region usually exercises in politics. On
the other hand, tho the Swedes in Illinois since the early fifties, and
in Kansas since the late sixties, have formed decidedly the larger part
of the Scandinavian population of those two States, they have by no
means taken a part in politics equal to that taken by the Norwegians. In
1890 the foreign-born Swedes in Iowa were more numerous than the
foreign-born Norwegians, and in Minnesota about equal in number, but
these figures do not fairly represent the political strength of the two
elements, for to the foreign-born Norwegians must be added those of
the second and third generation of persons of purely Norwegian
extraction.[342] The sons, and even the grandsons of the early Norwegian
settlers were voters before the Swedish immigration greatly exceeded the
Norwegian.[343] Broadly speaking, the early political pre-eminence of
the Norwegians has never been overcome.

  [342] Statistics for foreign-born in 1890:

                     Iowa   Minnesota

        Norwegians  27,078  101,169
        Swedes      30,276   99,913
        Danes       15,519   14,133

  [343] In 1850 the total of foreign-born Scandinavians was 12,678, of
        whom 3,559 were Swedes. In 1860 the corresponding figures were
        43,995 and 18,625. In 1880 the Swedes numbered 194,337, and the
        Norwegians, 181,729. _United States Census Reports_ for the
        years 1850, 1860, 1880.

For the common people of Sweden and Denmark, political experience
practically began with the agitation for the reforms of 1866 and 1867.
The peasants and burghers thus came to think definitely and decisively
about what they desired and of the means for securing the wished-for
reforms. It may therefore be asserted without reservation that after
1870 the average Scandinavian immigrant brought to America a fairly
clear understanding of the meaning of republicanism; elections,
representation, local self-government, and constitutions, are neither
novel nor meaningless terms to him; he is ready to fill his place, play
his part, and cast his vote, as "a citizen of no mean city." In the
discharge of their civic duties, the Scandinavian voters have had the
aid of several unusually well edited newspapers in their own languages.
Since active participation in politics and patriotism are not always
synonymous, one branch of the Scandinavian peoples may be just as
patriotic as another. Certain it is that in the Civil War the Swedes
were every whit as prompt and hearty in their response to calls for men,
and as thoro in their efficiency and courage as soldiers, as were the
Norwegians.

From a political view-point, the importance of the Norse immigrants in
the agricultural regions of the West has not been fully recognized. At
first thought, it would seem that location in a city or town, with its
intimate associations and sharper competitions, with its friction of
frequent contact with Americans, should be more conducive to rapid
Americanization of immigrants, than the life of the farm or of the rural
village, with its isolation and narrow horizon. More careful
consideration will make clear that the opportunities for political
action beyond merely casting a vote, are really much better in a new,
thinly-settled township than in a ward of a large town or city. It
surely was not a hunger for the sweets of political influence or
official place which led the Scandinavians into frontier regions; but
once there, with the old political ties forever severed by taking out
their "first papers," with partial title to land entered by preemption
or by homesteading, their first and greatest steps in Americanization
were safely made, and each one carried certain political consequences.
Local political organization had to be effected somehow as a given
locality filled up, and it happened frequently that there were none but
Scandinavians to undertake the task. No matter what their political
inclinations, no matter what form of organization they would have
preferred, only one course was open to them: to get information as to
the laws and customs of the United States and of the States in which
they were settled, to prepare for the elections, and to assume the
responsibilities of the necessary offices. Over and over again these
things were done promptly and well by men in whose veins coursed only
Viking blood, by men but recently transplanted from Norway, Sweden, and
Denmark.

Whenever a township became populous enough to have a name as well as a
number on the surveyor's map, that question was likely to be determined
by the people on the ground, and such names as Christiana, Swede Plain,
Numedal, Throndhjem, and Vasa leave no doubt that Scandinavians
officiated at the christening.[344] Besides the names of townships,
Minnesota alone has no fewer than seventy-five postoffices whose names
are unmistakably Norse,--Malmö, Ringbo, Ibsen, Tordenskjold, and the
like. It was in organizing these new townships, working the town
machinery, carrying on elections, levying and collecting taxes, and
laying out roads, that the Scandinavian immigrants learned the rudiments
of American politics.[345] In studying the accounts of the formation of
scores of towns inhabited wholly or in major part by Norwegians or
Swedes--accounts usually written by Americans, and often going into
minute details--not one was found which describes any noteworthy
irregularity. Except for the peculiar names no one would suspect that
the townmakers were born elsewhere than in Massachusetts or New York.

  [344] Christiana got its name through the carelessness of Gunnul
        Vindæg, who desired to name the town after the Norwegian
        capital, but omitted the "i" in the last syllable. _Billed
        Magazin_, I, 388.

  [345] Mattson, _Story of an Emigrant_, 50-51; _History of Goodhue
        County, Minnesota_, 248.

In some cases probably more than one-fifth of the men of the community
shared in the actual administration of town affairs; and while this
ratio decreased with the growth of the town, the tendency of the
Scandinavian settlers to move on from one new region to another gave
many of them continuing opportunities to gain political experience. Had
the same number of men located in the larger towns or cities, their
active duties as citizens would generally have ended with the casting of
their annual ballot. A few might have become policemen, commissioners,
or even aldermen, but they would have made an insignificant percentage;
the management or mismanagement of finances, schools, streets,
sanitation, and public services would go on without their efforts or
participation.

A few illustrations selected almost at random, will give a concrete idea
of the process just described. Two townships in Fillmore County,
Minnesota, were organized in 1860, and received the familiar Old World
names, Norway and Arendahl; at the first election, all the officers
chosen in both townships were Norwegians, and for twenty years and more,
the Norwegians continued to fill nearly all the offices.[346] Another
and later example is found in Nicollet County, Minnesota, farther west
than Fillmore County, where the township of New Sweden was formed in
1864. Thirty votes were cast at the first election, and at the first
town-meeting, held three months later, all the offices were filled by
the election of six Swedes and four Norwegians.[347] Five years later
this township was divided and the name Bernadotte was given to the new
township; by the first election, all ten offices were filled by
Swedes.[348] Other Minnesota towns, Johnsonville in Redwood County
(1879), Wang in Renville County (1875), and Stockholm in Wright County
(1868), were similarly organized and officered by Norwegians and
Swedes.[349]

  [346] _History of Fillmore County, Minnesota_, 346, 378.

  [347] _History of the Minnesota Valley_, 688, 690, 693.

  [348] _Ibid._, 688.

  [349] _Ibid._, 790, 837; _History of the Upper Mississippi Valley_,
        572.

As the townships developed, and the villages grew into cities with large
foreign-born elements, the familiar and characteristic Northern names
continue to fill the official records. Stoughton, Wisconsin, the
capital, so to speak, of the solid old Dane County settlement, is a case
in point. So late as 1901 the roster of the city ran as follows:

  Mayor, O. K. Roe, born in Dane County of Norwegian parents

  President of the Council, J. S. Liebe, born in Laurvik, Norway

  Aldermen, four born in different parts of Norway, two born in Dane
    County of Norwegian parents.[350]

Much of the business in these new communities in their first years was
carried on in a foreign tongue. Certainly election notices and documents
of that sort were issued in Norwegian or Swedish, and sometimes orders,
ordinances, and laws. No evidence, however, has come to hand to prove
that any official records were ever kept in any other language than
English, even in villages composed almost exclusively of Norwegians or
Swedes.[351]

  [350] _Amerika_, May 20, 1901.

  [351] "The Norwegians of Wisconsin", _Phillips Times_ (Wis.),
        April 22, 1905.

One of the first offices that had to be filled in the growing settlement
was that of postmaster; for no considerable number of people, educated
and intelligent, will long be content with a postoffice twenty miles
away.[352] In 1856 there were five Scandinavian postmasters in Minnesota
alone.[353] Thus the immigrant settlers came in contact with the
national government at the postoffice more directly and frequently than
they did at the land-office.

  [352] The nearest postoffice to the early settlers in Fillmore County,
        Minnesota, was twenty miles away at Decorah, Iowa. _History of
        Fillmore County, Minnesota_, 429.

  [353] From the list transcribed from the books of the Appointment
        Office of the Post Office Department, Dec., 1856. Andrews,
        _Minnesota and Dakota_, 191.

Township affairs shade off almost imperceptibly into county affairs in
the western States, and the Scandinavians soon began to take part in the
latter. No records are at hand for the Wisconsin settlements, but in
1858 the first Norwegian was elected to the board of supervisors in
Goodhue County, Minnesota, and in the following year Hans Mattson, who
was active in building up the town of Vasa, where he filled various town
offices, was elected auditor of the county.[354] He continued to fill
the office until July, 1862, tho in name only for the last months, for
in the minutes of Board of Supervisors of Goodhue County appears the
resolution that "because the County Auditor, Hans Mattson, has
voluntarily gone to the war with a company of soldiers, a leave of
absence shall be extended to him, and that the office shall not be
declared vacant so long as the deputy properly performs the duties of
the place."[355]

  [354] Mattson, _The Story of An Emigrant_, 50.

  [355] Mattson, _The Story of an Emigrant_, 62.

Hans Mattson was only one of many who found Goodhue County politics and
a term of service in the army excellent fitting schools for larger
activity in State affairs. One of the Norwegians who served an
apprenticeship in Wisconsin, a journeymanship in Iowa, and came to the
master-grade of citizenship--office-holding--in Minnesota, was Lars K.
Aaker, who represented Goodhue County in the Minnesota Legislature in
1859-1860. After service as first lieutenant in Mattson's Scandinavian
Company, he again sat in the Legislature in 1862, 1867, and 1869. Again
after twelve years of residence in Goodhue County he moved to Otter Tail
County, and represented that county in the State Senate, later becoming
Register of the United States Land Office. In 1864, he moved again, to
Crookston, in the extreme northwestern corner of Minnesota, where he
served as Receiver of the Land Office from 1884 to 1893.[356] As the
counties and towns have multiplied, by the biological process of
division, in Minnesota and the Dakotas, Scandinavian names recur more
and more frequently in their records, tho it is not always easy,
especially since 1880, to identify such names, for the Norsemen have had
a habit of Americanizing their original names or changing them
altogether either with or without legal process.[357]

  [356] Personal interview with Mr. Aaker, May, 1890. He was school
        teacher, in English, and school district clerk in Wisconsin
        before moving to Iowa and Minnesota. See also _Minnesota
        Legislative Manual_, 1893, 89-92; Nelson, _History of the
        Scandinavians_, I, 365.

  [357] By these changes Johanson became Johnson; Hanson, Jackson;
        Fjeld, Field; Larson, Lawson (as Victor F. Lawson, the great
        newspaper owner of Chicago). By taking the homestead name, the
        too common name of Olson was changed to Tuve in one case, while
        Adolf Olson became Adolf Olson Bjelland in another.

The county offices which seem to be most attractive to the Scandinavians
are those of sheriff, treasurer, auditor, and register of deeds. The
lists of county officers for several years in Wisconsin, Minnesota, and
the Dakotas, show that the number of Swedes and Norwegians in the four
offices just mentioned was closely proportioned to their percentage in
the population of the States named.[358] Because the Scandinavians are
less numerous in the other county offices, their proportion of the total
offices in the counties of the States falls considerably below their
proportion of the population. Estimating on the basis of a sure minimum,
with the difficulties in identifying names eliminated, the Scandinavians
for several years about 1895 filled approximately one-fifth of the 1235
county offices in Minnesota, one-fifth of the 268 in North Dakota and
one-tenth of the 702 in Wisconsin. Their numbers relative to the
population in each State were respectively one-fourth in Minnesota,
two-fifths in North Dakota, one-eighth in Wisconsin, and one-fifth in
South Dakota. More recent illustrations are to be found in the election
of 1904. In Traill County, North Dakota, the sixth in size of the forty
counties in the State, the sheriff, judge, treasurer, auditor,
register, surveyor, coroner, and superintendent of schools were of
Scandinavian origin; in Lac Qui Parle County, Minnesota, a similar clean
sweep was made; while in Yellow Medicine County seven out of ten
principal officers were Scandinavians.[359]

  [358] _Minnesota Legislative Manual_, 1893, 341-366 (naming 16
        officers for most counties); _Wisconsin Blue Book_, 1895, 630
        (naming 10); _North Dakota Legislative Manual_, 1895; Basford,
        _South Dakota Handbook and Official and Legislative Manual_,
        1894, 16-120.

  [359] _Amerika_, Nov. 18, 1904.

The first Scandinavian to enter the field of State politics was James D.
Reymert, a Norwegian, who represented Racine County in the second
constitutional convention of Wisconsin in 1847, and later in the
Assembly of that State, first from Racine County and then from Milwaukee
County in 1857.[360] He was also a candidate for presidential elector on
the Free Soil ticket in 1840.[361] The son of a Scotch mother, and
receiving part of his education in Scotland, he was better prepared than
other Norwegians for taking part in politics, and for the work of
editing the first Norwegian newspaper in America, _Nordlyset_--"The
Northern Light"--which appeared in 1847 as a Free Soil organ.[362] In the
constitutional convention he was not active in the debates, tho he
advocated a six-months' residence as a qualification for voting, saying,
"as to foreigners, the sooner they were entitled to vote, the better
citizens they would make."[363] For one provision of the Wisconsin
constitution he was personally responsible: Article VII, section 16,
which directed the legislature to establish courts or tribunals of
conciliation.[364] But in spite of the command, "The legislature shall
pass laws" for these courts, no such law was ever passed in Wisconsin.

  [360] _Journal of the Second Convention_, 18; Tenney, _Fathers of
        Wisconsin_, 249; Langeland, _Nordmændene i Amerika_, 94-96;
        _Wisconsin Blue Book_, (1895), 141, 173.

  [361] Langeland, _Nordmændene i Amerika_, 96.

  [362] _Ibid._, 95.

  [363] _Journal of the Second Convention_, 31, 129.

  [364] _Ibid._, 422, 638; Poore, _Charters and Constitutions_
        (2nd ed.), 2037.

Down to the close of the Civil War the Scandinavians exercised very
little influence in State politics. Here and there one or two of them
appeared as members of conventions or of the legislatures, but even in
Wisconsin the number rarely went above two in a single session of the
legislature.[365] By 1870 many of the Norwegians and Swedes were
well-to-do, while others who had served in the Civil War returned to
their homes with the prestige conferred by honorable service in that
great struggle. Furthermore, the suspicion with which foreign-born
citizens had been viewed was greatly reduced, if not dissipated, by the
highest evidence which any man can give of his patriotism and loyalty to
his adopted country. No one might thenceforth deny them any of the
rights, privileges, and honors of the political gild. Accordingly the
number of them elected to the legislatures in the Northwest after 1870
increases noticeably both in Wisconsin and Minnesota, and in the
Dakotas, where rapid material development and growth of population
furnished unusual political opportunities which the Norwegians and
Swedes were not slow to improve.

In the Wisconsin legislature of 1868 sat 2 Norwegians; in 1869, 3; in
1871, 4.[366] In Minnesota, the figures are striking: 1868, 2
Scandinavians; 1870, 4; 1872, 9; and 1873, 13.[367] Since then the
percentage of Norse representatives has steadily grown, tho it is not
always easy to determine the racial stock from which a native-born
officer came. Recent Wisconsin legislatures had apparently out of a
total membership of 133, in 1895, 5 Scandinavians; in 1901, 10 (1 Dane,
1 Swede, and 8 Norwegians); in 1903, 6.[368] The Minnesota legislature
of 1893 had 9 out of 54 senators, and 20 out of 114 representatives, who
were of Viking origin--fully one-sixth of the total membership.

  [365] _Wisconsin Blue Book_, 1895, 136 ff; _Minnesota Legislative
        Manual_, 1893, 87-92; _History of the Upper Mississippi Valley_,
        573; Nelson, _History of the Scandinavians_, I, 390.

  [366] _Wisconsin Blue Book_, 1895, 136 ff. For the more recent
        legislatures it is possible to be fairly exact in these data,
        since the blue books and manuals give biographical sketches.

  [367] _Minnesota Legislative Manual_, 1895, 573 ff.

  [368] _Wisconsin Blue Books_, 1895, 66; 1901, 733 ff; 1903, 740 ff.

In the legislatures of 1899 and 1905 the numbers were as follows:[369]

  1899

  Senate 63 members    Norwegian  7 (3 American born)
                       Swede      2

  House 119 members    Norwegian 16 (3 American born)
                       Swede      9 (4 American born)
                       Dane       1

  1905

  Senate 63 members    Norwegian  7
                       Swede      4

  House 119 members    Norwegian 20 (7 American born)
                       Swede      9

  [369] _Minnesota Legislative Manuals_ for 1893, 1899, 1905.

In the newer States to the West, the percentages rise still higher. In
North Dakota, the legislature of 93 members contained 17 men of
Scandinavian parentage in 1895, and 18 in 1901--16 Norwegians (4 American
born), one Dane, and one Icelander.[370] Unofficial figures for 1904
gave the Scandinavians 38 out of 140 members.[371] South Dakota in 1894
had 15 Norwegians (5 native-born) and 5 Swedes, in a legislative body of
127; in 1897, 17; in 1903, 16; and in 1904, 17.[372]

  [370] _Legislative Manual of North Dakota_, 1895, 18; _North Dakota
        Senate Journal_, 1901, 1; _North Dakota House Journal_, 1901, 1.

  [371] _Amerika_, Nov. 18, 1904.

  [372] Basford, _Political Handbook_ (South Dakota), 149-197; _Senate
        Journal_ and _House Journal_, 1897, 1903; _Amerika_, Nov. 18,
        1904.

In the executive and administrative departments of State government, as
distinguished from the legislative, the participation of the
Scandinavians notably increased after 1869. In the summer of that year,
a Scandinavian convention was held in Minneapolis for the express
purpose of booming Colonel Hans Mattson for the office of Secretary of
State in Minnesota. Of his fitness there was no doubt, for in addition
to holding local offices in Goodhue County and his service in the army,
he had for two years served as Commissioner of Emigration. The
Republicans took the hint and nominated him almost unanimously in
September, and his election followed. He served one term at this time
and by re-elections filled the same office from 1887 to 1891.[373] So
frequently have Swedes and Norwegians been elected to this office both
in Minnesota and in the Dakotas that it might almost be said that they
have a prescriptive right to it.[374] In the thirty-seven years ending
in January, 1907, the Swedes filled the office in Minnesota sixteen
years and the Norwegians four years.[375] Other State offices like those
of Treasurer, Auditor, and Lieutenant Governor, not to mention
commissionerships and appointments to boards, have also been frequently
filled by Scandinavians in the States of the Northwest.[376]

  [373] Mattson, _The Story of an Emigrant_, 115; _Minnesota Legislative
        Manual_, 1905, 99.

  [374] _Minnesota Legislative Manual_, 1905, 99; _North Dakota
        Legislative Manual_, 1895, 66; _South Dakota Legislative
        Manual_, 1894, 130, 134.

  [375] _Minnesota Legislative Manual_, 1905, 99, 627.

  [376] _Ibid._, 99-106, 627-637; _Wisconsin Blue Book_, 1895, 662 ff;
        _South Dakota Political Handbook_, 1894, 130 ff; _The Viking_,
        I, 3 (1906).

The first Scandinavian to reach the eminence of a governorship was Knute
Nelson, an emigrant from Voss, near Bergen in Norway, in 1849, who,
after service in the Civil War, was elected in succession to the
legislatures of Wisconsin and Minnesota and to the Congress of the
United States. Nominated by acclamation for governor of Minnesota on the
Republican ticket in 1892, he was elected by a plurality of 14,620
votes; two years later he was unanimously re-nominated, and re-elected
by a plurality of more than 60,000 votes.[377] He served only one month
of his second term, accepting election to the United States Senate, to
the disappointment, not to say the disgust, of many who had voted for
him for Governor, who considered him in duty bound to serve in that
capacity after accepting their suffrages.

  [377] Stenholt, _Knute Nelson_, 68-78; Nelson, _History of the
        Scandinavians_, I, 451; _Minnesota Legislative Manual_, 1893,
        549.

