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                           CASTES AND TRIBES
                                   OF
                             SOUTHERN INDIA

                                   By

                        EDGAR THURSTON, C.I.E.,

   Superintendent, Madras Government Museum; Correspondant Étranger,
    Société d'Anthropologie de Paris; Socio Corrispondante, Societa,
                        Romana di Anthropologia.

                              Assisted by

                          K. Rangachari, M.A.,
                    of the Madras Government Museum.



                           Volume I--A and B

                        Government Press, Madras

                                 1909.







PREFACE.


In 1894, equipped with a set of anthropometric instruments
obtained on loan from the Asiatic Society of Bengal, I commenced an
investigation of the tribes of the Nilgiri hills, the Todas, Kotas,
and Badagas, bringing down on myself the unofficial criticism that
"anthropological research at high altitudes is eminently indicated
when the thermometer registers 100° in Madras." From this modest
beginning have resulted:--(1) investigation of various classes which
inhabit the city of Madras; (2) periodical tours to various parts
of the Madras Presidency, with a view to the study of the more
important tribes and classes; (3) the publication of Bulletins,
wherein the results of my work are embodied; (4) the establishment
of an anthropological laboratory; (5) a collection of photographs of
Native types; (6) a series of lantern slides for lecture purposes;
(7) a collection of phonograph records of tribal songs and music.

The scheme for a systematic and detailed ethnographic survey of the
whole of India received the formal sanction of the Government of
India in 1901. A Superintendent of Ethnography was appointed for each
Presidency or Province, to carry out the work of the survey in addition
to his other duties. The other duty, in my particular case--the
direction of a large local museum--happily made an excellent blend with
the survey operations, as the work of collection for the ethnological
section went on simultaneously with that of investigation. The survey
was financed for a period of five (afterwards extended to eight) years,
and an annual allotment of Rs. 5,000 provided for each Presidency and
Province. This included Rs. 2,000 for approved notes on monographs,
and replies to the stereotyped series of questions. The replies
to these questions were not, I am bound to admit, always entirely
satisfactory, as they broke down both in accuracy and detail. I may,
as an illustration, cite the following description of making fire
by friction. "They know how to make fire, i.e., by friction of wood
as well as stone, etc. They take a triangular cut of stone, and one
flat oblong size flat. They hit one another with the maintenance of
cocoanut fibre or copper, then fire sets immediately, and also by
rubbing the two barks frequently with each other they make fire."

I gladly place on record my hearty appreciation of the services
rendered by Mr. K. Rangachari in the preparation of the present
volumes. During my temporary absence in Europe, he was placed
in charge of the survey, and he has been throughout invaluable in
obtaining information concerning manners and customs, as interpreter
and photographer, and in taking phonograph records.

For information relating to the tribes and castes of Cochin
and Travancore, I gratefully acknowledge my indebtedness to
Messrs. L. K. Anantha Krishna Aiyer and N. Subramani Aiyer, the
Superintendents of Ethnography for their respective States. The notes
relating to the Cochin State have been independently published at
the Ernakulam Press, Cochin.

In the scheme for the Ethnographic Survey, it was laid down that
the Superintendents should supplement the information obtained from
representative men and by their own enquiries by "researches into the
considerable mass of information which lies buried in official reports,
in the journals of learned Societies, and in various books." Of this
injunction full advantage has been taken, as will be evident from
the abundant crop of references in foot-notes.

It is impossible to express my thanks individually to the very large
number of correspondents, European and Indian, who have generously
assisted me in my work. I may, however, refer to the immense aid
which I have received from the District Manuals edited by Mr. (now
Sir) H. A. Stuart, I.C.S., and the District Gazetteers, which have
been quite recently issued under the editorship of Mr. W. Francis,
I.C.S., Mr. F. R. Hemingway, I.C.S., and Mr. F. B. Evans, I.C.S.

My thanks are further due to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao, to whom I am
indebted for much information acquired when he was engaged in the
preparation of the District Gazetteers, and for revising the proof
sheets.

For some of the photographs of Badagas, Kurumbas, and Todas, I am
indebted to Mr. A. T. W. Penn of Ootacamund.

I may add that the anthropometric data are all the result of
measurements taken by myself, in order to eliminate the varying error
resulting from the employment of a plurality of observers.


E. T.







INTRODUCTION.


The vast tract of country, over which my investigations in connection
with the ethnographic survey of South India have extended, is commonly
known as the Madras Presidency, and officially as the Presidency
of Fort St. George and its Dependencies. Included therein were the
small feudatory States of Pudukottai, Banganapalle, and Sandur, and
the larger Native States of Travancore and Cochin. The area of the
British territory and Feudatory States, as returned at the census,
1901, was 143,221 square miles, and the population 38,623,066. The
area and population of the Native States of Travancore and Cochin,
as recorded at the same census, were as follows:--


                     Area.        Population.
                     Sq. Miles.
        Travancore   7,091         2,952,157
        Cochin       1,361           512,025


Briefly, the task which was set me in 1901 was to record the 'manners
and customs' and physical characters of more than 300 castes and
tribes, representing more than 40,000,000 individuals, and spread
over an area exceeding 150,000 square miles.

The Native State of Mysore, which is surrounded by the Madras
Presidency on all sides, except on part of the west, where the
Bombay Presidency forms the boundary, was excluded from my beat
ethnographically, but included for the purpose of anthropometry. As,
however, nearly all the castes and tribes which inhabit the Mysore
State are common to it and the Madras Presidency, I have given here
and there some information relating thereto.

It was clearly impossible for myself and my assistant, in our travels,
to do more than carry out personal investigations over a small portion
of the vast area indicated above, which provides ample scope for
research by many trained explorers. And I would that more men, like my
friends Dr. Rivers and Mr. Lapicque, who have recently studied Man in
Southern India from an anthropological and physiological point of view,
would come out on a visit, and study some of the more important castes
and tribes in detail. I can promise them every facility for carrying
out their work under the most favourable conditions for research,
if not of climate. And we can provide them with anything from 112°
in the shade to the sweet half English air of the Nilgiri and other
hill-ranges.

Routine work at head-quarters unhappily keeps me a close prisoner in
the office chair for nine months in the year. But I have endeavoured to
snatch three months on circuit in camp, during which the dual functions
of the survey--the collection of ethnographic and anthropometric
data--were carried out in the peaceful isolation of the jungle,
in villages, and in mofussil (up-country) towns. These wandering
expeditions have afforded ample evidence that delay in carrying
through the scheme for the survey would have been fatal. For, as in
the Pacific and other regions, so in India, civilisation is bringing
about a radical change in indigenous manners and customs, and mode
of life. It has, in this connection, been well said that "there will
be plenty of money and people available for anthropological research,
when there are no more aborigines. And it behoves our museums to waste
no time in completing their anthropological collections." Tribes
which, only a few years ago, were living in a wild state, clad in
a cool and simple garb of forest leaves, buried away in the depths
of the jungle, and living, like pigs and bears, on roots, honey,
and other forest produce, have now come under the domesticating,
and sometimes detrimental influence of contact with Europeans, with a
resulting modification of their conditions of life, morality, and even
language. The Paniyans of the Wynaad, and the Irulas of the Nilgiris,
now work regularly for wages on planters' estates, and I have seen
a Toda boy studying for the third standard instead of tending the
buffaloes of his mand. A Toda lassie curling her ringlets with the
assistance of a cheap German looking-glass; a Toda man smeared with
Hindu sect marks, and praying for male offspring at a Hindu shrine;
the abandonment of leafy garments in favour of imported cotton
piece-goods; the employment of kerosine tins in lieu of thatch;
the decline of the national turban in favour of the less becoming
pork-pie cap or knitted nightcap of gaudy hue; the abandonment of
indigenous vegetable dyes in favour of tinned anilin and alizarin dyes;
the replacement of the indigenous peasant jewellery by imported beads
and imitation jewellery made in Europe--these are a few examples of
change resulting from Western and other influences.

The practice of human sacrifice, or Meriah rite, has been abolished
within the memory of men still living, and replaced by the equally
efficacious slaughter of a buffalo or sheep. And I have notes on a
substituted ceremony, in which a sacrificial sheep is shaved so as
to produce a crude representation of a human being, a Hindu sect mark
painted on its forehead, a turban stuck on its head, and a cloth around
its body. The picturesque, but barbaric ceremony of hook-swinging
is now regarded with disfavour by Government, and, some time ago,
I witnessed a tame substitute for the original ceremony, in which,
instead of a human being with strong iron hooks driven through the
small of his back, a little wooden figure, dressed up in turban and
body cloth, and carrying a shield and sabre, was hoisted on high and
swung round.

In carrying out the anthropometric portion of the survey, it was
unfortunately impossible to disguise the fact that I am a Government
official, and very considerable difficulties were encountered owing
to the wickedness of the people, and their timidity and fear of
increased taxation, plague inoculation, and transportation. The
Paniyan women of the Wynaad believed that I was going to have the
finest specimens among them stuffed for the Madras Museum. An Irula
man, on the Nilgiri hills, who was wanted by the police for some mild
crime of ancient date, came to be measured, but absolutely refused to
submit to the operation on the plea that the height-measuring standard
was the gallows. The similarity of the word Boyan to Boer was once
fatal to my work. For, at the time of my visit to the Oddes, who have
Boyan as their title, the South African war was just over, and they
were afraid that I was going to get them transported, to replace the
Boers who had been exterminated. Being afraid, too, of my evil eye,
they refused to fire a new kiln of bricks for the club chambers at
Coimbatore until I had taken my departure. During a long tour through
the Mysore province, the Natives mistook me for a recruiting sergeant
bent on seizing them for employment in South Africa, and fled before my
approach from town to town. The little spot, which I am in the habit
of making with Aspinall's white paint to indicate the position of the
fronto-nasal suture and bi-orbital breadth, was supposed to possess
vesicant properties, and to blister into a number on the forehead,
which would serve as a means of future identification for the purpose
of kidnapping. The record of head, chest, and foot measurements,
was viewed with marked suspicion, on the ground that I was an army
tailor, measuring for sepoy's clothing. The untimely death of a
Native outside a town, at which I was halting, was attributed to my
evil eye. Villages were denuded of all save senile men, women, and
infants. The vendors of food-stuffs in one bazar, finding business
slack owing to the flight of their customers, raised their prices,
and a missionary complained that the price of butter had gone up. My
arrival at one important town was coincident with a great annual temple
festival, whereat there were not sufficient coolies left to drag the
temple car in procession. So I had perforce to move on, and leave the
Brahman heads unmeasured. The head official of another town, when he
came to take leave of me, apologised for the scrubby appearance of his
chin, as the local barber had fled. One man, who had volunteered to
be tested with Lovibond's tintometer, was suddenly seized with fear
in the midst of the experiment, and, throwing his body-cloth at my
feet, ran for all he was worth, and disappeared. An elderly Municipal
servant wept bitterly when undergoing the process of measurement,
and a woman bade farewell to her husband, as she thought for ever,
as he entered the threshold of my impromptu laboratory. The goniometer
for estimating the facial angle is specially hated, as it goes into the
mouth of castes both high and low, and has to be taken to a tank (pond)
after each application. The members of a certain caste insisted on
being measured before 4 P.M., so that they might have time to remove,
by ceremonial ablution, the pollution from my touch before sunset.

Such are a few of the unhappy results, which attend the progress of
a Government anthropologist. I may, when in camp, so far as measuring
operations are concerned, draw a perfect and absolute blank for several
days in succession, or a gang of fifty or even more representatives
of different castes may turn up at the same time, all in a hurry to
depart as soon as they have been sufficiently amused by the phonograph,
American series of pseudoptics (illusions), and hand dynamometer,
which always accompany me on my travels as an attractive bait. When
this occurs, it is manifestly impossible to record all the major, or
any of the minor measurements, which are prescribed in 'Anthropological
Notes and Queries,' and elsewhere. And I have to rest unwillingly
content with a bare record of those measurements, which experience
has taught me are the most important from a comparative point of view
within my area, viz., stature, height and breadth of nose, and length
and breadth of head, from which the nasal and cephalic indices can
be calculated. I refer to the practical difficulties, in explanation
of a record which is admittedly meagre, but wholly unavoidable,
in spite of the possession of a good deal of patience and a liberal
supply of cheroots, and current coins, which are often regarded with
suspicion as sealing a contract, like the King's shilling. I have even
known a man get rid of the coin presented to him, by offering it,
with flowers and a cocoanut, to the village goddess at her shrine,
and present her with another coin as a peace-offering, to get rid of
the pollution created by my money.

The manifold views, which have been brought forward as to the origin
and place in nature of the indigenous population of Southern India,
are scattered so widely in books, manuals, and reports, that it
will be convenient if I bring together the evidence derived from
sundry sources.

The original name for the Dravidian family, it may be noted, was
Tamulic, but the term Dravidian was substituted by Bishop Caldwell,
in order that the designation Tamil might be reserved for the language
of that name. Dravida is the adjectival form of Dravida, the Sanskrit
name for the people occupying the south of the Indian Peninsula
(the Deccan of some European writers). [1]

According to Haeckel, [2] three of the twelve species of
man--the Dravidas (Deccans; Sinhalese), Nubians, and Mediterranese
(Caucasians, Basque, Semites, Indo-Germanic tribes)--"agree in several
characteristics, which seem to establish a close relationship between
them, and to distinguish them from the remaining species. The chief
of these characteristics is the strong development of the beard
which, in all other species, is either entirely wanting, or but
very scanty. The hair of their heads is in most cases more or less
curly. Other characteristics also seem to favour our classing them
in one main group of curly-haired men (Euplocomi); at present the
primæval species, Homo Dravida, is only represented by the Deccan
tribes in the southern part of Hindustan, and by the neighbouring
inhabitants of the mountains on the north-east of Ceylon. But,
in earlier times, this race seems to have occupied the whole of
Hindustan, and to have spread even further. It shows, on the one hand,
traits of relationship to the Australians and Malays; on the other
to the Mongols and Mediterranese. Their skin is either of a light or
dark brown colour; in some tribes, of a yellowish brown. The hair of
their heads is, as in Mediterranese, more or less curled; never quite
smooth, like that of the Euthycomi, nor actually woolly, like that of
the Ulotrichi. The strong development of the beard is also like that
of the Mediterranese. Their forehead is generally high, their nose
prominent and narrow, their lips slightly protruding. Their language
is now very much mixed with Indo-Germanic elements, but seems to have
been originally derived from a very primæval language."

In the chapter devoted to 'Migration and Distribution of Organisms,'
Haeckel, in referring to the continual changing of the distribution
of land and water on the surface of the earth, says: "The Indian
Ocean formed a continent, which extended from the Sunda Islands
along the southern coast of Asia to the east coast of Africa. This
large continent of former times Sclater has called Lemuria, from
the monkey-like animals which inhabited it, and it is at the same
time of great importance from being the probable cradle of the human
race. The important proof which Wallace has furnished by the help of
chronological facts, that the present Malayan Archipelago consists
in reality of two completely different divisions, is particularly
interesting. The western division, the Indo-Malayan Archipelago,
comprising the large islands of Borneo, Java, and Sumatra, was formerly
connected by Malacca with the Asiatic continent, and probably also
with the Lemurian continent, and probably also with the Lemurian
continent just mentioned. The eastern division, on the other hand,
the Austro-Malayan Archipelago, comprising Celebes, the Moluccas,
New Guinea, Solomon's Islands, etc., was formerly directly connected
with Australia."

An important ethnographic fact, and one which is significant, is that
the description of tree-climbing by the Dyaks of Borneo, as given by
Wallace, [3] might have been written on the Anaimalai hills of Southern
India, and would apply equally well in every detail to the Kadirs who
inhabit those hills. [4] An interesting custom, which prevails among
the Kadirs and Mala Vedans of Travancore, and among them alone, so far
as I know, in the Indian Peninsula, is that of chipping all or some of
the incisor teeth into the form of a sharp pointed, but not serrated,
cone. The operation is said to be performed, among the Kadirs, with
a chisel or bill-hook and file, on boys at the age of eighteen, and
girls at the age of ten or thereabouts. It is noted by Skeat and
Blagden [5] that the Jakuns of the Malay Peninsula are accustomed
to file their teeth to a point. Mr. Crawford tells us further that,
in the Malay Archipelago, the practice of filing and blackening the
teeth is a necessary prelude to marriage, the common way of expressing
the fact that a girl has arrived at puberty being that she had her
teeth filed. In an article [6] entitled "Die Zauberbilderschriften
der Negrito in Malaka," Dr. K. T. Preuss describes in detail the
designs on the bamboo combs, etc., of the Negritos of Malacca,
and compares them with the strikingly similar designs on the bamboo
combs worn by the Kadirs of Southern India. He works out in detail
the theory that the design is not, as I called it [7] an ornamental
geometric pattern, but consists of a series of hieroglyphics. It is
noted by Skeat and Blagden [8] that "the Semang women wore in their
hair a remarkable kind of comb, which appears to be worn entirely
as a charm against diseases. These combs were almost invariably
made of bamboo, and were decorated with an infinity of designs,
no two of which ever entirely agreed. It was said that each disease
had its appropriate pattern. Similar combs are worn by the Pangan,
the Semang and Sakai of Perak, and most of the mixed (Semang-Sakai)
tribes." I am informed by Mr. Vincent that, as far as he knows, the
Kadir combs are not looked on as charms, and the markings thereon
have no mystic significance. A Kadir man should always make a comb,
and present it to his wife just before marriage or at the conclusion
of the marriage ceremony, and the young men vie with each other as
to who can make the nicest comb. Sometimes they represent strange
articles on the combs. Mr. Vincent has, for example, seen a comb with
a very good imitation of the face of a clock scratched on it.

In discussing the racial affinities of the Sakais, Skeat and Blagden
write [8] that "an alternative theory comes to us on the high authority
of Virchow, who puts it forward, however, in a somewhat tentative
manner. It consists in regarding the Sakai as an outlying branch of
a racial group formed by the Vedda (of Ceylon), Tamil, Kurumba, and
Australian races.... Of these the height is variable, but, in all four
of the races compared, it is certainly greater than that of the Negrito
races. The skin colour, again, it is true, varies to a remarkable
degree, but the general hair character appears to be uniformly long,
black and wavy, and the skull-index, on the other hand, appears to
indicate consistently a dolichocephalic or long-shaped head." Speaking
of the Sakais, the same authorities state that "in evidence of their
striking resemblance to the Veddas, it is perhaps worth remarking
that one of the brothers Sarasin who had lived among the Veddas and
knew them very well, when shown a photograph of a typical Sakai, at
first supposed it to be a photograph of a Vedda." For myself, when I
first saw the photographs of Sakais published by Skeat and Blagden,
it was difficult to realise that I was not looking at pictures of
Kadirs, Paniyans, Kurumbas, or other jungle folk of Southern India.

It may be noted en passant, that emigration takes place at the present
day from the southern parts of the Madras Presidency to the Straits
Settlements. The following statement shows the number of passengers
that proceeded thither during 1906:--


                          Madras--       Total.
        South Arcot       Porto Novo     2,555
                          Cuddalore        583
                          Pondicherry       55
        Tanjore           Negapatam        238
                          and
                          Nagore        45,453
                          Karikal        3,422


"The name Kling (or Keling) is applied, in the Malay countries, to
the people of Continental India who trade thither, or are settled in
those regions, and to the descendants of settlers. The Malay use of
the word is, as a rule, restricted to Tamils. The name is a form of
Kalinga, a very ancient name for the region known as the Northern
Circars, i.e., the Telugu coast of the Bay of Bengal." [9] It is
recorded by Dr. N. Anandale that the phrase Orang Kling Islam (i.e.,
a Muhammadan from the Madras coast) occurs in Patani Malay. He further
informs us [10] that among the Labbai Muhammadans of the Madura coast,
there are "certain men who make a livelihood by shooting pigeons with
blow-guns. According to my Labbai informants, the 'guns' are purchased
by them in Singapore from Bugis traders. There is still a considerable
trade, although diminished, between Kilakarai and the ports of Burma
and the Straits Settlements. It is carried on entirely by Muhammadans
in native sailing vessels, and a large proportion of the Musalmans of
Kilakarai have visited Penang and Singapore. It is not difficult to
find among them men who can speak Straits Malay. The local name for
the blow-gun is senguttan, and is derived in popular etymology from
the Tamil sen (above) and kutu (to stab). I have little doubt that
it is really a corruption of the Malay name of the weapon sumpitan."

On the evidence of the very close affinities between the plants and
animals in Africa and India at a very remote period, Mr. R. D. Oldham
concludes that there was once a continuous stretch of dry land
connecting South Africa and India. "In some deposits," he writes, [11]
"found resting upon the Karoo beds on the coast of Natal, 22 out of
35 species of Mollusca and Echinodermata collected and specifically
identified, are identical with forms found in the cretaceous beds
of Southern India, the majority being Trichinopoly species. From the
cretaceous rocks of Madagascar, six species of cretaceous fossils were
examined by Mr. R. B. Newton in 1899, of which three are also found
in the Ariyalur group (Southern India). The South African beds are
clearly coast or shallow water deposits, like those of India. The
great similarity of forms certainly suggests continuity of coast
line between the two regions, and thus supports the view that the
land connection between South Africa and India, already shown to have
existed in both the lower and upper Gondwána periods, was continued
into cretaceous times."

By Huxley [12] the races of mankind are divided into two primary
divisions, the Ulotrichi with crisp or woolly hair (Negros; Negritos),
and the Leiotrichi with smooth hair; and the Dravidians are included
in the Australoid group of the Leiotrichi "with dark skin, hair
and eyes, wavy black hair, and eminently long, prognathous skulls,
with well-developed brow ridges, who are found in Australia and in
the Deccan." There is, in the collection of the Royal College of
Surgeons' Museum, an exceedingly interesting "Hindu" skull from
Southern India, conspicuously dolichocephalic, and with highly
developed superciliary ridges. Some of the recorded measurements of
this skull are as follows:--


        Length           19.6 cm.
        Breadth          13.2 cm.
        Cephalic index   67.3
        Nasal height      4.8 cm.
        Nasal breadth     2.5 cm.
        Nasal index      52.1 cm.