The second Scandinavian governor was a Swede born in Smaaland, who
landed in the United States in 1868 at the age of fourteen--John Lind.
Passing up through such political gradations as county superintendent of
schools, receiver of the United States Land Office, and Republican
representative in Congress, he allied himself with the free-silver
movement of 1896 and became the Fusion candidate for governor of
Minnesota. Opposed by the leading Swedes who remained loyal to the
Republican party, he was defeated by a small majority, tho supported by
many of the Norwegians. The Spanish War, in which he served as
quartermaster of volunteers, gave him a new claim to popular favor, and
when he again ran for governor in 1898 he was elected by a combination
of Democrats and Populists, turning his former deficiency of 3,496 into
a plurality of 20,399.[378] This victory was due more to a revolt
against the Republican candidate than to clannish support of a Swede by
Swedes, for the two strongholds of the Swedes, Chisago and Goodhue
Counties, went Republican as usual, while the German and Irish wards of
St. Paul and Minneapolis gave majorities for Lind.

  [378] _Svenska Amerikanska Posten_, Nov. 22, 1898; _World Almanac_,
        1899; Nelson, _History of the Scandinavians_, I, 432.

The third of Minnesota's Scandinavian governors came into office under
circumstances of distinctly dramatic character. John A. Johnson was born
of Swedish parents in the State over which he was to be made ruler; at
the age of fourteen he became the support of his mother and of the
family, save the inebriate father who was sent to an almshouse where he
died. When nominated by the Democrats in 1904, Johnson had been for
eighteen years editor of a country newspaper printed in English. The
Republicans, especially their candidate for governor, a coarse-grained,
distrusted, machine politician, endeavored to make political capital out
of the fact that Johnson's father died in the poorhouse. The Democratic
leaders persuaded Johnson with some difficulty to let the plain truth be
told, and told on the stump--and Johnson, the son of a Swedish immigrant,
a man from a small, interior city, a Democrat in a State strongly
Republican as a rule, won by a plurality of 6,352 votes in a
Presidential year, when Theodore Roosevelt carried the State by
161,464.[379] Two years of vigorous but quiet administration brought the
reward of a renomination and re-election in 1906 by a plurality of
76,000.[380] Again in 1908, another presidential year, Governor Johnson
was re-elected by 20,000 plurality, though Taft received a plurality of
85,000.[381]

  [379] _Minnesota Legislative Manual_, 1905, 506, 520. In this election
        of 1904, P. E. Hanson, a Swedish immigrant of 1857, was elected
        on the Republican ticket as Secretary of State by a plurality of
        more than 96,000.

  [380] _World Almanac_, 1907, 487.

  [381] _Ibid._, 1909, 639.

The death of Governor Johnson in October, 1909, made the Republican
Lieutenant Governor, Adolph Olson Eberhardt, the fourth Scandinavian
executive of Minnesota. He was born in Sweden, the son of Andrew Olson,
and came to America in his eleventh year. He added Eberhardt to his name
by permission of the proper court in 1898 because several other persons
in his community also bore the name of Adolph Olson. Governor Eberhardt
reached the governor's chair by various business and political
experiences--as a lawyer, contractor, United States Commissioner, deputy
clerk of the United States District and Circuit Courts, State senator,
and lieutenant governor. He was re-elected in his own right in 1910 by a
plurality of 60,000, and again in 1912 by 30,000.[382]

  [382] _Ibid._, 1911, 673; 1913, 741; _Who's Who in America_, 1914-15.

James O. Davidson rose to the governorship of Wisconsin through long
service in subordinate capacities. Of Norwegian birth, immigrating in
1872, he was elected to the Wisconsin legislatures of 1893, 1895, 1897;
twice chosen State Treasurer; elected Lieutenant Governor on the ticket
with R. M. LaFollette, and upon the election of the latter to the United
States Senate succeeded him as governor in January, 1906. In the summer
of that year Senator LaFollette vainly stumped the State to prevent
Davidson's nomination for Governor on the Republican ticket, and in the
election that followed the Norwegian-born, soundly-experienced Governor
was chosen by the handsome plurality of 80,247 votes.[383] In 1908 he
was re-elected by a plurality of 76,958.

  [383] _Wisconsin Blue Book_ (1903), 1070; _World Almanac_, 1907, 513.

Still further up the political scale, men from Northwestern Europe have
been taking an active part in national affairs. Sixteen of them have
been elected to the House of Representatives of the Federal Congress.
The first one to achieve this high position was Knute Nelson who sat in
the House from 1883 to 1889 as the Representative of the Fifth Minnesota
District. In 1895 he was chosen United States Senator and has served
continuously since March 4, 1895.[384] Others who have served for
several terms in the House are: Nils P. Haugen, a Norwegian representing
a Wisconsin district from 1887 to 1895; John Lind, a Swede, who
represented the Second Minnesota District from 1887 to 1893; Asle J.
Gronna, who was a member of the House from 1905 to 1909, and succeeded
Johnson as Senator from North Dakota, serving up to the present time;
Gilbert N. Haugen, another Wisconsin-born Norwegian, who has
represented the Fourth Iowa District since 1899; Andrew J. Volstead, a
Minnesota-born Norwegian, who has sat for the Seventh Minnesota District
since 1903; and Halvor Steenerson, born in Dane County, Wisconsin, of
Norwegian stock, who has represented the Ninth Minnesota District since
1903.[385] Martin N. Johnson, who was born of Norwegian parents
in Wisconsin, had his first legislative experience in the Iowa
legislature, sat in the House as representative at large from the new
State of North Dakota from 1891 to 1899, and then, after a period of
retirement, was sent to the United States Senate from the same State,
serving from March, 1909, until his death in October of the same year.

  [384] _Minnesota Legislative Manual_ (1895), 325-6, 648;
        _Congressional Directory_, May, 1914.

  [385] _Wisconsin Bluebook_ (1895), 191-2; _Congressional
        Directories_, 1887 to 1914, which contain brief biographies of
        Representatives and Senators. Other Representatives for briefer
        terms than those mentioned above are: from Minnesota, Kittle
        Halvorson (Norwegian), 1891 to 1895; Halvor E. Boen (Norwegian),
        1893 to 1895; Charles A. Lindbergh (Swede), since 1906; from
        Wisconsin, H. B. Dahle (Norwegian), 1899 to 1901; John M. Nelson
        (Norwegian), since 1906; and Irvine L. Lenroot (born of Swedish
        parents in Wisconsin), since 1909; from North Dakota, Henry T.
        Helgesen (Norwegian, born in Iowa), since 1911; and from Utah,
        Jacob Johnson (the only Dane who has sat in the House), since
        1913.

An analysis of this list of Representatives shows that eleven of the
sixteen were Norwegians of the first or second generation of immigrant
stock, four were Swedes, and one a Dane. Six of the eleven were born in
America, three of them in the old Wisconsin settlements; only one of
these represented the district in which he was born, the rest receiving
their reward in the newer western sections into which they had migrated
with the movement of population beyond the Mississippi.

Different Federal administrations have deemed it wise to "recognize" the
Scandinavian among other elements of the political population, in making
appointments in the diplomatic and consular services of the United
States. One of the most notable instances is that of the selection of
John Lind, the former governor of Minnesota, as the personal
representative of President Wilson in Mexico during the troubled months
of 1913 and 1914 and as adviser to the United States embassy in Mexico
City during the period following the recall of Ambassador Henry Lane
Wilson. Another instance of appointment in this service is that of
Lauritz Selmer Swenson, a Norwegian of the second generation, born in
Minnesota, who was minister to Denmark from 1897 to 1906, and later
received appointments as minister to Switzerland and to Norway,
terminating the latter in 1913.[386] Rasmus B. Anderson represented the
United States at the Danish court from 1885 to 1889, being at that time
a Democrat. He was born in Wisconsin of pure Norse parentage, and had
served as professor of the Scandinavian languages in the University of
Wisconsin.[387]

  [386] _Who's Who in America_, 1914-5.

  [387] _Ibid._; Anderson, _Norwegian Immigration_, quoting from the
        _Madison Democrat_.

The appointment of Nicolay A. Grevstad as minister to Uruguay and
Paraguay in 1911 was a fitting recognition of ability combined with long
and able service to the people of the older, or middle, Northwest as
editor of the _Minneapolis Tribune_, the _Minneapolis Times_, and the
great Chicago daily, _Skandinaven_ (1902-1911). Hans Mattson, a Swedish
veteran of the Civil War, was consul general at Calcutta from 1883 to
1885;[388] Soren Listoe, the Danish editor of _Nordvesten_ of St. Paul,
Minnesota, was consul at Düsseldorf, 1882-3, consul at Rotterdam,
1897-1902, and consul general at the same city, 1902-1914.[389] At
Rotterdam he succeeded L. S. Reque, a Norwegian from Iowa. Several other
men have served for long terms in minor positions in the foreign
service.[390]

  [388] Mattson, _The Story of an Emigrant_, 143-145.

  [389] _Congressional Directory_, 1897, 1907, 1914; Nelson, _History of
        the Scandinavians_, I, 435, 480, 503; II, 195.

  [390] Peterson, _Svenskarne i Illinois_, 389.




CHAPTER XII.

PARTY PREFERENCES AND POLITICAL LEADERSHIP


The great majority of the Scandinavians, prior to 1884, were thoro-going
and uncompromising Republicans, and tho the party still holds most of
them, profiting largely from their natural conservatism and their
loyalty to a principle, it can by no means depend upon them with the
assurance it had in the "good old days" when to find a Scandinavian
voter in the Northwest was to find a Republican.

The causes which determined the early party affiliations of the
naturalized sons of the Vikings, in the broad area of State and Federal
affairs, are to be found in the character of the immigrants themselves
and in the great questions agitating the country at the time they became
citizens. Coming to the United States with an endowment of natural
independence, with an innate respect for government, and with an
inclination for public concerns, their interest was at once actively
aroused in the great problem of slavery that vexed national life from
the time of the Sloop Folk to the Civil War. As their information about
the slave system grew more exact, and as the tremendous significance of
the restriction of the slave area as a cardinal political issue was made
clear to their minds, they became of one mind in the mighty agitation.
Neither they nor their ancestors for hundreds of years had held slaves;
few of them had ever seen a slave, for their numerous traders and
sailors, with slight exceptions, had no smell of blood of the African
slave trade on their hands.[391] It was not chance, therefore, which
kept the stream of North European immigrants from flowing into the South
and Southwest; no attractiveness of climate or soil could compensate for
the presence of Negro slavery. A horror and hatred of slavery colored
their thinking from their first month in the New World; it was first a
moral, then a political, conviction, not the sentiment of individuals,
but the well-reasoned opinion of the whole community.

  [391] Du Bois, _Suppression of the African Slave-Trade_, 90 n 5, 131,
        143 n 1.

Bound together on this great question, then so dominant, they naturally
maintained unity on other political questions as well as on slavery; and
when once their ideas were fixed, any change would be effected slowly
and with difficulty. The newcomers, in their first months in the older
settlements, were speedily indoctrinated with anti-slavery sentiment.
Thus it came about that one party received and retained the vast
majority of the Scandinavians down to 1884, simply because a bent that
way was given in the early years of immigration from the Northern
peninsulas, and because the question of the status of the Negro, in one
form or another, continued to be a political issue.

The first appearance of the Norwegians in State politics in Wisconsin,
as already noted, was under the Free Soil banner between 1846 and 1848,
when that State was endeavoring to form a constitution. The first
constitution submitted to the people, in 1847, was rejected by a large
majority, including a separately-submitted provision granting equal
suffrage to Negroes. While the State decisively voted thus, the counties
in which the Scandinavian vote was largest--Racine, Walworth, and
Waukesha--showed large majorities in favor of giving the Negroes
political privileges equal to those of the Whites. On the other hand,
counties where the German votes were numerous stood solidly against
equal suffrage, seemingly because in the constitutional convention the
question of Negro suffrage was coupled with that of the granting of
suffrage to foreign-born, in a way that greatly displeased the
Germans.[392] When the second convention finished its constitution, in
1848, resolutions were introduced to provide for printing and
distributing translations of the document, 6000 copies in German, and
4000 copies in Norwegian, a hint of the relative strength of the two
groups.[393]

  [392] Baker, _History of the Elective Franchise in Wisconsin_, 9;
        including a reference to the _Wisconsin Banner_, Oct. 17, 1846.

  [393] _Journal of the Second Convention_, 511, 584.

The relation of James Reymert and his _Nordlyset_ to the Free Soil
movement has been mentioned. When the Democratic papers mercilessly
criticised the little sheet and poked fun at its name, the paper was
sold by Reymert to Knud Langeland in 1849, and by him removed to Racine;
the name was changed to _Demokraten_, but the politics of the paper were
not affected.[394] As a political organ among the Norwegians, it was
ahead of the times; the support of the paper was insufficient to pay the
bills, and it was discontinued in 1850. The Norwegian immigrants were
unaccustomed to a purely secular press; they preferred to have
their politics wrapped up in papers labelled "religious." Langeland
declares that many of them considered it a sin to read a political
newspaper.[395] But the Free Soil sentiment was too strong to go without
printed expression in Norwegian; and accordingly the propaganda
continued in the form of speeches of Chase, Seward, Hale, Giddings, and
other anti-slavery leaders, which were translated into Norwegian and
mixed in with non-political matter in _Maanedstidende_, a paper whose
publication, after the failure of _Demokraten_, Langeland undertook
along with four clergymen, Clausen, Preuss, Stub, and Hatlestad.[396]

  [394] Langeland, _Nordmændene i Amerika_, 96.

  [395] Langeland, _Nordmændene i Amerika_, 98: "Den förste
        Indvandrer-befolkning hovedsagelig bestod af Folk fra
        Landsbygderne, som for en stor Del ikke var vant til at læse
        andet end Deres Religionsböger, og mange af dem ansaa det endog
        for en Synd at læse politiske Blade."

  [396] _Ibid._, 98.

As they read these speeches of the great leaders, as they heard from
Negroes themselves the evils of slavery, as they learned of the
high-handed doings in Kansas, the zeal of the Scandinavians for human
freedom increased. There were no old party traditions, feelings, or
feuds, to keep them from judging the issue of slavery's expansion on its
merits; no loyalty to the memories of dead heroes held them in mortmain.
Some few of them voted for Cass in 1848 and for Pierce in 1852, but by
1856 there was only one issue for them: simply and straightforwardly and
almost to a man, they became Republicans.[397] The Democrats, of
course, did not let the children of the North go without an effort to
secure them in their ranks. In 1856 Elias Stangeland of Madison,
Wisconsin, started a Norwegian paper, _Den Norske Amerikaner_, in
support of James Buchanan. His efforts to get Langeland to undertake the
editorship failed because the latter was an ardent admirer of Fremont.
The paper had a short life, and probably Langeland is right in
attributing its disappearance to the withdrawal of the Democratic
subsidy.[398] A long time was to elapse before a successful attempt
would be made to maintain a Democratic paper in Norwegian or Swedish.

  [397] Peterson, _Svenskarne i Illinois_, xii; Mattson, _The Story of
        an Emigrant_, 56; Nelson, _History of the Scandinavians_, I,
        305, 310.

  [398] Langeland, _Nordmændene i Amerika_, 110.

What the anti-slavery agitation left undone towards making the
Scandinavians unswervingly Republican, was accomplished by the Civil
War. The lingering glories of the golden age of the Democracy of Jackson
and Jefferson were entirely obscured by the attitude of the Democratic
party toward the conduct of the war. Only when the memories of the Civil
War grew less vivid and less influential with new arrivals from the Old
World, and not until moral questions were superseded in political
discussions by economic questions relating to the tariff, currency, and
labor, did the Scandinavians begin to arrange themselves in any
considerable numbers outside the Republican ranks.

Four times during the last thirty-five years the Scandinavian voters in
large numbers, under varying circumstances and in different degrees in
different States, have abjured Republican leadership. After each such
excursion they have returned, for the most part, to their old party
relations, but never with quite the same fervent, reliable zeal for
Republican principles and candidates. The development of the bacillus of
independence is unmistakable. One defection affected Wisconsin alone,
the only instance where the Democrats profited directly by the votes of
large numbers of Scandinavians. At a later time, when the Free Silver
and Populist ideas took strong hold on the Northwest, the Scandinavian
vote re-enforced the personal popularity of John Lind, the Swedish
candidate of the Populist-Democratic party, and secured his election,
tho the rest of the Fusion ticket suffered defeat.

The first time Norse voters broke from the Republican ranks was in
connection with the Greenback movement which began with the depression
following the panic of 1873 and culminated in the election of 1880. Many
of them, especially the Swedes in Illinois, became out-and-out
Greenbackers or Independents. In his book on the Swedes in Illinois,
published in 1880, C. F. Peterson gives brief biographies of some seven
hundred Swedes, men of all walks of life above day laborer, who may be
considered as representatives of the 40,000 Swedes in Illinois at that
time.[399] At least they represent the classes which would be least
likely to be led off into economic heresies. Of 628 whose party
affiliations are stated, 472 were Republicans; 76, Independents; 55,
Greenbackers; and 25, Democrats or Prohibitionists. In other words, out
of the total number canvassed, more than twenty per-cent were dissenters
from Republican orthodoxy.

  [399] Peterson, _Svenskarne i Illinois_, part II.

The relation of political and religious sentiment is strikingly
illustrated in analyzing these biographies, for those who were Lutherans
or Methodists were usually Republicans in politics, and proud to belong
to "the party of moral ideas."[400] Those stating their religious
preferences as Lutheran numbered 388, and of these only 10 were
Democrats, 16 were Greenbackers, and 19 were Independent. On the other
hand, of 131 who belonged to the three political parties last mentioned,
87 were in religion also Independent, Free Thinkers, or "Ingersollites".
For States other than Illinois, no such complete contemporary data are
available; but since the Greenback vote in Minnesota was only 2% of the
total, and in Wisconsin 3%, it is fair to assume that the Scandinavians
did not desert the Republican standard in very large numbers in those
States.

  [400] _Ibid._, 353; "Medlem i de 'moralska ideernas' politska
        parti--det republikanska."

The second case of considerable defection among the Republican
Scandinavians occurred after the widespread development of agrarian
discontent in the late eighties. The farmers and laborers, American and
Scandinavian alike, felt the stress of hard times, turned to political
agencies for relief, forsook the old parties, and formed the party
called variously the Populist, People's, and Farmers' Alliance Party.
Besides those Norwegians and Swedes who had been for years Republicans,
whose political color was fixed by the mordant of slavery and the Civil
War, there was then a very large number of men who arrived in the vast
immigrant invasions between 1880 and 1885, and who were just coming into
the full exercise of the rights of citizenship. An increasing proportion
of these later arrivals went to the large cities and towns. All of them
were moved less by the traditions of "moral ideas" and more by the
contagious discontent of the older settlers and by the arguments of
industrial and political agitators.

In the election of 1890 a serious break occurred in the Republican Party
in Minnesota and in the Dakotas. There was a general impression in the
rural districts of Minnesota that the Republican candidate for governor,
William R. Merriam, a wealthy banker of St. Paul, was renominated for
his second term by a political ring composed of lumber-kings, wheat
dealers, and millers who combined to cheat and rob the farmer.
Accordingly the Farmers' Alliance nominated a third ticket headed by S.
M. Owen, the editor of an agricultural paper in Minneapolis, who polled
a vote of 58,513, and reduced Merriam's vote of 1888 by about
46,000.[401] Merriam was re-elected by a plurality of less than 2,500,
tho he had had more than 24,000 two years before.

  [401] _Minnesota Legislative Manual_, 1893, 482:

                                      1888     1890
        Republican candidate         134,355  88,111
        Democratic candidate         110,251  85,844
        Prohibition candidate         17,026   8,424
        Farmers' Alliance candidate      ...  58,513

A careful examination of the votes for 1888 and 1890 in such strong
Scandinavian counties as Otter Tail, Douglas, Chisago, Freeborn, Polk,
and Norman leaves no doubt that the Swedes and Norwegians in very large
numbers either voted for Owen, or refused to vote for Merriam.[402] In
some cases the Republican vote fell off one-half and even two-thirds,
and third-party Alliance candidates for the legislature were elected. A
prominent Norwegian writer estimated that "25,000 Norwegian-born farmers
turned their backs upon Mr. Merriam and voted for Mr. Owen for
governor," disregarding the injunction of the Scandinavian Republican
press to "stick to the grand old party, for the grand old party is
particularly favorable to the Scandinavians, and the best political
party in America."[403]

  [402] _Minnesota Legislative Manual_, 1889, 397; 1893, 472.

  [403] Mr. J. J. Skordalsvold in _The North_, Aug. 10, 1892.

At the next state election in the presidential year, 1892, a Norwegian
ran for governor on the Republican ticket, and a large part of the
Scandinavian deserters wheeled into line and voted the Republican
ticket. With a total vote only 15,000 greater than in 1890, the vote for
the Republican candidate for governor increased in round number 20,000,
for the Democratic candidate, 9,000, and for the Prohibition candidate,
4,000, while the vote of the Alliance or People's party fell off
20,000.[404]

  [404] The ticket in Minneapolis, Hennepin County, Minnesota, in this
        year, 1892, is an interesting illustration of "recognition" of
        the power of the recent deserters. The Scandinavians had:

                                     Republican   Democrat   Populist

        Presidential elector              1          2          2
        Governor or Lieutenant Governor   1          ...        1
        Secretary of State                1          1          1
        Legislative ticket                2          2          ...
        County officers                   2          1          ...
        City officers                     4          1          ...

        _Minneapolis Journal_, Nov. 3, 1892.

Conditions in North Dakota and South Dakota were even more favorable to
the new party than in Minnesota. Estimates based on a study of
statistics and newspapers have been confirmed by prominent officials of
those States, one of whom declares that "in some localities quite a
per-cent has joined the Populist party; but it is very rare indeed to
find a Scandinavian Democrat."[405] Another believes that a considerable
portion of the Scandinavians voted the Populist ticket in 1892 and in
1894, but that they were normally believers in the protective principle
and therefore naturally affiliated with the Republican party.[406] A
German lawyer of Valley City, North Dakota, a Democrat, practically
agreed with the Norwegian city attorney of Devil's Lake in the same
State, the one saying that a large part of the Norse voters were
Populists, the other declaring that the Populist party was largely
composed of Scandinavians.[407] All agreed that these voters later
tended to return to their former Republican alliance. It may be doubted,
however, whether the hold of the protection idea is one of the primary
reasons for Scandinavian Republicanism. At any rate the vote of the Hon.
Knute Nelson for the Mills Bill for tariff revision in 1888--one of six
Republican votes for the measure--did not make him politically _persona
non grata_ or a suspicious character among his Norwegian or Swedish
brethren.

  [405] Letter of Thomas Thorson, Secretary of State of South Dakota,
        April 9, 1906.

  [406] Letter of C. M. Dahl, Secretary of State of North Dakota, March
        24, 1896.

  [407] Letter of E. Winterer, Valley City, March 21, 1896, and of Siver
        Serumgard, March 24, 1896.

Another index of the shifting of political sentiment among the Norse
voters is found in the changes in the party affiliations of Scandinavian
newspapers, tho the varying importance of these journals imposes special
caution in interpreting these figures. It would be obviously unfair to
offset the staunch and well-supported Republicanism of the ably-edited
and widely-circulated _Skandinaven_ of Chicago with the less stable
_Normannen_ of Stoughton, Wisconsin, which had not one-third the
circulation nor one-tenth of the influence of the metropolitan
journal.[408] The "mugwump spirit" of the press is well illustrated by
the case of _Norden_, a Norwegian weekly of Chicago, Republican up to
1884, when it took an independent attitude. In 1888 it became avowedly
Democratic and supported Grover Cleveland for the presidency. This move
was made only after the proprietor and editor assured themselves that
the patrons of the paper would sustain them in the proposed change.[409]

  [408] Rowell, _American Newspaper Directory_ for 1896, 1901, 1906;
        _Cosmopolitan_, Oct., 1890, 689.

  [409] Interview in 1890 with the editor of _Norden_, Mr. P. O.
        Strömme. He said that the change was an excellent move for the
        paper.

Of the secular political Scandinavian papers published in Minnesota
in 1889 nine were Republican--five Norwegian or Norwegian-Danish,
four Swedish; three were Democratic,--all Norwegian; two were
Prohibitionist,--one Norwegian and one Swedish; and one was
Labor,--Norwegian.[410] In the next five years, the independent press in
Minnesota and other states increased in numbers at least, and included
such influential journals as _Amerika_ and _Folkebladet_. George Taylor
Rygh, professor of Scandinavian languages in the University of North
Dakota, estimated in 1893 that "until a few years ago over four-fifths
of the [Scandinavian] secular press were strictly Republican in
politics. One after another has ceased to defend the Republican party,
and today not more than one-third of the whole number are strictly
Republican."[411] While this personal opinion or impression is probably
exaggerated, it may represent approximately the temporary state of that
year if proper emphasis be laid on the word "strictly." Since there
appears to be no evidence that these papers, with two or three
exceptions, were subsidized to induce their change of political creed,
it is reasonable to conclude that they had behind them a solidified
constituency, for they were run neither for personal amusement, pure
philanthropy, nor mere partisan propaganda.

  [410] _Minnesota Legislative Manual_, 1889, 432-445.

  [411] G. T. Rygh, "The Scandinavian American," _Literary Northwest_,
        Feb., 1893. He estimated the total number of papers at "about
        125."

The third defection occurred in Wisconsin alone, and took its rise in a
purely local question. Its interest lies in the peculiar and remarkable
temporary alliance to which it led. The Wisconsin Legislature passed an
act, approved April 18, 1889, "concerning the education and employment
of children."[412] To the ordinary provisions for coercing parents and
children, so that all children between the ages of seven and fourteen
years should attend at least twelve weeks in some public or private
school in the city or town or district in which they lived, nobody
objected. But the fifth section of the act, which was known as the
Bennett Law, was in certain church circles, like a dash of vitriol in
the face:

"No school shall be regarded as a school under this act unless there
shall be taught therein as a part of the elementary education of the
children, reading, writing, arithmetic, and United States history, in
the English language."

  [412] _Laws of Wisconsin_, 1889, ch. 519.

The last four words of this section, innocent and reasonable as they
look to the average American, stirred up one of the bitterest political
fights ever known in Wisconsin. The Roman Catholic church, unalterably
committed to a system of parochial schools in many of which instruction
is given in a foreign language, was for once in accord with the German
and Scandinavian Lutherans who maintained similar schools. The
compulsory use of English in instructing pupils in specified subjects
turned priests and pastors and whole congregations into active,
vociferous politicians, for Germans, Norwegians, Poles, and Bohemians
claimed the right to educate their children in parochial schools of
their own choosing. Was not education education, whether carried on in
English or German or Polish or Norwegian? Were not the graduates of
church schools, even tho they spoke English brokenly or with brogue,
just as intelligent, just as capable, just as industrious, and just as
honest, as those educated in the "little red school house" and the
public high school?[413] The chairman of the Lutheran Committee on
School Legislation stated the matter clearly from the standpoint of the
churches:

"The Lutherans of Wisconsin do not oppose the Bennett Law because they
are the enemies of the English language.... The Lutherans oppose the
present compulsory school law because--whether designedly or not--it in
fact infringes on the rights of conscience guaranteed by the
constitution, and the right of parents to educate according to their
convictions, their own children.... In short, the Lutherans insist upon
their right to establish private schools at their own expense, and
regulate them, without any interference on the part of the State, ...
that their children may become Lutheran Christians as well as loyal and
good citizens."[414] The official circular of the State Superintendent
of Public Instruction of Wisconsin, dated January 25, 1890, almost a
year after the passage of the act, was a statement of the opposite point
of view, and a justification of attempts to enforce the law.
Incidentally it was a political pamphlet as well. Superintendent Thayer
said: "The thing that is antagonized by this law is the practice of
allowing children of this State of proper school age, to pass that
period of life without acquiring the minimum of education in elementary
branches; without acquiring the ability to think in the language of the
country, to express themselves intelligibly in that language, orally, in
writing, and in business forms."

  [413] _The Bennett Law Analyzed_, a campaign pamphlet issued by the
        Republicans in 1890, in English, German, Polish, and Norwegian,
        had for its heading a picture of a district school house
        labelled "The Little School House," and underneath, "Stand by
        It."

  [414] See F. W. A. Notz, "Parochial School System" in Stearns
        (editor), _The Columbian History of Education in Wisconsin_
        (1893).

All through the latter part of 1889 and the first ten months of 1890,
the agitation went on. The press gave great space to it; some papers
through several months, both in Wisconsin and in the neighboring States
where Lutherans and Catholics were numerous, offered "symposiums" which
printed arguments on both sides.[415] _Public Opinion_ summarized the
sentiment for the larger world.[416] Church assemblies took action, and
finally an Anti-Bennett Law convention was held in Milwaukee, June 4,
1890.

  [415] _The North_, Apr. 30, May 7, 14, 21, 28, June 4, 25, July 2,
        1890.

  [416] _Public Opinion_, IX, no. 1, Apr. 12, 1890.

The Democrats were not slow in seizing the advantage offered, and
managed their campaign of 1890 very shrewdly. The combination of sternly
anti-Catholic German and Norwegian Lutherans, usually Republican, with
Roman Catholics, under the Democratic banner, was irresistible. In spite
of the frantic appeals of the Republican press and speakers for loyalty
to the American flag and to the "little red school house," the Democrats
elected their candidate for governor, and a legislature pledged to give
the desired relief. By the six-line act of February 5, 1891, the Bennett
Law was repealed, and two months later another compulsory education act
was passed without the offensive and troublesome four words.[417] The
work of the Lutheran-Catholic alliance was done; the heterogeneous,
naturally antagonistic elements fell apart; and in a few years old party
lines were re-established. The plurality of 28,000 by which the
Democratic Governor, G. W. Peck, was elected in 1890, overcoming the
usual Republican plurality of about 20,000, was reduced at his
re-election in 1892 to 7,700. In 1894 the Republican candidate defeated
Governor Peck by the handsome plurality of 50,000 votes.[418]

  [417] _Laws of Wisconsin_, 1891, chaps. 4, 187.

  [418] _Wisconsin Bluebook_ (1895), 342-342, 347.

While the Bennett Law agitation was going on in Wisconsin, a similar,
but milder disturbance occurred in Illinois. The compulsory education
act of the latter State, which went into effect July 1, 1889, was
closely, if not deliberately, modelled after the Wisconsin statute, and
enacted that "no school shall be regarded as a school under this act,
unless there shall be taught therein in the English language,
reading, writing, arithmetic, history of the United States, and
geography."[419] In the campaign of 1890, the Republican candidate for
State Superintendent of Education, favoring the new compulsory education
law, was defeated by some 36,000 votes by Raab, the Democratic candidate
who opposed the law. The Norwegians and Danes in the city of Chicago
probably voted for Raab in large numbers, tho he won the Swedish wards
of that city by small pluralities. In such counties as Knox, with its
two thousand Swedish voters, and Winnebago (in which is situated the
city of Rockford, with about fifteen hundred Swedish voters), where
one-third of the foreign born population was at that time Scandinavian,
the Republican candidate received large majorities. A writer for
_America_, the periodical published in English for Scandinavian readers,
claimed proudly that "the large Swedish settlements in Henry, Rock
Island, Bureau, De Kalb, Henderson, Warren, Mercer, Ford, Whiteside, and
other counties cast a solid vote for Edwards.... The Swedes were in
favor of compulsory education almost to a man."[420] In the city of
Chicago, the County Superintendent of Schools for Cook County was
re-elected by a plurality of 23,000 tho he favored the compulsory law.
The repeal of the law of 1889 was not so prompt in Illinois as it was in
Wisconsin, for it was not until 1893 that a new and expurgated
compulsory education measure took its place.[421]

  [419] _Laws of Illinois_, 1889, Act of May 24.

  [420] _America_, V. 201 (Nov. 20, 1890). See also editorial in the
        same volume, 172-174 (Nov. 13, 1890).

  [421] _Laws of Illinois_, 1893, Acts of February 17 and June 19, 1893.

A close and detailed examination of the legislative journals and the
statutes of the Northwestern States does not reveal above a half-dozen
laws which can be said to be due to the leadership and direct influence
of the Scandinavians as such. On the other hand, in the field of general
legislation these men have been indistinguishable from the native-born
in ability, efficiency, and uprightness; the gross and net products of
the labors of those legislatures with many Scandinavian representatives
in such states as Minnesota and North Dakota, are not perceptibly
different from the output of legislatures in which no Swede or
Norwegian ever sat, as in Michigan or Colorado. Scarcely a law has been
passed for the purpose of catering to the preferences, or of catching
the vote, of the sons of the Northlands.

An exception to this general statement is the Minnesota law of 1883
providing for the establishment of a "professorship of Scandinavian
language and literature in the State University, with the same salary as
is paid in said University to other professors of the same grade." The
man to be chosen must be "some person learned in the Scandinavian
language and literature, and at the same time skilled and capable of
teaching the dead languages so called."[422]

  [422] _The General Statutes of the State of Minnesota_, 1894, secs.
        3908-3909 (_Laws of 1883_, Chap. 140.)

The motives of the makers of the law were benevolent enough, and
circumstances warranted its passage, but nothing could better illustrate
the utter carelessness and looseness with which American State
legislators do their work, than this simple statute. It was drawn up by
a distinguished American lawyer, Gordon E. Cole of St. Paul, at
the request of Truls Paulsen by whom it was introduced into the
legislature.[423] It created a chair of "Scandinavian language," when
there is no such language, living or dead; the professorship was
established "in the State University," when the laws of the State
recognize no institution bearing such a name. The Norwegian who
presented the bill, the legislature (including twenty-one other
Norwegians and Swedes) which passed it, and the Governor who signed it,
all showed the same quality of ignorance and neglect of fact, law, and
English. A second law, undoubtedly based directly upon the first, even
to copying its confusion of terms, was the act passed by the legislature
of North Dakota in 1891, creating a chair of Scandinavian language and
literature in the University of North Dakota.[424]

  [423] Nelson, _Scandinavians in the United States_ (1st ed.), I,
        541-542.

  [424] _Revised Codes of North Dakota_, 1895, sec. 887 (_Laws of 1891_,
        chap. 60).

Another statute having still more distinct Scandinavian earmarks was
passed by the legislature of North Dakota in 1893, providing for
tribunals of conciliation, to be composed of four commissioners of
conciliation elected in each town, incorporated village, and city. The
measure was modelled in a feeble and tentative fashion after a statute
of Norway, where such courts have been in operation since 1824, proving
especially efficient in securing amicable adjustment of petty
neighborhood difficulties.[425] But the law in North Dakota speedily
fell into "innocuous desuetude," in spite of the enormous percentage of
Norwegians in that State; its construction was defective; its
constitutionality was questioned; its machinery was cumbersome and
expensive. During its first two years, many communities failed to elect
commissioners, and no serious attempt was made to comply with its
provisions; even the Norwegians themselves manifested no anxiety or
haste to make use of this characteristically Norwegian court. Nor did
the amendment of 1895, substituting for compulsory use of the tribunal
hearings at the request of one party and with the consent of both
parties, improve matters. One Norwegian attorney pronounced the law "an
unmitigated absurdity under present conditions," because most suits in
the United States arise out of contracts, debts, titles, etc., rather
than out of neighborhood quarrels, slanders, and the like.

  [425] Letter of Siver Serumgard, City Attorney of Devil's Lake, N. D.,
        March 24, 1896, and various other letters.

In all matters relating to temperance and temperance legislation, the
Scandinavian voters have almost invariably been on the side of
restriction of the saloon and the liquor traffic. They have supported
prohibition in Iowa and in the Dakotas, high license in Minnesota, and
the patrol-limit system in Minneapolis.[426] The prohibition State and
local tickets, especially in Minnesota, and in the Dakotas, always have
a large proportion of Norwegians and Swedes among their nominees.[427]
The best illustration of this sentiment, however, is to be found in the
history of prohibition in North Dakota. When the new constitution for
the proposed State was made and presented to the people in 1889, the
section which provided for the absolute prohibition of both the
manufacture and sale of intoxicating liquors was submitted separately to
the voters. Thus the prohibition issue was presented fairly and squarely
to every man in the State. The constitution itself was carried by a
majority approximating twenty thousand in a total vote of upwards of
thirty-five thousand; the prohibitionist section received a majority of
1159. Analysis of the vote by counties makes it clear that in every
county where the Scandinavians predominated, with a single exception,
the section was carried by fair majorities.[428] The question of
re-submission of this section to the vote of the people of the State
came up in 1895, and was postponed indefinitely by the House of
Representatives of the State of North Dakota by a vote of twenty-six to
twenty-two, fourteen of the sixteen Scandinavian members of the House
voting with the twenty-six.[429] This seems to justify the opinion of
the Secretary of State of North Dakota: "Nearly all Scandinavian members
of the legislature have invariably voted against the resubmission of the
question to the people.... It is safe to say that at least three-fourths
of the Scandinavian population of this State favor prohibition, and
one-half of them are earnest advocates of the law."[430]

  [426] _Minneapolis Journal_, Jan. 16, 1891. In Dakota "the reform was
        asked for more earnestly by the Scandinavian element than by any
        others." Ralph, _Our Great West_, 152.

  [427] The ticket voted in Minneapolis in 1893, illustrates this
        tendency. Among the Prohibitionist nominees were two
        Scandinavian presidential electors, the lieutenant governor,
        secretary of state, county treasurer, one candidate for the
        legislature, and one for the city council!

  [428] _Legislative Manual of North Dakota_, 1889-1890, 170, compared
        with the population tables of the census of 1890; Ralph, _Our
        Great West_, 152.

  [429] _Ibid._, 1895, 19-20; _Minneapolis Sunday Times_, Feb. 10, 1895.

  [430] Letter from C. M. Dahl, March 24, 1896.

The only remaining question as to the political influence of
the Scandinavians is the claim of the Swedes and Norwegians for
"recognition" at the hands of old parties; and the concessions which
such claims have extorted. From the foregoing accounts, it is evident
that the Scandinavians have been ready in fitting themselves into the
political system of the United States. Altho they have not been guilty
of that excessive and pernicious activity in the field of public affairs
which has characterized some classes of immigrants settling by
preference in the great cities, it must be admitted that they have now
and then appealed to race pride and prejudice and jealousy, re-marking
boundary lines and distinctions which should be obliterated. The
practical politicians, on their part, have not hesitated to stir up, for
party advantage, the sensitiveness of naturalized citizens to real or
imaginary slights and discriminations against them by "the other party."

The appeal of the Norwegian and Swedish press is not infrequently based
frankly on the essential sentiment of clannishness: "Scandinavians in
Superior and other places should always support a country man for
election to public office," and if he is in all ways worthy, "we should
all together rally around him, lay aside all small considerations, and
honor him with our trust and esteem."[431] Ridiculing the narrowness of
these "demands," another editor, under the heading "From Norway,
Birthplace of Giants," suggests a full Republican ticket of Norwegians,
including Rasmus B. Anderson, "Republican pro tem.," and also a full
Democratic ticket of Norwegians, including Rasmus B. Anderson, "thinking
that he may next year be a Democrat again."[432] This trick of asserting
their political importance in the Northwestern States was very early
learned; and so long as party managers bid for votes in the tongues of
the aliens, bribing them with nominations of the foreign-born, just so
long will these groups of adopted citizens reiterate and multiply their
demands, just so long will they capitalize their voting power
and collect a generous interest in the shape of nominations and
appointments. It must not be supposed that the Norwegian and Swedish
party papers in America exist for the primary purpose of forwarding the
political interests of people of those nationalities as such, for they
do not, any more than do the partisan papers printed in English, but the
Scandinavian groups are so large and so definite that appeals to them to
stand together as a race for their own interests are inevitable.

  [431] Editorial in _Superior Tidende_ (Wisconsin), Feb. 2, 1898. See
        also _Vikingen_, Aug. 18, 1888.

  [432] P. O. Strömme in _Amerika og Norden_, Feb. 2, 1898.

So early as 1870, one of the leading Norwegian newspapers declared
that it was time for the Norwegians to get a Representative in
Congress just as well as other nationalities--"_ligesaavel som andre
nationaliteter_."[433] The editor suggested that the eight thousand
Norse voters in the southern Minnesota district hold a convention the
day before the regular Republican convention, and agree upon a candidate
for the Congressional nomination: if the Republicans refused to nominate
him, put on the screws! About twenty years later this very method was
resorted to in North Dakota, when the Scandinavians of that State "in
mass convention assembled," proceeded to pass resolutions and to
organize the Scandinavian Union of North Dakota, to secure for
themselves "that share in the government to which their competency,
their character and numerical strength, and their rank as pioneers in
all matters of civilization entitle them." While declaring that it
believed that every man should stand or fall on his own merits, the
convention resolved "that we have seen with deep regret the disposition
of a large number of our fellow citizens in some parts of North Dakota
to discriminate against us, because we are Scandinavians, and that an
unprovoked war has been waged against us."[434] The Hon. M. N. Johnson,
presiding officer, presumptive beneficiary of the Union, an aspirant for
nomination as Representative, stated the case very frankly: "The
Scandinavians constitute a majority of the Republican party in North
Dakota. Under the territorial government they have not received many
official favors, but with the opening of statehood it is proper that
they should have some recognition. The Scandinavians are not disposed to
leave the Republican Party. They are heartily loyal to the organization
and its principles.... We have the numerical strength to demand and
secure justice, and all we ask is fair play.... We are simply organizing
our forces for united action in urging our just demands."[435] Their
just demands consisted in "from three to five of the State officers, and
if they stand together and attend the primaries, there is no doubt but
that they will get what they ask for."[436]

  [433] _Fædrelandet og Emigranten_, July 10, 1870. See also an
        editorial in _The North_, June 12, 1889, regretting that the
        question of national proportions and groups should be raised
        "but the principle having been recognized, we consider it our
        plain duty to see that it is fairly and squarely enforced."