Another "Hindu" skull, in the collection of the Madras Museum,
with similar marked development of the superciliary ridges, has the
following measurements:--


        Length           18.4 cm.
        Breadth          13.8 cm.
        Cephalic index   75
        Nasal height      4.9 cm.
        Nasal breadth     2.1 cm.
        Nasal index      42.8


I am unable to subscribe to the prognathism of the Dravidian
tribes of Southern India, or of the jungle people, though aberrant
examples thereof are contained in the collection of skulls at
the Madras Museum, e.g., the skull of a Tamil man (caste unknown)
who died a few years ago in Madras (Pl. I-a). The average facial
angle of various castes and tribes which I have examined ranged
between 67° and 70°, and the inhabitants of Southern India may be
classified as orthognathous. Some of the large earthenware urns
excavated by Mr. A. Rea, of the Archæological Department, at the
"prehistoric" burial site at Aditanallur in the Tinnevelly district,
[13] contained human bones, and skulls in a more or less perfect
condition. Two of these skulls, preserved at the Madras Museum,
are conspicuously prognathous (Pl. I-b). Concerning this burial
site M. L. Lapieque writes as follows. [14] "J'ai rapporté un
specimen des urnes funéraires, avec une collection assez complète du
mobilier funéraire. J'ai rapporté aussi un crâne en assez bon état,
et parfaitement déterminable. Il est hyperdolichocéphale, et s'accorde
avec la série que le service d'archéologie de Madras a déja réunie. Je
pense que la race d'Adichanallour appartient aux Proto-Dravidiens." The
measurements of six of the most perfect skulls from Aditanallur in
the Madras Museum collection give the following results:--


        Cephalic    Cephalic    Cephalic
        length,     breadth,    index.
        cm.         cm.

        18.8        12.4        66.
        19.1        12.7        66.5
        18.3        12.4        67.8
        18.         12.2        67.8
        18.         12.8        77.1
        16.8        13.1        78.


The following extracts from my notes show that the hyperdolichocephalic
type survives in the dolichocephalic inhabitants of the Tamil country
at the present day:--


        Class      Number     Cephalic index below 70.
                   examined.

        Palli         40      64.4; 66.9; 67; 68.2; 68.9; 69.6.
        Paraiyan      40      64.8; 69.2; 69.3; 69.5.
        Vellala       40      67.9; 69.6.


By Flower and Lydekker, [15] a white division of man, called the
Caucasian or Eurafrican, is made to include Huxley's Xanthochroi
(blonde type) and Melanochroi (black hair and eyes, and skin of
almost all shades from white to black). The Melanochroi are said to
"comprise the greater majority of the inhabitants of Southern Europe,
North Africa, and South-west Asia, and consist mainly of the Aryan,
Semitic, and Hamitic families. The Dravidians of India, the Veddahs
of Ceylon, and probably the Ainus of Japan, and the Maoutze of China,
also belong to this race, which may have contributed something to
the mixed character of some tribes of Indo-China and the Polynesian
islands, and have given at least the characters of the hair to the
otherwise Negroid inhabitants of Australia. In Southern India they
are largely mixed with a Negrito element, and, in Africa, where
their habitat becomes coterminous with that of the Negroes, numerous
cross-races have sprung up between them all along the frontier line."

In describing the "Hindu type," Topinard [16] divides the population of
the Indian peninsula into three strata, viz., the Black, Mongolian, and
the Aryan. "The remnants of the first," he says, "are at the present
time shut up in the mountains of Central India under the name of Bhils,
Mahairs, Ghonds, and Khonds; and in the south under that of Yenadis,
Kurumbas, etc. Its primitive characters, apart from its black colour
and low stature, are difficult to discover, but it is to be noticed
that travellers do not speak of woolly hair in India. [17] The second
has spread over the plateaux of Central India by two lines of way,
one to the north-east, the other to the north-west. The remnants of the
first invasion are seen in the Dravidian or Tamil tribes, and those of
the second in the Jhats. The third more recent, and more important as
to quality than as to number, was the Aryan." In speaking further of
the Australian type, characterised by a combination of smooth hair
with Negroid features, Topinard states that "it is clear that the
Australians might very well be the result of the cross between one
race with smooth hair from some other place, and a really Negro and
autochthonous race. The opinions held by Huxley are in harmony with
this hypothesis. He says the Australians are identical with the ancient
inhabitants of the Deccan. The features of the present blacks in India,
and the characters which the Dravidian and Australian languages have
in common, tend to assimilate them. The existence of the boomerang
in the two countries, and some remnants of caste in Australia, help
to support the opinion."

Of the so-called boomerangs of Southern India, the Madras Museum
possesses three (two ivory, one wooden) from the Tanjore armoury
(Pl. II). Concerning them, the Dewan of Pudukkottai writes to me as
follows. "The valari or valai tadi (bent stick) is a short weapon,
generally made of some hard-grained wood. It is also sometimes made
of iron. It is crescent-shaped, one end being heavier than the other,
and the outer end is sharpened. Men trained in the use of the weapon
hold it by the lighter end, whirl it a few times over their shoulders
to give it impetus, and then hurl it with great force against the
object aimed at. It is said that there were experts in the art of
throwing the valari, who could at one stroke despatch small game,
and even man. No such experts are now forthcoming in the Pudukkottai
State, though the instrument is reported to be occasionally used in
hunting hares, jungle fowl, etc. Its days, however, must be counted as
past. Tradition states that the instrument played a considerable part
in the Poligar wars of the last century. But it now reposes peacefully
in the households of the descendants of the rude Kallan and Maravan
warriors, preserved as a sacred relic of a chivalric past, along
with other old family weapons in their puja (worship) room, brought
out and scraped and cleaned on occasions like the Ayudha puja day
(when worship is paid to weapons and implements of industry), and
restored to its place of rest immediately afterwards." At a Kallan
marriage, the bride and bridegroom go to the house of the latter,
where boomerangs are exchanged, and a feast is held. This custom
appears to be fast becoming a tradition. But there is a common saying
still current "Send the valai tadi, and bring the bride." [18]

It is pointed out by Topinard, [19] as a somewhat important piece of
evidence, that, in the West, about Madagascar and the point of Aden in
Africa, there are black tribes with smooth hair, or, at all events,
large numbers of individuals who have it, mingled particularly among
the Somalis and the Gallas, in the region where M. Broca has an idea
that some dark, and not Negro, race, now extinct, once existed. At
the meeting of the British Association, 1898, Mr. W. Crooke gave
expression to the view that the Dravidians represent an emigration from
the African continent, and discounted the theory that the Aryans drove
the aboriginal inhabitants into the jungles with the suggestion that
the Aryan invasion was more social than racial, viz., that what India
borrowed from the Aryans was manners and customs. According to this
view, it must have been reforming aborigines who gained the ascendancy
in India, rather than new-comers; and those of the aborigines who
clung to their old ways got left behind in the struggle for existence.

In an article devoted to the Australians, Professor R. Semon writes
as follows. "We must, without hesitation, presume that the ancestors
of the Australians stood, at the time of their immigration to the
continent, on a lower rung of culture than their living representatives
of to-day. Whence, and in what manner, the immigration took place,
it is difficult to determine. In the neighbouring quarter of the globe
there lives no race, which is closely related to the Australians. Their
nearest neighbours, the Papuans of New Guinea, the Malays of the Sunda
Islands, and the Macris of New Zealand, stand in no close relationship
to them. On the other hand, we find further away, among the Dravidian
aborigines of India, types which remind us forcibly of the Australians
in their anthropological characters. In drawing attention to the
resemblance of the hill-tribes of the Deccan to the Australians,
Huxley says: 'An ordinary cooly, such as one can see among the
sailors of any newly-arrived East India vessel, would, if stripped,
pass very well for an Australian, although the skull and lower jaw
are generally less coarse.' Huxley here goes a little too far in his
accentuation of the similarity of type. We are, however, undoubtedly
confronted with a number of characters--skull formation, features,
wavy curled hair--in common between the Australians and Dravidians,
which gain in importance from the fact that, by the researches
of Norris, Bleek, and Caldwell, a number of points of resemblance
between the Australian and Dravidian languages have been discovered,
and this despite the fact that the homes of the two races are so far
apart, and that a number of races are wedged in between them, whose
languages have no relationship whatever to either the Dravidian or
Australian. There is much that speaks in favour of the view that the
Australians and Dravidians sprang from a common main branch of the
human race. According to the laborious researches of Paul and Fritz
Sarasin, the Veddas of Ceylon, whom one might call pre-Dravidians,
would represent an off-shoot from this main stem. When they branched
off, they stood on a very low rung of development, and seem to have
made hardly any progress worth mentioning."

In dealing with the Australian problem, Mr. A. H. Keane [20] refers to
the time when Australia formed almost continuous land with the African
continent, and to its accessibility on the north and north-west
to primitive migration both from India and Papuasia. "That such
migrations," he writes, "took place, scarcely admits of a doubt,
and the Rev. John Mathew [21] concludes that the continent was
first occupied by a homogeneous branch of the Papuan race either
from New Guinea or Malaysia, and that these first arrivals, to be
regarded as true aborigines, passed into Tasmania, which at that time
probably formed continuous land with Australia. Thus the now extinct
Tasmanians would represent the primitive type, which, in Australia,
became modified, but not effaced, by crossing with later immigrants,
chiefly from India. These are identified, as they have been by
other ethnologists, with the Dravidians, and the writer remarks that
'although the Australians are still in a state of savagery, and the
Dravidians of India have been for many ages a people civilized in
a great measure, and possessed of literature, the two peoples are
affiliated by deeply-marked characteristics in their social system as
shown by the boomerang, which, unless locally evolved, must have been
introduced from India.' But the variations in the physical characters
of the natives appear to be too great to be accounted for by a single
graft; hence Malays also are introduced from the Eastern Archipelago,
which would explain both the straight hair in many districts, and a
number of pure Malay words in several of the native languages." Dealing
later with the ethnical relations of the Dravidas, Mr. Keane says that
"although they preceded the Aryan-speaking Hindus, they are not the
true aborigines of the Deccan, for they were themselves preceded by
dark peoples, probably of aberrant Negrite type."

In the 'Manual of Administration of the Madras Presidency,'
Dr. C. Macleane writes as follows. "The history proper of the south
of India may be held to begin with the Hindu dynasties formed by a
more or less intimate admixture of the Aryan and Dravidian systems of
government. But, prior to that, three stages of historical knowledge
are recognisable; first, as to such aboriginal period as there may
have been prior to the Dravidian; secondly, as to the period when
the Aryans had begun to impose their religion and customs upon the
Dravidians, but the time indicated by the early dynasties had not yet
been reached. Geology and natural history alike make it certain that,
at a time within the bounds of human knowledge, Southern India did not
form part of Asia. A large southern continent, of which this country
once formed part, has ever been assumed as necessary to account
for the different circumstances. The Sanscrit Pooranic writers,
the Ceylon Boodhists, and the local traditions of the west coast,
all indicate a great disturbance of the point of the Peninsula and
Ceylon within recent times. [22] Investigations in relation to race
show it to be by no means impossible that Southern India was once
the passage-ground, by which the ancient progenitors of Northern and
Mediterranean races proceeded to the parts of the globe which they now
inhabit. In this part of the world, as in others, antiquarian remains
show the existence of peoples who used successively implements of
unwrought stone, of wrought stone, and of metal fashioned in the
most primitive manner. [23] These tribes have also left cairns and
stone circles indicating burial places. It has been usual to set
these down as earlier than Dravidian. But the hill Coorumbar of the
Palmanair plateau, who are only a detached portion of the oldest
known Tamulian population, erect dolmens to this day. The sepulchral
urns of Tinnevelly may be earlier than Dravidian, or they may be
Dravidian.... The evidence of the grammatical structure of language is
to be relied on as a clearly distinctive mark of a population, but,
from this point of view, it appears that there are more signs of the
great lapse of time than of previous populations. The grammar of the
South of India is exclusively Dravidian, and bears no trace of ever
having been anything else. The hill, forest, and Pariah tribes use the
Dravidian forms of grammar and inflection.... The Dravidians, a very
primeval race, take a by no means low place in the conjectural history
of humanity. They have affinities with the Australian aborigines,
which would probably connect their earliest origin with that
people." Adopting a novel classification, Dr. Macleane, in assuming
that there are no living representatives in Southern India of any
race of a wholly pre-Dravidian character, sub-divides the Dravidians
into pre-Tamulian and Tamulian, to designate two branches of the same
family, one older or less civilised than the other.

The importance, which has been attached by many authorities to the
theory of the connection between the Dravidians and Australians,
is made very clear from the passages in their writings, which I
have quoted. Before leaving this subject, I may appropriately cite
as an important witness Sir William Turner, who has studied the
Dravidians and Australians from the standpoint of craniology. [24]
"Many ethnologists of great eminence," he writes, "have regarded the
aborigines of Australia as closely associated with the Dravidians of
India. Some also consider the Dravidians to be a branch of the great
Caucasian stock, and affiliated therefore to Europeans. If these two
hypotheses are to be regarded as sound, a relationship between the
aboriginal Australians and the European would be established through
the Dravidian people of India. The affinities between the Dravidians
and Australians have been based upon the employment of certain words
by both people, apparently derived from common roots; by the use of
the boomerang, similar to the well-known Australian weapon, by some
Dravidian tribes; by the Indian peninsula having possibly had in a
previous geologic epoch a land connection with the Austro-Malayan
Archipelago, and by certain correspondences in the physical type
of the two people. Both Dravidians and Australians have dark skins
approximating to black; dark eyes; black hair, either straight,
wavy or curly, but not woolly or frizzly; thick lips; low nose with
wide nostrils; usually short stature, though the Australians are
somewhat taller than the Dravidians. When the skulls are compared
with each other, whilst they correspond in some particulars, they
differ in others. In both races, the general form and proportions are
dolichocephalic, but in the Australians the crania are absolutely
longer than in the Dravidians, owing in part to the prominence of
the glabella. The Australian skull is heavier, and the outer table
is coarser and rougher than in the Dravidian; the forehead also is
much more receding; the sagittal region is frequently ridged, and the
slope outwards to the parietal eminence is steeper. The Australians
in the norma facialis have the glabella and supra-orbital ridges
much more projecting; the nasion more depressed; the jaws heavier;
the upper jaw usually prognathous, sometimes remarkably so." Of twelve
Dravidian skulls measured by Sir William Turner, in seven the jaw was
orthognathous, in four, in the lower term of the mesognathous series;
one specimen only was prognathic. The customary type of jaw, therefore,
was orthognathic. [25] The conclusion at which Sir William Turner
arrives is that "by a careful comparison of Australian and Dravidian
crania, there ought not to be much difficulty in distinguishing one
from the other. The comparative study of the characters of the two
series of crania has not led me to the conclusion that they can be
adduced in support of the theory of the unity of the two people."

The Dravidians of Southern India are divided by Sir Herbert Risley
[26] into two main groups, the Scytho-Dravidian and the Dravidian,
which he sums up as follows:--

"The Scytho-Dravidian type of Western India, comprising the Maratha
Braahmans, the Kunbis and the Coorgs; probably formed by a mixture of
Scythian and Dravidian elements, the former predominating in the higher
groups, the latter in the lower. The head is broad; complexion fair;
hair on face rather scanty; stature medium; nose moderately fine,
and not conspicuously long.

"The Dravidian type extending from Ceylon to the valley of the Ganges,
and pervading the whole of Madras, Hyderabad, the Central Provinces,
most of Central India, and Chutia Nagpur. Its most characteristic
representatives are the Paniyans of the South Indian Hills and the
Santals of Chutia Nagpur. Probably the original type of the population
of India, now modified to a varying extent by the admixture of Aryan,
Scythian, and Mongoloid elements. In typical specimens, the stature
is short or below mean; the complexion very dark, approaching black;
hair plentiful with an occasional tendency to curl; eyes dark; head
long; nose very broad, sometimes depressed at the root, but not so
as to make the face appear flat."

It is, it will be noted, observed by Risley that the head of the
Scytho-Dravidian is broad, and that of the Dravidian long. Writing some
years ago concerning the Dravidian head with reference to a statement
in Taylor's "Origin of the Aryans," [27] that "the Todas are fully
dolichocephalic, differing in this respect from the Dravidians, who
are brachycephalic," I published [28] certain statistics based on the
measurements of a number of subjects in the southern districts of the
Madras Presidency. These figures showed that "the average cephalic
index of 639 members of 19 different castes and tribes was 74.1;
and that, in only 19 out of the 639 individuals, did the index exceed
80. So far then from the Dravidian being separated from the Todas by
reason of their higher cephalic index, this index is, in the Todas,
actually higher than in some of the Dravidian peoples." Accustomed as
I was, in my wanderings among the Tamil and Malayalam folk, to deal
with heads in which the dolichocephalic or sub-dolichocephalic type
preponderates, I was amazed to find, in the course of an expedition
in the Bellary district (in the Canarese area), that the question
of the type of the Dravidian head was not nearly so simple and
straightforward as I had imagined. My records of head measurements
now include a very large series taken in the plains in the Tulu,
Canarese, Telugu, Malayalam, and Tamil areas, and the measurements
of a few Maratha (non-Dravidian) classes settled in the Canarese
country. In the following tabular statement, I have brought together,
for the purpose of comparison, the records of the head-measurements
of representative classes in each of these areas:--


========================================================================
              |             |Number  |     Cephalic Index      |Number
              |             |of      |=========================|of times
    Class     |  Language   |subjects|Average|Maximum,|Minimum,|index
              |             |examined|       |  cm.   |  cm.   |was 80
              |             |        |       |        |        |or above
==============+=============+========+=======+========+========+========
Sukun Sale    | Marathi     |   30   |  82.2 |  90.0  |  73.9  |  21
Suka Sale     |   Do.       |   30   |  81.8 |  88.2  |  76.1  |  22
Vakkaliga     | Canarese    |   50   |  81.7 |  93.8  |  72.5  |  27
Billava       | Tulu        |   50   |  80.1 |  91.5  |  71.0  |  27
Rangari       | Marathi     |   30   |  79.8 |  92.2  |  70.7  |  14
Agasa         | Canarese    |   40   |  78.5 |  85.7  |  73.2  |  13
Bant          | Tulu        |   40   |  78.0 |  91.2  |  70.8  |  12
Kapu          | Telugu      |   49   |  78.0 |  87.6  |  71.6  |  16
Tota Balija   |   Do.       |   39   |  78.0 |  86.0  |  73.3  |  10
Boya          |   Do.       |   50   |  77.9 |  89.2  |  70.5  |  14
Dasa Banajiga | Canarese    |   40   |  77.8 |  86.2  |  72.0  |  11
Ganiga        |   Do.       |   50   |  77.6 |  85.9  |  70.5  |  11
Golla         | Telugu      |   60   |  77.5 |  89.3  |  70.1  |   9
Kuruba        | Canarese    |   50   |  77.3 |  83.9  |  69.6  |  10
Bestha        | Telugu      |   60   |  77.1 |  85.1  |  70.5  |   9
Pallan        | Tamil       |   50   |  75.9 |  87.0  |  70.1  |   6
Mukkuvan      | Malayalam   |   40   |  75.1 |  83.5  |  68.6  |   2
Nayar         |   Do.       |   40   |  74.4 |  81.9  |  70.0  |   1
Vellala       | Tamil       |   40   |  74.1 |  81.1  |  67.9  |   2
Agamudaiyan   |   Do.       |   40   |  74.0 |  80.9  |  66.7  |   1
Paraiyan      |   Do.       |   40   |  73.6 |  78.3  |  64.8  |
Palli         |   Do.       |   40   |  73.0 |  80.0  |  64.4  |   1
Tiyan         | Malayalam   |   40   |  73.0 |  78.9  |  68.6  |
========================================================================


The difference in the character of the cranium is further brought out
by the following tables, in which the details of the cephalic indices
of typical classes in the five linguistic areas under consideration
are recorded:--


(a) Tulu.       Billava.

71   **
72   **
73   *
74
75
76   ***
77   *****
78   ******
79   **
80   **         Average.
81   ***
82   *****
83   ********
84   ****
85   ****
86   *
87
88
89
90   *
91   *


(b) Canarese.    Vakkaliga.

73   *
74
75   **
76   *****
77   **
78   *****
79   *******
80   **
81   ***
82   ***       Average.
83   ***
84   **
85   ***
86   ***
87   **
88   **
89   *
90
91   *
92   *
93   *
94   *


(c) Telugu. Kapu.

72   *
73   *******
74   **
75   **
76   *******
77   ******
78   *         Average.
79   ****
80   ****
81   *******
82   **
83   ***
84   *
85   *
86
87
88   *


(d) Vellala.    Tamil.

68   *
69
70   *
71   ***
72   **********
73   *******
74   **           Average.
75   ******
76   ***
77   ****
78
79
80   **
81   *


(e) Malayalam.    Nayar.

70   **
71   *****
72   *****
73   ******
74   *        Average.
75   ******
76   ****
77   ****
78   ***
79   **
80
81
82   *


These tables not only bring out the difference in the cephalic index
of the classes selected as representative of the different areas,
but further show that there is a greater constancy in the Tamil and
Malayalam classes than in the Tulus, Canarese and Telugus. The number
of individuals clustering round the average is conspicuously greater
in the two former than in the three latter. I am not prepared to
hazard any new theory to account for the marked difference in the
type of cranium in the various areas under consideration, and must
content myself with the observation that, whatever may have been the
influence which has brought about the existing sub-brachycephalic or
mesaticephalic type in the northern areas, this influence has not
extended southward into the Tamil and Malayalam countries, where
Dravidian man remains dolicho- or sub-dolichocephalic.