  [434] _The North_, July 10, 1889.

  [435] _The North_, July 10, 1889, including translations from _Posten
        og Vesten_ of Fargo.

  [436] _Ibid._, letter of Sigurd Syr.

The effectiveness of this movement is sarcastically summed up by a
correspondent of _The North_, in reporting the Republican convention:
"M. N. Johnson's Scandinavian League has evidently come out of the small
end of the horn. To be sure M. N. was made the chairman of the
convention and the dear Scandinavians got honorary mention in the
resolutions: but M. N.'s chairmanship was evidently devoid of results
beneficial to the Scandinavians, and as for resolutions--talk is
cheap!"[437]

  [437] _Ibid._, Aug. 28, 1889. After the fall election the same paper,
        October 9, announced: "The Scandinavian Union thus seems barren
        of results.... Peace be with its ashes!"--because it secured only
        5 senators and 18 representatives in the State legislature.

In an editorial in English _Skandinaven_ discussed "Governor Sheldon's
Mistake" in 1893: "Upwards of one-third of the population of South
Dakota is of Scandinavian birth or origin, while Scandinavians furnish
not less than one-half of the Republican vote of the State. Governor
Sheldon is apparently oblivious to this fact; for in making his
appointments he saw fit to ignore the Scandinavian-American citizens of
South Dakota. For the sake of the Republican party of the State this
mistake is very much to be regretted. The Scandinavians are sensitive of
their rights as American citizens.... What has the Republican party of
South Dakota done to Governor Sheldon that he should deal it such a
dangerous blow?"[438] Five years later the governor of Minnesota was
accused of a like offence in that, on the State boards appointed by
Governor Merriam, the Scandinavians were "insufficiently represented,"
having only five out of one hundred members, or one-twenty-fifth, when
they constituted one-third of the population of the State.[439]

  [438] _Skandinaven_, April 5, 1893.

  [439] _The North_, Jan. 22, 1890, quoting in translation from
        _Fædrelandet og Emigranten_.

The pettiness of these squabbles over political "recognition" and spoils
is well illustrated by a letter written in Oshkosh, Wisconsin, to a
Minneapolis newspaper in 1889: "While our people here number over 3000,
and the Irish only 1400, the latter hold a still larger percentage of
offices than they do in your city. This year for the first time the
Scandinavians (or more correctly speaking, the Danes) have succeeded in
obtaining a place on the police force"![440]

  [440] _The North_, July 17, 1889.

These insistent demands do not stop with simple recognition of the
Scandinavian race: different sections must be satisfied. The most
influential Swedish paper of the Northwest announced in 1890 that "what
we on the other hand with full propriety and without the least danger of
transgression can demand, is a man of Swedish descent at the head of one
of our State departments.... To deny them (Swedes) this just recognition
would stir up bad feeling, and would be looked upon as a slight, not to
say contempt.... Our brethren, the Norwegians, are a little more
numerous in Minnesota, than the Swedes, although not equally good
Republicans. They, too, are entitled to a place on the State ticket, and
for a long time have had one [Lieutenant Governor Rice]."[441]

  [441] Translated from _Svenska Folkets Tidning_ (Minneapolis), April
        20, 1890.

The failure of the Scandinavians to receive what some of them consider a
just and due reward, one in proportion to their numbers and their
devotion to one party, is not to be attributed wholly to the hardness of
heart of the party leaders, nor to their shortsightedness. Nor can it be
fairly charged to any strong dislike of Swedes, Norwegians, and Danes
for each other: the Swedes, for example, have never bolted a ticket
because it happened to be headed by a Norwegian.[442] In addition to the
extension of religious antagonism into politics, "there is still another
reason for the limited success of the Scandinavians in the political
field, and that is their natural apathy [antipathy?] to following a
leader. Each one considers himself competent to work on his own hook. To
follow a leader seems incompatible with their ideas of liberty. Yet
without union and without leaders, victory is impossible.... 'Everybody
for himself, and the Devil for the hindmost' is the law governing
American life, and this the Irish have learned, while the Scandinavian
is generally waiting for someone to come along and offer something with
the polite 'if you please.' But he has to wait."[443]

  [442] Boyeson, "The Scandinavians in the United States," _North
        American Review_, CLV, 531; _Rockford Register_ (Ill.), Sept.
        16, 1889.

  [443] _The North_, Aug. 14, 1889, translating from _Skandinavia_
        (Worcester, Mass.)

The Scandinavian press, in complaining of "a failure to get a due share
of offices," in declaring that Norwegians are "entitled to ten seats" in
the Wisconsin legislature when they happen to have but three, or in
insinuating that they have never been fittingly recognized in Iowa,
resorts to political claptrap, often quite unworthy of the journal
printing it. The facts so easily forgotten are that the counties and
legislative districts in which the Scandinavians are a ruling majority
are comparatively few, while the districts in which they are an
influential minority are very many.[444] The system of representation in
the United States is not based on any racial divisions or class
distinctions, and not until some scheme of minority representation is
adopted can any foreign element get its "share" of the political plums.
It would be hard to suggest a more dangerous and disrupting experiment,
in these decades when aliens by the hundreds of thousands, not to say
millions, enter the country and are incorporated into the body politic,
than to attempt to "recognize" the various alien factors in complex
public affairs, even if they were all as adaptable as the men from the
Northlands. Nothing would do more, for example, to develop the latent
religious and racial antipathies between the Scandinavians and the
Irish. The fundamental assumption, therefore, which lies back of all
claims for "recognition" of Swedish-Americans, or other hyphenated
Americans, as such, savors of ward politics and the machine, rather than
of political equity or right, and just so far as it does this it menaces
social and political safety.

  [444] _Billed Magazin_, I, 139 (1869); _Skandinaven_, Feb. 5, 1896--an
        editorial printed, like many others, in English and evidently
        designed for the consumption of editors of English papers. It is
        also evident that _Skandinaven's_ readers understood English.
        Söderström, _Minneapolis Minnen_, 132, gives a fairly complete
        list of all the Swedes, Norwegians, and Danes elected or
        appointed to city, state or county office, even including
        policemen. For similar list for a rural county, see Tew,
        _Illustrated History and Descriptive and Biographical Review of
        Kandiyohi County, Minnesota_ (1905).




CHAPTER XIII.

CONCLUSION


The meaning of the word American as applied to the inhabitants of the
United States, has undergone a great change as they have multiplied
fifteenfold in numbers and many times in varieties of nationalities in
the course of a century. In that progress the Norwegians, Swedes, and
Danes have played a conspicuous and constructive part. As late as 1840,
American ordinarily meant a white person of English descent, born in
America or resident in the United States long enough to understand and
accept as fundamental and vital certain political and social ideals and
ideas. That simple and definite significance applies no more. The
American race is already alarmingly complex, tho the old type has been
more closely adhered to than would be expected from an enumeration of
the elements which have gone into the crucible.

In temperament, early training, and ideals, the Scandinavians more
nearly approach the American type than any other class of immigrants,
except those from Great Britain. In such features as adaptability and
loyalty without reservation, no exceptions need be made. They have not
come to the New World merely to get away from Europe, nor to escape
Siberian exile or an Abyssinian war; nor has their motive been one of
ordinary adventure-seeking. Theirs has been a determined purpose and a
serious resolve to "arrive" somewhere in America, and, finding their
places, to fill them with honorable endeavor and steady ambition. They
have come as families, or with a wholesome desire to establish families
for themselves. Most of them have fallen considerably below the best
types of their own nationalities; their conservatism has sometimes been
of the degenerate sort bordering on stolidity; their independence and
individualism has come painfully near stubbornness; and their shrewdness
has not infrequently developed into insincerity. They have now and then
manifested a clannishness which led them into disagreeable, if
temporary, complications.

The fact that this characteristic or that tendency exists in an
immigrant or alien element, should not cause disturbance of mind to the
good citizen, the statesman, or the scholar; the real question is
whether this characteristic or tendency is growing stronger or
disappearing more or less rapidly. For example, is the stolidity of a
group deepening, or does mental agility develop in the second and third
generation? That the Scandinavians have readily outgrown much of their
clannishness, perceptibly quickened their energies in the new
environment, and developed notably in social, commercial, and political
efficiency cannot be seriously questioned by any one who studies their
activities as a whole, or who has observed them for two generations.

The immigrants from the North are decently educated, able-bodied,
law-abiding men and women, not illiterates, paupers, or criminals. They
are not here as exiles from home and country for a few years, after
which they purpose to return to their native lands, there to enjoy a
cheap and narrow idleness. They are in the United States as citizens, to
become thoroly and loyally American. Their ingrained habits of industry
and economy, coupled with a natural conservatism and shrewdness, have
given them material success and contributed in large measure to the
prosperity of the States in which they have made their settlements. They
have ever striven for homes, and while some of them have been content
for a few years to serve others, the proletariat has not been largely
recruited from them. Mere wage-earning has not been a permanent
condition, but a stepping stone to a greater or less degree of
independence. In politics and in war they have evidenced their ability
to stand side by side with the native-born of New England, Pennsylvania,
Ohio, and Indiana, and, with real faithfulness and efficiency to fill
such places, low or high, as shall be opened to them.

Tho as Swedes, Norwegians, and Danes they will gradually disappear,
becoming indistinguishable from other Americans, their fundamental
characteristics cannot be blotted out even in the third and fourth
generation. Men do not change so readily, even under the most favorable
conditions. Fresh additions from Europe will continue to re-enforce the
old stock; but they too will be sturdy, independent, and Protestant. It
is not too much to expect that their virtues of intelligence, patience,
persistence, and thrift, will be preserved as they mingle in the current
of national life. The demand for these qualities will be steady; the
supply on the part of the Scandinavians will not be readily exhausted.
The intermarriage and amalgamation of two peoples so closely allied as
the Scandinavians and Americans connotes much of promise and little of
danger.

Several forces will continue to operate in the future, as they have in
the past, against perpetuating any distinctively Scandinavian influence
on the population or institutions of the United States. All three
Northern peoples are particularly free from other than traditional ties
and sentimental attachments binding them to the mother countries. No one
of the three kingdoms is great or powerful in the affairs of Europe; the
heroes of the past, like Gustavus Adolphus, are too far away in time to
affect powerfully the imaginations of today. Patriotism with them in the
Old World is quite as much a sentiment or love for the parish or the
homestead as it is a fierce and militant passion for the power and
leadership of the nation. No dramatic outbursts of national feeling, or
antagonisms to ancient enemies, will rekindle old enthusiasms in the
American Scandinavians. Even the prospect of war between Norway and
Sweden, when the former dissolved the Dual Monarchy, did not profoundly
stir the Swedes or Norwegians in the Northwest; and had war broken out
all the recruits from America could probably have been shipped across
the Atlantic in one voyage of a small steamship.

Furthermore, no great and permanent causes centering in Europe
continually demand their active and intense sympathy and financial aid,
knitting them closely together, as in the case of the Irish or the
Russians. The Scandinavian contributions to European causes have been
filial and fraternal, never political, never revolutionary, never such
as to raise a national issue in America. Their church organizations,
decentralized, centrifugal rather than centripetal, recognizing no unity
under a temporal head, cannot be turned into a keen, insinuating
political weapon. They have no secret societies ramifying through their
settlements, no Mafias, "Molly Maguires," anarchist lodges, or other
badges of ancient servitude or foreign hates.

The Scandinavians, knowing the price of American citizenship, have paid
it ungrudgingly, and are proud of the possession of the high
prerogatives and privileges conferred. They fit readily into places
among the best and most serviceable of the nation's citizens; without
long hammering or costly chiseling they give strength and stability, if
not beauty and the delicate refinements of culture, to the social and
economic structure of the United States.

For all these reasons the difficulties of the United States in adjusting
the life and ideals and institutions of the nation to the presence of
foreigners are reduced in the case of the Scandinavians to a minimum.
The Swedes, Norwegians, and Danes are not likely to furnish great
leaders, but they will be in the front rank of those who follow with
sturdy intelligence and conscience, striving to make the land of their
adoption strong and prosperous,--"a blessing to the common man,"
according to the original vision of America seen by Sweden's great king
Gustavus Adolphus. They will be builders, not destroyers; their greatest
service will be as a mighty, silent, steadying influence, re-enforcing
those high qualities which are sometimes called Puritan, sometimes
American, but which in any case make for local and national peace,
progress, and righteousness.




CHAPTER XIV.

CRITICAL ESSAY ON MATERIALS AND AUTHORITIES


The term bibliography does not accurately or fully describe the
materials upon which this study of the Scandinavians in the Northwest is
based. To the printed sources of all sorts,--official reports of European
and American governments, autobiographies, travels, and the like--and to
a wide range of secondary works, there must be added much matter
relating to the subject gathered by means of personal interviews,
correspondence, and observations extending over a series of years. The
Scandinavian press is an inexhaustible mine of source material; its
information, in nuggets, flakes, and fine particles, must be sought for
diligently, extracted, refined, and shaped; but it is the purest source
material, nevertheless, comprising brief autobiographies, letters,
personal opinions, description of surroundings and movements, and
contributions to current discussion in politics, religion, and
education. The county and local histories which multiplied rapidly
between 1880 and 1895, and which have not yet ceased to appear, are not
far from the borderland of source material. Their sketches of men and
women and settlements, tho for the most part of a crude, innocent,
laudatory type based upon brief personal interviews by canvassers and
elaborated according to the varying size of the subscriptions of
individuals, are almost indispensable for certain statistical purposes.

The customary distinction between source material and secondary material
is often hard to maintain, so recent is the Scandinavian immigration,
and so numerous are the first-hand and second-hand accounts by
contemporaries participating in or observing the phenomena under
consideration. The Northern peoples settling in the United States have
had no William Bradford for a historian, but the work of Norelius and
Mattson is in a class similar to that of _Plimouth Plantation_.

The best bibliography of immigration in general is that published by the
Library of Congress, A. P. C. Griffin (compiler), _A List of Books (with
References to Periodicals) on Immigration_ (3rd issue, with additions,
1907), but this is not complete, especially as relating to Scandinavian
immigration. It omits all state documents, but is strong in its list of
Congressional and executive documents. For the Scandinavian movement,
the bibliography in O. N. Nelson (editor), _History of the Scandinavians
and Successful Scandinavians in the United States_ (2nd ed., I,
265-295), is the most useful, though it is unfortunately arranged on a
strictly chronological basis in two parts. It is, however, far from
complete, omitting practically all Federal and State publications, and
all periodicals save for specific mention of certain articles. In the
field of periodicals, is _Bibliografi; Svensk-Amerikansk Periodisk
Literatur_ (being No. 8, _Kungl. Bibliothekets Handlingar_, Stockholm,
1886).

In a general way, the following bibliography includes only those books,
pamphlets, periodicals, and newspapers which were directly used in the
preparation of this volume. In the case of foreign publications, the
place as well as the date of publication is usually given.


DOCUMENTARY SOURCES

1. _Official Publications of the United States._

Five series of reports published by the Federal Government are of very
great importance in the study of immigration, both for their scope and
their accuracy: the _Reports_ of the censuses from 1850 to 1910; the
_Annual Statistical Abstracts_ (36 vols., 1879-1913); _Annual Reports of
the Commissioner-general of Immigration_ (17 vols., 1891-1909); _Reports
from the Consuls of the United States_ (notably vol. 22, No. 76, 1887),
particularly those from the consuls in Norway, Sweden, and Denmark; and
_Special Consular Reports_ (particularly vol. 30, 1904). _The Report of
the Industrial Commission_ (especially vols. XV (1901) and XIX (1902)),
contains a vast amount of recent, complete, and diversified material in
the testimony taken by the Commission and in the well-digested reports
prepared by experts like John R. Commons. The Bureau of Statistics of
the Treasury Department, _Immigration into the United States, showing
number, nationality, sex, age, destination_ (etc.) _from 1820-1903_ (in
_Monthly Summary of Commerce and Finance_, June, 1903), gives general
tables and a review in convenient form.

The following reports of committees of the House of Representatives and
of the Senate include usually the "hearings" of the committees, if any
have been held: _Report from the Committee on Immigration and
Naturalization_, 51 Cong., 2 Sess., H. R. No. 3472 (Owen Report, 1891);
52 Cong., 1 Sess., H. R. No. 2090 (Stump Report, 1892); _Report of the
Committee on Immigration_, 52 Cong., 2 Sess., S. R. No. 1333 (Chandler
Report, 1893); 54 Cong., 1 Sess., S. R. No. 290 (Lodge Report, 1896); 57
Cong., 2 Sess., S. Doc. No. 62 (Penrose Report, 1902). Special reports
of importance are: _Report of the Immigration Investigating Commission_
(1895); Edward Young, Chief of the Bureau of Statistics, _Special Report
on Immigration_, (42 Cong., 1 Sess., H. Mis. Doc. No. 19 (1871)); and
C. C. Andrews, _Report made to the Department of State on the Conditions
of the Industrial Classes in Sweden and Norway_ (1874).

In a class by itself is the recent elaborate _Report of the Immigration
Commission_, S. Docs., 61 Cong., 2-3 Sess. (Dillingham Report,
1910-1911), 43 vols., of which vols. 1 and 2 (Abstract), 4, 34, and 36
are specially important for this study. The _Report_ is by far the most
scientific, thorough-going, and detailed study of the nature, extent,
distribution and results of immigration to the United States, and to a
few other countries like Canada, Australia, and Brazil, which has yet
been produced.

Various volumes of the United States _Statutes at Large_ and the
_Congressional Directories_ have also some material.

2. _Official Reports of Scandinavian countries._

DENMARK: annual volumes of _Statistisk Aarbog_.

NORWAY: annual volumes of _Norges Officielle Statistik_ (1870-1913), of
_Norges Land og Folk_ (1885-1906), and of _Meddelelser fra det
Statistiske Centralbureau_ (1883-1899); and _Oversigt over Kongeriget
Norges civile, geistlige og judicielle Inddeling_ (1893).

SWEDEN: annual issues of _Bidrag till Sveriges officiella statistik_
(1857-1913), covering a wide range of topics. Gustav Sundbärg (editor),
_Sweden, Its People and Its Industry_ (1904), is a valuable "historical
and statistical handbook published by the order of the Government" of
Sweden, in Swedish, English, and French.

NORWAY,--_Official Publication for the Paris Exhibition, 1900_
(Christiania, 1900) is a companion volume to that for Sweden just
mentioned.

3. _Official Publications of Great Britain._

The _Report of the Board of Trade on Alien Immigration_ (into the United
States) (London, 1893) is at once able, comprehensive, judicious.

4. _Official Publications of the Northwestern States._

The various annual or biennial legislative handbooks contain useful
biographies and statistics, especially the volumes since 1880: _The
Legislative Manual of the State of Minnesota_; _Wisconsin Blue Book_;
_The Legislative Manual of North Dakota_; _South Dakota Political
Handbook and Official and Legislative Manual_ (sometimes entitled _South
Dakota Legislative, Executive, and Judicial Directory_). Of the great
number and variety of official State documents and reports, those most
directly useful for this study are the volumes of statistics of
Wisconsin, Illinois, Iowa, Minnesota, North Dakota, and South Dakota;
those relating to the State censuses, State institutions (a board of
control as in Wisconsin and Iowa, or a board of charities and
corrections, for certain institutions, in Minnesota and South Dakota),
commissioners or boards of immigration, and boards of health. Reports of
officers in charge of immigration matters are in State documents as
follows: Wisconsin, 1853, 1854, 1869-1875, 1880-1882, 1884, 1886, 1897,
1900; Iowa, 1872; Minnesota, 1867-1872. The publications of certain
institutions chiefly supported by the States, like the Wisconsin
Historical Society, the State Historical Society of Iowa, especially
vol. III (1905), and the Minnesota Historical Society, really fall into
this class of sources.


GENERAL WORKS

The classical work on the broad subject of immigration, notable alike
for the breadth and penetration of its views, is Richmond Mayo-Smith,
_Emigration and Immigration: a Study in Social Science_ (1890). Two
other works by the same authority, are: _Immigration and the
Foreign-Born Population_ (in vol. III of the _Publications of the
American Statistical Assn._, 1893), and _Statistics and Sociology_
(1895). The _Publications_ of the Immigration Restriction League take a
wide range in 63 pamphlets (1894-1914). Next to these in importance
come: Prescott F. Hall, _Immigration and its Effects upon the United
States_ (1906), an excellent and compact study, somewhat marred by the
bias of its author, who is secretary of the Restriction League; J. R.
Commons, _Races and Immigrants in America_ (1907), a popular rather than
profound statement, but the fresh work of a careful scholar; E. A.
Steiner, _On the Trail of the Immigrant_ (1906); S. McLanahan, _Our
People of Foreign Speech ... with particular reference to religious work
among them_ (1904).

A group of more recent works by competent scholars combining qualities
of penetration and popular presentation in satisfying proportions are:
H. P. Fairchild, _Immigration: a World Movement and its American
Significance_ (1913); J. W. Jenks and W. J. Lauck, _The Immigration
Problem_ (3d ed. revised and enlarged, 1913), by two men intimately
connected with the making of the Dillingham Report; E. A. Ross, _The Old
World in the New: The significance of past and present immigration to
the American people_ (1914), especially ch. IV; F. J. Warne, _The
Immigrant Invasion_ (1913), ch. XII.

Of less direct bearing, but valuable: W. J. Bromwell, _History of
Immigration to the United States_ (1856); F. L. Dingley, _European
Immigration_ (1890); F. Kapp, _Immigration and the Commissioners of
Immigration of the State of New York_ (1870); R. M. LaFollette (editor),
_The Making of America_, vols. II and VIII (1906); F. A. Walker,
_Discussions in Economics and Statistics_, vol. II (1899).

The great mass of periodical literature is listed in Griffin's
bibliography, already cited. Including general and special articles and
some speeches in the _Congressional Record_, nearly 700 titles are
arranged chronologically. The list is incomplete, omitting several
articles, dealing particularly with the Scandinavians.


SPECIAL HISTORIES

Three works deal with the history of the Scandinavian immigration in a
large-spirited, comprehensive way, and by these characteristics stand
out from the mass of less important works. O. N. Nelson (compiler and
editor), _History of the Scandinavians and Successful Scandinavians in
the United States_ (2 vols., 2nd revised ed., 1904), is made up of
specially prepared articles, reprinted articles, statistical tables, a
bibliography, and some two hundred and eighty biographies of men in
Minnesota, Wisconsin and Iowa. It is very uneven, and on almost every
page betrays at once the zeal, honesty, and the inadequate training of
the authors and the compiler. It might almost be characterized as a
cyclopedia of the Scandinavians in America. E. Norelius, _De Svenska
Luterska Församlingarnas och Svenskarnes Historia i Amerika_ (1890),
while nominally a church history is in reality an excellent history of
Swedish settlement; George T. Flom, _A History of Norwegian Immigration
to the United States from the Earliest Beginning down to the Year 1848_
(1909), made up in part of articles mentioned elsewhere, is a
painstaking, exhaustive, accurate account of Norwegian immigration of
that period into Wisconsin, Iowa, and Illinois.

Other books dealing with special groups or States or localities are:
Axel A. Ahlroth, _Svenskarne i Minnesota--Historiska Anteckningar_
(Westervik, 1891); Rasmus B. Anderson, _The First Chapter of Norwegian
Immigration, 1821-1840_, a prolix, padded, but valuable volume; and
_Tale ved Femtiaarsfesten, for den Norske Udvandring til Amerika_
(1875); John H. Bille, _A History of the Danes in America_ (_Trans. Wis.
Acad. of Sciences, Arts, and Letters_, XI, 1896), a short pamphlet;
Tancred Boissy, _Svenska Nationaliteten i Förenta Staterna_ (Göteborg,
1882), a reprint of correspondence in _Sydsvenska Dagbl. Snällposten_;
J. W. C. Dietrichson, _Reise blandt de Norske Emigranter i "de forenede
Nordamerikanske Fristater"_ (Stavanger 1846, and reprinted Madison,
1896), a historical and contemporary description of the early
settlements, and _Nogle Ord fra Prædikestolen i Amerika og Norge_
(1851); Robert Grönberger, _Svenskarne i St. Croix-Dalen, Minnesota_
(1879), an early and reliable piece of work; George Kæding, _Rockfords
Svenskar--Historiska Anteckningar_ (1885); Knud Langeland, _Nordmændene i
Amerika--Nogle Optegnelser om de Norskes Udvandring til Amerika_
(1889),--one of the very best of the books on the Norwegians; C. F.
Peterson (see also Eric Johnson), _Sverige i Amerika--Kulturhistoriska
och Biografiska Teckningar_ (1898); Johan Schroeder, _Skandinaverne i de
Forenede Stater og Canada, med Indberetninger og Oplysninger fra 200
Skandinaviske Settlementer_ (1867),--full of the most valuable
information about life and conditions in the Northwest; Ole Rynning,
_Sandfærdig Beretning om Amerika til Oplysning og Nytte for Bonde og
Menigmand_ (Christiania, 1838),--a remarkably clear, compact, and
influential pamphlet; Carl Sundbeck, _Svenskarna i Amerika, Deras Land,
Antal, och Kolonien_ (Stockholm, 1900); Alfred Söderström, _Minneapolis
Minnen_ (1899), an excellent, extensive, newspaper-like description of
the life and activities of the Scandinavians in that half-Norse city;
Alfred Strömberg, _Minnen af Minneapolis_ (1902); _Underretning om
Amerika, fornemmeligen de Stater hvori udvandrede Normænd have nedsat
sig, ... udgivne af X_ (Skien, 1843); M. Ulvestad, _Normændene i
Amerika, deres Historie og Record_ (1907); P. S. Vig, _Danske i
Amerika_ (1900); Johs. B. Wist, _Den norske Indvandring til 1850, og
Skandinaverne i Amerikas Politik_ (1884?),--a small but suggestive
pamphlet.

On the Bishop Hill colony, the best authorities are: Michael A.
Mikkelsen, _The Bishop Hill Colony, a religious communistic Settlement
in Henry County, Illinois_ (_Johns Hopkins University Studies_, X, No.
1, 1892)--the most convenient work in English, based almost entirely
on Norelius, and on Johnson and Peterson, _Svenskarne i Illinois_,
Johnson being a son of the founder, Eric Janson; Emil Herlenius,
_Erik-Jansismens Historia ett Bidrag till Kännedomen om det Svenska
Sektväsendet_ (Jönköping, 1900); _History of Henry County, Illinois_
(1877); _Erick Jansismen i Nord Amerika_ (Gefle, 1845); Hiram Bigelow,
_The Bishop Hill Colony_ (No. 7 of the _Publications of the Illinois
State Historical Library_, 1902); W. A. Hinds, _American Communities_
(1902).


SELECT ARTICLES IN PERIODICALS

Articles in periodicals: R. B. Anderson, "Norwegian Immigration," "The
Coming of the Danes," "Icelandic Immigration," _Chicago Record Herald_
(June 19, 26, July 24, Aug. 21, 1901); K. C. Babcock, "The Scandinavians
in the Northwest," _Forum_, XIV (1892), "The Scandinavian Contingent,"
_Atlantic_, LXVII (1896), "The Scandinavian Element in American
Population", _American Historical Review_, XVI (1911); H. H. Boyesen,
"Norse Americans," _The American_, I (1880), "The Scandinavians in the
United States," _North American Review_, CLV (1892); G. T. Flam, "The
Scandinavian Factor in the American Population," _Iowa Journal of
History and Politics_, III (1905), and (in Norwegian translation) in
_Vor Tid_, I (1905); A. H. Hyde, "The Foreign Element in American
Civilization," _Popular Science Mo._, LII (1898); Luth Jæger, "The
Scandinavian Element in the United States," _The North_, June,
1889,--with many other similar discussions in the same weekly paper, all
of them excellent; Kristofer Janson, "Norsemen in the United States,"
_Cosmopolitan_, IX (1890); Axel Jarlson, "A Swedish Emigrant's Story,"
_Independent_, LV (1903); F. H. B. MacDowell, "The Newer Scandinavian--a
Sketch of the Growth and Progress of the Scandinavian Races in America,"
_Scandinavia_, III (1884); J. A. Ottesen, "Bidrag til vore Settlementers
og Menigheders Historie," _Amerika_ (Apr. to Nov., 1894),--an elaborate
series of articles, full of genealogical and community details; E. A.
Ross, "Scandinavians in America," _Century,_ LXXXVIII (1914); Geo. T.
Rygh, "The Scandinavian Americans," _The Literary Northwest_, II (1893);
Albert Shaw, "The Scandinavians in the United States," _Chautauquan_,
VIII (1887).


_State and Local Histories_

The number of historical books and pamphlets relating to the States,
counties, cities, and settlements in the Northwest is very great, and
for the larger part, unsatisfactory but indispensable. They have usually
been written by ambitious but untrained persons, either as commercial
ventures, advertising agencies, or as the pastime of retirement or old
age; they are nevertheless full of suggestive data; now and then one is
found which can be trusted throughout.


A. MINNESOTA

First in importance for the Scandinavian settlements in Minnesota are
four county histories: _History of Fillmore County, including Explorers
and Pioneers of Minnesota_ (1882); _History of Goodhue County_ (1882);
_History of Houston County, etc._ (1882); Martin E. Tew and Victor E.
Lawson and J. E. Nelson, _Illustrated History and Description and
Biographical Review of Kandiyohi County, Minnesota_ (1905),--easily the
best local history relating to Scandinavian settlement, as well as one
of the latest and most comprehensive. Closely connected with this last
work in scope and value is Alfred Söderström, _Minneapolis Minnen:
Kulturhistorisk Axplockning från Qvarnstaden vid Mississippi_ (1899).
Other works dealing with the State or sections: Isaac Atwater (editor),
_History of the City of Minneapolis, Minnesota_ (1893); Fredk. W.
Harrington, _Geography, History, and Civil Government of Minnesota_
(1883); Soren Listoe, _Staten Minnesota i Nord Amerika_ (1869); _History
of the Minnesota Valley_ (1882); _History of the Upper Mississippi
Valley_ (1882).

W. A. Gates, _Alien and Non-resident Dependents in Minnesota_ (in
_Proceedings_ of National Conference of Charities and Correction,
(1899)); F. H. B. MacDowell, "Minneapolis and her Scandinavian
Population", _Scandinavia_, III (1884); Louis Pio, "The Sioux War, in
1862--a Leaf from the History of Scandinavian Settlers in Minnesota",
_Scandinavia_, I (1883).


B. WISCONSIN

Of the State as a whole: J. W. Hunt, _Wisconsin Gazetteer, containing
the Names, Locations, and Advantages of the Counties, Cities, Towns,
Villages, Postoffices, and Settlements_ (1853); Wm. R. Smith, _The
History of Wisconsin, in three Parts: Historical, Documentary, and
Descriptive_ (1852); Alexander M. Thompson, _A Political History of
Wisconsin_ (1902); Charles R. Tuttle, _An Illustrated History of the
State of Wisconsin_ (1875); R. G. Thwaites, _Preliminary Notes on the
Distribution of Foreign Groups in Wisconsin_ (in _Annual Reports of
State Historical Society of Wisconsin_, 1890); G. W. Peck (editor),
_Cyclopedia of Wisconsin_, 2 vols. (1906).

For the localities: Spencer Carr, _A Brief Sketch of La Crosse,
Wisconsin_ (1854); Daniel S. Durrie, _A History of Madison, the Capital
of Wisconsin ... with an Appendix of Notes on Dane County_ (1874); E. W.
Keyes, _History of Dane County_, 3 vols. (1906); _The History of Racine
and Kenosha Counties_ (1879); _The History of Rock County_ (1879); _The
History of Waukesha County_ (1880); H. L. Skavlem, "Scandinavians in the
Early Days of Rock County, Wisconsin", _Normands-Forbundet_ (1909).


C. ILLINOIS

Charles A. Church, _History of Rockford and Winnebago County, Illinois,
From its first Settlement in 1834 to the Civil War_ (1900); _History of
Henry County, Illinois_ (1877); _The Past and Present of La Salle
County_ (1877); John M. Palmer, _The Bench and Bar of Illinois.
Historical and Reminiscent_ (1899).

Eric Johnson (Janson) and C. F. Peterson, _Scans-karne i Illinois
Historiska Anteckningar_ (1880), is an early work of limited scope but
judiciously written.

E. W. Olson (Editor with A. Schön and M. J. Engberg), _History of the
Swedes of Illinois_, 2 vols. (1908), has some valuable chapters in the
first volume, especially ch. IV on the Bishop Hill Colony, and the
chapters dealing with Swedish churches; volume two is devoted to the
usual illustrated biographies.


D. IOWA

Charles R. Tuttle, _An Illustrated History of the State of Iowa_ (1876);
W. E. Alexander, _History of Winneshiek and Allamakee Counties, Iowa_
(1882); Charles H. Sparks, _History of Winneshiek County, with
Biographical Sketches of its Eminent Men_ (1877); J. J. Louis, _Shelby
County_; Charles H. Fletcher, _The Centennial History of Jefferson
County_ (1876); _A Biographical Record of Boone County_ (1902); A.
Jacobson, _The Pioneer Norwegians_ (1905).

G. T. Flom, "The Coming of the Norwegians to Iowa," _Iowa Jour. of Hist.
and Politics_, III (1905); "The Early Swedish Immigration to Iowa,"
_Ibid._, III (1905), "The Danish Contingent in the Population of early
Iowa," _Ibid._, IV (1906), and "The Growth of the Scandinavian Factor in
the Population of Iowa," _Ibid._, IV (1906); B. L. Wick, "The Earliest
Scandinavian Settlement in Iowa," _Iowa Historical Record_, XVI (1900);
F. A. Danborn, "Swede Point, or Madrid, Iowa", _Year-Book of the Swedish
Historical Society of America_, 1911-1913.


E. OTHER STATES

_North Dakota_: H. V. Arnold, _History of Grand Forks County ...
including an Historical Outline of the Red River Valley_ (1900); T.
Haggerty, _The Territory of Dakota_ (1889); _Compendium of the History
and Biography of North Dakota_ (1900).

_Nebraska_: _History of the State of Nebraska_ (1882).

_Kansas_: John A. Martin, _Addresses_ ("The Swedes in Kansas") (1888).

_Utah_: H. H. Bancroft, _Utah, 1540-1886_ (in _History of the Pacific
Coast States of North America_, vol. XXI, 1889).

_New York_: Arad Thomas, _Pioneer History of Orleans County, New York_
(1871); G. J. Mason, "The Foreign Element in New York City," _Harper's
Weekly_ (Sept., 1888); S. Folkestad, "Norske i Brooklyn-New York",
_Symra_ (1908).


TRAVELS AND GUIDE BOOKS

Good accounts of conditions in the European kingdoms, as those
conditions were related to emigration at different periods, are: Samuel
Laing, _A Tour of Sweden in 1838: comprising Observations on the Moral,
Political and Economic State of the Swedish Nation_ (London 1839), and
_Journal of a Residence in Norway during the Years 1834, 1835 and 1836_
(2nd ed., 1837); Charles Loring Brace, _The Norsk Folk; or a Visit to
the Homes of Norway and Sweden_ (1857); Mrs. Woods Baker, _Pictures of
Swedish Life, or Svea and her Children_ (1894); J. F. Hanson, _Light and
Shade from the Land of the Midnight Sun_ (1903).

Of the numerous travelers through the American Northwest, noting the
Scandinavian settlements or the conditions affecting them, the most
significant is Frederika Bremer, _The Homes of the New World--Impressions
of America_ (In translation from the Swedish, 3 vols., London, 1853),
the work of an educated, alert, sympathetic Swedish lady already noted
as a writer. Others of special worth are C. C. Andrews, _Minnesota and
Dakota: in Letters Descriptive of a Tour through the Northwest in the
Autumn of 1856_ (1857); Johan Bolin, _Beskrifning öfver Nord Amerikas
Förenta Stater_ (Wexjö, 1853); A. Budde, _Af et Brev om Amerika_
(Stavanger, 1850); Basil Hall, _Travels in North America in the Years
1827-1828_ (1829, Edinburgh, 3 vols.); Thorvald Klavenes, _Det Norske
Amerika_ (Kristiania, 1904); Harriet Martineau, _Society in Autumn of
1856_ (1857); Johan Bolin, _Beskrifning öfver Amerika_ (Göteborg, 1872);
P. Waldenström, _Genom Norra Amerikas Förenta Stater: Reiseskildringar_
(Stockholm, 1890); Victor Wickström, _Som Tidningsman Jorden Rundt_
(Östersund, 1901).

Of guidebooks and handbooks for emigrants and immigrants there is a
great number, in English, Swedish, and Norwegian; some issued from
philanthropic motives, some by interested States, railroad companies,
land companies, and counties, and some by the United States. Only those
that directly affected the Scandinavians, or that are typical of a
period, are mentioned, and the list is not meant to be exhaustive of
titles or editions. Some of the publications by States, might well have
been put under the heading of State documents.

One of the typical, widely circulated English handbooks is William
Cobbett, _The Emigrant's Guide, in ten Letters addressed to the
Taxpayers of England, containing Information of every Kind, necessary to
Persons who are about to emigrate_ (London, 1829). A similar Norwegian
pamphlet is L. J. Fribert, _Haandbog for Emigranter til Amerikas Vest_
(Christiania, 1847), or J. R. Reierson, _Veiviser for norske Emigranter
til de forenede nordamerikanske Stater och Texas_ (Christiania, 1844,
reprinted in America, 1899). The United States issued a guide: Edward
Young, _Special Report on Immigration; accompanying Information for
Immigrants_ (1871), reprinted in 1872, with editions in French and
German. Other works are: Frederick B. Goddard, _Where to Emigrate and
Why_ (1864); and Edward Young, _Information for Immigrants, relative to
Prices and Rentals of Land, etc._ (1871).

For Wisconsin, the most significant and helpful are: _Beskrivelse over
Staten Wisconsin: Dens Klimat, Jordbund, Agerdyrkning, samt Natur- og
Kunstprodukter. Udgivet efter Legislaturens Ordre af Statens
Immigrations Department_ (1870); K. K. Kennan (joint agent in Europe
for the Wisconsin State Board of Immigration and the Wisconsin Central
Railroad, without expense to the former), _Staten Wisconsin, dens
Hjælpekilder og Fordele for Udvandreren_ (1884)--in several editions, and
also in Swedish; C. F. J. Moeller, _Staten Wisconsin, beskreven med
særligt Hensyn til denne Stats fortrinlige Stilling som et fremtidigt
Hjem, for Emigranter fra Danmark, Norge, og Sverige_ (1865);
_Wisconsin,--What it offers to the Immigrant. An official Report
published by the State Board of Immigration of Wisconsin_ (1879)--many
editions, and in various languages.

For Minnesota: Girart Hewitt, _Minnesota: Its Advantages to Settlers_,
etc. (1868),--seven editions, one being published by the State; Hans
Mattson, _Minnesota och dess Fordelar for Indvandreren_ (1867);
_Minnesota as a Home for Emigrants_ (1886),--in Norwegian and Swedish
also.

For other States: _Resources of Dakota,--an Official Publication compiled
by the Commissioner of Immigration_ (1887), later editions dealing with
the two States formed from the Territory of Dakota; Fred. Gerhard,
_Illinois as it is: its History, Geography, Statistics_, etc. (1857);
_Iowa: the Home for Immigrants_ (1879), also in Swedish, Norwegian,
German, and Dutch.