As an excellent example of constancy of type in the cephalic index,
I may cite, en passant, the following results of measurement of the
Todas, who inhabit the plateau of the Nilgiri hills:--


69   **
70   *******
71   ***********
72   *******
73   **************          Average.
74   *********************
75   *********
76   ******
77   *
78   *
79   *
80
81   *


I pass on to the consideration of the type of cranium among various
Brahman classes. In the following tables, the results of measurement
of representatives of Tulu, Canarese, Marathi, Tamil and Malayalam
Brahmans are recorded:--


=============================================================================
               |                |Number  |      Cephalic Index      |Number
               |                |of      |==========================|of times
     Class     |    Language    |subjects|        |        |        |index
               |                |examined|Average.|Maximum.|Minimum.|was 80
               |                |        |        |        |        |or above
===============+================+========+========+========+========+========
Shivalli       | Tulu           |   30   |  80.4  |  96.4  |  69.4  |  17
Mandya         | Canarese       |   50   |  80.2  |  88.2  |  69.8  |  31
Karnataka      |   Do.          |   60   |  78.4  |  89.5  |  69.8  |  19
Smarta         |                |        |        |        |        |
  (Desastha)   | Marathi [29]   |   43   |  76.9  |  87.1  |  71    |   9
Tamil          |                |        |        |        |        |
  (Madras city)| Tamil          |   40   |  76.5  |  84    |  69    |   3
Nambutiri      | Malayalam [30] |        |  76.3  |        |        |
Pattar         | Tamil [31]     |   25   |  74.5  |  81.4  |  69.1  |   2
=============================================================================


(a) Tulu. Shivalli.

69   *
70
71
72   *
73   *
74
75
76   ****
77
78   ***
79   ***
80   **     Average.
81   ***
82   ****
83   **
84   **
85
86   *
87
88   *
89   *
90
91
92
93
94
95
96   *


(b) Canarese.    Karnataka Smarta.

70   *
71   **
72   **
73   **
74   ******
75   ***
76   ****
77   *****
78   **********   Average.
79   **
80   *****
81   ****
82   ****
83   **
84   **
85   *
86   *
87   *
88   **
89   *


(c) Tamil. Madras City.

69   *
70   **
71   *
72   *
73   **
74   ***
75   ****
76   ****     Average.
77   ******
78   *****
79   *****
80   **
81
82   **
83   *
84   *


(d) Tamil.    Pattar.

69   **
70   *
71   ***
72   **
73   ***
74           Average.
75   ****
76   *****
77
78   *
79   **
80   *
81   *


Taking the evidence of the figures, they demonstrate that, like the
other classes which have been analysed, the Brahmans have a higher
cephalic index, with a wider range, in the northern than in the
southern area.

There is a tradition that the Shivalli Brahmans of the Tulu country
came from Ahikshetra. As only males migrated from their home, they
were compelled to take women from non-Brahman castes as wives. The
ranks are said to have been swelled by conversions from these castes
during the time of Sri Madhvacharya. The Shivalli Brahmans are said
to be referred to by the Bants as Mathumaglu or Mathmalu (bride)
in allusion to the fact of their wives being taken from the Bant
caste. Besides the Shivallis, there are other Tulu Brahmans, who
are said to be recent converts. The Matti Brahmans were formerly
considered low by the Shivallis, and were not allowed to sit in the
same line with the Shivallis at meal time. They were only permitted
to sit in a cross line, separated from the Shivallis, though in the
same room. This was because the Matti Brahmans were supposed to be
Mogers (fishing caste) raised to Brahmanism by one Vathiraja Swami,
a Sanyasi. Having become Brahmans, they could not carry on their
hereditary occupation, and, to enable them to earn a livelihood,
the Sanyasi gave them some brinjal (Solanum Melongena) seeds, and
advised them to cultivate the plant. From this fact, the variety of
brinjal, which is cultivated at Matti, is called Vathiraja gulla. At
the present day, the Matti Brahmans are on a par with the Shivalli
Brahmans, and have become disciples of the Sodhe mutt (religious
institution) at Udipi. In some of the popular accounts of Brahmans,
which have been reduced to writing, it is stated that, during the time
of Mayura Varma of the Kadamba dynasty, [32] some Andhra Brahmans were
brought into South Canara. As a sufficient number of Brahmans were
not available for the purpose of yagams (sacrifices), these Andhra
Brahmans selected a number of families from the non-Brahman caste,
made them Brahmans, and chose exogamous sept names for them. Of these
names, Manoli (Cephalandra Indica), Perala (Psidium Guyava), Kudire
(horse), and Ane (elephant) are examples.

A character, with which I am very familiar, when measuring the heads
of all sorts and conditions of natives of Southern India, is the
absence of convexity of the segment formed by the posterior portion
of the united parietal bones. The result of this absence of convexity
is that the back of the head, instead of forming a curve gradually
increasing from the top of the head towards the occipital region,
as in the European skull figured in plate IIIa, forms a flattened
area of considerable length almost at right angles to the base of
the skull as in the "Hindu" skull represented in plate IIIb. This
character is shown in a marked degree in plate IV, which represents
a prosperous Linga Banajiga in the Canarese country.

In discussing racial admixture, Quatrefages writes as follows. [33]
"Parfois on trouve encore quelques tribus qui ont conservé plus on
moins intacts tous les caractères de leur race. Les Coorumbas du Malwar
[Malabar] et du Coorg paraissent former un noyau plus considérable
encore, et avoir conservé dans les jungles de Wynaad une indépendence
à peu près complète, et tous leurs caractères ethnologiques." The
purity of blood and ethnological characters of various jungle tribes
are unhappily becoming lost as the result of contact metamorphosis from
the opening up of the jungles for planter's estates, and contact with
more civilised tribes and races, both brown and white. In illustration,
I may cite the Kanikars of Travancore, who till recently were in the
habit of sending all their women into the seclusion of the jungle on
the arrival of a stranger near their settlements. This is now seldom
done, and some Kanikars have in modern times settled in the vicinity
of towns, and become domesticated. The primitive short, dark-skinned
and platyrhine type, though surviving, has become changed, and many
leptorhine or mesorhine individuals above middle height are to be met
with. The following are the results of measurements of Kanikars in
the jungle, and at a village some miles from Trivandrum, the capital
of Travancore:--


    ===========================================================
                  |      Stature cm.      |    Nasal Index.
    ==============+=======================+====================
                  |  Av.  | Max.  | Min.  | Av.  | Max. | Min.
    Jungle        | 155.2 | 170.3 | 150.2 | 84.6 | 105  | 72.3
    Domesticated  | 158.7 | 170.4 | 148   | 81.2 | 90.5 | 70.8
    ===========================================================


Some jungle Chenchus, who inhabit the Nallamalai hills in the
Kurnool district, still exhibit the primitive short stature and high
nasal index, which are characteristic of the unadulterated jungle
tribes. But there is a very conspicuous want of uniformity in their
physical characters, and many individuals are to be met with, above
middle height, or tall, with long narrow noses. A case is recorded,
in which a brick-maker married a Chenchu girl. And I was told of a
Boya man who had married into the tribe, and was living in a gudem
(Chenchu settlement).


    =========================================================
                  |      Stature cm.    |    Nasal Index.
    ==============+=====================+====================
                  |  Av.  | Max.| Min.  | Av.  | Max. |Min.
                  | 162.5 | 175 | 149.6 | 81.9 | 95.7 | 68.1
    =========================================================


By the dolichocephalic type of cranium which has persisted, and which
the Chenchus possess in common with various other jungle tribes, they
are still, as shown by the following table, at once differentiated
from the mesaticephalic dwellers in the plains near the foot of the
Nallamalais:--


        ================================================
                                |         | Number of
                                | Cephalic| times the
                                | Index.  | index was
                                |         | 80 or over.
        ========================+=========+=============
        40 Chenchus             |  74.3   |     1
        60 Gollas               |  77.5   |     9
        50 Boyas                |  77.9   |    14
        39 Tota Balijas         |  78.0   |    10
        49 Kapus                |  78.8   |    16
        19 Upparas              |  78.8   |     4
        16 Mangalas             |  78.8   |     7
        17 Verukalas            |  78.6   |     6
        12 Medaras              |  80.7   |     8
        ================================================


In a note on the jungle tribes, M. Louis Lapicque, [34] who carried
out anthropometric observations in Southern India a few years ago,
writes as follows. "Dans les montagnes des Nilghirris et d'Anémalé,
situées au coeur de la contrée dravidienne, on a signalé depuis
longtemps des petits sauvages crépus, qu'on a même pensé pouvoir, sur
des documents insuffisants, identifier avec les negritos. En réalité,
it n'existe pas dans ces montagnes, ni probablement nulle part dans
l'Inde, un témoin de la race primitive comparable, comme pureté,
aux Andamanais ni même aux autres Negritos. Ce que l'on trouve là,
c'est simplement, mais c'est fort précieux, une population métisse
qui continue au delà du Paria la série générale de l'Inde. Au bord
de la forêt vierge ou dans les collines partiellement défrichées,
il y a des castes demi-Parias, demi-sauvages. La hiérachie sociale
les classe au-dessous du Paria: on peut même trouver des groupes ou le
facies nègre, nettement dessiné, est tout à fait prédominant. Ehbien,
dans ces groupes, les chevelures sont en général frisées, et on en
observe quelques-unes qu'on peut même appeler crépues. On a donc le
moyen de prolonger par l'imagination la série des castes indiennes
jusq'au type primitif qui était (nous n'avons plus qu'un pas à faire
pour le reconstruire), un Nègre.... Nous sommes arrives à reconstituer
les traits nègres d'un type disparu en prolongeant une série graduée
de métis. Par la même méthode nous pouvons déterminer théoriquement
la forme du crâne de ce type. Avec une assez grande certitude, je
crois pouvoir affirmer, après de nombreuses mesures systématiques,
que le nègre primitif de l'Inde était sousdolichocéphale avec un
indice voisin de 75 ou 76. Sa taille, plus difficile à préciser, car
les conditions de vie modifient ce caractère, devait être petite, plus
haute pourtant que celle des Andamanais. Quant au nom qu'il convient
de lui attribuer, la discussion des faits sociaux et linguistiques
sur lesquels est fondée la notion de dravidien permet d'établir que
ce nègre était antérieur aux dravidiens; il faut done l'appeller
Prédravidien, ou, si nous voulons lui donner un nom qui ne soit pas
relatif à une autre population, on peut l'appeler Nègre Paria."

In support of M. Lapicque's statement that the primitive inhabitant
was dolichocephalic or sub-dolichocephalic, I may produce the evidence
of the cephalic indices of the various jungle tribes which I have
examined in the Tamil, Malayalam, and Telugu countries:--


        ===================================================
                          |       Cephalic Index.
                          |==========+==========+==========
                          | Average. | Maximum. | Minimum.
        ==================+==========+==========+==========
        Kadir             |   72.9   |   80.0   |   69.1
        Irula, Chingleput |   73.1   |   78.6   |   68.4
        Kanikar           |   73.4   |   78.9   |   69.1
        Mala Vedan        |   73.4   |   80.9   |   68.8
        Panaiyan          |   74.0   |   81.1   |   69.4
        Chenchu           |   74.3   |   80.5   |   64.3
        Sholaga           |   74.9   |   79.3   |   67.8
        Paliyan           |   75.7   |   79.1   |   72.9
        Irula, Nilgiris   |   75.8   |   80.9   |   70.8
        Kurumba           |   76.5   |   83.3   |   71.8
        ===================================================


It is worthy of note that Haeckel defines the nose of the Dravidian
as a prominent and narrow organ. For Risley has laid down [35] that,
in the Dravidian type, the nose is thick and broad, and the formula
expressing the proportionate dimension (nasal index) is higher
than in any known race, except the Negro; and that the typical
Dravidian, as represented by the Male Paharia, has a nose as broad
in proportion to its length as the Negro, while this feature in the
Aryan group can fairly bear comparison with the noses of sixty-eight
Parisians, measured by Topinard, which gave an average of 69.4. In
this connection, I may record the statistics relating to the nasal
indices of various South Indian jungle tribes:--


        ====================================================
                           |          Nasal Index.
                           |================================
                           | Average. | Maximum. | Minimum.
        ===================+==========+==========+==========
        Paniyan            |  95.1    |  108.6   |   72.9
        Kadir              |  89.8    |  115.4   |   72.9
        Kurumba            |  86.1    |  111.1   |   70.8
        Sholaga            |  85.1    |  107.7   |   72.8
        Mala Vedan         |  84.9    |  102.6   |   71.1
        Irula, Nilgiris    |  84.9    |  100.    |   72.3
        Kanikar            |  84.6    |  105.    |   72.3
        Chenchu            |  81.9    |   95.7   |   68.1
        ====================================================


In the following table, I have brought together, for the purpose of
comparison, the average stature and nasal index of various Dravidian
classes inhabiting the plains of the Telugu, Tamil, Canarese, and
Malayalam countries, and jungle tribes:--


        ======================================================
                           |                | Nasal |
                           |Linguistic area.| Index.| Stature.
        ===================+================+=======+=========
        Paniyan            | Jungle tribe   |  95.1 |   157.4
        Kadir              |      Do.       |  89.8 |   157.7
        Kurumba            |      Do.       |  86.1 |   157.9
        Sholaga            |      Do.       |  85.1 |   159.3
        Irula, Nilgiris    |      Do.       |  84.9 |   159.8
        Mala Vedan         |      Do.       |  84.9 |   154.2
        Kanikar            |      Do.       |  84.6 |   155.2
        Chenchu            |      Do.       |  81.9 |   162.5
        Pallan             | Tamil          |  81.5 |   164.3
        Mukkuvan           | Malayalam      |  81.  |   163.1
        Paraiyan           | Tamil          |  80.  |   163.1
        Palli              |      Do.       |  77.9 |   162.5
        Ganiga             | Canarese       |  76.1 |   165.8
        Bestha             | Telugu         |  75.9 |   165.7
        Tiyan              | Malayalam      |  75.  |   163.7
        Kuruba             | Canarese       |  74.9 |   162.7
        Boya               | Telugu         |  74.4 |   163.9
        Tota Balija        |    Do.         |  74.4 |   163.9
        Agasa              | Canarese       |  74.3 |   162.4
        Agamudaiyan        | Tamil          |  74.2 |   165.8
        Golla              | Telugu         |  74.1 |   163.8
        Vellala            | Tamil          |  73.1 |   162.4
        Vakkaliga          | Canarese       |  73.  |   167.2
        Dasa Banajiga      |   Do.          |  72.8 |   165.3
        Kapu               | Telugu         |  72.8 |   164.5
        Nayar              | Malayalam      |  71.1 |   165.2
        ======================================================


This table demonstrates very clearly an unbroken series ranging from
the jungle men, short of stature and platyrhine, to the leptorhine
Nayars and other classes.

In plate V are figured a series of triangles representing (natural
size) the maxima, minima, and average nasal indices of Brahmans of
Madras city (belonging to the poorer classes), Tamil Paraiyans, and
Paniyans. There is obviously far less connection between the Brahman
minimum and the Paraiyan maximum than between the Brahman and Paraiyan
maxima and the Paniyan average; and the frequent occurrence of high
nasal indices, resulting from short, broad noses, in many classes has
to be accounted for. Sir Alfred Lyall somewhere refers to the gradual
Brahmanising of the aboriginal non-Arayan, or casteless tribes. "They
pass," he writes, "into Brahmanists by a natural upward transition,
which leads them to adopt the religion of the castes immediately
above them in the social scale of the composite population, among
which they settle down; and we may reasonably guess that this process
has been working for centuries." In the Madras Census Report, 1891,
Mr. H. A. Stuart states that "it has often been asserted, and is
now the general belief, that the Brahmans of the South are not pure
Aryans, but are a mixed Aryan and Dravidian race. In the earliest
times, the caste division was much less rigid than now, and a person
of another caste could become a Brahman by attaining the Brahmanical
standard of knowledge, and assuming Brahmanical functions; and, when
we see the Nambudiri Brahmans, even at the present day, contracting
alliances, informal though they be, with the women of the country,
it is not difficult to believe that, on their first arrival, such
unions were even more common, and that the children born of them would
be recognised as Brahmans, though perhaps regarded as an inferior
class. However, those Brahmans, in whose veins mixed blood is supposed
to run, are even to this day regarded as lower in the social scale,
and are not allowed to mix freely with the pure Brahman community."

Popular traditions allude to wholesale conversions of non-Brahmans
into Brahmans. According to such traditions, Rajas used to feed
very large numbers of Brahmans (a lakh of Brahmans) in expiation of
some sin, or to gain religious merit. To make up this large number,
non-Brahmans are said to have been made Brahmans at the bidding
of the Rajas. Here and there are found a few sections of Brahmans,
whom the more orthodox Brahmans do not recognise as such, though the
ordinary members of the community regard them as an inferior class
of Brahmans. As an instance may be cited the Marakas of the Mysore
Province. Though it is difficult to disprove the claim put forward
by these people, some demur to their being regarded as Brahmans.

Between a Brahman of high culture, with fair complexion, and long,
narrow nose on the one hand, and a less highly civilised Brahman
with dark skin and short broad nose on the other, there is a vast
difference, which can only be reasonably explained on the assumption
of racial admixture; and it is no insult to the higher members of
the Brahman community to trace, in their more lowly brethren, the
result of crossing with a dark-skinned, and broad-nosed race of short
stature. Whether the jungle tribe are, as I believe, the microscopic
remnant of a pre-Dravidian people, or, as some hold, of Dravidians
driven by a conquering race to the seclusion of the jungles, it is
to the lasting influence of some such broad-nosed ancestor that the
high nasal index of many of the inhabitants of Southern India must,
it seems to me, be attributed. Viewed in the light of this remark,
the connection between the following mixed collection of individuals,
all of very dark colour, short of stature, and with nasal index
exceeding 90, calls for no explanation:--


        ========================================================
                          | Stature. | Nasal  | Nasal  | Nasal
                          |          |height. |breadth.| Index.
        ==================+==========+========+========+========
                          |   cm.    |  cm.   |  cm.   |
        Vakkaliga         |   156    |   4.3  |   3.9  |  90.7
        Moger             |   160    |   4.3  |   3.9  |  90.7
        Saiyad Muhammadan |   160    |   4.4  |   4    |  90.9
        Kammalan          |   154.4  |   4.4  |   4    |  90.9
        Chakkiliyan       |   156.8  |   4.4  |   4    |  90.9
        Vellala           |   154.8  |   4.7  |   4.3  |  91.6
        Malaiyali         |   158.8  |   4    |   3.7  |  92.5
        Konga Vellala     |   157    |   4.1  |   3.8  |  92.7
        Pattar Brahman    |   157.6  |   4.2  |   3.9  |  92.9
        Odde              |   159.6  |   4.3  |   4    |  93
        Smarta Brahman    |   159    |   4.1  |   3.9  |  95.1
        Palli             |   157.8  |   4.1  |   3.9  |  95.1
        Pallan            |   155.8  |   4.2  |   4.2  | 100
        Bestha            |   156.8  |   4.3  |   4.3  | 100
        Mukkuvan          |   150.8  |   4    |   4    | 100
        Agasa             |   156.4  |   4.3  |   4.3  | 100
        Tamil Paraiyan    |   160    |   4    |   4.2  | 105
        ========================================================


I pass on to a brief consideration of the languages of Southern
India. According to Mr. G. A. Grierson [36] "the Dravidian family
comprises all the principal languages of Southern India. The name
Dravidian is a conventional one. It is derived from the Sanskrit
Dravida, a word which is again probably derived from an older
Dramila, Damila, and is identical with the name of Tamil. The name
Dravidian is, accordingly, identical with Tamulian, which name has
formerly been used by European writers as a common designation of the
languages in question. The word Dravida forms part of the denomination
Andhra-Dravida-bhasha, the language of the Andhras (i.e., Telugu),
and Dravidas (i.e., Tamilians), which Kumarila Bhatta (probably
7th Century A.D.) employed to denote the Dravidian family. In India
Dravida has been used in more than one sense. Thus the so-called five
Dravidas are Telugu, Kanarese, Marathi, Gujarati, and Tamil. In Europe,
on the other hand, Dravidian has long been the common denomination of
the whole family of languages to which Bishop Caldwell applied it in
his Comparative Grammar, and there is no reason for abandoning the
name which the founder of Dravidian philology applied to this group
of speeches."

The five principal languages are Tamil, Telugu, Malayalam, Canarese,
and Oriya. Of these, Oriya belongs to the eastern group of the
Indo-Aryan family, and is spoken in Ganjam, and a portion of the
Vizagapatam district. The population speaking each of these languages,
as recorded at the census, 1901, was as follows:--


                    Tamil       15,543,383
                    Telugu      14,315,304
                    Malayalam    2,854,145
                    Oriya        1,809,336
                    Canarese     1,530,688


In the preparation of the following brief summary of the other
vernacular languages and dialects, I have indented mainly on the
Linguistic Survey of India, and the Madras Census Report, 1901.

Savara.--The language of the Savaras of Ganjam and Vizagapatam. One
of the Munda languages. Concerning the Munda, linguistic family,
Mr. Grierson writes as follows. "The denomination Munda (adopted
by Max Müller) was not long allowed to stand unchallenged. Sir
George Campbell in 1866 proposed to call the family Kolarian. He
was of opinion that Kol had an older form Kolar, which he thought
to be identical with Kanarese Kallar, thieves. There is absolutely
no foundation for this supposition. Moreover, the name Kolarian is
objectionable, as seeming to suggest a connexion with Aryan which does
not exist. The principal home of the Munda languages at the present
day is the Chota Nagpur plateau. The Munda race is much more widely
spread than the Munda languages. It has already been remarked that
it is identical with the Dravidian race, which forms the bulk of the
population of Southern India."

Gadaba.--Spoken by the Gadabas of Vizagapatam and Ganjam. One of the
Munda languages.

Kond, Kandhi, or Kui.--The language of the Kondhs of Ganjam and
Vizagapatam.

Gondi.--The language of the Gonds, a tribe which belongs to the
Central Provinces, but has overflowed into Ganjam and Vizagapatam.

Gattu.--A dialect of Gondi, spoken by some of the Gonds in Vizagapatam.

Koya or Koi.--A dialect of Gondi, spoken by the Koyis in the
Vizagapatam and Godavari districts.

Poroja, Parja, or Parji.--A dialect of Gondi.

Tulu.--The language largely spoken in South Canara (the ancient
Tuluva). It is described by Bishop Caldwell as one of the most highly
developed languages of the Dravidian family.

Koraga.--Spoken by the Koragas of South Canara. It is thought by
Mr. H. A. Stuart [37] to be a dialect of Tulu.

Bellera.--Spoken by the Belleras of South Canara, and regarded as a
dialect of Canarese or Tulu.

Toda.--The language of the Todas of the Nilgiri hills, concerning
which Dr. W. H. R. Rivers writes as follows. [38] "Bernhard Schmid,
[39] who wrote in 1837, appears to have known more of the true Toda
language than any one who has written since, and he ascribes two-thirds
of the Toda vocabulary to Tamil, and was unable to trace the remaining
third to any other language. Caldwell [40] believed the language
of the Todas to be most closely allied to Tamil. According to Pope,
[41] the language was originally old Canarese with the addition of
a few Tamil forms, but he has included in his vocabulary words which
have probably been borrowed from the Badagas."

Kota.--A mixture of Canarese and Tamil spoken by the Kotas of the
Nilgiri hills.

Badaga.--The language of the Badagas of the Nilgiri hills. Said to
be an ancient form of Canarese.

Irula.--Spoken by the Irulas of the Nilgiris, and said to be a dialect
of Tamil. According to Mr. Stuart, Kasuba or Kasuva is another dialect
of Tamil spoken by the sub-division of the Irulas which bears the
same name.

Kurumba.--Spoken by the Kurumbas of the Nilgiri hills, Malabar,
and Mysore, and regarded as a dialect of Canarese.

Konkani.--A dialect of Marathi, spoken almost entirely in the South
Canara district by Sarasvat and Konkani Brahmans and Roman Catholic
Christians.

Marathi.--In the Tanjore district, the descendants of the former
Maratha Rajas of Tanjore speak this language. It is also spoken in
the Bellary district, which was formerly under Maratha dominion,
by various Maratha castes, and in the feudatory State of Sandur.

Patnuli or Khatri.--A dialect of Gujarati, spoken by the Patnulkarans
who have settled for the most part in the town of Madura. They are
immigrants from Saurashtra in Gujarat, who are said to have come
south at the invitation of the Nayak kings of Madura.

Lambadi.--The language of the nomad Lambadis, Brinjaris, or Sugalis. It
is described by Mr. W. Francis [42] as a patois "usually based on one
of the local vernaculars, and embroidered and diversified with thieves'
slang and expressions borrowed from the various localities in which
the tribe has sojourned. Cust thought that Lambadi was Semi-Dravidian,
but the point is not clear, and it has been classed as Indo-Aryan."

Korava or Yerukala.--A dialect of Tamil spoken by the nomad caste
bearing these names. Like the Lambadis, they have a thieves' slang.

Vadari.--Recorded as a vulgar Telugu dialect spoken by a wandering
tribe of quarrymen in the Bombay Presidency, the Berars, and
elsewhere. They are doubtless Oddes or Wudder navvies, who have
migrated from their home in the Telugu country.





TABLE A.

==========================================================================
    |   |             |  Length cm.  |  Breadth cm. |    Index.    |Index
    |No.| Caste or    |==============+==============+==============|80 and
    |   |  Tribe.     | Av.|Max.|Min.| Av.|Max.|Min.| Av.|Max.|Min.|over.
====+===+=============+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+======
    | 40|Badaga,      |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |
    |   |  Nilgiris   |18.9|20.2|18. |13.6|14.5|12.8|71.7|77.5|66.1|  0
M.  | 18|Kanikar      |18.8|19.5|18.2|13.6|14.2|13. |72.5|76.1|68.1|  0
M.  | 40|Mappilla,    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |
    |   |  Muhammadan |18.9|20. |18. |13.7|14.6|13. |72.8|78.5|68. |  0
J.  | 23|Kadir        |18.4|19.4|17.2|13.4|13.8|12.5|72.9|80. |69. |  1
M.  | 40|Tiyan        |18.9|20.3|17.8|13.7|14.9|12.6|73. |80.3|68.5|  1
Tam.|40 |Palli        |18.6|19.6|17.4|13.6|14.6|12.1|73. |80. |64.4|  1
Tam.|40 |Irula        |18.5|19.6|17. |13.5|14.4|12.8|73.1|78.6|68.4|  0
    |82 |Toda,        |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |
    |   |  Nilgiris   |19.4|20.4|18.2|14.2|15.2|13.3|73.3|81.3|68.7|  1
J.  |20 |Kaanikar     |18.5|19.4|17.8|13.6|14.2|13. |73.4|78.9|69.1|  0
Tam.|29 |Ambattan     |18.6|19.2|18. |13.7|14.6|12.5|73.4|76.9|67.2|  0
J.  |25 |Mala Vedan   |18.5|19.6|17.4|13.6|14.6|13. |73.4|80.9|68.8|  1
Tam.|40 |Paraiyan     |18.6|19.7|17. |13.7|14.5|13. |73.6|78.3|64.8|  0
M.  |25 |Cheruman     |18.3|19.3|17.1|13.5|14.2|12.3|73.9|80.1|67.7|  1
M.  |25 |Paniyan      |18.4|19.3|17.5|13.6|14.9|13. |74. |81.1|69.4|  1
Tam.|40 |Agamudaiyan  |18.8|20. |17.8|13.9|14.6|12.8|74. |80.9|66.7|  1
    |25 |Kota,        |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |
    |   |  Nilgiris   |19.2|20.2|18.3|14.2|15.1|13.4|74.1|79.1|69.9|  0
Tam.|40 |Vellala      |18.6|19.6|17.7|13.8|14.6|13.1|74.1|81.1|67.9|  2
Tam.|20 |Smarta       |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |
    |   |  Brahman    |18. |19.2|17.8|14. |14.8|13. |74.2|80.4|67.8|  1
Tam.|50 |Malaiyali    |18.3|19.3|17. |13.6|14.4|12.8|74.3|82.8|61. |  2
J.  |40 |Chenchu      |18.2|19.6|17.2|13.5|14.4|12.4|74.3|80.5|64.3|  1
M.  |40 |Nayar        |18.7|19.8|17.4|13.9|15. |13.2|74.4|81.9|70.4|  1
Tam.|25 |Pattar       |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |
    |   |  Brahman    |18.8|20.3|17.2|14. |15.1|13.1|74.5|81.4|69.1|  2
Tam.|23 |Malasar      |18.2|19.2|17.3|13.5|14.4|12.4|74.5|80. |70. |  1
J.  |57 |Urali        |18.2|19.3|17.2|13.5|14.4|12.8|74.6|81.9|69.8|  1
Tam.|50 |Chakkiliyan  |18.6|19.8|17.6|13.9|15.2|13. |74.9|80.9|70.4|  1
J.  |20 |Sholaga      |18.2|19.4|17.2|13.6|14.6|12.2|74.9|79.3|67.8|  0
Tel.|30 |Madiga,      |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |
    |   |  Adoni      |18.6|20.2|17. |13.9|14.6|13. |75. |82.2|71.3|  2
Tam.|40 |Kammalan     |18.4|19.7|17.3|13.7|14.7|13.1|75. |81.5|68.4|  5
M.  |40 |Mukkuvan     |19. |20.4|17.6|14.2|15.2|13.4|75.1|83.5|68.6|  2
Tam.|40 |Sheik        |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |
    |   |  Muhammadan |18.3|20. |16.7|13.8|14.5|12.8|75.6|81.6|71.5|  2
C.  |50 |Dayare       |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |
    |   |  Muhammadan |18.5|19.7|17. |14. |15. |13. |75.6|83.3|68.5|  8
Tam.|40 |Saiyad       |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |
    |   |  Muhammadan |18.5|19.6|17.2|14. |15. |13.1|75.6|84.9|68.2|  2
J.  |26 |Paliyan      |17.8|18.6|17.1|13.5|14. |13. |75.7|79.1|72.8|  0
J.  |25 |Irula        |18. |19.1|17. |13.7|14.3|13.1|75.8|80.9|70.8|  1
Tam.|50 |Pallan       |18.3|19.6|17.2|13.9|14.9|12.6|75.9|87. |70.1|  6
Tam.|42 |Idaiyan      |18.3|19. |16.8|14. |14.6|13.2|76. |81.9|71.3|  5
Tam.|40 |Pathan       |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |
    |   |  Muhammadan |18.5|19.6|17.2|14.2|15.2|13.3|76.2|83.1|71.1|  2
M.  |24 |Pulayan      |18.3|19.3|17. |13.9|15. |13. |76.3|83. |72.3|  5
J.  |22 |Kurumba      |17.9|18.7|16.9|13.7|14.5|13. |76.4|83.3|71.8|  2
Tel.|40 |Madiga,      |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |
    |   |  Hospet     |18.3|20. |17.2|14. |15.4|13. |76.5|83.3|68. |  8
C.  |50 |Sedan        |18.4|19.4|17. |14.1|14.8|13.2|76.6|82.6|72.6|  7
C.  |40 |Toreya       |18.3|19.2|17.2|14.1|15.2|13. |76.6|86.4|70.2|  5
Mar.|24 |Desastha     |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |
    |   |  Brahman    |18.7|20.2|18. |14.4|15.2|13.2|77. |83.4|71. |  4
Tel.|30 |Mala         |18.4|19.8|16.8|14.2|14.8|13.4|77.1|85.9|70.3|  6
Tel.|60 |Bestha       |18.4|19.4|16.6|14.2|15.6|13.2|77.1|85.1|70.5| 11
C.  |50 |Kuruba,      |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |
    |   |  Mysore     |18.1|19.4|17.2|14. |15. |12.8|77.3|83.9|70.3|  9
Tel.|40 |Odde         |18.2|20.4|17.2|14.1|15.2|13.4|77.3|83.1|70.1| 10
Tel.|60 |Golla        |18.2|19.6|16.4|14.1|15.1|13.2|77.5|89.3|70.1| 12
C.  |40 |Dasa         |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |
    |   |  Banajiga   |18.6|19.8|17.3|14.4|15.6|13.4|77.8|85.5|72. | 11
Tel.|25 |Komati,      |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |
    |   |  Adoni      |18.2|19.4|17. |14.3|15.2|13.3|77.9|88.2|72.2|  8
C.  |40 |Okkiliyan,   |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |
    |   |  Coimbatore |18.2|19.4|17. |14.2|15.2|13.2|77.9|88.2|71.7|  9
C.  |50 |Boya         |18. |19.2|16.8|14. |15.2|13. |77.9|89.2|70.5| 14
Tu. |40 |Bant         |18.5|20. |17. |14.4|16.6|13.1|78. |91.2|70.8| 12
Tel.|49 |Kapu         |18.2|19.8|16.8|14.2|15.6|13.2|78. |87.6|71.6| 16
Tel.|39 |Tota         |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |
Tel.|39 |  Balija     |18.1|19. |17. |14.1|15. |13. |78. |86. |73.3| 10
C.  |60 |Madhva       |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |
    |   |  Brahman    |18.4|19.8|16.6|14.3|15.2|13.2|78. |88.5|68. | 18
C.  |40 |Bedar,       |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |
    |   |  Hospet     |18.4|20. |16.8|14.3|15.2|13.2|78.1|85.3|70.8| 13
Tel.|38 |Uppara       |18. |19. |16.2|14. |15.2|13.2|78.1|87.8|71.7|  9
C.  |25 |Linga        |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |
    |   |  Banajiga,  |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |
    |   |  Sandur     |18.2|19.4|16.6|14.2|15. |13.4|78.3|87.9|73.7|  7
C.  |60 |Karnataka    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |
    |   |  Smarta     |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |
    |   |  Brahman    |18.5|20.7|17. |14.4|15.8|13.4|78.4|89.5|69.8| 19
Tel.|30 |Padma        |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |
    |   |  Sale       |17.8|19.|16.5|14.1|15.1|13.2|78.7 |86.2|72.8| 10
C.  |50 |Kuruba,      |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |
    |   | Hospet      |18.1|19.6|17. |14.2|15.4|13.4|78.9|88.4|72.9| 19
Tel.|50 |Telugu       |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |
    |   |  Banajiga   |18.4|19.2|16.6|14.5|15.4|13.2|79. |89.5|71.9| 18
C.  |50 |Panchala     |18.3|19.4|17.2|14.4|15.6|13. |79. |89.5|71.3| 23
C.  |50 |Holeya       |17.9|19.6|16.6|14.1|15.2|13.2|79.1|87.4|70. | 20
C.  |25 |Bedar,       |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |
    |   |  Adoni      |18.1|19.2|17. |14.4|15. |13.6|79.4|85.9|74.1| 12
Mar.|30 |Rangari      |18.1|19.8|16.8|14.5|15.4|13.8|79.8|92.2|70.7| 14
Tel.|25 |Togata       |17.7|19. |16.2|14.2|14.8|13.6|80. |88.1|73.7| 13
Tu. |50 |Billava      |18.2|20.6|16.4|14.6|15.6|13.2|80.1|91.5|71. | 28
C.  |30 |Linga        |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |
    |   |  Banajiga,  |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |
    |   |  Adoni      |18.1|19.4|16.7|14.4|15.2|13.6|80.1|87.4|74.1| 14
C.  |50 |Hebbar       |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |
    |   |  Brahman    |18.4|19.6|17.2|14.7|16.4|13.4|80.1|92.1|72.8| 21
C.  |50 |Mandya       |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |
    |   |  Brahman    |18.5|20.2|16.6|14.8|15.8|13.4|80.2|88.2|69.8| 31
Tu. |30 |Shivalli     |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |
    |   |  Brahman    |18.5|19.6|16.8|14.9|16.2|13.6|80.4|96.4|72.3| 17
C.  |20 |Ganiga       |18. |19.1|16.6|14.4|15.2|14. |80.5|86.7|74.5| 11
C.  |20 |Devanga      |18. |19.6|17. |14.5|15.5|13.6|80.8|87.1|74.7| 10
Tel.|25 |Komati       |17.6|18.8|16.4|14.3|14.8|13.4|81. |87.1|74.5| 16
C.  |50 |Vakkaliga,   |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |
    |   |  Mysore     |17.7|19.5|15.8|14.5|15.7|13.2|81.7|93.8|72.5| 27
Mar.|30 |Suka         |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |
    |   |  Sale       |17.7|18.8|16.6|14.5|15. |13.4|81.8|88.2|76.1| 22
Mar.|30 |Sukun        |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |    |
    |   |  Sale       |17.6|19. |16. |14.4|15.4|13.6|82.2|90. |73.9| 21
==========================================================================




TABLE B.

====+===+============================+=================+=================
    |   |                            |   Stature cm.   |  Nasal Index.
 == |No.|    Caste or Tribe.         +=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====
    |   |                            | Av. | Max.|Min. | Av. | Max.|Min.
====+===+============================+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====
M.  |40 |Nayar                       |165.2|179. |152.2| 71.1| 78.7|54.4
C.  |50 |Hebbar Brahman              |163.2|174.4|150.8| 71.2| 87.2|55.4
C.  |60 |Karnataka Smarta Brahman    |164.2|176. |150.6| 71.5| 91.5|61.1
C.  |50 |Dayare Muhammadan           |166.4|181.8|150. | 71.5| 82.6|59.3
Mar.|60 |Madhva Brahman              |163.3|176.2|151.8| 72. | 93.2|58.8
Tu. |40 |Bant                        |165.7|179.2|155.8| 72.2| 86.1|61.6
Tam.|40 |Sheik Muhammadan            |164.6|174.8|153.8| 72.4| 87. |60.
Tam.|29 |Ambattan                    |165.7|173.2|153.2| 72.4| 84.3|57.9
Tu. |50 |Billava                     |163.2|175.8|149.4| 72.6| 92.8|60.
C.  |50 |Sedan                       |163.3|177.2|153.2| 72.7| 92.9|59.3
C.  |40 |Dasa Banajiga               |165.3|177.8|152. | 72.8| 82.6|59.3
Tel.|49 |Kapu                        |164.5|177.6|152.6| 72.8| 90.5|62.7
C.  |50 |Mandya Brahman              |165.7|177.8|150.6| 73. | 97.8|58.4
C.  |50 |Vakkaliga, Mysore           |167.2|181. |155.2| 73. | 85. |62.3
Tam.|40 |Vellala                     |162.4|172.8|153.2| 73.1| 91.5|60.8
Tel.|30 |Padma Sale                  |159.9|171.4|153.8| 73.2| 83.7|61.5
C.  |40 |Okkiliyan                   |166. |179.6|154.6| 73.5| 90.7|63.5
C.  |50 |Kuruba, Mysore              |163.6|174.2|152. | 73.5| 88.4|64.
Mar.|30 |Rangari                     |161.3|168.4|154.4| 73.6| 84.1|63.5
Tam.|42 |Idaiyan                     |164.3|178. |154.6| 73.6| 91. |62.7
Tel.|25 |K mati, Sandur              |162.5|169.2|153.4| 74.1| 88.9|62.5
C.  |30 |Linga Banajiga              |163.4|171.2|154. | 74.1| 85.7|60.4
Tel.|60 |Golla                       |163.8|173.8|151. | 74.1| 83. |61.5
M.  |40 |Tiyan                       |164.2|171.6|155.2| 74.2| 85.7|61.5
Tam.|40 |Agamudaiyan                 |165.8|175.6|153.6| 74.2| 88.9|73.8
Tel.|39 |Tota Balija                 |163.9|176.8|149.6| 74.4| 83. |65.4
C.  |25 |Linga Banajiga, Sandur      |165.6|173. |157.8| 74.6| 86.4|61.5
Mar.|30 |Sukun Sale                  |160.3|167.6|152.5| 74.8| 84.4|61.5
Mar.|30 |Suka Sale                   |161.1|170. |147.8| 74.8| 86.1|62.3
C.  |50 |Panchala                    |162.3|177.2|151.6| 74.8| 88.9|62.
C.  |50 |Kuruba, Hospet              |162.7|175.4|162.2| 74.9| 92.2|75.8
 .. |82 |Toda, Nilgiris              |169.8|186.8|157.6| 74.9| 89.1|61.2
C.  |50 |Boya                        |160.8|171.6|151.9| 75. | 86. |66.
Tel.|50 |Telugu Banajiga             |164.6|176.2|151.6| 75. | 97.7|66.
M.  |40 |Mappilla, Muhammadan        |164.8|174.4|145. | 75.1| 88.1|64.
C.  |50 |Holeya                      |162.8|175.2|151.5| 75.1| 88.9|64.6
... |40 |Badaga, Nilgiris            |164.1|180.2|154. | 75.6| 88.4|62.7
Mar.|24 |Desastha Brahman            |163.4|175. |151.4| 75.8| 87.2|66.7
Tel.|60 |Bestha                      |165.7|181. |155. | 75.9| 100.|63.3
C.  |30 |Toreya                      |164.2|180.6|156.4| 76.1| 87.2|62.7
Tel.|30 |Mala                        |163.9|175. |153.8| 76.2| 93.2|67.3
Tam.|40 |Pathan Muhammadan           |164.4|177.6|155.6| 76.2| 83.1|71.1
Tam.|25 |Pattar Brahman              |164.3|175. |153.4| 76.5| 95.3|64.7
 ...|25 |Kota, Nilgiris              |162.9|174.2|155. | 77.2| 92.9|64.
Tam.|40 |Palli                       |162.5|171.6|149.8| 77.3| 90.5|68.3
Tam.|40 |Kammalan                    |159.7|171.8|146.4| 77.3| 90.9|63.3
Tel.|40 |Odde                        |164.4|172.4|155. | 77.3| 93. |65.4
C.  |40 |Bedar, Hospet               |165.4|176.6|156. | 77.5| 93. |78.1
Tel.|40 |Madiga, Hospet              |162.9|173.4|152.2| 77.5|90.1 |66.7
Tel.|30 |Togata                      |160.5|168.9|151.4| 77.5|93.9 |68.8
Tam.|50 |Malaiyali                   |163.9|173.2|153.2| 77.8|100. |63.8
Tel.|25 |Komati, Adoni               |161. |168.3|153.2| 77.8|100. |65.3
Tam.|40 |Palli                       |162.5|169.4|151. | 77.9|95.1 |60.8
M.  |25 |Cheruman                    |157.5|166.4|145.8| 78.1|88.9 |69.6
Tam.|50 |Chakkiliyan                 |162.2|174.5|150.3| 78.9|97.6 |64.
M.  |24 |Pulayan                     |153. |162.6|143.4| 79.3|92.7 |68.
C.  |25 |Bedar, Adoni                |165.4|176.2|156.6| 79.4|91.  |65.2
Tam.|40 |Paraiyan                    |162.1|171.4|149.4| 80. |91.8 |66.
J.  |57 |Urali                       |159.5|171.6|147.8| 80.1|97.7 |66.7
Tam.|40 |Irula                       |159.9|166.8|150.2| 80.4|90.5 |79.
Tel.|30 |Madiga, Adoni               |163.1|173.2|154.2| 80.8|102.6|69.4
M.  |40 |Mukkuvan                    |163.1|177.8|150.8| 81. |104.8|62.5
M.  |18 |Kanikar                     |158.7|170.4|148. | 81.2|90.5 |70.8
Tam.|50 |Pallan                      |164.3|177.6|151.5| 81.5|100. |68.8
J.  |40 |Chenchu                     |162.5|175. |148. | 81.9|95.7 |68.1
J.  |26 |Pulayan                     |150.5|158.4|143.1| 82.9|100.2|70.8
J.  |20 |Kanikar                     |155.2|170.3|150.2| 84.6|105. |72.3
J.  |25 |Mala Vedan                  |154.2|163.8|140.8| 84.9|102.6|71.1
J.  |25 |Irula                       |159.8|168. |152. | 84.9|100. |72.3
J.  |20 |Sholaga                     |159.3|170.4|151.2| 85.1|107.7|72.8
J.  |22 |Kurumba                     |158. |167. |149.6| 86.1|111.1|70.8
J.  |23 |Malasar                     |161.2|170.5|152.8| 87.2|102.4|75.4
J.  |23 |Kadir                       |157.7|169.4|148.6| 89.8|115.4|72.9
J.  |25 |Paniyan                     |157.4|171.6|152. | 95.1|108.6|72.9
============================================================================







                  CASTES AND TRIBES OF SOUTHERN INDIA.


Abhisheka.--Abhisheka Pandarams are those who are made to pass through
some ceremonies in connection with Saiva Agama.

Acchu Tali.--A sub-division of Vaniyan. The name refers to the peculiar
tali (marriage badge) worn by married women.