BIOGRAPHIES AND AUTOBIOGRAPHIES

Several of the books mentioned under special histories, like those
of Norelius, Langeland, Dietrichson, and Schroeder, have much
autobiographical material in them; while others, such as the volumes of
O. N. Nelson and C. F. Peterson and the county histories, contain
hundreds of brief biographies. The more important and illuminating
autobiographies are: Hans Mattson, _Minnen_ (Lund, 1890) and the same in
translation, _Reminiscences, the Story of an Emigrant_ (1891), an
interestingly naïve account of the varied activities of a prominent
politician and business man; Gustaf Unonius, _Minnen från en
sjutton-årig Vistelse i Nordvestra Amerika_ (2 vols., Upsala, 1862), a
graphic account of the first years of Swedish settlement, by one of its
highly educated leaders, and _Bihang till Minnen_ (Stockholm, 1891).
With less direct bearing, is W. H. C. Folsom, _Fifty Years in the
Northwest_ (1888); H. P. Hall, _H. P. Hall's Observations, being more or
less a History of Political Contests in Minnesota from 1843 to 1904_
(1904); John Reynolds, _My Own Times, embracing also the History of My
Life_ (Chicago, 1855); Stephen Grellet, _Memoirs_ (edited by Benj.
Seebohm, 2 vols., 1860); and S. B. Newman, _Pastor S. Newmans
Sjelfbiografi_ (1890).

Four biographies stand out above the others: T. N. Hasselquist,
_Lefnadsteckning af E. Norelius_; L. A. Stenholt, _En Studie af Knute
Nelson_ (1896); Chr. O. Brohough, and I. Eisteinsen, _Kortfattet
Beretning om Elling Eielsens Liv og Virksomhed_ (1883); and L. M. Björn,
_Pastor P. A. Rasmussen_ (1905). Other biographies of less significance
for this study are: C. J. Rosenberg, _Jenny Lind in America_ (1851);
Sara C. Bull, _Ole Bull_ (1883); W. C. Church, _Life of John Ericsson_
(2 vols., 1890).

Other collected biographies, including Scandinavians, are: J. C.
Jensson, _American Lutheran Biographies_ (1890); _Men of Minnesota_
(1902); F. G. Flower, _Biographical Souvenir Book_ (1899), relating to
North Dakota alone; _Prominent Democrats of Illinois_ (1899); H. A.
Tenney, and D. Atwood, _Fathers of Wisconsin_ (1880); C. J. A. Erickson,
"Memories of a Swedish Immigrant," _Annals of Iowa,_ April, 1907.


RELIGION, EDUCATION, AND THE PRESS

No attempt is made here at a bibliography of the abundant polemical
religious literature, nor of the sermons and proceedings of church
conventions, nor of denominational year books, further than to show the
material contributing to this volume. In similar manner, a limit is put
upon the list of catalogs and publications of colleges and seminaries,
and upon the periodicals and newspapers of which the number is very
large.

A very recent and excellent volume dealing with Norwegian progress and
culture in America is _Norsk-Amerikanernes Festskrift, 1914_ (Chief
Editor, Johs. B. Wist) which was prepared as an American contribution to
the celebration of the centennial of Norwegian independence. Important
chapters are devoted to the press (noted below), the churches, schools,
literature, and men in public or political life, each being the work of
a careful scholar.

The most valuable volumes dealing with the religious histories of
Scandinavian settlement are E. Norelius, _De Svenska Luterska
Församlingarnas och Svenskarnes Historia i Amerika_ (1890) and, of
almost equal worth, for Norwegian church history, Th. Bothne, _Kort
Udsigt over det Lutherske Kirkearbeide blandt Nordmændene i Amerika_
(1898), being a separate made up of a section of "Norske Kirkeforhold i
Amerika," pp. 815-903, of H. G. Heggtveit, _Illustreret Kirkehistorie_.
Good brief sketches of various denominations are embodied in O. N.
Nelson, _History of the Scandinavians_, already noted. The most
important of the other works are: R. Anderson, _Den Evangelisk Lutherske
Kirkes Historie i Amerika_ (1889); and _Emigrantmissjonen, Kirkelig
Vejledning for Udvandrere_ (1884); H. K. Carroll, _The Religious Forces
of the United States, enumerated, classified, and described on the Basis
of the Government Census of 1890.... Revised to 1896_ (1896); Theodor H.
Dahl, _Den Forenede Kirke: Fred og Strid eller Lidt Forenings Historie_
(1894); O. Ellison, _Svenska Baptisternas i Wisconsin Missions Historia_
(1902); Simon W. Harkey, _The Mission of the Lutheran Church in America_
(1853); O. J. Hatlestad, _Historiske Meddelelser om den norske Augustana
Synode_ (1887); H. G. Heggtveit, _Illustreret Kirkehistorie_ (1898);
Chauncy Hobart, _History of Methodism in Minnesota_ (1887); Henry E.
Jacobs, _A History of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in the United
States_ (1893); J. N. Lenker, _Lutherans in all Lands_ (1896); N. M.
Liljengren and C. G. Wallenius, _Svenska Methodismen i Amerika_ (1885);
_Minde fra Jubelfesterne paa Koshkonong_ (1894); M. W. Montgomery, _The
Work among the Scandinavians_ (1888) and "A Wind from the Holy Spirit,"
_Sweden and Norway_ (1884); A. H. Newman, _History of the Baptist
Churches in the United States_ (1894), and _A Century of Baptist
Achievement_ (1901); E. Norelius, _Evangeliska Luterska Augustana
Synoden i Nord Amerika och dess Mission_ (1870); _Affidavits of Sven
Oftedal, et al_ (in Dist. Court of Minnesota, 4th Jud. Dist.) (1897); H.
Olson, _Minnesotal öfver framlidne pastorn O. G. Hedström_ (1886);
George Richardson, _The Rise and Progress of the Society of Friends in
Norway_ (London, 1849); Matthew Simpson (editor), _Cyclopedia of
Methodism_ (5th ed., 1882); E. J. Wolf, _The Lutherans in America_
(1890); N. C. Brun, "Kort Omrids af den amerikansk-lutherske Kirkes
Historie", _Vor Tid_, I (1905).

On the educational side are Kiddle and Schem, _Dictionary of Education_
(1890); Chr. Koerner, _The Bennett Law and the German Parochial Schools
of Wisconsin_ (1890); J. W. Stearns (editor), _The Columbian History of
Education in Wisconsin_ (1893); _The Bennett Law Analyzed_ (1890); A.
Estrem, "A Norwegian-American College (Luther College)," _Midland
Monthly_, I (1894); E. S. White, "Elk Horn College," _Midland Monthly_,
II (1894); J. P. Uhler, "Scandinavian Studies in the United States,"
_Science_, IX (1887); G. Andreen, "Det svenska Språket i Amerika",
_Studentföreningen Verdandis Småskrifter_, No. 87 (Stockholm, 1900); G.
T. Flom, _A History of Scandinavian Studies in American Universities_
(Bulletin of the State University of Iowa, No. 153, 1907), and "Det
norsk sprogs bruk og utvikling i Amerika", _Normands-Forbundet_, IV
(1912); G. Bothne, "Nordiske studier ved amerikanske universiteter",
_Norsk-Amerikanernes Festkrift, 1914_; A. A. Stomberg, "Swedish in
American Universities", _Year-Book of the Swedish Historical Society of
America_, 1909-1910; C. G. Wallenius, "Den högre Skolverksamheten bland
Svenskarne i Amerika", _Year-Book of the Swedish Historical Society of
America_, 1911-1913.

University and college catalogs and registers need not be enumerated for
each year; two typical years would be 1895 and 1905; Augustana College
and Seminary, Rock Island, Ill.; Luther College, Decorah, Iowa; Bethany
College, Lindsborg, Kansas; Gustavus Adolphus College, St. Peter,
Minnesota; St. Olaf College, Northfield, Minnesota; Elk Horn College,
Elk Horn, Iowa; Augsburg Seminary, Minneapolis, Minnesota; Red Wing
Seminary, Red Wing, Minnesota; Northwestern University; University of
Chicago; Chicago Theological Seminary; University of Wisconsin;
University of Minnesota; University of North Dakota; University of
Nebraska; State University of Iowa.

Exhaustive and scholarly discussions of the history and character of the
Scandinavian newspapers and periodicals published in the United States
are: Juul Dieserud, "Den norske presse i Amerika. En historisk
oversigt", _Normands-Forbundet_, V (April 1912); Carl Hansen, "Et Stykke
Norsk-Amerikanske Pressens-historie", _Kvartalskrift_, III (Jan. 1907),
"Den norsk-amerikanske presse før borgerkrigen", _Symra: en Aarbog for
Norske paa begge Sider af Havet_, IV (1908); and "Den norsk-amerikanske
presse: Pressen til borgerkrigens slutning", _Norsk-Amerikanernes
Festskrift, 1914_; Johs. B. Wist, "Den norsk-amerikanske press: Pressen
efter borgerkrigen", _Norsk-Amerikanernes Festskrift, 1914_--remarkably
full and complete in its details; E. W. Olson (editor), "Press and
Literature", _History of the Swedes in Illinois_ (1908), ch. 13. Less
important is Eric Johnson, "The Swedish American Press", _The Viking_, I
(July and Aug. 1906).

For statistics and ratings of newspapers, G. P. Rowell & Co., _American
Newspaper Directories_ (1869 to 1906); N. W. Ayer, _American Newspaper
Annual_ (1881-1914) (Philadelphia).


ECONOMIC, SOCIAL, AND POLITICAL QUESTIONS

Florence E. Baker, _A Brief History of the Elective Franchises in
Wisconsin_ (1894); Fremont O. Bennett, _Politics and Politicians of
Chicago, Cook County, and Illinois_ (1886); Eugene Brown and F. Fred
Rowe (compilers), _Industrial and Picturesque Rockford, Illinois_
(1891); Carlo De'Negri, _Appunti di Statistica Comparata dell'
Emigrazione dell' Europa e della Immigrazione in America e in Australia_
(in _Bulletin de l'Institute International de Statistique_, 1888); John
G. Gregory, _Foreign Immigration to Wisconsin_ (1902); C. H. Gronvald,
_The Effects of the Immigration on the Norwegian Immigrants_ (in _Sixth
Annual Report to the State Board of Health of Minnesota_, 1878); Hans
Mattson (editor), _Two Hundred and Fiftieth Anniversary of the First
Swedish Settlement in America, September 14, 1888_ (1889); Robert P.
Porter (and others), _The West: from the Census of 1880_ (1882); Julian
Ralph, _Our Great West: a Study of the Present Conditions and Future
Possibilities of the New Commonwealths and Capitals of the United
States_ (1893); Gustav Sundbärg, _Bidrag till Utvandringsfrågen från
Befolkningsstatistisk Synpunkt_ (in _Upsala Universitets Årsskrift_,
1884 o. 1885); Carl Sundbeck, _Svensk-Amerikanerna, deras Materialla och
Andliga Sträfvanden_ (1904)--a good up-to-date summary of conditions in
America; William W. Thomas, _Sweden and the Swedes_ (1893); James D.
Whelpley, _The Problem of the Immigrant_ (1905); Edward Young, _Labor in
Europe and America, a Special Report on the Rate of Wages, etc._
(1875),--a particularly valuable book, dealing with conditions in Europe
on the eve of the great movement to America.

Two groups of Federal reports are very useful: _Emigration from Europe_,
(_Reports from the Consuls of the United States_, No. 76, 1887), dealing
with European conditions; and _Emigration to the United States_
(_Special Consular Reports_, vol. XXX, 1904). Another exhaustive and
scholarly investigation is embodied in _Reports of the Industrial
Commission on Immigration, including testimony, with Review and Digest,
and Special Reports_, being vol. XV of the Commission's _Reports_
(1901).

The Civil War as related to immigration from Northern Europe is treated
in: Ole A. Buslett, _Det Femtende Regiment Wisconsin Frivillige_ (1895);
P. G. Dietrichson, _En Kortfattet Skildring af det femtende Wisconsins
Regiments Historie og Virksomhed under Borgerkrigen_ (1884); J. A.
Enander, _Borgerkrigen i de Forenede Stater i Nord Amerika_ (1881); John
A. Johnson, _Det Skandinaviske Regiments Historie_ (1869).

Important articles in periodicals: F. W. Hewes, "Where our Immigrants
Settle" (with excellent statistical maps), _World's Work_, VI (1903); G.
G. Huebner, "The Americanization of the Immigrant," _Annals of the
American Academy of Political and Social Science_, XXVII (1906);
Richmond Mayo-Smith, "Control of Immigration", _Political Science
Quarterly_, III, 46, 197, 404 (1888); G. H. Schwab, "A Practical Remedy
for the Evils of Immigration," _Forum_, XVI (1893); Nicolay A. Grevstad,
"Courts of Conciliation," and "Courts of Conciliation in America,"
_Atlantic_, LXVIII (1891), LXXII (1893).

Various numbers of _Normands-Forbundet_, published in Christiania, have
contained noteworthy articles, besides those mentioned elsewhere in
this bibliography, dealing with American conditions: S. Sondresen, "Den
norsk-amerikanske farmer" (1908); J. Dieserud, "Nordmændenes
deltagelse i de Forenede Staters politiske liv" (1908); M. Alger,
"Re-immigrationen" (1913); Av. Kand. Gottenborg, "Hjemvandte
norsk-amerikanere, deres livsforhold i Amerika og i Norge efter
hjemkomste" (1913); O. K. Winberg, "Degenererer Nordmænd i Amerika"
(1910).

Three small novels contain particularly graphic accounts of the life and
social conditions among the Norwegian settlers: P. O. Strömme,
_Hvorledes Halvor blev Prest_ (1893), one of the very best pictures of
pioneer immigrant family life; H. A. Foss (translated by J. J.
Skordalsvold), _Tobias, a Story of the Northwest_, an exaggerated
account of intemperance; and Sigurd H. Severson, _Dei möttes ve Utica.
En paa personlig Iagttagelse grundet Skildring af Livet i ældre
Norsk-Amerikanske Settlementer_ (1882).


NEWSPAPERS

The number of newspapers and other periodicals for the Scandinavians in
the United States yearly given in G. P. Rowell Co., _American Newspaper
Directory_, has varied in recent years from 125 to 140, while the total
of short-lived and long-lived publications of the same sort would pass
200. The following list includes those periodicals, chiefly newspapers,
which were useful in some special degree in preparing this volume:

  _America_, Chicago, an English monthly for Swedes and Norwegians.

  _American-Scandinavian Review_, New York, 1913--Engl. bi-mo.

  _Amerika_, Chicago & Madison, Wis., 1884 (united with _Norden_, 1897
  q. v.), Norw. Wkly.

  _Billed-Magazin, Skandinavisk_, Madison, Wis., 1868-1870. Norw. mo.

  _Budstikken_, Minneapolis, 1872--. Norw. wkly.

  _Chicago Daily Tribune_, Chicago, 1847--. dly.

  _Chicago Record-Herald_, Chicago, 1854--. dly.

  _Dannevirke_, Cedar Falls, Iowa, 1880--. Dan. wkly.

  _Danske Pioneer_, Omaha, Neb., 1873--. Dan. wkly.

  _Decorah Posten_, Decorah, Iowa, 1874--. Norw. wkly.

  _Fædrelandet og Emigranten_, La Crosse, Wis., and Minneapolis,
  1864-1888. (_Emigranten_, Inmansville, Wis., 1852; Janesville, 1856;
  Madison, 1857; La Crosse, 1864, and united with _Fædrelandet_.Q Norw.
  wkly.)

  _Folkebladet_, Minneapolis, 1878--. Norw. wkly.

  _Gamla och Nya Hemlandet_, Chicago, 1855. Sw. wkly.

  _Korsbaneret_, Rock Island, Ill., 1880. Sw. church annual.

  _Kvartalskrift_, Minneapolis, 1903--. Nor. qtly.

  _Madison Democrat_, Madison, Wis., 1852--. Eng. dly.

  _Milwaukee Daily Sentinel_, Milwaukee, Wis., 1837--. Eng. dly.

  _Minneapolis Evening Journal_, Minneapolis, 1878--. Eng. dly.

  _Minneapolis Times_, Minneapolis, 1889-1905. Eng. dly.

  _Minneapolis Tribune_, Minneapolis, 1867--. Eng. dly.

  _Minneapolis Tidende_, Minneapolis, 1887--. Norw. dly. and wkly.

  _Minnesota Stats Tidning_, Minneapolis and St. Paul, 1877--. Sw. wkly.

  _Norden_, Chicago, 1874-1897 (united with _Amerika_). Norw. wkly.

  _Nordvesten_, St. Paul, 1883--. Norw.-Dan. wkly.

  _Nordmanden_, Grand Forks, N. D., 1887--. Norw. wkly.

  _Nordmands-Forbundet_, Christiania, Norway, 1908--. Nor.

  _Normannen_, Stoughton, Wis., 1867. Norw. wkly.

  _The North_, Minneapolis, 1889-1894. Eng. wkly. for Scandinavians.

  _Red River Posten_ (merged with _Dakota_), Fargo, N. D., 1879--. Norw.
  wkly.

  _Rockford Register_, Rockford, Ill., 1867--. Eng. dly.

  _Rodhuggeren_, Crookston, Minn., 1880-1884. Norw. wkly.

  _Scandinavia_, Chicago, 1883-1886. Eng. mo. for Scandinavians.

  _Skandinaven_, Chicago, 1866--. Norw. dly., wkly., and tri-wkly., the
  strongest and most influential Scandinavian paper in the United
  States.

  _St. Paul Pioneer-Press_, St. Paul, 1849--. Eng. dly.

  _St. Paul Dispatch_, St. Paul, 1868--. Eng. dly.

  _Superior Tidende_ (originally _Posten_), Superior, Wis., 1888--.
  Norw.-Dan. wkly.

  _Svensk-Amerikaneren_, Chicago, Ill., 1866--. Sw. wkly.

  _Svenska Amerikanska Posten_, Minneapolis, 1886--. Sw. wkly., a large
  and influential paper.

  _Svenska Folkets Tidning_, Minneapolis, 1883--. Sw. wkly.

  _Svenska Tribunen_, Chicago, 1868--. Sw. wkly.

  _Ugebladet_, Chicago, later Minneapolis, 1888--. Norw. wkly.

  _Valdris-Helsing_ (_Valdris-Samband_), Iowa City, Ia., later
  Stillwater and Minneapolis, Minn., 1893--. Norw. mo. (since 1912)
  devoted to interests of immigrants from Valders.

  _The Viking_, Fremont, Neb., 1906--? Eng. mo. for Scandinavians.

  _Vikingen_, _Minneapolis_, 1906--. Norw.-Dan. mo.

  _Vor Tid_, Minneapolis, 1905-1908. Norw. mo.

  _Wisconsin State Journal_, Madison, 1897--. Eng. dly.




APPENDIX I

Statistical Tables

TABLE I

STATISTICS OF IMMIGRANTS FROM DENMARK, NORWAY AND SWEDEN.

The number of alien passengers and immigrants from the Scandinavian
countries arriving in the United States, 1820-1913, together with the
total number of alien arrivals according to the statistics of the United
States, and, where available, of the Scandinavian kingdoms. The figures
from 1820-1840 are at best a safe minimum. The earlier figures reported
by the Scandinavian kingdoms, given in round numbers, are probably
estimates based upon partial data. See United States _Reports of the
Bureau of Commerce and Navigation, Annual Statistical Abstracts_ and the
report of the Dillingham Commission (1911); Sundbärg, _Bidrag til
Utvandringsfrägen frän Befolkningsstatistisk Synpunkt;_ Nelson,
_Scandinavians in the United States,_ I. 253-264c; _Bulletin de
l'Institute Internationale de Statistique,_ III, ii, 125-127;
_Statesman's Year-Books, 1906-14_.