Acchuvaru.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as
"Oriya-speaking carriers of grain, etc., on pack bullocks. Treated
as a sub-division of Gaudo." The Acchuvarus are not Oriya people,
but are attached to the Devanga weavers, and receive their name from
the fact that they do acchupani, i.e., thread the long comb-like
structures of the hand-loom. They correspond to the Jatipillais of
the Kaikolan weavers, who do acchuvelai.

Acchu Vellala.--A name assumed by some Pattanavans.

Achan.--Achan, meaning father or lord, was returned, at the Cochin
census, 1901, as a title of Nayars. According to Mr. Wigram [43]
it is used as a title of the following:--

1. Males in the Royal Family of Palghat.

2. The minister of the Calicut Raja, known as Mangat Achan.

3. The minister of the Cochin Raja, known as Paliyat Achan.

4. The minister of the second Raja of Calicut, known as Chenli Achan.

Acharapakam Chetti.--One of the sub-divisions of the Chettis, generally
grouped among the Beri Chettis (q.v.).

Achari.--See Asari.

Adapadava (man of the wallet).--A name, referring to the dressing-bag
which barbers carry, applied to Lingayat barbers in South Canara.

Adapapa.--Returned in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a sub-caste
of Balija. The name is applied to female attendants on the ladies of
the families of Zamindars, who, as they are not allowed to marry, lead
a life of prostitution. Their sons call themselves Balijas (see Khasa).

Adavi (forest or jungle).--The name of a sub-division of Yanadis,
and also of a section of Gollas in Mysore. [44]

Adaviyar.--Adaviyar or Ataviyar is the name of a class of
Tamil-speaking weavers found in the Tanjore and Tinnevelly districts.

Addaku (Bauhinia racemosa).--A sept of Jatapu. The leaves of this
tree are largely used as food platters, in Madras, and generally on
the east coast.

Addapu Singa.--Mendicants who beg only from Mangalas in the Telugu
country.

Adhigari.--Defined by Mr. Wigram [45] as the head of the amsam or
parish in Malabar, corresponding to the Manigar (village munsiff)
in east coast districts and Patel in South Canara. The title Adhigari
(one in power) is assumed by some Agamudaiyans, and Adhikari occurs
as an exogamous sept of the Badagas, and the title of village headman
among some Oriya castes. In South Canara, it is a sept of Stanika.

Adi (primitive or original).--The name of a division of Linga Balijas,
and of Velamas who have abandoned the practice of keeping their
females gosha (in seclusion). It is also applied by the Chenchus to
the original members of their tribe, from whom the man-lion Narasimha
obtained his bride Chenchita.

Adichchan.--A sub-division of Nayar.

Adikal (slaves or servants).--Included among the Ambalavasis. It
is recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, that "tradition
states that Sankaracharya, to test the fidelity of certain Brahmins
to the established ordinances of caste, went to a liquor-shop, and
drank some stimulants. Not recognising that the obligations, from
which adepts like Sankara were free, were none the less binding
on the proletariat, the Brahmins that accompanied the sage made
this an excuse for their drinking too. Sankara is said to have then
entered a foundry, and swallowed a cup of molten metal, and handed
another to the Brahmins, who had apparently made up their minds to
do all that may be done by the Acharya. But they begged to differ,
apologised to him as Atiyals or humble servants, and accepted social
degradation in expiation of their sinful presumption. They are now
the priests in temples dedicated to Bhadrakali, and other goddesses
who receive offerings of liquor. They practise sorcery, and aid in
the exorcising of spirits. They have the upanayana-samskara, and
wear the sacred thread. The simantam ceremony is not performed. They
are to repeat the Gayatri (hymn) ten times, and observe eleven days'
death pollution. Their own caste-men act as priests. The Atiyammamar
wear the same jewellery as the Nambutiri women, but they do not screen
themselves by a cadjan (palm leaf) umbrella when they go out in public,
nor are they accompanied by a Nayar maid."

Adimittam.--An occupational sub-division of Marans, who clean the
court-yards of temples in Travancore.

Adisaivar.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as "a
sub-caste of Vellala. They are singers of Devara hymns in Saiva
temples." The name indicates those who have been Saivites from the
beginning, as opposed to recent Saivites. Adisaivas are Saivites, who
have survived the absorbing influence of the Lingayat sect. Saivites
who profess the Lingayat doctrines are known as Virasaivas. Some
Pandarams, who belong to the Sozhia sub-division of the Vellalas,
regularly recite Tamil verses from Thevaram and Tiruvachagam in
Saivite temples. This being their profession, they are also called
Oduvar (readers or reciters).

Aditya Varada.--Kurubas, who worship their God on Sunday.

Adiyan.--Adiyan (adi, foot) has been defined [46] as meaning literally
"a slave, but usually applied to the vassals of Tamburans and other
powerful patrons. Each Adiyan had to acknowledge his vassalage
by paying annually a nuzur (gift of money) to his patron, and was
supposed also to be ready to render service whenever needed. This
yearly nuzur, which did not generally exceed one or two fanams, was
called adima-panam" (slave money), adima meaning feudal dependency
on a patron.

Adiyodi.--Adiyodi or Atiyoti, meaning slave or vassal, has been
returned at times of census as a sub-division of Samantan. It is,
Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [47] "the caste of the Kadattanad Rajah in
North Malabar. The tradition is that, when he was driven out of his
territories in and around Calicut by the Zamorin, he took shelter
under the Rajah of Chirakkal, who gave him the Kadattanad country to
hold as his vassal. Some Atiyotis advance no pretension to be above
Nayars in rank."

Adutton (a bystander).--A synonym for Kavutiyan, a caste of Malayalam
barbers. In like manner, the name Ambattan for Tamil barbers is said to
be derived from the Sanskrit amba (near), s'tha (to stand), indicating
that they stand near to shave their clients or treat their patients.

Agamudaiyan.--The Agamudaiyans, Mr. W. Francis writes, [48] are "a
cultivating caste found in all the Tamil districts. In Chingleput,
North Arcot, Salem, Coimbatore and Trichinopoly, they are much less
numerous than they were thirty years ago. The reason probably is that
they have risen in the social scale, and have returned themselves as
Vellalas. Within the same period, their strength has nearly doubled
in Tanjore, perhaps owing to the assumption of the name by other
castes like the Maravans and Kallans. In their manners and customs
they closely follow the Vellalas. Many of these in the Madura district
are the domestic servants of the Marava Zamindars." The Agamudaiyans
who have settled in the North Arcot district are described [49] by
Mr. H. A. Stuart as "a class of cultivators differing widely from
the Agamudaiyans of the Madura district. The former are closely
allied to the Vellalas, while the latter are usually regarded as a
more civilised section of the southern Maravans. It may be possible
that the Agamudaiyans of North Arcot are the descendants of the first
immigrants from the Madura district, who, after long settlement in
the north, severed all connexions with their southern brethren." In
some districts, Agamudaiyan occurs as a synonym of Vellalas, Pallis
and Melakkarans, who consider that Agamudaiyan is a better caste name
than their own.

The Agamudaiyans proper are found in the Tanjore, Madura, and
Tinnevelly districts.

It is noted in the Tanjore Manual that Ahamudaiyar (the equivalent of
Agamudaiyan) is "derived from the root aham, which, in Tamil, has many
significations. In one of these, it means a house, in another earth,
and hence it has two meanings, householder and landholder; the suffix
Udeiyar indicating ownership. The word is also used in another form,
ahambadiyan, derived from another meaning of the same root, i.e.,
inside. And, in this derivation, it signifies a particular caste, whose
office it was to attend to the business in the interior of the king's
palace, or in the pagoda." "The name," Mr. J. H. Nelson writes, [50]
"is said by the Rev. G. U. Pope, in his edition of the Abbé Dubois'
work, [51] to be derived from aham, a temple, and padi, a step, and to
have been given to them in consequence of their serving about the steps
of temples. But, independently of the fact that Madura pagodas are not
approached by flights of steps, this seems to be a very far-fetched and
improbable derivation of the word. I am inclined to doubt whether it
be not merely a vulgar corruption of the well-known word Ahamudeiyan,
possessor of a house, the title which Tamil Brahmans often use in
speaking of a man to his wife, in order to avoid the unpolite term
husband. Or, perhaps, the name comes from aham in the sense of earth,
and pati, master or possessor."

Concerning the connection which exists between the Maravans, Kallans,
and Agamudaiyans (see Kallan), the following is one version of a
legend, which is narrated. The father of Ahalya decided to give her
in marriage to one who remained submerged under water for a thousand
years. Indra only managed to remain thus for five hundred years, but
Gautama succeeded in remaining for the whole of the stipulated period,
and became the husband of Ahalya. Indra determined to have intercourse
with her, and, assuming the guise of a cock, went at midnight to the
abode of Gautama, and crowed. Gautama, thinking that daybreak was
arriving, got up, and went to a river to bathe. While he was away,
Indra assumed his form, and accomplished his desire. Ahalya is said
to have recognised the deception after two children, who became the
ancestors of the Maravans and Kallans, were born to her. A third child
was born later on, from whom the Agamudaiyans are descended. According
to another version of the legend, the first-born child is said to have
faced Gautama without fear, and Agamudaiyan is accordingly derived
from aham or agam, pride, and udaiyan, possessor. There is a Tamil
proverb to the effect that a Kallan may come to be a Maravan. By
respectability he may develope into an Agamudaiyan, and, by slow
degrees, become a Vellala, from which he may rise to be a Mudaliar.

Of the three castes, Kallan, Maravan and Agamudaiyan, the last are said
to have "alone been greatly influenced by contact with Brahmanism. They
engage Brahman priests, and perform their birth, marriage, and death
ceremonies like the Vellalas." [52] I am told that the more prosperous
Agamudaiyans in the south imitate the Vellalas in their ceremonial
observances, and the poorer classes the Maravans.

Agamudaiyan has been returned, at times of census, as a sub-division of
Maravan and Kallan. In some places, the Agamudaiyans style themselves
sons of Sembunattu Maravans. At Ramnad, in the Madura district, they
carry the fire-pot to the burning ground at the funeral of a Maravan,
and also bring the water for washing the corpse. In the Tanjore
district the Agamudaiyans are called Terkittiyar, or southerners,
a name which is also applied to Kallans, Maravans, and Valaiyans. The
ordinary title of the Agamudaiyans is Servaikkaran, but many of them
call themselves, like the Vellalas, Pillai. Other titles, returned
at times of census, are Adhigari and Mudaliar.

At the census, 1891, the following were returned as the more
important sub-divisions of the Agamudaiyans:--Aivali Nattan,
Kottaipattu, Malainadu, Nattumangalam, Rajaboja, Rajakulam,
Rajavasal, Kallan, Maravan, Tuluvan (cf. Tuluva Vellala) and
Servaikkaran. The name Rajavasal denotes those who are servants of
Rajas, and has been transformed into Rajavamsa, meaning those of kingly
parentage. Kottaipattu means those of the fort, and the Agamudaiyans
believe that the so-called Kottai Vellalas of the Tinnevelly
district are really Kottaipattu Agamudaiyans. One sub-division of
the Agamudaiyans is called Sani (cow-dung). Unlike the Maravans and
Kallans, the Agamudaiyans have no exogamous septs, or kilais.

It is recorded, in the Mackenzie Manuscripts, that "among the Maravas,
the kings or the rulers of districts, or principal men, are accustomed
to perform the ceremony of tying on the tali, or in performing the
marriage at once in full, with reference to females of the Agambadiyar
tribe. The female children of such marriages can intermarry with the
Maravas, but not among the Agambadiyar tribe. On the other hand, the
male offspring of such marriages is considered to be of the mother's
tribe, and can intermarry with the Agambadiyas, but not in the tribe
of the Maravas." I am told that, under ordinary circumstances, the
offspring of a marriage between a Maravan and Agamudaiyan becomes an
Agamudaiyan, but that, if the husband is a man of position, the male
issues are regarded as Maravans. Adult marriage appears to be the
rule among the Agamudaiyans, but sometimes, as among the Maravans,
Kallans and other castes, young boys are, in the southern districts,
sometimes married to grown-up girls.

The marriage ceremonial, as carried out among the poorer Agamudaiyans,
is very simple. The sister of the bridegroom proceeds to the home of
the bride on an auspicious day, followed by a few females carrying a
woman's cloth, a few jewels, flowers, etc. The bride is seated close
to a wall, facing east. She is dressed up in the cloth which has been
brought, and seated on a plank. Betel leaves, areca nuts, and flowers
are presented to her by the bridegroom's sister, and she puts them
in her lap. A turmeric-dyed string or garland is then placed round
the bride's neck by the bridegroom's sister, while the conch shell
(musical instrument), is blown. On the same day the bride is conducted
to the home of the bridegroom, and a feast is held.

The more prosperous Agamudaiyans celebrate their marriages according
to the Puranic type, which is the form in vogue amongst most of the
Tamil castes, with variations. The astrologer is consulted in order
to ascertain whether the pair agree in some at least of the points
enumerated below. For this purpose, the day of birth, zodiacal signs,
planets and asterisms under which the pair were born, are taken into
consideration:--

1. Varam (day of birth).--Days are calculated, commencing with the
first day after the new moon. Counting from the day on which the
girl was born, if the young man's birthday happens to be the fourth,
seventh, thirteenth, sixteenth, or seventeenth, it is considered good.

2. Ganam (class or tribe).--There are three ganams, called Manusha,
Deva, and Rakshasa. Of the twenty-seven asterisms, Aswini, Bharani,
etc., some are Manusha, some Deva, and some Rakshasa ganam. Ashtham
and Swathi are considered to be of Deva ganam, so individuals born
under these asterisms are regarded as belonging to Deva ganam. Those
born under the asterisms Bharani, Rogini, Puram, Puradam, Uththaradam,
etc., belong to the Manusha ganam. Under Rakshasa ganam are included
Krithika, Ayilyam, Makam, Visakam, and other asterisms. The bridal
pair should belong to the same ganam, as far as possible. Manusha
and Deva is a tolerable combination, whereas Rakshasa and Deva,
or Rakshasa and Manusha, are bad combinations.

3. Sthridirgam (woman's longevity).--The young man's birthday should
be beyond the thirteenth day, counting from the birthday of the girl.

4. Yoni (female generative organs).--The asterisms are supposed to
belong to several animals. An individual belongs to the animal to
which the asterism under which he was born belongs. For example, a
man is a horse if his asterism is Aswini, a cow if his asterism is
Uththirattadhi, and so on. The animals of husband and wife must be
on friendly terms, and not enemies. The elephant and man, horse and
cow, dog and monkey, cat and mouse, are enemies. The animals of man
and wife should not both be males. Nor should the man be a female,
or the wife a male animal.

5. Rasi (zodiacal sign).--Beginning from the girl's zodiacal sign,
the young man's should be beyond the sixth.

6. Rasyathipathi (planet in the zodiacal sign).--The ruling planets
of the zodiacal signs of the pair should not be enemies.

7. Vasyam.--The zodiacal signs of the pair should be compatible, e.g.,
Midunam and Kanni, Singam and Makaram, Dhanus and Minam, Thulam and
Makaram, etc.

8. Rajju (string).--The twenty-seven asterisms are arranged at various
points on four parallel lines drawn across three triangles. These lines
are called the leg, thigh, abdomen, and neck rajjus. The vertices of
the triangles are the head rajjus. The asterisms of the pair should
not be on the same rajju, and it is considered to be specially bad
if they are both on the neck.

9. Vriksham (tree).--The asterisms belong to a number of trees, e.g.:--


    Aswini, Strychnos Nux-vomica.
    Bharani, Phyllanthus Emblica.
    Krithikai, Ficus glomerata.
    Puram, Butea frondosa.
    Hastham, Sesbania grandiflora.
    Thiruvonam, Calotropis gigantea.
    Uththirattadhi, Melia Azadirachta.


Some of the trees are classed as milky, and others as dry. The young
man's tree should be dry, and that of the girl milky, or both milky.

10. Pakshi (birds).--Certain asterisms also belong to birds, and the
birds of the pair should be on friendly terms, e.g., peacock and fowl.

11. Jadi (caste).--The zodiacal signs are grouped into castes as
follows:--


    Brahman, Karkatakam, Minam, and Dhanus.
    Kshatriya, Mesham, Vrischikam.
    Vaisya, Kumbam, Thulam.
    Sudra, Rishabam, Makaram.
    Lower castes, Midhunam, Singam, and Kanni.


The young man should be of a higher caste, according to the zodiacal
signs, than the girl.

After ascertaining the agreement of the pair, some close relations
of the young man proceed to some distance northward, and wait
for omens. If the omens are auspicious, they are satisfied. Some,
instead of so going, go to a temple, and seek the omens either by
placing flowers on the idol, and watching the direction in which
they fall, or by picking up a flower from a large number strewn in
front of the idol. If the flower picked up, and the one thought of,
are of the same colour, it is regarded as a good omen. The betrothal
ceremony is an important event. As soon as the people have assembled,
the bridegroom's party place in their midst the pariyam cloth and
jewels. Some responsible person inspects them, and, on his pronouncing
that they are correct, permission is given to draw up the lagna
patrika (letter of invitation, containing the date of marriage,
etc.). Vigneswara (the elephant god Ganesa) is then worshipped,
with the lagna patrika in front of him. This is followed by the
announcement of the forthcoming marriage by the purohit (priest),
and the settlement of the amount of the pariyam (bride's money). For
the marriage celebration, a pandal (booth) is erected, and a dais,
constructed of clay and laterite earth, is set up inside it. From
the day on which the pandal is erected until the wedding day, the
contracting couple have to go through the nalagu ceremony separately or
together. This consists in having their bodies smeared with turmeric
paste (Phaseolus Mungo paste), and gingelly (Sesamum) oil. On the
wedding day, the bridegroom, after a clean shave, proceeds to the house
of the bride. The finger and toe-nails of the bride are cut. The pair
offer pongal (boiled rice) to the family deity and their ancestors. A
square space is cleared in the centre of the dais for the sacred fire
(homam). A many-branched lamp, representing the thousand-eyed Indra,
is placed to the east of the square. The purohit, who is regarded
as equivalent to Yama (the god of death), and a pot with a lamp on
it representing Agni devata, occupy the south-east corner. Women
representing Niruti (a devata) are posted in the south-west corner.

The direction of Varuna (the god of water) being west, the bridegroom
occupies this position. The best man, who represents Vayu (the god of
wind) is placed in the north-west corner. As the position of Kubera
(the god of wealth) is the north, a person, with a bag full of money,
is seated on that side. A grinding-stone and roller, representing
Siva and Sakthi, are placed in the north-east corner, and, at their
side, pans containing nine kinds of seedlings, are set. Seven pots
are arranged in a row between the grinding-stone and the branched
lamp. Some married women bring water from seven streams or seven
different places, and pour it into a pot in front of the lamp. The
milk-post (pal kambam) is set up between the lamp and the row of
pots. This post is usually made of twigs of Ficus religiosa, Ficus
bengalensis, and Erythrina indica, tied together and representing
Brahma, Vishnu, and Siva. Sometimes, however, twigs of Odina Wodier,
and green bamboo sticks, are substituted. At the close of the marriage
ceremonies, the Erythrina or Odina twig is planted, and it is regarded
as a good sign if it takes root and grows. The sacred fire is kindled,
and the bridegroom goes through the upanayana (thread investiture)
and other ceremonies. He then goes away from the house in procession
(paradesa pravesam), and is met by the bride's father, who brings him
back to the pandal. The bride's father and mother then wash his feet,
and rings are put on his toes (kalkattu, or tying the leg). The purohit
gives the bridegroom a thread (kankanam), and, after washing the feet
of the bride's father and mother, ties it on his wrist. A thread is
also tied on the left wrist of the bride. The pair being seated in
front of the sacred fire, a ceremony called Nandisradham (memorial
service to ancestors) is performed, and new clothes are given to the
pair. The next item is the tying of the tali (marriage badge). The
tali is usually tied on a turmeric-dyed thread, placed on a cocoanut,
and taken round to be blessed by all present. Then the purohit gives
the tali to the bridegroom, and he ties it on the bride's neck amidst
silence, except for the music played by the barber or Melakkaran
musicians. While the tali is being tied, the bridegroom's sister
stands behind the bride, holding a lamp in her hand. The bridegroom
ties one knot, and his sister ties two knots. After the tali-tying,
small plates of gold or silver, called pattam, are tied on the
foreheads of the pair, and presents of money and cloths are made to
them by their relations and friends. They then go seven times round
the pandal, and, at the end of the seventh round, they stand close to
the grinding-stone, on which the bridegroom places the bride's left
foot. They take their seats on the dais, and the bridegroom, taking
some parched rice (pori) from the bride's brother, puts it in the
sacred fire. Garlands of flowers are given to the bride and bridegroom,
who put them on, and exchange them three or five times. They then
roll flowers made into a ball. This is followed by the waving of
arathi (coloured water), and circumambulation of the pandal by the
pair, along with the ashtamangalam or eight auspicious things, viz.,
the bridesmaid, best man, lamp, vessel filled with water, mirror,
ankusam (elephant goad), white chamara (yak's tail fly-flapper), flag
and drum. Generally the pair go three times round the pandal, and,
during the first turn, a cocoanut is broken near the grinding-stone,
and the bride is told that it is Siva, and the roller Sakthi, the two
combined being emblematical of Ardanarisvara, a bisexual representation
of Siva and Parvathi. During the second round, the story of Arundati
is repeated to the bride. Arundati was the wife of the Rishi Vasishta,
and is looked up to as a model of conjugal fidelity. The morning star
is supposed to be Arundati, and the purohit generally points it out
to the bridal pair at the close of the ceremonial, which terminates
with three homams. The wedding may be concluded in a single day,
or last for two or three days.

The dead are either buried or cremated. The corpse is carried to the
burning or burial-ground on a bier or palanquin. As the Agamudaiyans
are Saivites, Pandarams assist at the funeral ceremonies. On the second
or third day after death, the son and others go to the spot where the
corpse was buried or burnt, and offer food, etc., to the deceased. A
pot of water is left at the spot. Those who are particular about
performing the death ceremonies on an elaborate scale offer cooked food
to the soul of dead person until the fifteenth day, and carry out the
final death ceremonies (karmandhiram) on the sixteenth day. Presents
are then given to Brahmans, and, after the death pollution has been
removed by sprinkling with holy water (punyaham), a feast is given
to the relatives.

The Agamudaiyans worship various minor deities, such as Aiyanar,
Pidari, and Karupannaswami.

Agaru.--Agaru, or Avaru, is recorded, in the Madras Census Report,
1901, as a small caste of Telugu cultivators in Vizagapatam and
Ganjam, who are also sellers of vegetables and betel leaves. Agaru
is said to mean betel in their language, which they call Bhasha,
and contains a good deal of Oriya. An extensive colony of Agarus is
settled at Nellimerla near Vizianagram. Both males and females engage
in the cultivation of the betel vine, and different kinds of greens,
which find a ready sale in the Vizianagram market. Marriage is usually
after puberty, and an Oriya Brahman officiates. The dead are burnt.

Agarwal.--A few members of this Upper India trading caste, who deal
in grain and jewellery, and are also bankers and usurers, have been
returned at times of census.

Agasa.--In the South Canara district, there are three distinct classes
of washermen, viz., (1) Konkani Christians; (2) Canarese-speaking
washermen, who seem to be allied to the Agasas of Mysore; (3)
Tulu-speaking washermen. The Tulu-speaking Agasas follow the aliya
santana law of inheritance (in the female line). Madivala (madi, a
clean cloth) is a synonym for Agasa. The word Agasa is derived from
agasi, a turban.

The Agasas of Mysore have been described as follows. [53] "The Agasa
is a member of the village hierarchy, his office being hereditary,
and his remuneration being grain fees from the ryots. Besides washing,
he occasionally ekes out his substance by carrying on his donkeys
grain from place to place. He is also employed in bearing the torch
in marriage and other public ceremonies. The principal object of
worship is the pot of boiling water (ubbe), in which dirty clothes
are steeped. Animals are sacrificed to the god with the view of
preventing the clothes being burnt in the ubbe pot. Under the name
of Bhuma Deva, there are temples dedicated to this god in some large
towns, the service being conducted by pujaris (priests) of the Agasa
caste. The Agasas are Vishnuvaits, and pray to Vishnu, Pattalamma,
and the Saktis. Their gurus (religious preceptors) are Satanis. A
unique custom is attached to the washerman's office. When a girl-wife
attains puberty, it is the duty and privilege of the washerman to carry
the news, accompanied by certain presents, to her husband's parents,
for which the messenger is duly rewarded."

The Tulu Madivalas of the South Canara district, like other Tulu
castes, have exogamous septs or balis. They will wash clothes for
all castes above the Billavas. They also supply cloths for decorating
the marriage booth and funeral cars, and carry torches. They worship
bhuthas (devils), of whom the principal one seems to be Jumadi. At
the time of kolas (bhutha festivals), the Madivalas have the right
to cut off the heads of the fowls or goats, which are sacrificed. The
animals are held by Pombadas or Paravas, and the Madivala decapitates
them. On the seventh day after the birth of a child, the washerwoman
ties a thread round its waist. For purificatory ceremonies, the
Madivali should give washed clothes to those under pollution.

In their ceremonial observances, the Madivalas closely follow the
Bants. In some places, they have a headman called, as among the Bants,
Gurikara or Guttinaya. At marriages, the pouring of the dhare water
over the united hands of the bride and bridegroom is the duty of the
father or maternal uncle of the bride, not of the headman.

Some Maratha washermen call themselves Dandu (army) Agasa.

The insigne of the washermen at Conjeeveram is a pot, such as that
in which clothes are boiled.

Agastya (the name of a sage).--An exogamous sept of Kondaiyamkottai
Maravans.

Agni (fire).--An exogamous sept of the Kurubas and Gollas, and
sub-division of the Pallis or Vanniyans. The equivalent Aggi occurs as
an exogamous sept of Boya. The Pallis claim to be Agnikula Kshatriyas,
i.e., to belong to the fire race of Kshatriyas.

Agraharekala.--A sub-division of Bhatrazu, meaning those who belong
to the agraharam, or Brahman quarter of a village.

Ahir.--A few members of this Upper India caste of cowherds have been
returned at times of census.

Ahmedi.--Returned, at times of census, as a general name for
Muhammadans.

Aivattukuladavaru (people of fifty families).--A synonym for Bakuda.

Aiya.--Aiya or Ayya, meaning father, is the title of many classes,
which include Dasari, Devanga, Golla, Idiga, Jangam, Konda Dora,
Komati, Koppala Velama, Linga Balija, Mangala, Muka Dora, Paidi,
Satani, Servegara, and Tambala. It is further a title of the
Patnulkarans, who claim to be Brahmans, and a sub-division of the
Tamil Pallans.

Aiyar occurs very widely as a title among Tamil Brahmans, and is
replaced in the Telugu and Canarese countries by Bhatlu, Pantulu, and
Sastrulu. It is noted by the Rev. A. Margöschis that "the honorific
title Aiyar was formerly used exclusively by Brahmans, but has now
come to be used by every native clergyman. The name which precedes
the title will enable us to discover whether the man is Christian
or Hindu. Thus Yesudian Aiyar means the Aiyar who is the servant of
Jesus." The Rev. G. U. Pope, the well-known Tamil scholar, was known
as Pope Aiyar.

Aiyanar.--A sub-division of Kallan, named after Aiyanar, the only
male deity among the Grama Devata or village deities.

Aiyarakulu.--In the Madras Census Report, 1901, Aiyarakam is summed
up as being a caste of Telugu cultivators, who, in their social
and religious observances, closely follow the Kapus and Balijas, may
intermarry with Telagas, and will accept drinking water from the hands
of Gollas. According to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao, to whom I am indebted
for the following note, the Aiyarakulu are a section of Kapus, who
rose in the social scale by Royal favour. The name is derived from
aiya and rikam, denoting the act of being an aiya or distinguished
person. The Aiyarakulu state that their forefathers were soldiers in
the Vizianagram army, and rendered great services to the Rajas. They
have a story to the effect that, on one occasion, they proceeded on an
expedition against a Golconda force, and gave so much trouble to the
Muhammadan commander thereof that, after putting them to the sword,
he proceeded to their own country, to destroy their homes. On hearing
of this, the women, dressing themselves in male attire, advanced with
bayonets and battle-axes against the Muhammadans, and drove them off
in great disorder. The Raja, in return for their gallant conduct,
adorned their legs with silver bangles, such as the women still wear
at the present day.

The Aiyarakulu are divided into gotras, such as naga (cobra), tabelu
(tortoise), etc., which are strictly totemistic, and are further
divided into exogamous septs or intiperulu. The custom of menarikam,
according to which a man should marry his maternal uncle's daughter,
is in force. Girls are married before puberty, and a Brahman officiates
at the wedding rites, during which the bride and bridegroom wear silver
sacred threads, which are subsequently converted into rings. Some
Aiyarakulu call themselves Razus, and wear the sacred thread, but
interdine and intermarry with other members of the community. The
remarriage of widows, and divorce are forbidden.

The principal occupation of the Aiyarakulus is cultivating, but, in
some parts, many of them are cart-drivers plying between the plains
of Vizagapatam and the Agency tracts. The usual title of members of
the caste is Patrudu.

Akasam (sky).--An exogamous sept of Devanga.

Akattu Charna.--A sub-division of Nayar.

Akattulavar.--A name, indicating those inside (in seclusion or gosha),
by which Nambutiri and Elayad and other females are called.

Akshantala (rice grain).--A gotra of Odde. Akshathayya is the name
of a gotra of Gollas, who avoid rice coloured with turmeric and
other materials.

Akula (betel leaf: Piper Betle).--An exogamous sept of Kamma and
Bonthuk Savara, and a sub-division of Kapu. The presentation of betel
leaves and areca nuts, called pan-supari, as a complimentary offering
is a wide-spread Indian custom.

Ala.--A sub-division of Golla.

Alagi (pot).--An exogamous sept of Vakkaliga.

Alavan.--The Alavans are summed up, in the Madras Census Report,
1901, as "workers in salt-pans, who are found only in Madura and
Tinnevelly. Their titles are Pannaiyan and Muppan. They are not allowed
to enter Hindu temples." In the Travancore Census Report, 1901, it is
recorded that "the Alavans or Uppalavans (salt Alavans) are so called
because they work in alams or salt-pans. Three or four centuries ago,
seven families of them are said to have been brought over from the
Pandyan territory to Travancore, to work in the salt-pans. It is said
that there are at Tamarakkulam, Puttalam, and other places in South
Travancore, inscriptions recording their immigration, but these have
not been deciphered. They speak Tamil. They are flesh-eaters. Drinking
is rare among them. Burial was the rule in ancient days, but now the
dead are sometimes burned. Tattooing is a general custom. The tutelary
deities are Sasta and Bhadrakali. As a class the Alavans are very
industrious. There are no better salt labourers in all Southern India."

Albino.--The picture drawn by the Abbé Dubois [54] of albino Natives is
not a pleasant one. "This extreme fairness," he says, "is unnatural,
and makes them very repulsive to look at. In fact, these unfortunate
beings are objects of horror to every one, and even their parents
desert them. They are looked upon as lepers. They are called Kakrelaks
as a term of reproach. Kakrelaks are horrible insects, disgustingly
dirty, which give forth a loathsome odour, and shun the day and its
light. The question has been raised as to whether these degenerate
individuals can produce children like themselves, and afflicted with
nyctalopia. Such a child has never come under my observation; but I
once baptised the child of a female Kakrelak, who owed its birth to
a rash European soldier. These unfortunate wretches are denied decent
burial after death, and are cast into ditches."

This reference to albinos by the observant Abbé may be amplified
by the notes taken on several albino Natives in Madras and Mysore,
which show, inter alia, that the lot of the present day albino is
not an unhappy one.

Chinna Abboye, æt. 35. Shepherd caste. Rope (insigne of office) round
waist for driving cattle, and tying the legs of cows when milking
them. Yellowish-white hair where long, as in the kudumi. Bristles
on top of shaved head pure white. Greenish-brown iris. Father dark;
mother, like himself, has white hair and pink skin. One brother an
albino, married. One child of the usual Native type. Cannot see well
in glare of sunlight, but sees better towards sunset. Screws his
eyelids into transverse slits. Mother kind to him.

Vembu Achari, æt. 20. Artist. Kudumi (top-knot) yellowish-white. White
eyebrows and moustache. Bright pink lips, and pink complexion. Iris
light blue with pink radiating striæ and pink peripheral zone. Sees
best in the evening when the sun is low on the horizon. Screws up his
eyelids to act as a diaphragm. Mother, father, brothers and sisters,
all of the ordinary Native type. No relations albino, as far as he
knows. Engaged to be married. People like himself are called chevapu
(red-coloured), or, in derision, vellakaran (European or white
man). Children sometimes make game of him, but people generally are
kind to him.

Moonoosawmy, æt. 45. Belongs to the weaver class, and is a well-to-do
man. Albino. Had an albino sister, and a brother of the ordinary
type. Is the father of ten children, of whom five are albinos. They
are on terms of equality with the other members of their community, and
one daughter is likely to be married to the son of a prosperous man.

----, æt. 22. Fisherman caste. Albino. His maternal uncle had an
albino daughter. Has four brothers, of whom two are albinos. Cannot
stand the glare of the sun, and is consequently unable to do outdoor
work. Moves freely among the members of his community, and could
easily secure a wife, if he was in a position to support one.

----, æt. 36. Rajput. Hardware merchant. His father, of ordinary Native
type, had twelve children, five of whom were albino, by an albino wife,
whose brother was also albino. Married to a woman of Native type,
and had one non-albino child. His sister, of ordinary Native type,
has two albino children. Iris light blue. Hair yellowish. Complexion
pink. Keeps left eye closed, and looks through a slit between eyelids
of right eye. People call him in Canarese kempuava (red man). They
are kind to him.

Alia.--The Alias are an Oriya cultivating caste, found mainly in
the Gumsur taluk of Ganjam. In the Madras Census Report, 1891, it is
suggested that the name is derived from the Sanskrit holo, meaning a
plough. The further suggestions have been made that it is derived from
alo, meaning crop, or from Ali, a killa or taluk of Orissa, whence
the Aliyas have migrated. In social position the Alias rank below
the Bhondaris and Odiyas, who will not accept water touched by them.

Various titles occur within the caste, e.g., Biswalo, Bonjo, Bariko,
Jenna, Kampo, Kondwalo, Lenka, Mahanti, Molla Nahako, Patro, Podhano,
Podiyali, Ravuto, Siyo, and Swayi. Like other Oriya castes, the Alias
have gotras, and the marriage rules based on titles and gotras are
peculiar. A Podhano man may, for example, marry a Podhano girl,
if their gotras are different. Further, two people, whose gotras
are the same, may marry if they have a different title. Thus, a man,
whose gotra is Goru and title Podhano, may marry a girl of a family
of which the gotra is Goru, but title other than Podhano.

Infant marriage is the rule, and, if a girl does not secure a
husband before she reaches maturity, she goes through a mock marriage
ceremony, in which the bridegroom is represented by a brass vessel
or an arrow. Like many other Oriya castes, the Aliyas follow the
Chaitanya form of Vaishnavism, and also worship various Takuranis
(village deities).

Alige (drum).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba.

Aliya Santanam.--Inheritance in the female line. The equivalent,
in the Canara country, of the Malayali marumakkathayam.

Allam (ginger).--An exogamous sept of Mala.

Allikulam (lily clan).--Returned, at times of census, as a sub-division
of Anappan.

Alvar.--An exogamous sept of Toreya. Alvar is a synonym of Garuda,
the winged vehicle of Vishnu. Alvar Dasari occurs as a sub-division
of Valluvans, which claims descent from Tiruppan Alvar, one of the
Vaishnava saints.

Amaravatiyavaru.--A name, denoting people of Amaravati on the Kistna
river, recorded [55] as a sub-division of Desabhaga Madigas. Amaravati
also occurs as a sub-division, or nadu, of Vallamban.

Ambalakkaran.--In the Madras Census Report, 1891, Mr. H. A. Stuart
writes that "Ambalakkaran (ambalam, an open place [56]) is the usual
designation of a head of a village in the Maravan and Kallan districts,
and it is, or was the common agnomen of Kallans. I am not able to
state what is the precise connection between the Ambalakkaran and
Kallan castes, but, from some accounts which I have obtained, the
Ambalakkarans seem to be very closely connected, if not identical
with Muttiriyans (Telugu Mutracha), who have been classed as village
watchmen; and this is borne out by the sub-divisions returned, for,
though no less than 109,263 individuals have given Ambalakkaran as the
sub-division also, yet, of the sub-divisions returned, Muttiriyan and
Mutracha are the strongest. Marriage is usually deferred until after
puberty, and widow re-marriage is permitted, but there does not seem
to be the same freedom of divorce at will as is found among Kallans,
Maravans, etc. The dead are either burnt or buried. The consumption
of flesh and liquor is allowed. Their usual agnomen is said to be
Servaikkaran, but the titles Muttiriyan, Ambalakkaran, Malavarayan,
Mutarasan, and Vannian are also used. The usual agnomen of Muttiriyans,
on the other hand, is said to be Nayakkan (Naik)."

In the Madras Census Report, 1901, the Ambalakkarans are summed up
as follows. "A Tamil caste of cultivators and village watchmen. Till
recently the term Ambalakkaran was considered to be a title of the
Kallans, but further enquiries have shown that it is the name of
a distinct caste, found chiefly in the Trichinopoly district. The
Ambalakkarans and Muttiriyans of a village in Musiri taluk wrote a
joint petition, protesting against their being classified as Kallans,
but nevertheless it is said that the Kallans of Madura will not eat in
Ambalakkaran's houses. There is some connection between Ambalakkarans,
Muttiriyans, Mutrachas, Uralis, Vedans, Valaiyans, and Vettuvans. It
seems likely that all of them are descended from one common parent
stock. Ambalakkarans claim to be descended from Kannappa Nayanar,
one of the sixty-three Saivite saints, who was a Vedan or hunter by
caste. In Tanjore the Valaiyans declare themselves to have a similar
origin, and in that district Ambalakkaran and Muttiriyan seem to
be synonymous with Valaiyan. [Some Valaiyans have Ambalakkaran as a
title.] Moreover, the statistics of the distribution of the Valaiyans
show that they are numerous in the districts where Ambalakkarans are
few, and vice versâ, which looks as though certain sections of them
had taken to calling themselves Ambalakkarans. The upper section
of the Ambalakkarans style themselves Pillai, which is a title
properly belonging to Vellalas, but the others are usually called
Muppan in Tanjore, and Ambalakkaran, Muttiriyan, and Servaigaran
in Trichinopoly. The headman of the caste panchayat (council) is
called the Kariyakkaran, and his office is hereditary in particular
families. Each headman has a peon called the Kudi-pillai, whose duty it
is to summon the panchayat when necessary, and to carry messages. For
this he gets an annual fee of four annas from each family of the caste
in his village. The caste has certain endogamous sections. Four of
them are said to be Muttiriyan or Mutracha, Kavalgar, Vanniyan, and
Valaiyan. A member of any one of these is usually prohibited by the
panchayats from marrying outside it on pain of excommunication. Their
customs are a mixture of those peculiar to the higher castes and those
followed by the lower ones. Some of them employ Brahmans as purohits
(priests), and wear the sacred thread at funerals and sraddhas
(memorial services for the dead). Yet they eat mutton, pork, and
fowls, drink alcohol, and allow the marriage of widows and divorced
women." Muttiriyan and Kavalgar both mean watchman. Vanniyan is
certainly a separate caste, some members of which take Ambalakkaran as
a title. The Ambalakkarans are apparently Valaiyans, who have separated
themselves from the main stock on account of their prosperity.

For the following note, I am indebted to Mr. F. R. Hemingway. The
Ambalakkarans or Muttiriyans are more numerous in the
Trichinopoly district and Pudukkottai than in any other part of the
Presidency. Though they have been treated as separate castes, they
appear to be one and the same in this district, generally calling
themselves Muttiriyan in the Trichinopoly taluk, and Ambalakkaran
elsewhere, and having no objection to either name. They admit they are
called Valaiyans, but repudiate any connection with the caste of that
name, and explain the appellation by a story that, when Siva's ring
was swallowed by a fish in the Ganges, one of their ancestors invented
the first net (valai) made in the world. As relics of their former
greatness they point to the thousand-pillared mantapam at Srirangam,
which is called muttarasan koradu, and a big matam at Palni, both
of which, they say, were built by their kings. To the latter every
household of the caste subscribes four annas annually. They say that
they were born of the sweat (muttu, a pearl or bead of perspiration)
of Parama-siva. The caste is divided into a number of nadus, the
names and number of which are variously given. Some of these are
Ettarai, Koppu, Adavattur, Tirampalaiyam, Vimanayakkanpalaiyam in
the Trichinopoly taluk, and Amur, Savindippatti, and Karungali in
Musiri taluk. Widow remarriage is allowed in some of these nadus,
and not in others. They use the titles Muttiriyan, Ambalakkaran,
Servaikaran, and Kavalkaran. They admit their social inferiority to
the Vellalans, Kallans, Nattamans, and Reddis, from all of whom they
will accept meals, but consider themselves superior to Pallis, Uralis,
Uppiliyans, and Valaiyans. Their usual occupation is cultivation,
but they have also taken to petty trade, and some earn a living as
masons and kavalgars (watchmen). They wear the sacred thread during
their marriages and funerals. They have panchayats for each village
and for the nadu, and have also a number of the Patnattu Chettis,
who are recognized as elders of the caste, and sit with the head of
the nadu to decide cases of adultery, etc.

Ambalavasi.--This is summed up, in the Madras Census Report, 1901,
as "a generic name applied to all classes of temple servants in
Malabar. There are many sub-divisions of the caste, such as Poduval,
Chakkiyar, Nambiyassan, Pidaran, Pisharodi, Variyan, Nambi, Teyyambadi,
etc., which are assigned different services in the Hindu temples,
such as the preparation of garlands, the sweeping of the floor,
the fetching of fire-wood, the carrying of the idols in procession,
singing, dancing, and so on. Like most of the temple servant classes,
they are inferior to the lower Brahmans, such as the Mussads, and
food will not be taken from the hands of most of them even by Nayars."

In the Travancore Census Report, 1901, it is noted that "the
term Ambalavasi (one who lives in a temple) is a group-name,
and is applied to castes, whose occupation is temple service. The
Keralamahatmya speaks of them as Kshetravasinah, which means those
who live in temples. They are also known as Antaralas, from their
occupying an intermediate position between the Brahmans and the
Brahmanical Kshatriyas of Malabar on the one hand, and the Sudras
on the other. While according to one view they are fallen Brahmans,
others, such as the writer of the Keralolpatti, would put them down
as an advance from the Sudras. The castes recognised as included in
the generic name of Ambalavasi are:--


        Nambiyassan.                  Nambiyar.
        Pushpakan.                    Pisharati.
        Puppalli.                     Variyar.
        Chakkiyar.                    Nattupattan.
        Brahmani or Daivampati.       Tiyattunni.
        Adikal.                       Kurukkal.
        Nambidi.                      Poduval.
        Pilappalli.


"All these castes are not connected with pagodas, nor do the Muttatus,
who are mainly engaged in temple service, come under this group,
strictly speaking. The rationale of their occupation seems to be that,
in accepting duty in temples and consecrating their lives to the
service of God, they hope to be absolved from the sins inherited from
their fathers. In the case of ascent from lower castes, the object
presumably is the acquisition of additional religious merit.... The
delinquent Brahman cannot be retained in the Brahmanic function
without lowering the standard of his caste. He had, therefore, to be
allotted other functions. Temple service of various kinds, such as
garland-making for the Pushpakan, Variyar and others, and popular
recitation of God's works for the Chakkiyar, were found to hold an
intermediate place between the internal functions of the Brahmans and
the external functions of the other castes, in the same sense in which
the temples themselves are the exoteric counterparts of an esoteric
faith, and represent a position between the inner and the outer
economy of nature. Hence arose probably an intermediate status with
intermediate functions for the Antaralas, the intermediates of Hindu
Society. The Kshatriyas, having commensal privileges with the Brahmans,
come next to them in the order of social precedence. In the matter of
pollution periods, which seem to be in inverse ratio to the position
of the caste, the Brahmans observe 10 days, the Kshatriyas 11 days,
and the Sudras of Malabar (Nayars) 16 days. The Ambalavasis generally
observe pollution for 12 days. In some cases, however, it is as short
as 10, and in others as long as 13 and even 14, but never 16 days."