  +-------------------- UNITED STATES STATISTICS ------------------+

                                                    Total      Total
             Denmark        Norway    Sweden Scandinavian     Aliens

  1820            20                 3                23       8,385
  1821            12                12                24       9,127
  1822            18                10                28       6,911
  1823             6                 1                 7       6,354
  1824            11                 9                20       7,912
  1825            14                 4                18      10,199
  1826            10                16                26      10,837
  1827            15                13                28      18,875
  1828            50                10                60      27,382
  1829            17                13                30      22,520
  1830            16                 3                19      23,322

  1820-1830      189                94               283     151,824

  1831            23                13                36      22,633
  1832            21               313               334      60,482
  1833           173                16               189      58,640
  1834            24                42                66      65,365
  1835            37                31                68      45,374
  1836           416                57               473      76,242
  1837           109               290               399      79,340
  1838            52                60               112      38,914
  1839            56               324               380      68,069
  1840           152                55               207      84,066

  1831-40      1,063             1,201             2,264     599,125

  1841            31               195               226      80,289
  1842            35               553               588     104,565
  1843            29             1,748             1,777      52,496
  1844            25             1,311             1,336      78,615
  1845            54               928               982     114,371
  1846           114             1,916             2,030     154,416
  1847            13             1,307             1,320     234,968
  1848           210               903             1,113     226,527
  1849             8             3,473             3,481     297,024
  1850            20             1,569             1,589     369,980

  1841-50        539            13,903            14,442   1,713,251

  1851            14             2,424             2,438     379,466
  1852             3             4,103             4,106     371,601
  1853            32             3,364             3,396     368,645
  1854           691             3,531             4,222     427,833
  1855           528               821             1,349     200,877
  1856           173             1,157             1,330     200,436
  1857         1,035             1,712             2,747     251,306
  1858           232             2,430             2,662     123,126
  1859           499             1,091             1,590     121,282
  1860           542               298               840     153,640

  1851-60      3,749            20,931            24,680   2,598,212

  1861           234               616               850      91,918
  1862         1,658               892             2,550      91,985
  1863         1,492             1,627             3,119     176,282
  1864           712             2,249             2,961     193,418
  1865         1,149             6,109             7,258     248,120
  1866         1,862            12,633            14,495     318,568
  1867         1,436             7,055             8,491     315,722
  1868           819            11,166            11,985     142,023

  1861-68      9,362            42,347            51,709   1,578,036

  1869         3,649      16,068      24,224      43,941     352,768
  1870         4,083      13,216      13,443      30,742     387,203
  1871         2,015       9,418      10,699      22,132     321,350
  1872         3,690      11,421      13,464      28,575     404,806
  1873         4,931      16,247      14,303      35,481     459,803
  1874         3,082      10,384       5,712      19,178     313,339
  1875         2,656       6,093       5,573      14,322     227,498
  1876         1,547       5,173       5,603      12,323     169,986
  1877         1,695       4,588       4,991      11,274     141,857
  1878         2,105       4,759       5,390      12,354     138,469
  1879         3,474       7,345      11,001      21,820     177,826
  1880         6,576      19,895      39,186      65,657     457,257

  1869-80     39,503     124,607     153,589     317,699   3,552,162

  1881         9,177      22,705      49,760      81,582     669,431
  1882        11,618      29,101      64,607     105,326     788,992
  1883        10,319      23,398      38,277      71,994     603,322
  1884         9,202      16,974      26,552      52,728     518,592
  1885         6,100      12,356      22,248      40,704     395,346
  1886         6,225      12,759      27,751      46,735     334,203
  1887         8,524      16,269      42,836      67,629     490,109
  1888         8,962      18,264      54,698      81,924     546,889
  1889         8,699      13,390      35,415      57,504     444,427
  1890         9,366      11,370      29,632      50,368     455,302

  1881-90     88,132     176,586     391,776     656,494   5,246,613

  1891        10,659      12,568      36,880      60,107     560,319
  1892        10,593      14,462      43,247      68,302     623,084
  1893         8,779      16,079      38,077      62,935     502,917
  1894         5,581       8,867      18,608      33,056     314,467
  1895         4,244       7,373      15,683      27,300     279,948
  1896         3,167       8,855      21,177      33,229     343,267
  1897         2,085       5,842      13,162      21,089     230,832
  1898         1,946       4,938      12,398      19,282     229,299
  1899         2,690       6,705      12,797      22,192     311,715
  1900         2,926       9,575      18,650      31,151     448,572

  1891-00     52,670      95,264     230,679     378,643   3,844,410

  1901         3,655      12,248      23,331      39,234     487,918
  1902         5,660      17,484      30,894      54,038     648,743
  1903         7,158      24,461      46,028      77,647     857,046
  1904         8,525      23,808      27,763      60,096     812,870
  1905         8,970      25,064      26,591      60,625   1,026,499
  1906         7,741      21,730      23,310      52,781   1,100,735
  1907         7,243      22,133      20,589      49,965   1,285,349
  1908         4,954      12,412      12,809      30,175     782,870
  1909         4,395      13,627      14,474      32,496     751,786
  1910         6,984      17,538      23,745      48,267   1,041,570

  1901-10     65,285     190,505     249,534     505,234   8,795,386

  1911         7,555      13,950      20,780      42,285     878,587
  1912         6,191       8,675      12,688      27,554     838,172
  1913         6,478       8,587      17,202      33,267   1,197,892

  Totals
             278,277     696,401   1,071,835   2,047,513  30,833,643

  +----------------- EUROPEAN STATISTICS ----------------+

                                                   Total
             Denmark      Norway      Sweden  Scandinavian

  1820           ...               ...               ...
  1821           ...                 1                 1
  1822           ...               ...               ...
  1823           ...               ...               ...
  1824           ...               ...               ...
  1825           ...                53                53
  1826           ...               ...               ...
  1827           ...               ...               ...
  1828           ...               ...               ...
  1829           ...               ...               ...
  1830           ...               ...               ...

  1820-1830      ...                54                54

  1831           ...               ...               ...
  1832           ...               ...               ...
  1833           ...               ...               ...
  1834           ...               ...               ...
  1835           ...               ...               ...
  1836           ...               200               200
  1837           ...               200               200
  1838           ...               100               100
  1839           ...               400               400
  1840           ...               300               300

  1831-40        ...             1,200             1,200

  1841           ...               400               400
  1842           ...               700               700
  1843           ...             1,600             1,600
  1844           ...             1,200             1,200
  1845           ...             1,100             1,100
  1846           ...             1,300             1,300
  1847           ...             1,600             1,600
  1848           ...             1,400             1,400
  1849           ...             4,000             4,000
  1850           ...             3,700             3,700

  1841-50        ...            17,000            17,000

  1851           ...       2,640         934       3,574
  1852           ...       4,030       3,031       7,061
  1853           ...       6,050       2,619       8,669
  1854           ...       5,950       3,980       9,930
  1855           ...       1,600         586       2,186
  1856           ...       3,200         959       4,159
  1857           ...       6,400       1,762       8,162
  1858           ...       2,500         512       3,012
  1859           ...       1,800         208       2,008
  1860           ...       1,900         266       2,166

  1851-60        ...      36,070      14,857      50,927

  1861           ...       8,900       1,087       9,987
  1862           ...       5,250       1,206       6,456
  1863           ...       1,100       1,485       2,585
  1864           ...       4,300       2,461       6,761
  1865           ...       4,000       3,180       7,180
  1866           ...      15,455       4,466      19,921
  1867           ...      12,829       5,893      18,722
  1868           ...      13,211      21,472      34,683

  1861-68        ...      65,045      41,250     106,295

  1869         4,340      18,070      32,050      54,460
  1870         3,264      14,834      15,430      33,528
  1871         3,249      12,276      12,985      28,510
  1872         5,941      13,865      11,838      31,644
  1873         5,926      10,352       9,486      25,764
  1874         2,261       4,601       3,380      10,242
  1875         1,678       4,048       3,591       9,317
  1876         1,336       4,355       3,702       9,393
  1877         1,374       3,206       2,921       7,501
  1878         2,300       4,863       4,242      11,405
  1879         2,845       7,608      12,761      23,214
  1880         5,475      20,212      36,263      61,950

  1869-80     39,989     170,124     148,649     306,928

  1881         7,823      25,976      40,620      74,419
  1882        11,385      28,804      44,359      84,548
  1883         8,280      22,167      25,678      56,125
  1884         6,149      14,776      17,664      38,589
  1885         4,211      13,901      18,222      36,334
  1886         5,558      15,116      27,913      48,587
  1887         8,184      20,706      46,252      75,142
  1888         8,269      21,348      45,561      75,178
  1889         8,271      12,597      28,529      49,397
  1890         9,524      10,898      29,487      49,909

  1881-90     77,654     186,289     324,285     588,228

  1891         9,781      13,249      36,134      59,164
  1892         9,763      16,814      40,990      67,567
  1893         8,551      18,690      37,321      64,562
  1894         4,105       5,591       9,529      19,225
  1895         3,607       6,153      14,982      24,742
  1896         2,876       6,584      14,874      24,334
  1897         2,260       4,580      10,109      16,949
  1898         2,340       4,805       8,534      15,679
  1899         2,799       6,466      11,842      21,097
  1900         3,570      10,931      16,209      30,710

  1891-00     49,652      93,863     200,524     344,029

  1901         4,657      12,488      20,306      37,451
  1902         6,823      19,225      33,151      59,199
  1903         8,214      24,998      35,439      68,651
  1904         9,034      20,836      18,533      48,403
  1905         8,051      19,638      20,520      48,209
  1906         8,516      20,449      21,242      50,207
  1907         7,890      20,615      19,325      47,830
  1908         4,558       7,850       8,873      21,281
  1909         6,782      15,237      18,331      40,350
  1910         8,890      17,361      23,529      49,780

  1901-10     73,415     178,697     219,249     471,361

  1911         8,303      11,122      15,571      34,996
  1912
  1913

  Totals


TABLE II

FOREIGN-BORN SCANDINAVIAN POPULATION, 1850

U. S. Census of 1850

  States and                                      Total        Total
  Territories         Denmark  Norway  Sweden Scandinavians Population

  Alabama                  18       3      51         72       771,623
  Arkansas                  7       1       1          9       209,897
  California               92     124     162        378        92,597
  Connecticut              16       1      13         30       370,792
  Delaware                  1     ...       2          3        91,532
  District of Columbia      6     ...       5         11        51,687
  Florida                  21      17      33         71        87,445
  Georgia                  24       6      11         41       906,185
  Illinois                 93   2,415   1,123      3,631       851,470
  Indiana                  10      18      16         44       988,416
  Iowa                     19     361     231        611       192,214
  Kentucky                  7      18      20         45       982,405
  Louisiana               288      64     249        601       517,762
  Maine                    47      12      55        114       583,169
  Maryland                 35      10      57        102       583,034
  Massachusetts           181      69     253        503       994,514
  Michigan                 13     110      16        139       397,654
  Minnesota Territory       1       7       4         12         6,077
  Mississippi              24       8      14         46       606,526
  Missouri                 55     155      37        247       682,044
  New Hampshire             3       2      12         17       317,976
  New Jersey               28       4      34         66       489,555
  New Mexico Territory      2       2       1          5        61,547
  New York                429     392     753      1,574     3,097,394
  North Carolina            6     ...       9         15       869,039
  Ohio                     53      18      55        126     1,980,329
  Oregon Territory          2       1       2          5        13,294
  Pennsylvania             97      27     133        257     2,311,786
  Rhode Island             15      25      17         57       147,545
  South Carolina           24       7      29         60       668,507
  Tennessee                 8     ...       8         16     1,002,717
  Texas                    49     105      48        202       212,592
  Utah Territory            2      32       1         35        11,380
  Vermont                 ...       8     ...          8       314,120
  Virginia                 15       5      16         36     1,421,661
  Wisconsin               146   8,651      88      8,885       305,391
                        -----  ------   -----     ------    ----------
       Total            1,837  12,678   3,559     18,074    23,191,876


TABLE III

FOREIGN-BORN SCANDINAVIAN POPULATION, 1870

U. S. Census, 1870

  States and                                      Total        Total
  Territories         Denmark  Norway  Sweden  Scandinavians Population

  Alabama                80       21      105           206     996,992
  Arkansas               55       19      134           208     484,471
  California          1,837    1,000    1,944         4,781     560,247
  Connecticut           116       72      323           511     537,454
  Delaware                8      ...        9            17     125,015
  Florida                40       16       30            86     187,748
  Georgia                42       14       35            91   1,184,109
  Illinois            3,711   11,880   29,979        45,570   2,539,891
  Indiana               315      123    2,180         2,618   1,680,637
  Iowa                2,827   17,554   10,796        31,177   1,194,020
  Kansas                502      588    4,954         6,044     364,399
  Kentucky               53       16      112           181   1,321,011
  Louisiana             290       76      358           724     726,915
  Maine                 120       58       91           269     626,915
  Maryland              106       17      100           223     780,894
  Massachusetts         267      302    1,384         1,953   1,457,351
  Michigan            1,354    1,516    2,406         5,276   1,184,059
  Minnesota           1,910   35,940   20,987        58,837     439,706
  Mississippi           193       78      970         1,241     827,922
  Missouri              665      297    2,302         3,264   1,721,295
  Nebraska            1,129      506    2,352         3,987     122,993
  Nevada                208       80      217           505      42,491
  New Hampshire          11       55       42           108     318,300
  New Jersey            510       90      554         1,154     906,096
  New York            1,698      975    5,522         8,195   4,382,759
  North Carolina          8        5       38            51   1,071,361
  Ohio                  284       64      252           600   2,665,260
  Oregon                 87       76      205           368      90,923
  Pennsylvania          561      115    2,266         2,942   3,521,951
  Rhode Island           24       22      106           152     217,353
  South Carolina         50      ...       60           110     705,606
  Tennessee              86       37      349           472   1,258,520
  Texas                 159      403      364           926     818,579
  Vermont                21       34       83           138     330,551
  Virginia               23       17       30            70   1,225,163
  West Virginia          21        1        5            27     442,014
  Wisconsin           5,212   40,046    2,799        48,057   1,054,670
  Arizona Ter.           19        7        7            33       9,658
  Colorado Ter.          77       40      180           297      39,864
  Dakota Ter.           115    1,179      380         1,674      14,181
  Dist. of Columbia      29        5       22            56     131,700
  Idaho Ter.             88       61       91           240      14,999
  Montana Ter.           95       88      141           324      20,595
  New Mexico Ter.        15        5        6            26      91,874
  Utah Ter.           4,957      613    1,790         7,360      86,786
  Washington Ter.        84      104      158           346      23,955
  Wyoming Ter.           54       28      109           191       9,118
                     ------  -------   ------       -------  ----------
       Total         30,098  114,243   97,327       241,686  38,558,371


TABLE IV

FOREIGN-BORN SCANDINAVIAN POPULATION, 1890

U. S. Census of 1890

  States and                                       Total        Total
  Territories        Denmark    Norway  Sweden Scandinavians Population

  Alabama                 71       47      294          412   1,513,017
  Arizona Territory      180       59      168          407      59,620
  Arkansas               125       60      333          518   1,128,179
  California           7,764    3,702   10,923       22,389   1,208,130
  Colorado             1,650      893    9,659       12,202     412,198
  Connecticut          1,474      523   10,021       12,018     746,258
  Delaware                41       14      246          301     168,493
  District of Columbia    72       70      128          270     230,392
  Florida                105      179      529          813     391,422
  Georgia                 61       88      191          340   1,837,353
  Idaho                1,241      741    1,524        3,506      84,285
  Illinois            12,044   30,339   86,514      128,897   3,826,351
  Indiana                718      285    4,512        5,515   2,192,404
  Iowa                15,519   27,078   30,276       72,873   1,911,896
  Kansas               3,136    1,786   17,096       21,998   1,427,096
  Kentucky                92      120      184          396   1,858,635
  Louisiana              232      136      328          796   1,118,587
  Maine                  696      311    1,704        2,711     661,086
  Maryland               130      164      305          599   1,042,390
  Massachusetts        1,512    2,519   18,624       22,655   2,238,943
  Michigan             6,335    7,795   27,366       41,496   2,093,889
  Minnesota           14,133  101,169   99,913      215,215   1,301,826
  Mississippi             90       54      305          449   1,289,600
  Missouri             1,333      526    5,602        7,461   2,679,184
  Montana                683    1,957    3,771        6,411     132,159
  Nebraska            14,345    3,632   28,364       46,341   1,058,910
  Nevada                 332       69      314          715      45,761
  New Hampshire           64      251    1,210        1,425     376,530
  New Jersey           2,991    1,317    4,159        8,467   1,444,933
  New Mexico Ter.         54       42      149          245     153,593
  New York             6,238    8,602   28,430       43,270   5,997,753
  North Dakota         2,860   25,773    5,583       34,216     182,719
  North Carolina          26       13       51           90   1,617,947
  Ohio                   956      511    2,742        4,209   3,672,316
  Oklahoma Ter.           37       36      138          211      61,834
  Oregon               1,288    2,271    3,774        7,333     313,767
  Pennsylvania         2,010    2,238   19,346       23,594   5,258,014
  Rhode Island           154      285    3,392        3,831     345,506
  South Dakota         4,369   19,257    7,746       31,372     328,808
  South Carolina          36       23       60          119   1,151,149
  Tennessee               92       41      332          465   1,767,518
  Texas                  649    1,313    2,806        4,768   2,235,523
  Utah Territory       9,023    1,854    5,986       16,863     207,905
  Vermont                 58       38      870          966     332,422
  Virginia               108      102      215          425   1,655,980
  Washington           2,807    8,334   10,272       21,413     349,390
  West Virginia           44        7       72          123     762,794
  Wisconsin           13,885   65,696   20,157       99,738   1,686,880
  Wyoming                680      345    1,357        2,382      60,705
                     -------  -------  -------      -------  ----------
       Total         132,543  322,665  478,041      933,249  62,622,250


TABLE V

FOREIGN WHITE STOCK OF SCANDINAVIAN ORIGIN, 1910

13th Census, I, Chapter viii, Table 29

  Under each state the figures represent
    (1) foreign born, corresponding to the figures given
              for 1850, 1870, and 1890
    (2) native white of foreign parentage
    (3) native white of mixed parentage

                                                                Grand
                 Norway    Sweden    Denmark      Totals        Total

  Alabama          266       752       197         1,215
                   114       481       105           700
                   168       274       128           570        2,485

  Arizona          272       845       284         1,401
                   164       427       172           763
                   106       302       246           654        2,818

  Arkansas          76       385       178           639
                    49       176        72           297
                    77       374       198           649        1,585

  California     9,952    26,210    14,208        50,370
                 4,666    14,797     8,244        27,707
                 2,528     5,464     4,043        12,035       90,112

  Colorado       1,787    12,445     2,755        16,987
                 1,421     9,681     1,894        12,996
                   826     3,287     1,061         5,174       35,157

  Connecticut    1,265     18,208    2,722        22,195
                   499     14,508    1,845        16,852
                   204      1,788      418         2,410       41,457

  Delaware          38        332       52           422
                    15        208       17           240
                    12         85       19           116          778

  Florida          303        728      295         1,326
                   158        387      110           655
                   303        412      161           876        2,857

  Georgia          145        289      112           546
                    56        153       33           242
                    85        196       72           353        1,141

  Idaho          2,566      4,985    2,254         9,805
                 2,221      3,876    2,680         8,777
                 1,289      2,124    2,532         5,945       24,527

  Illinois      32,913    115,422   17,368       165,703
                26,572     94,830   11,551       132,953
                 8,953     19,879    4,600        33,432      332,088

  Indiana          531      5,081      900         6,512
                   363      4,824      692         5,879
                   299      1,896      582         2,777       15,168

  Iowa          21,924    26,763    17,961        66,648
                30,392    28,859    17,814        77,065
                14,586    10,573     5,966        31,125      174,838

  Kansas         1,294    13,309     2,759        17,362
                 1,371    15,911     2,635        19,917
                 1,031     6,411     1,822         9,264       46,543

  Kentucky          53       190        78           321
                    39       104        40           183
                    40       148        96           284          788

  Louisiana        294       344       239           877
                    92       154       125           371
                   252       438       392         1,082        2,330

  Maine            580     2,203       929         3,712
                   288     1,478       715         2,481
                   218       627       340         1,185        7,378

  Maryland         363       421       237         1,021
                   144       209        88           441
                   164       261       158           583        2,045

  Massachusetts  5,432    39,560     3,403        48,395
                 2,170    25,149     1,706        29,025
                   768     3,759       963         5,490       82,910

  Michigan       7,638    26,374     6,313        40,325
                 6,778    25,624     6,055        38,457
                 2,358     4,939     2,431         9,728       88,510

  Minnesota    105,302   122,427    16,137       243,866
               126,549   118,083    15,430       260,062
                47,755    27,508     5,957        81,220      585,148

  Mississippi       91       292       119           502
                    32       178        51           261
                   116       280       122           518        1,281

  Missouri         660     5,654     1,729         8,043
                   543     4,937     1,147         6,627
                   537     2,936     1,380         4,853       19,523

  Montana        7,169     6,410     1,943        15,522
                 4,859     3,865     1,302        10,026
                 1,914     1,527       696         4,137       29,685

  Nebraska       2,750    23,219    13,673        39,643
                 2,989    26,599    13,957        43,545
                 1,968     8,668     4,932        15,568       98,755

  Nevada           254       708       616         1,578
                   107       293       393           793
                    92       192       307           591        2,962

  New Hampshire    491     2,068       131         2,690
                   292     1,172        55         1,519
                    69       316        69           454        4,663

  New Jersey     5,351    10,547     5,056        20,954
                 2,256     5,899     3,350        11,505
                   745     1,902     1,261         3,908       36,367

  New Mexico       151       365       116           632
                   109       240        75           424
                    71       144        91           306        1,362

  New York      25,012    53,703    12,536        91,251
                10,171    29,284     5,006        44,461
                 2,221     7,248     3,167        12,636      148,348

  North Carolina    39       112        36           187
                    13        36        13            62
                    28        70        28           126          375

  North Dakota  45,937    12,160     5,355        63,452
                56,577    10,533     5,043        72,153
                20,770     4,107     1,805        26,682      162,287

  Ohio           1,109     5,522     1,837         8,468
                   571     4,075     1,150         5,796
                   351     1,458       808         2,617       16,881

  Oklahoma         351     1,028       550         1,929
                   425       943       518         1,886
                   432     1,058       577         2,067        5,882

  Oregon         6,843    10,099     3,215        20,157
                 4,643     5,866     2,167        12,676
                 1,949     2,233     1,391         5,573       38,406

  Pennsylvania   2,317    23,467     3,033        28,817
                   995    22,803     1,656        25,454
                   651     5,415     1,261         7,327       61,598

  Rhode Island     577     7,404       328         8,309
                   230     5,174       153         5,557
                   109       636       108           853       14,719

  South Carolina    82        95        51           228
                    19        20         9            48
                    40        68        68           176          452

  South Dakota  20,918     9,998     6,294        37,210
                27,803     9,640     6,396        43,839
                12,025     3,654     2,273        17,952       99,001

  Tennessee         89       363       163           615
                    74       237        87           398
                    79       281       119           479        1,492

  Texas          1,784     4,703     1,287         7,774
                 1,649     4,724       844         7,217
                 1,012     2,171       942         4,125       19,116

  Utah           2,304     7,227     8,300        17,831
                 1,562     5,906    10,169        17,637
                 1,643     3,930     8,142        13,715       49,183

  Vermont          102     1,331       172         1,605
                    41       905        74         1,020
                    32       185        68           285        2,910

  Virginia         311       368       239           918
                   222       215       140           577
                   164       138        95           397        1,892

  Washington    28,363    32,195     7,804        68,362
                18,486    18,244     4,988        41,718
                 5,875     5,640     2,286        13,801      123,881

  West Virginia     38       278        67           383
                    10       196        51           257
                    31       124        48           203          843

  Wisconsin     56,999    25,739    16,454        99,192
                71,681    23,268    15,903       110,852
                29,020     6,379     5,958        41,357      251,401

  Wyoming          623     2,497       962         4,082
                   381     1,455       866         2,702
                   245       598       521         1,364        8,148




APPENDIX II

STATISTICS OF THREE MINNESOTA COUNTIES

From the U. S. Census Reports

  Chisago County                1860         1870         1880
    White population            1,729        4,358        7,982
    White native-born           1,209        2,164        4,017
    White foreign-born            734        2,194        3,965
    White foreign Danish        .....           14           50
    White foreign Norwegian     .....        1,674        3,160
    White foreign Swedish       .....        .....        .....

    Acres in farms
      Improved                  3,468        8,004       31,198
      Unimproved               18,484       34,593       72,595

    Cash value of farms      $124,019     $477,720   $1,171,426

  Chisago County                1890         1900
    White population           10,359       13,248
    White native-born           5,613        8,230
    White foreign-born          4,746        5,018
    White foreign Danish           67           55
    White foreign Norwegian        50           69
    White foreign Swedish       3,955        4,215

    Acres in farms
      Improved                 43,476       85,277
      Unimproved              101,649      129,501

    Cash value of farms    $2,563,630   $3,419,310

  Fillmore County               1860         1870         1880
    White population           13,542       24,887       28,162
    White native-born           9,045       15,178       19,243
    White foreign-born          4,497        9,709        8,919
    White foreign Danish        .....           13           96
    White foreign Norwegian     .....         6,61        5,191
    White foreign Swedish       .....        .....        .....

    Acres in farms
      Improved                 75,542      185,087      361,100
      Unimproved              216,454      214,459      134,333

    Cash value of farms    $1,844,797   $6,636,880   $9,535,815

  Fillmore County              1890          1900
    White population          25,966        28,238
    White native-born         19,034        22,378
    White foreign-born         6,932         5,860
    White foreign Danish          68            59
    White foreign Norwegian    4,171         3,593
    White foreign Swedish         66            53

    Acres in farms
      Improved                357,083      389,386
      Unimproved              117,670      131,875

    Cash value of farms    $9,935,202  $14,240,595

  Otter Tail County             1860         1870         1880
    White population              178        1,968       18,675
    White native-born             178          888       11,249
    White foreign-born          .....        1,080        7,426
    White foreign Danish        .....           41          214
    White foreign Norwegian     .....          889        4,772
    White foreign Swedish       .....        .....        .....

    Acres in farms
      Improved                    306        3,632      131,804
      Unimproved                2,118       28,898      340,355

    Cash value of farms       $17,550     $151,281   $3,650,223


  Otter Tail County             1890         1900
    White population           34,232       45,375
    White native-born          20,884       30,988
    White foreign-born         13,348       14,387
    White foreign Danish          345          372
    White foreign Norwegian     5,955        5,738
    White foreign Swedish       2,470        3,038

    Acres in farms
      Improved                311,175      505,358
      Unimproved              405,380      439,374

    Cash value of farms    $8,511,465  $12,478,640




INDEX


  Aaker, L. K., 146-47.

  Agriculture among Scandinavians, 95-98.

  "America Book", influence on Norwegian emigration, 37-40.

  Americanization, 106-111, 180-182.

  Anderson, Paul, 116-117.

  Anderson, R. B., 39, 155, 173.


  Banks, Scandinavian, 104-5.

  Baptist Church, work among Scandinavians, 118-120.

  Behrens, Capt., 35-36.

  Bennett Law (Wisconsin), 166-168.

  Bibliography, 183-204.

  Birth rate, 132-33.

  Bishop Hill (Ill.), Swedish settlement, 54, 56-60.

  Bremer, Frederika, quoted, 52-3, 82.

  Bull, Ole, on the term "Scandinavian", 15-16.

  Business, Scandinavians in, 102-5.


  California, Scandinavian population, 72-4.

  Capital:
    brought by immigrants, 92-96;
    investment, 94-97.

  Chicago (Ill.):
    Scandinavian population, 73-4;
    Swedish settlement, 60.

  Chisago Co. (Minn.), Swedish settlement, 97-98;
    politics, 163.

  Church, _see_ names of denominations, i. e., Baptist church.

  Cities, Scandinavian element, 73-4.

  Citizenship, 11, 83-4, 179-82.

  Civil War, part played by Scandinavians, 75-8, 142, 149.

  Clausen, C. L., 46-7.

  Climate, influence upon distribution of immigration, 74-5.

  Colleges, Scandinavian, 111-14.

  Communism, in Bishop Hill settlement, 51-60.

  Congregational church, work among Scandinavians, 116-19.


  Dane Co. (Wis.) settlement, 110, 145.

  Danes: character, 18;
    in politics, 140-43;
    settlements, 63, 65.

  Danish immigration: 69, 73-4;
    character of, 64;
    statistics, 62, 67-74.
    _See also_ Immigration.

  Danish churches, 15, 63-65.

  Davidson, J. O., 153.

  Defectives, 134-45.

  Delaware River (Swedish) colony, 11-13.

  Delinquents, 134-35, 137-39.

  Democratic party, 160-64, 166-70.

  Denmark:
    economic conditions, 18-19, 21, 62-63, 68.
    emigration: 62, 64;
      causes, 62, 63, 115;
      statistics, 62, 67-74.
    population:
      distribution, 21;
      increase, 69-70, 132.

  Dietrichson, J. W. C., 47-8.

  Duluth (Minn.), Scandinavian population, 74.


  Eberhardt, A. O., 153.

  Education, 65, 109-14, 166-70.
    _See also_ English language; illiteracy.

  Elk Horn (Ia.), Danish settlement, 63, 65.

  Emigration, _see_ Immigration; Names of countries, e. g. Denmark.

  English language, use among Scandinavians, 109-10, 113, 122-23, 131,
    145, 166-72.

  Ericsson, John, 78.

  Esbjörn, Paul, 117-18.


  Families, large, 14, 132-133.

  Farmers' Alliance, 162-63.

  Fillmore Co. (Minn.), 98-99, 110, 144.

  Fox River (Ill.), Norwegian settlement, 28-29, 36.

  Free Soil party, 158-59.


  Greenback party, 161.

  Grevstad, N. A., 156.


  Hasselquist, T. N., 117-18.

  Hedström, Jonas, and O. G., 50, 54, 116.

  Heg, Even, 43, 44, 48.

  Heg, H. C., 76.

  Hesthammer, Peerson, _see_ Peerson Kleng.

  Hovland, G. G., 30, 35.


  Illinois:
    Norwegian settlement, 27, 28-9, 32-3, 36;
    politics, 161, 168-69;
    Scandinavian population, 72-4;
    Swedish settlement, 53-4, 56-7, 60.

  Illegitimacy, 134.

  Illiteracy, 109.
    _See also_ Education.

  Immigrants, Americanization, 10, 107-108, 179-82;
    classes, 11;
    value to U. S., 9, 91-93, 179-82.

  Immigration, Scandinavian:
    causes, 18-21, 81-8;
    distribution, 71-4;
    promoted by railroads, 86-98;
    promoted by states, 88-90;
    statistics, 7-8, 67-74, 205;
    value to U. S., 91-105;
    westward expansion, 45, 66, 71, 75, 96.
    _See also_ Names of peoples, i. e., Danes.

  Independent party, 161.

  Indiana, Norwegian settlement, 27.

  Industry, Scandinavians in, 102-5.

  Insanity, 135-37.

  Intermarriage, 130-131.

  Iowa:
    Danish settlement, 63;
    immigration promoted by state, 89-90;
    Scandinavian population, 72-4;
    Swedish settlement, 53.


  Janson, Eric, 55-9.

  Jansonist colony, see Bishop Hill.

  Jansonist movement, 55-61.

  Jefferson Prairie (Wis.), Norwegian settlement, 41, 46.

  Johnson, J. A., 152-53.

  Johnson, John, 43.

  Johnson, M. N., 154, 174-175.


  Koshkonong (Wis.), Norwegian settlement, 44.

  Kvelve, B. A., 32.


  Labor, demand for, influence on immigration, 84-6.

  Laborers, Scandinavian, compared with American, 100-1.

  Land: value in North West, cause of immigration, 81-2, 99;
    increase, 87.

  Langeland, Knud, 35, 160.

  Legislation, influenced by Scandinavians, 169-71.

  Lind, John, 152, 154-55, 161.

  Liquor traffic, attitude of Scandinavians, 171-72.

  Listoe, Sören, 156.

  Lutheran church:
    among Scandinavians in U. S., 46-7, 63-5, 114-16, 120-23;
    educational efforts, 110-14; 166-67.


  Marriage, 131-32.

  Martineau, Harriet, quoted, 28.

  Mattson, Hans, 90, 146, 150-51, 156.

  Merriam, W. R., 162, 176.

  Methodist church, work among Scandinavians, 54, 116, 118-20.

  Michigan, Scandinavian population, 74.

  Minneapolis (Minn.), Scandinavian population, 73, 74, 134;
    politics, 163 n.

  Minnesota:
    Danish settlement, 63;
    economic development, promoted by Scandinavians, 97-9;
    immigration promoted by state, 90-1;
    politics, 144-56, 162-63;
    Scandinavian population, 72-4, 138.

  Missionary work among Scandinavians, 46-48, 54, 115-20.

  Morality, 133-34.

  Mormons, influence upon Danish immigration, 63, 73, 115.

  Muskego (Wis.), 42, 48.


  Nattestad, Ansten, 37, 39-42.

  Nattestad, Ole, 29, 31, 40.

  Nebraska:
    Danish settlement, 63;
    Scandinavian population, 72-3, 74.

  Nelson, Knute, 151, 154, 164.

  New Sweden (Ia.), 53.

  New York, Norwegian settlement, 26-7;
    Swedish settlement, 60.

  Newspapers, Scandinavian: 16, 124-9, 203-4;
    importance, 124-5, 129, 183;
    in politics, 128, 142, 159-60, 164-5, 173-4;
    number, 128.

  _Nordlyset_, 126, 148, 159.

  North Dakota:
    politics, 147, 149-51, 162-3, 174-5;
    Scandinavian population, 72-4.

  Northwest, economic development, 79-105.

  Norway:
    economic conditions, 18-20, 30-1, 41-2, 68.
    emigration: 22-3, 35, 40-2;
      cost, 34;
      difficulties, 33-4;
      influenced by religious persecution, 24, 40;
      influenced by settlers, 29-32, 37, 40;
      statistics, 62, 67, 74.
    population:
      distribution, 19;
      increase, 69-70, 132.

  Norwegians:
    character, 17, 93;
    in politics, 140-56, 162.
    immigration: 22-3, 32, 35-6, 93;
      effects upon Norwegians, 107-8;
      routes, 33-4, 36, 40-2;
      statistics, 61, 67-74.
      _See also_ Immigration.
    settlements:
      in Illinois, 28-9, 36;
      in New York, 26-7;
      in Wisconsin, 41, 42, 43-5.
      _See also_ Scandinavians.


  Occupations of immigrants, 84-7, 95-7, 102, 131-2.

  Olson, Jonas, 55, 59, 60.

  Olson, Olof, 56.

  Otter Tail Co. (Minn.), 98-99, 126;
    politics, 163.

  Otteson, J. A., 125, 133.


  Peerson, Kleng, 24, 25, 28.

  Periodicals, religious, 127-9.

  Pine Lake (Wis.) settlement, 51-53.

  Place names of Scandinavian settlements, 99, 143-5.

  Political parties, _see_ Names of parties.

  Politics, Scandinavian: 140-56, 166-78;
    influenced by newspapers, 164-6, 173-4.

  Populist party, 161, 164.

  Prohibition, _see_ Liquor traffic.


  Quakers, influence upon Norwegian emigration, 23-5.


  Racine Co. (Wis.) settlement, 42;
    politics, 158.

  Railroads, stimulus to immigration, 86-8.

  Religion, among Scandinavians, 45-8, 114-20;
    relation to politics, 161.

  Religious persecution, 24, 40, 56.

  Remittances to Europe, 94, 129.

  Republican party, 157, 160-4, 166-8, 174-7.

  "Restoration" (ship), 22, 25-6.

  Reymert, J. D., 126, 148.

  Rochester (N. Y.), Norwegian settlement, 26.

  Rockford (Ill.), furniture industry, 103;
    Swedish population, 73-4;
    politics, 169.

  Rynning, Ole, 36-7, 39.


  St. Paul (Minn.), Scandinavian population, 74, 134.

  "Scandinavian", objection to term, 15.

  Scandinavian immigration, _see_ Immigration.

  Scandinavians:
    birth rate, 132-3;
    character, 10, 16-7, 179-82;
    in agriculture, 97-100;
    in business, 102-4;
    in cities, 73-4;
    in Civil War, 75-8, 142, 149;
    in domestic service, 131-2;
    in industry, 103-4;
    in politics, 140-56, 169-78;
    morality, 133-4;
    occupations, 84-7, 95-7, 102-5;
    standard of living, 101-2;
    value to U. S., 7, 11, 83-4, 91-105, 179-82;
    wealth, 97-8, 102.
    _See also_ Danes, Norwegians, Swedes.

  Schröder, Johan, 125-6.

  Settlers, propagandists of immigration, 29-32, 41.

  Slavery, attitude of Scandinavians towards, 157-9.

  South Dakota:
    politics, 147, 149-51, 162-3, 175-6;
    Scandinavian population, 72-4.

  Standard of living, 101-2.

  Statistics, tables of, 67, 85, 205.

  Sweden:
    economic conditions, 18-20, 68.
    emigration: 50-1, 53;
      causes, 51, 53-4, 56, 61;
      statistics, 67-74.
    population:
      distribution, 20;
      increase, 69-70, 132.

  Swedes:
    character, 12;
    in politics, 140-56, 161-2, 166-70;
    value as citizens, 13, 14.

  Swedish immigration: 12, 22, 50-1, 53, 56-7, 61;
      routes, 51, 53, 56-7;
      statistics, 67-74.
      _See also_ Immigration.
    settlements:
      on Delaware River, 11-3;
      in Illinois, 60;
      in Iowa, 53;
      in New York, 60;
      in Wisconsin, 51-2.
      _See also_ Scandinavians.

  Swenson, L. S., 155.


  Texas, Danish settlement, 63;
    Swedish settlement, 61.

  Timanson, Levor, 95.

  Transportation in West, 80, 84, 87.


  Unitarian Church, work among Scandinavians, 119.

  United Norwegian Lutheran Church, 110, 120-121.

  U. S., described for emigrants, 37-40;
    economic conditions, influence on Scandinavian immigration, 68-9;
    economic development, 7, 79-105;
    population, increase, 70.

  Unonius, G., 51, 53.

  Utah, Scandinavian population, 73-4, 115.


  Wages, in Scandinavian countries, 85, 131;
    in U. S., 85, 131.

  Wealth, possessed by Scandinavians, 97-8, 102.

  Wisconsin:
    Danish settlements, 63;
    immigration promoted by state aid, 88-9;
    Norwegian settlements, 40-46;
    politics, 145, 148-51, 153-4, 160-1, 166-8;
    Scandinavian population, 72-4, 138;
    Swedish settlement, 51-3.




      *      *      *      *      *      *




Transcriber's note:

Tables within a paragraph have been relocated to immediately above or
below the relevant paragraph.

Depending on available fonts, some tables may not line up vertically.

Reference pages have been standardized with "ff" following the page
number and a space (e.g., 789 ff) due to the preponderance of this
style in the original work.

Both "reelected" and "re-elected" appear in the original work. They
have been standardized as "re-elected".

Both "post-office" and "postoffice" appear in the original work. Both
spellings have been retained.

Page 59: "was sent out with eight others, in March, 1851" is
inconsistent with "returned at once from California and became the head
of the colony after February, 1851." This was verified with the page
scan of the original work.

Page 112, Footnote 261: There is no footnote reference in the original
work.

Appendix 1, Table V, Nebraska: 1st row totals are off by 1.

This text has been preserved as in the original, including archaic and
inconsistent spelling, punctuation and grammar, except as noted below.
Spelling changes are shown within single quotes. Other changes are
shown in curly brackets, { }, for clarity.

Obvious printer's errors have been silently corrected.

Page 37, Footnote 64: {1837."} changed to {1837.}.

Page 75, Footnote 168: The footnote anchor is missing but it is
believed that it should be on page 75 in the paragraph ending, {Swedes
are found in Massachusetts, New York, and Pennsylvania.[168]}.

Page 76: {men as General Stohlbrand} should probably be {men as General
Stolbrand}.

Page 87: {$86,000:} changed to {$86,000;}.

Page 98: {rather are they} changed to {rather they are}.

Page 127, Footnote 306: 'lutherke' changed to 'lutherske'.

Page 153: 'reelection' changed to 're-election' for consistency.

Page 185: {(especially vols. XV. (1901) and XIX (1902), contains}
changed to {(especially vols. XV (1901) and XIX (1902)), contains}.

Page 185: {(42 Cong., 1 Sess., H. Mis. Doc. No. 19, (1871); and}
changed to {(42 Cong., 1 Sess., H. Mis. Doc. No. 19, (1871)); and}.

Page 192: {(in _Proceedings_ of National Conference of Charities and
Correction, (1899); F. H. B. MacDowell,} changed to {(in _Proceedings_
of National Conference of Charities and Correction, (1899)); F. H. B.
MacDowell,}.

Page 202: 'Nordmaend' changed to 'Nordmænd'.

Page 203: {(Emigranten, Inmansville, Wis., 1852; Janesville, 1856;
Madison, 1857; La Crosse, 1864, and united with Fædrelandet.Q Norw.
wkly.} changed to {(Emigranten, Inmansville, Wis., 1852; Janesville,
1856; Madison, 1857; La Crosse, 1864, and united with Fædrelandet.Q
Norw. wkly.)}.

Page 220, Index: {Immigration, Scandinavian: causes, 18-21; 81-8;}
changed to {Immigration, Scandinavian: causes, 18-21, 81-8;}.

Appendix 1, Table I: The table was split into two sections in order to
reduce the table width.