It is further recorded, in the Cochin Census Report, 1901, that
"Ambalavasis (literally temple residents) are persons who have the
privilege of doing service in temples. Most of the castes have
grown out of sexual relations between members of the higher and
lower classes, and are therefore Anulomajas and Pratilomajas. [57]
They may be broadly divided into two classes, (1) those that wear
the sacred thread, and (2) those that do not wear the same. Adikal,
Chakkiyar, Nambiyar or Pushpakan, and Tiyyattu Nambiyar belong to
the threaded class, while Chakkiyar, Nambiyar, Pisharoti, Variyar,
Puthuval, and Marar are non-threaded. Though all Ambalavasis have to
do service in temples, they have many of them sufficiently distinct
functions to perform. They are all governed by the marumakkathayam
law of inheritance (through the female line); some castes among
them, however, follow the makkathayam system (from father to son). A
Nambiyar, Pisharoti, or Variyar marries under special circumstances
a woman of his own caste, and brings home his wife into the family,
and their issue thus become members of the father's family, with the
right of inheriting the family property, and form themselves into a
fresh marumakkathayam stock. In the matter of tali-kettu (tali-tying)
marriage, and marriage by union in sambandham (alliance), they follow
customs similar to those of Nayars. So far as the employment of Brahman
as priests, and the period of birth and death pollution are concerned,
there are slight differences. The threaded classes have Gayatri
(hymn). The purificatory ceremony after birth or death pollution
is performed by Nambudris, but at all funeral ceremonies, such as
pinda, sradha, etc., their own caste men officiate as priests. The
Nambudris can take meals cooked by a Brahman in the house of any of the
Ambalavasis except Marars. In fact, if the Nambudris have the right
of purification, they do not then impose any restrictions in regard
to this. All Ambalavasis are strict vegetarians at public feasts. The
Ambalavasis sit together at short distances from one another, and take
their meals. Their females unite themselves in sambandham with their
own caste males, or with Brahmans or Kshatriyas. Brahmans, Kshatriyas,
or Nambidis cannot take water from them. Though a great majority of the
Ambalavasis still follow their traditional occupations, many of them
have entered the public service, and taken to more lucrative pursuits."

The more important sections of the Ambalavasis are dealt with in
special articles.

Ambattan.--For the following note I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana
Rao. The Ambattans are the Tamil barbers, or barber-surgeons. The
word is usually derived from the Sanskrit amba (near) and s'tha (to
stand), i.e., he who stands near to shave his clients, or treat his
patients. In like manner, the Kavutiyan caste of Malayalam barbers
is called Adutton, signifying bystander. The Ambattan corresponds to
the Mangala of the Telugu country, the Vilakkatalavan of Malabar, the
Kshauraka of the Canarese Brahmans, and the Hajam of Muhammadans. Not
improbably the name refers to the original occupation of medicine-man,
to which were added later the professions of village barber and
musician. This view seems to receive some support from the current
tradition that the Ambattans are the descendants of the offspring
of a Vaisya woman by a Brahman, to whom the medical profession was
allotted as a means of livelihood. In this connection, it may be
noted that the Ambattan women are the recognised midwives of the Hindu
community in the Tamil country. It is impossible to say how far the
above tradition is based on the verse of Manu, the ancient law-giver,
who says that "from a Brahmana with the daughter of a Vaisya is born
a son called an Ambashtha." In a succeeding verse, he states that as
children of a Brahmana by a woman of one of the three lower castes,
the Ambashthas are one of the six base-born castes or apasada. He
says further that Brahmans may eat of a barber's food--a permission
which, it is hardly necessary to say, they do not avail themselves
of. A single exception is, however, noteworthy. At the temple of
Jugganath, within the temple precincts, neither the barber, nor the
food which he prepares, and is partaken of by the higher classes,
including Brahmans, conveys pollution. The pujari, or officiating
priest, at this famous temple is a barber, and Brahmans, except
those of the extreme orthodox section, partake of his preparations
of rice, after they have been offered to the presiding deity. This
is, apparently, the only case in which the rule laid down by Manu
is followed in practice. It is not known how far the text of Manu is
answerable for the popular Sanskrit saying, which calls the barber a
"good Sudra." There is an opinion entertained in certain quarters that
originally the barber's touch did not pollute, but that his shaving
did. It is an interesting fact that, though the Ambattans are one of
Manu's base-born castes, whose touch causes pollution which requires
the pouring of water over the head to remove it, they are one of
the most Brahmanised of the lower castes. Nothing, perhaps, shows
this so well as their marriage ceremonies, throughout which a Brahman
officiates. On the first two days, homam or sacred fire, fed with ghi
(clarified butter) is kindled. On the third day, the tali (marriage
badge) is placed in a circular silver or brass thattu (dish), and
touched with the forefinger of the right hand first by the presiding
Brahman, followed by other Brahmans, men of superior castes, and the
caste-men headed by the Perithanakkaran or head-man. It is then, amid
weird music, tied to the bride's neck before the sacred fire. During
this ceremony no widows may be present. The relations of the bride and
bridegroom scatter rice on the floor in front of the bridal pair, after
the Brahman priest and head-man. This rice, which is called sesham
(remainder), is strictly the perquisite of the local washerman. But
it is generally purchased by the headman of the family, in which the
marriage is taking place, and handed over, not to the washerman, but
to the Perithanakkaran. The Brahman receives as his fee money and a
pair of silk-bordered cloths; and, till the latter are given to him,
he usually refuses to pronounce the necessary mantras (prayers). He
also receives the first pan-supari (betel leaves and areca nuts),
plantains, and cocoanuts. Each day he has to get rid of the pollution
caused by entering a barber's house by bathing. During the fourth and
fifth days, homam is burnt, and shadangu, or merry-making between the
bride and bridegroom before the assembled spectators, takes place,
during which the bride sings songs, in which she has been coached from
infancy. On the fifth day the removal of the kankanam, or threads
which have been tied round the wrists of the bride and bridegroom,
is performed, after the priest's account has been settled.

Among the Konga Vellalas of the Salem district, it is the Ambattan who
officiates at the marriage rites, and ties the tali, after formally
proclaiming to those present that he is about to do so. Brahmans are
invited to the wedding, and are treated with due respect, and presented
with money, rice, and betel. It would appear that, in this case, the
Brahman has been ousted, in recent times, from his priestly functions
by the Ambattan. The barber, when he ties the tali, mutters something
about Brahman and Vedas in a respectful manner. The story goes that,
during the days of the Chera, Chola, and Pandya Kings, a Brahman and
an Ambattan were both invited to a marriage feast. But the Brahman,
on his arrival, died, and the folk, believing his death to be an
evil omen, ruled that, as the Brahman was missing, they would have
an Ambattan; and it has ever since been the custom for the Ambattan
to officiate at weddings.

A girl, when she reaches puberty, has to observe pollution for eleven
days, during which she bathes daily, and is presented with a new cloth,
and adorned by a girl who is said to have "touched" her. This girl has
to bathe before she can take her meals, or touch others. Every morning,
a dose of pure gingelly (Sesamum indicum) oil, mixed with white of
egg, is administered. The dietary must be strictly vegetarian. On the
twelfth day, the girl who has been through the ceremonial has a final
bath, and enters the house after it has been purified (punyavachanam).

The rule, once a widow always a widow, is as true of Ambattans as of
high-class Brahmans. And, if asked whether the remarriage of widows
is permitted, they promptly reply that they are not washermen.

The dead are cremated, with the exception of young children, who
are buried. The death ceremonies are conducted by a Brahman priest,
who is remunerated for his services with money and a cloth. Gifts of
money and cloths are also made to other Brahmans, when the days of
pollution are over. Annual memorial ceremonies (sradh) are performed,
as by Brahmans. It is a privilege (they consider it as such) of
the Ambattans to cremate the bodies of village paupers other than
Brahmans. And, on ordinary occasions of death, they lead the son or
person who is entitled to light the funeral pyre, with a brass pot
in their hands, round the corpse, and indicate with a burning cinder
the place to which the light must be applied.

As a community the Ambattans are divided into Saivites and
Vaishnavites. Members of the latter section, who have been branded
by their Brahman guru with the chank and chakram, abstain from animal
food, and intoxicating drinks. Intermarriage between the two sections
is allowed, and commonly practised. They belong to the right-hand
faction, and will not eat with Komatis, who belong to the left. They
have, however, no objection to shaving Komatis. The Ambattans of
the Chingleput district are divided into four sections, each of
which is controlled by a Perithanakkaran. One of these resides
in Madras, and the other three live respectively at Poonamallee,
Chingleput, and Karunguzhi in the Madurantakam taluk of the Chingleput
district. Ambattans are now-a-days found over the whole Tamil area of
the Madras Presidency. Originally, free movement into the various parts
of the Presidency was far from easy, and every Ambattan, wherever he
might migrate to, retained his subjection to the chief or headman of
his native village. Thus, perhaps, what was at first a tribal division
gradually developed into a territorial one. Each Perithanakkaran
has under him six hundred, or even a thousand Kudithalakkarans,
or heads of families. His office being hereditary, he is, if only
a minor, treated with respect and dignity. All the preliminaries of
marriage are arranged by him. On important occasions, such as settling
disputes, he is assisted by a panchayat, or council of elders. In
this way are settled quarrels, questions arising out of adultery,
or non-payment of fines, which it is his duty to collect. He is
further responsible for the marriage rice-money, which is added to a
communal tax of 2 1/2 annas per family, which is imposed annually for
charitable purposes. The charities take the form of the maintenance
of chattrams, or places where pilgrims are fed free of charge at
holy places. Two such institutions are maintained in the Chingleput
district, the centre of the Ambattan community, one at Tirupporur,
the other at Tirukalikundram. At these places Brahmans are given
free meals, and to other caste Hindus sadabath, or things necessary
for meals, are presented. Sometimes the money is spent in building
adjuncts to holy shrines. At Srirangam, for example, the Ambattans,
in days gone by, built a fine stone mantapam for the local temple. If
the Perithanakkaran cannot satisfactorily dispose of a case with the
assistance of the usual panchayat (council), it is referred to the
higher authority of the Kavarai or Desai Setti, or even to British
Courts as a last resource.

The barber has been summed up by a district official [58] as "one
of the most useful of the village servants. He leads an industrious
life, his services being in demand on all occasions of marriages,
feasts, and funerals. He often combines in himself the three useful
vocations of hair-dresser, surgeon, and musician. In the early hours
of the morning, he may be seen going his rounds to his employers'
houses in his capacity of shaver and hair-cutter. Later on, he will
be leading the village band of musicians before a wedding procession,
or playing at a temple ceremony. Yet again he may be observed paying
his professional visits as Vythian or physician, with his knapsack
of surgical instruments and cutaneous drugs tucked under his arm. By
long practice the barber becomes a fairly skilful operator with the
knife, which he uses in a rough and ready manner. He lances ulcers
and carbuncles, and even essays his hand in affections of the eye,
often with the most disastrous results. It is the barber who takes
away cricks and sprains, procures leeches for those wishing to be
bled, and otherwise relieves the physical ills of his patients. The
barber woman, on the other hand, is the accoucheuse and midwife of
the village matrons. It may be said without exaggeration that many
of the uterine ailments which furnish patients to the maternity wards
of the various hospitals in this country are attributable to the rude
treatment of the village midwife."

The Ambattan will cut the nails, and shave not only the head and
face, but other parts of the body, whereas the Telugu barber will
shave only down to the waist. The depilatory operations on women
are performed by female hair-dressers. Barbers' sons are taught to
shave by taking the bottom of an old well-burnt clay cooking-pot,
and, with a blunt knife, scraping off the collected carbon. They
then commence to operate on pubescent youths. The barber who shaves
Europeans must not be a caste barber, but is either a Muhammadan
or a non-caste man. Quite recently, a youthful Ambattan had to
undergo ceremonial purification for having unconsciously shaved a
Paraiyan. Paraiyans, Malas, and other classes of the lower orders,
have their own barbers and washermen. Razors are, however, sometime
lent to them by the Ambattans for a small consideration, and cleansed
in water when they are returned. Parasitic skin diseases are said to
originate from the application of a razor, which has been used on a
number of miscellaneous individuals. And well-to-do Hindus now keep
their own razor, which the barber uses when he comes to shave them. In
the southern districts, it is not usual for the Ambattans to go to
the houses of their customers, but they have sheds at the backs of
their own houses, where they attend to them from daybreak till about
mid-day. Occasionally, when sent for, they will wait on Brahmans and
high-class non-Brahmans at their houses. Numbers of them, besides,
wait for customers near the riverside. Like the English hair-cutter,
the Ambattan is a chatter-box, retails the petty gossip of the station,
and is always posted in the latest local news and scandal. The barbers
attached to British regiments are migratory, and, it is said, have
friends and connections in all military cantonments, with whom they
exchange news, and hold social intercourse. The Ambattan fills the rôle
of negotiator and go-between in the arrangement of marriages, feasts,
and funeral. He is, moreover, the village physician and surgeon, and,
in the days when blood-letting was still in vogue, the operation
of phlebotomy was part of his business. In modern times, his nose
has, like that of the village potter, been put out of joint by civil
hospitals and dispensaries. His medicines consist of pills made from
indigenous drugs, the nature of which he does not reveal. His surgical
instrument is the razor which he uses for shaving, and he does not
resort to it until local applications, e.g., in a case of carbuncle,
have failed.

In return for his multifarious services to the villagers, the Ambattan
was given a free grant of land, for which he has even now to pay only
a nominal tax. But, in the days when there was no survey or settlement,
if the barber neglected his duties, he was threatened with confiscation
of his lands. At the present day, however, he can sell, mortgage,
or make a gift thereof. As the Ambattans became divided up into a
number of families, their duties in the village were parcelled out
among them, so that each barber family became attached to certain
families of other castes, and was entitled to certain rights from
them. Among other claims, each barber family became entitled to three
or four marakkals of paddy (unhusked rice), which is the perquisite
of the married members thereof. It may be noted that, in village
communities, lands were granted not only to the barber, but also
to village officials such as the blacksmith, carpenter, washerman,
astrologer, priest, dancing-girl, etc.

In his capacity of barber, the Ambattan is called Nasivan (unholy man),
or, according to the Census Reports, Nasuvan (sprung from the nose),
or Navidan. He is also known as Panditan or Pariyari (doctor), and
Kudimaghan (son of the ryot). The last of these names is applied to him
especially on occasions of marriage, when to call him Nasivan would
be inauspicious. The recognised insigne of his calling is the small
looking-glass, which he carries with him, together with the razor,
and sometimes tweezers and ear-pick. He must salute his superiors by
prostrating himself on his stomach, folding his arms, and standing at
a respectful distance. He may not attend at Brahman houses on new or
full-moon days, Tuesday, Saturday, and special days such as Ekadasi
and Dwadasi. The most proper days are Sunday and Monday. The quality
of the shave varies with the skill of the individual, and there is
a Tamil proverb "Go to an old barber and a new washerman." Stories
are extant of barbers shaving kings while they were asleep without
waking them, and it is said that the last Raja of Tanjore used to be
thus entertained with exhibitions of their skill. The old legend of
the barber who, in return for shaving a Raja without awakening him,
requested that he might be made a Brahman, and how the Court jester
Tennali Raman got the Raja to cancel his agreement, has recently been
re-told in rhyme. [59] It is there described how the barber lathered
the head "with water alone, for soap he had none." The modern barber,
however, uses soap, either a cheap quality purchased in the bazar,
or a more expensive brand supplied by his client.

By a curious corruption, Hamilton's bridge, which connects the
Triplicane and Mylapore divisions of the city of Madras, has become
converted into Ambattan, or barber's bridge. And the barber, as
he shaves you, will tell how, in days before the bridge was built,
the channel became unfordable during a north-east monsoon flood. A
barber, who lived on the Triplicane side, had to shave an engineer,
whose house was on the Mylapore side. With difficulty he swam across,
and shaved the sahib while he was asleep without waking him, and,
in return, asked that, in the public interests, a bridge should be
built over the channel.

Ambattans of Travancore.--For the following note I am indebted to
Mr. N. Subramani Aiyer. The barbers of Travancore are called by various
designations, those in Central and South Travancore preferring to
be known by the name of Kshaurakan or Kshaurakkaran, a corruption
of the Sanskrit kshuraka, while Ambattan seems to find general
favour in the south. A curious name given to the caste throughout
Travancore is Pranopakari, or one who helps the souls, indicating
their priestly functions in the ceremonials of various castes. A
contraction of this name found in the early settlement records is
Pranu. The members of those families from which kings and noblemen
have at any time selected their barbers are called Vilakkittalavan,
or more properly Vilakkuttalayan, meaning literally those who shave
heads. In North Travancore many families are in possession of royal
edicts conferring upon them the title of Panikkar, and along with
it the headmanship of the barber families of the village in which
they reside. Others have the title of Vaidyan or doctor, from the
secondary occupation of the caste.

Endless endogamous septs occur among the barbers, and, at Trivandrum,
there are said to be four varieties called Chala Vazhi, Pandi
Vazhi, Attungal Vazhi, and Peruntanni Vazhi. But it is possible
to divide all the Kshaurakans of Travancore into three classes,
viz., Malayalam-speaking Ambattans, who follow the makkathayam law
of inheritance; (2) Malayalam-speaking Ambattans who follow the
marumakkathayam law of inheritance; (3) Tamil-speaking barbers, who
have in many localities adopted Malayalam as their mother-tongue,
and indicate their recent conversion in this direction by preserving
unchanged the dress and ornaments of their womenkind. In Pattanapuram,
for example, there is a class of Malayalam-speaking barbers known as
Pulans who immigrated into that taluk from the Tamil country about two
hundred years ago, and reveal their kinship with the Tamil-speaking
barbers in various ways. In Kottayam and some other North Travancore
taluks, a large number of barbers may be described as recent
converts of this character. In theory at least, the makkathayam and
marumakkathayam Ambattans may be said to form two distinct endogamous
groups, of which the former regard themselves as far superior to the
latter in social position. Sometimes the makkathayam Ambattans give
their girls in marriage to the marumakkathayam Ambattans, though
the converse can never hold good. But, in these cases, the girl is
not permitted to re-enter the paternal home, and associate with the
people therein.

A local tradition describes the Travancore Kshaurakans as pursuing
their present occupation owing to the curse of Surabhi, the divine
calf. Whatever their origin, they have faithfully followed their
traditional occupation, and, in addition, many study medicine in their
youth, and attend to the ailments of the villagers, while the women
act as midwives. When a high-caste Hindu dies, the duty of supplying
the fuel for the funeral pyre, and watching the burning ground,
devolves on the barber.

In their dress and ornaments the Travancore barbers closely resemble
the Nayars, but some wear round gold beads and a conch-shaped marriage
jewel round the neck, to distinguish their women from those of the
Nayars. This, however, does not hold good in South Travancore, where
the women have entirely adopted the Nayar type of jewelry. Tattooing
prevails to a greater extent among the barbers than among other
classes, but has begun to lose its popularity.

The barbers not only worship the ordinary Hindu deities, but also
adore such divinities as Murti, Maden, and Yakshi. The corpses of those
who die as the result of accident or contagious disease, are buried,
not burnt. A sorcerer is called on to raise the dead from the grave,
and, at his instance, a kuryala or small thatched shed is erected,
to provide a sanctum for the resurrected spirit. Every year, in the
month of Makaram (January-February), the day on which the Utradam star
falls is taken as the occasion for making offerings to these spirits.

In every village certain families had bestowed on them by the
chieftains of Kerala the right of deciding all questions affecting
the caste. All social offences are tried by them, and the decision
takes the form of an order to celebrate iananguttu or feast of the
equals, at which the first article served on the leaf placed before
the assembled guests is not food, but a sum of money.

The tali-kettu and sambandham ceremonies are celebrated, the former
before, and the latter after the girl has reached puberty. The
preliminary rites of betrothal and kapu-kettu (tying the string
round the wrist) over, the bridegroom enters the marriage hall in
procession. There are no Vedic rites; nor is there any definite priest
for the marriage ceremony. The conch-shell is blown at odd intervals,
this being considered indispensable. The festivities last for four
days. A niece and nephew are regarded as the most legitimate spouses
of a son and daughter respectively.

After the cremation or burial of a corpse, a rope is held by two of
the relations between the dead person's remains and the karta (chief
mourner), and cut in two, as if to indicate that all connection between
the karta and the deceased has ceased. This is called bandham aruppu,
or severing of connection. Pollution lasts for sixteen days among all
sections of the barbers, except the Tamils, who regain their purity
after a death in the family on the eleventh day.

Ambiga.--A synonym of Kabbera.

Ambojala (lotus: Nelumbium).--A house-name of Korava.

Amma (mother).--A sub-division of Pallan and Paraiyan. It is also the
title of the various goddesses, or mothers, such as Ellamma, Mariamma,
etc., which are worshipped as Grama Devatas (village deities) at the
temples known as Amman-koil.

Ammukkuvan.--A sub-division of Katalarayan. [60] (See Valan.)

Anapa (Dolichos Lablab).--A gotra of Komati.

Anasa (ferrule).--A gotra of Kurni.

Anchu (edge or border).--A gotra of Kurni.

Andara (pandal or booth).--A sept of Kuruba.

Ande.--Ande (a pot) as a division of the Kurubas refers to the small
bamboo or wooden vessel used when milking goats. It further denotes a
division of the Koragas, who used to wear a pot suspended from their
necks, into which they were compelled to spit, so as not to defile
the highway.

Anderaut.--Recorded, in the Census Report, 1901, as a sub-division of
Kurumba. Probably a form of Ande Kuruba. Raut is frequently a title
of headmen among Lingayats.

Andi.--In a note on Andis in the Madras Census Report, 1901,
Mr. W. Francis writes that "for a Brahman or an ascetic, mendicancy
was always considered an honourable profession, to which no sort of
shame attached. Manu says 'a Brahman should constantly shun worldly
honour, as he would shun poison, and rather constantly seek disrespect
as he would seek nectar'; and every Brahman youth was required to
spend part of his life as a beggar. The Jains and Buddhists held the
same views. The Hindu Chattrams [61] and Uttupuras, the Jain Pallis,
and the Buddhist Viharas owe their origin to this attitude, they
being originally intended for the support of the mendicant members of
these religions. But persons of other than the priestly and religious
classes were expected to work for their living, and were not entitled
to relief in these institutions. Begging among such people--unless,
as in the case of the Pandarams and Andis, a religious flavour attaches
to it--is still considered disreputable. The percentage of beggars in
the Tamil districts to the total population is .97, or more than twice
what it is in the Telugu country, while in Malabar it is as low as
.09. The Telugus are certainly not richer as a class than the Tamils,
and the explanation of these differences is perhaps to be found in the
fact that the south is more religiously inclined than the north, and
has more temples and their connected charities (religion and charity go
hand in hand in India), and so offers more temptation to follow begging
as a profession. Andis are Tamil beggars. They are really inferior to
Pandarams, but the two terms are in practice often indiscriminately
applied to the same class of people. Pandarams are usually Vellalas
by caste, but Andis are recruited from all classes of Sudras, and
they consequently have various sub-divisions, which are named after
the caste to which the members of each originally belonged, such as
the Jangam Andis, meaning beggars of the Jangam caste, and the Jogi
Andis, that is, Andis of the Jogi caste. They also have occupational
and other divisions, such as the Kovil Andis, meaning those who do
service in temples, and the Mudavandis or the lame beggars. Andi is
in fact almost a generic term. All Andis are not beggars however;
some are bricklayers, others are cultivators, and others are occupied
in the temples. They employed Brahman priests at their ceremonies, but
all of them eat meat and drink alcohol. Widows and divorcées may marry
again. Among the Tinnevelly Andis, the sister of the bridegroom ties
the tali (marriage badge) round the bride's neck, which is not usual."

In the Madras Census Report, 1891, the Andis are summed up as
"beggars who profess the Saiva faith. They may be found in all the
Tamil districts, begging from door to door, beating a small gong with a
stick. The Andis differ from most other castes, in that a person of any
caste may join their community. Some of them officiate as priests in
village temples, especially when large sacrifices of goats, buffaloes,
and pigs are made. They usually bury the dead. They have returned 105
sub-divisions, of which the most important are the following:--Jangam,
Komanandi, Lingadari, Mudavandi, and Uppandi. Komanam is the small loin
cloth, and a Komanandi goes naked, except for this slight concession
to decency. Mudam means lame, and the Mudavandis (q.v.) are allowed
to claim any deformed child belonging to the Konga Vellala caste. The
etymology of Uppandi is difficult, but it is improbable that it has
any connection with uppu, salt.

In the Tanjore Manual, it is noted that "in its ordinary acceptation
the word Andi means houseless beggars, and is applied to those who
profess the Saiva faith. They go out every morning, begging for alms
of uncooked rice, singing ballads or hymns. They play on a small
gong called semakkalam with a stick, and often carry a conch shell,
which they blow. They are given to drinking."

It is recorded [62] that "South Indian beggars are divided into two
classes, Panjathandi and Paramparaiandi. The former are famine-made
beggars, and the latter are beggars from generation to generation. The
former, a common saying goes, would rob from the person of a child
at a convenient opportunity, while the latter would jump into a well,
and pick up a child which had fallen into it by an accident, and make
it over to its parents."

Andi (a god) occurs as an exogamous section of Sirukudi Kallans.

Andinia.--Recorded by Mr. F. Fawcett as an inferior sub-division of
Dombs, who eat frogs.

Anduran.--A sub-division of Nayar potters, who manufacture earthenware
articles for use in temples. The name is derived from Andur, a place
which was once a fief under the Zamorin of Calicut.

Ane (elephant).--An exogamous sept of Holeya, Kappiliyan, Kuruba,
Kadu Kurumba, Moger, and Gangadikara Vakkaliga. Yenigala or Yenuga
(elephant) is further an exogamous sept of Kapus, who will not touch
ivory. Anai-kombu (elephant tusk) occurs as a sub-division of Idaiyan.

Angarakudu (the planet Mars).--A synonym of Mangala.

Anja.--In the Madras Census Report, 1891, Ajna is returned as a
sub-division of Pallan. This, however, seems to be a mistake for Anja
(father), by which name these Pallans address their fathers.

Anju Nal (five days).--Recorded in the Salem Manual, as a name given
to Pallis who perform the death ceremony on the fifth day after death.

Anjuttan (men of the five hundred).--Recorded at times of census,
as a sub-division of Panan, and a synonym of Velan. In the Gazetteer
of Malabar, it appears as a sub-division of Mannans, who are closely
akin to the Velans. The equivalent Anjuttilkar occurs as a synonym
for Tenkanchi Vellalas in Travancore.

Anna (brother).--The title of numerous classes, e.g., Dasari, Gavara,
Golla, Konda Dora, Koppala Velama, Mangala, Mila, Paidi, and Segidi.

Annam (cooked rice).--An exogamous sept of Gamalla and Togata.

Annavi.--A title of Savalakkarans, who play on the nagasaram (reed
instrument) in temples.

Antalavar.--Recorded in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a
sub-division of Nayar.

Antarala.--A synonym of Ambalavasi, denoting those who occupy an
intermediate position between Brahmans and Sudras.

Antarjanam (inside person).--A term applied to Nambutiri Brahman
females, who live in seclusion. [63]

Anuloma.--One of the two classes of Sudras, viz., Anuloma and
Veloma. The term Anuloma is applied to those born of a higher-caste
male and a lower-caste female, e.g., barbers are said to be the
offspring of a Brahman and a Vaisya woman.

Anumala (seeds of Dolichos Lablab).--An exogamous sept of Devanga. The
equivalent Anumolla occurs as an exogamous sept of Kamma.

Anuppan.--The Anuppans are described, in the Madras Census Report,
1891, as "a small caste of Canarese farmers, found chiefly in the
districts of Madura, Tinnevelly, and Coimbatore. Their original home
appears to have been Mysore or South Canara, probably the former. Their
language is a corrupt form of Canarese. The most important sub-division
is Allikulam (lily clan). Some of them are Saivites, and others
Vaishnavites. Brahmans are employed as priests by the Vaishnavites,
but not by the Saivites. Remarriage of widows is practised, but a
woman divorced for adultery cannot remarry during the life-time of
her husband."

In the Gazetteer of the Madura district, it is stated that "the
Anuppans are commonest in the Kambam valley. They have a tradition
regarding their migration thither, which closely resembles that current
among the Kappiliyans and Tottiyans (q.v.). Local tradition at Kambam
says that the Anuppans were in great strength here in olden days,
and that quarrels arose, in the course of which the chief of the
Kappiliyans, Ramachcha Kavandan, was killed. With his dying breath
he cursed the Anuppans, and thenceforth they never prospered, and now
not one of them is left in the town. Their title is Kavandan. They are
divided into six territorial groups called Medus, which are named after
three villages in this district, and three in Tinnevelly. Over each of
these is a headman called the Periyadanakkaran, and the three former
are also subject to a Guru who lives at Sirupalai near Madura. These
three are divided again into eighteen kilais or branches, each of
which intermarries only with certain of the others. Caste panchayats
(councils) are held on a blanket, on which (compare the Tottiyan
custom) is placed a pot of water containing margosa (Melia Azadirachta)
leaves, to symbolise the sacred nature of the meeting. Women who go
astray with men of other castes are expelled, and various ceremonies,
including (it is said) the burying alive of a goat, are enacted to show
that they are dead to the community. The right of a man to his paternal
aunt's daughter is as vigorously maintained as among the Kappiliyans
and Tottiyans, and leads to the same curious state of affairs (i.e., a
woman, whose husband is too young to fulfil the duties of his position,
is allowed to consort with his near relations, and the children so
begotten are treated as his). No tali (marriage badge) is tied at
weddings, and the binding part of the ceremonies is the linking, on
seven separate occasions, of the little fingers of the couple. Like
the Kappiliyans, the Anuppans have many caste and family deities,
a number of whom are women who committed sati." (See Kappiliyan).

Apoto.--Apoto, or Oppoto, is a sub-division of Gaudos, the occupation
of which is palanquin-bearing.

Appa (father).--A title of members of various Telugu and Canarese
castes, e.g., Idiga, Kannadiyan, Linga Balija, and Tambala.

Arab.--A Muhammadan territorial name, returned at times of census. In
the Mysore Census Report, 1901, the Arabs are described as itinerant
tradesmen, whose chief business is horse-dealing, though some deal
in cloths.

Aradhya.--For the following note I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana
Rao. The Aradhyas are a sect of Brahmans found mainly in the four
northern districts of the Madras Presidency, and to a smaller extent
in the Cuddapah and Kurnool districts. A few are also found in the
Mysore State. They differ in almost every important respect from other
Brahmans. Basava, the founder of the Lingayat religion, was born in a
family of Brahmans, who, with others round about them, were apparently
the first converts to his religion. According to Mr. C. P. Brown, [64]
they were "in all probability his personal friends; he persuaded them
to lay aside their name, and call themselves Aradhya or Reverend.' They
revere the four Aradhyas, visionary personages of the Lingayat creed,
of whom very little is known. At all social and religious functions,
birth, marriage, initiation and funerals, four vases of water are
solemnly placed in their name, and then invoked to preside over
them. Their names are Revanaradhya, Marularadhya, Ekoramaradhya,
and Panditaradhya. In four ages, it is said, these four successively
appeared as precursors of the divine Basava, and were, like Basava,
Brahmans. A Purana, known as the Panditaradhya Charitra, is named
after the last of these. Versions thereof are found both in Canarese
and Telugu. A Sanskrit poem, called Siddhanta Sikhamani, represents
Revanaradhya as a human manifestation of one of the ministers of Siva.

As might be expected, the members of this sect are staunch
Saivites. They wear both the Brahminical sacred thread, and the linga
suspended from another thread. They revere in particular Ganapathi. The
lingam which they wear they usually call the prana lingam, or life
lingam. The moment a child, male or female, is born, it is invested
with the lingam; otherwise it is not considered to have pranam or
life. The popular belief is that, if by some accident the lingam is
lost, a man must either fast until he recovers it, or not survive
so dire a calamity. This is a fixed dogma with them. A man who loses
his prana linga stands up to his neck in water, and repeats mantrams
(sacred formulæ) for days together; and, on the last day, the lost
lingam comes back to him miraculously, if he has been really orthodox
in his life. If he does not succeed in recovering it, he must starve
and die. The theory is that the lingam is the life of the man who
wears it, and, when it is lost beyond recovery, he loses his own
life. Incredible stories of miraculous recoveries of the lingam are
told. In one case, it is said to have returned to its owner, making
a loud noise in water; and in another it was found in a box under
lock and key. In this connection, the following story is narrated
by Colonel Wilks. [65] "Poornia, the present minister of Mysore,
relates an incident of a Lingayat friend of his, who had unhappily
lost his portable God, and came to take a last farewell. The Indians,
like more enlightened nations, readily laugh at the absurdities of
every sect but their own, and Poornia gave him better counsel. It is a
part of the ceremonial preceding the sacrifice of the individual that
the principal persons of the sect should assemble on the bank of some
holy stream, and, placing in a basket the lingam images of the whole
assembly, purify them in the sacred waters. The destined victim in
conformity to the advice of his friend, suddenly seized the basket,
and overturned its contents into the rapid Caveri. Now, my friends,
said he, we are on equal terms; let us prepare to die together. The
discussion terminated according to expectation. The whole party took
an oath of inviolable secrecy, and each privately provided himself
with a new image of the lingam."

Aradhyas, as has been indicated, differ from other Brahmans in general
in some of their customs. Before they partake of food, they make an
offering of it to the lingam which they are wearing. As they cannot
eat without making this offering, they have the entire meal served
up at the commencement thereof. They offer the whole to the lingam,
and then begin to eat. They do not accept offerings distributed in
temples as other Brahmans do, because they have already been offered to
the God, and cannot therefore be offered again to the lingam. Unlike
other Lingayats, Aradhyas believe in the Vedas, to which they give
allegorical interpretations. They are fond of reading Sanskrit, and
a few have been well-known Telugu poets. Thus, Palapuri Somanatha,
who lived in the fourteenth century A.D., composed the Basava Purana
and the Panditaradhya Charitra, and the brothers Piduparthi Somanatha
and the Basavakavi, who lived in the sixteenth century, composed
other religious works.

Aradhyas marry among themselves, and occasionally take girls in
marriage from certain of the Niyogi sub-divisions of the Northern
Circars. This would seem to show that they were themselves Niyogis,
prior to their conversion. They do not intermarry with Aruvelu
Niyogis. Unlike other Brahmans, they bury their dead in a sitting
posture. They observe death pollution for ten days, and perform the
ekodishta and other Brahminical ceremonies for their progenitors. They
perform annually, not the Brahminical sradha, but the aradhana. In
the latter, there is no apasavyam (wearing the sacred thread from
right to left), and no use of gingelly seeds and dharba grass. Nor
is there homam (raising the sacrificial fire), parvanam (offering
of rice-balls), or oblation of water. Widows do not have their
heads shaved.

The title of the Aradhyas is always Aradhya.

Arakala.--A small class of cultivators, recorded mainly from the
Kurnool district. The name is possibly derived from araka, meaning
a plough with bullocks, or from arakadu, a cultivator.

Arampukatti.--The name, denoting those who tie flower-buds or prepare
garlands, of a sub-division of Vellalas.

Aranadan, See Ernadan.

Arane (lizard).--An exogamous sub-sept of Kappiliyan.

Arashina (turmeric).--A gotra or exogamous sept of Agasa, Kurni,
Kuruba, and Odde. The equivalent Pasupula occurs as an exogamous sept
of Devanga. In Southern India, turmeric (Curcuma) is commonly called
saffron (Crocus). Turmeric enters largely into Hindu ceremonial. For
example, the practice of smearing the face with it is very widespread
among females, and, thinking that it will give their husbands increase
of years, women freely bathe themselves with turmeric water. The
use of water, in which turmeric has been infused, and by which they
give the whole body a bright yellow colour, is prescribed to wives
as a mark of the conjugal state, and forbidden to widows. [66] To
ward off the evil eye, a vessel containing turmeric water and other
things is waved in front of the bridal couple at weddings. Or they
are bathed in turmeric water, which they pour over each other. The
tali or bottu (gold marriage badge) is attached to a cotton thread
dyed with turmeric, and, among some castes, the tying together of the
hands of the bride and bridegroom with such a thread is the binding
portion of the ceremony.

Arasu or Rajpinde.--"This caste," Mr. Lewis Rice writes (1877):-- [67]
"are relatives of or connected with the Rajahs of Mysore. During
the life-time of the late Maharaja, they were divided into two
factions in consequence of the refusal of thirteen families headed
by the Dalavayi (the chief of the female branch) to pay respect to
an illegitimate son of His Highness. The other eighteen families
consented to the Rajah's wishes, and treat the illegitimate branch,
called Komarapatta, as equals. The two divisions intermarry and eat
together, and the family quarrel, though serious at the time, is not
likely to be permanent. They are employed chiefly under Government
and in agriculture, most of the former being engaged in the palace at
Mysore. Rajpindes are both Vishnavites and Sivites, and their priests
are both Brahmans and Lingayat Waders."

In the Madras Census Report, 1891, Arasu (= Raja or king) is given
as a sub-division of the Tamil Pallis and Paraiyans. Urs appears as
a contracted form of Arasu in the names of the Mysore royal family,
e.g., Kantaraj Urs.

Arathi.--The name, indicating a wave offering to avert the evil eye,
of an exogamous sept of Kuruba.

Arati (plantain tree).--An exogamous sept of Chenchu.

Arava.--Arava, signifying Tamil, has been recorded as a sub-division
of some Telugu classes, e.g., Golla and Velama. The name, however,
refers to Tamil Idaiyans and Vellalas, who have settled in the
Telugu country, and are known respectively as Arava Golla and Arava
Velama. In some places in the Telugu country, Tamil Paraiyans,
employed as servants under Europeans, horse-keepers, etc., are known
as Arava Malalu (Malas). The Irulas of the North Arcot district are,
in like manner, sometimes called Arava Yanadis. Arava also occurs
as a division of Tigalas, said to be a section of the Tamil Pallis,
who have settled in Mysore. An ingenious suggestion has been made
that Arava is derived from ara, half, vayi, mouthed, in reference
to the defective Tamil alphabet, or to the termination of the words
being mostly in consonants.

Aravan.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a
sub-division of Nayar.

Arayan.--See Valan.

Archaka.--Archaka, or Umai Archaka, is a title of Occhans, who are
priests at temples of Grama Devatas (village deities).

Are.--A synonym for Marathi. The name occurs as a sub-division
of Kunchigar and Kudubi. In South Canara Arya Kshatri occurs as
the equivalent of Are, and, in the Telugu country, Are Kapu refers
to Marathi cultivators. Arya Kuttadi is a Tamil synonym of Marathi
Dommaras. Concerning the Ares, Mr. H. G. Stuart writes as follows. [68]
"Of the total number of 6,809 Ares, 4,373 are found in South Canara,
Bellary and Anantapur, and these are true Ares. Of the rest I am not
able to speak with certainty, as the term Arya, which is a synonym
of Are, is also used as an equivalent of Marathi, and sometimes
in a still wider sense. The true Ares are husbandmen of Maratha
origin. They wear the sacred thread, have Brahmans as their priests,
and give allegiance to the head of the Sringeri Mutt. Marriage of
girls takes place either before or after puberty, and the remarriage
of widows is not allowed. A husband may divorce his wife for adultery,
but a wife cannot divorce her husband. When the guilt of a woman is
proved, and the sanction of the Guru obtained, the husband performs
the act of divorce by cutting a pumpkin in two at a place where three
ways meet. The use of animal food is allowed, but intoxicating liquors
are forbidden." The Ares of South Canara, Mr. Stuart writes further,
[69] "usually speak Marathi or Konkani, but in the Kasaragod taluk,
and possibly in other parts too, they speak Canarese. Their exogamous
septs are called manathanas. They use the dhare form of marriage
(see Bant), but the pot contains a mixture of water, milk, ghee
(clarified butter), honey and curds instead of the usual plain water."

The Marathi-speaking Areyavaru or Aryavaru of the South Canara
district follow the makkala santana law of inheritance (from father
to son). For ceremonial purposes, they engage Shivalli Brahmans. An
interesting feature of the marriage rites is that the bridegroom makes
a pretence of going to a battle-field to fight, presumably to show that
he is of Kshatriya descent. The ceremony is called dandal jatai. The
bridegroom ties a bead on the neck of the bride if of the Powar sept,
and a disc if of the Edar sept. The Areyavaru eat fowls and fish. The
former are killed after certain mantrams (prayers) have been uttered,
and, if a priest is available, it is his duty to despatch the bird. The
caste deity is Ammanoru (Durga), in the worship of whom the Areyavaru,
like other Maratha castes, employ Gondala mendicants.

Are (Bauhinia racemosa).--A gotra of Kurni.

Ari.--The Aris or Dutans are described, in the Travancore Census
Report, 1901, as a "small but interesting community confined to a
village in the Tovala taluk. By traditional occupation they are the
Ambalavasis of the Saivaite temple of Darsanamkoppa. They are strict
vegetarians, wear the Brahminical thread, perform all the Brahminical
ceremonies under the guidance of Brahman priests, and claim a position
equal to that of the Aryappattars. But they are not allowed to dine
with the Brahmans, or to enter the mandapa in front of the garbhagriha,
the inner sanctuary of a Hindu shrine. Their dress and ornaments are
like those of the Tamil Brahmans, and their language is Tamil. Their
period of pollution, however, is as long as fifteen days."

Ari (ebony).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba.

Arigala.--Arigala, denoting a dish carried in procession, occurs
as an exogamous sept of Mutracha. Arigala and Arika, both meaning
the millet Paspalum scrobiculatum, are septs of Jatapu and Panta
Reddi. The latter may not use the grain as food.

Arikuravan.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a
sub-division of Nayar.

Arisi.--A sub-division of Savara.

Ariyar.--Ariyar or Ariyanattu Chetti is given as a caste title by
Pattanavans.

Ariyur.--Ariyur or Ariviyur is the name of a sub-division of
Nattukottai Chettis.

Arli (Ficus religiosa).--An exogamous sept of Stanika.

Arudra (lady-bird).--An exogamous sept of Kalingi.

Arupathukatchi (sixty house section).--A sub-division of Valluvan.

Arupattanalu Taleikattu (sixty-four, who covered their heads).--A
sub-division of Chetti.

Aruththukattatha.--The name, meaning those who do not tie the tali a
second time, of a section of Paraiyans who do not allow the remarriage
of widows.

Aruva.--The Aruvas are an interesting caste of cultivators along the
sea-coast in the Berhampur taluk of Ganjam. They say that they are
descended from the offspring of alliances between Patanis (Muhammadans)
and Oriya women. Like other Oriya castes, they have a number of titles,
e.g., Nayako, Patro, Podhano, Ponda, Mondolo, and Mollana, some of
which seem to be exogamous, and there are also numerous exogamous
septs or bamsams. The headman is styled Nayako, and he is assisted
by a Bhollobhaya. Both these offices are hereditary. The Aruvas
say that they belong to two Vedas, viz., the males to Atharva Veda,
and the females to Yajur Veda. Muhammadans are believed by them to
be Atharvavedis.

A member of the caste, called Mollana, officiates on ceremonial
occasions. A pure Oriya casteman will not allow his son to marry
his sister's daughter, but this is permitted in most places by the
Aruvas. The marriage ceremonial, except in a few points of detail,
conforms to the general Oriya type. On the day before the wedding,
a milk-post of bamboo is erected, and in front of it a new cloth,
and various articles for worship are placed. When the fingers of the
contracting couple are linked together, and at other stages of the
marriage rites, the Mollana recites certain formulæ, in which the
words Bismillahi and Allah occur.

The dead are always buried. In former days, stone slabs, with Arabic or
Hindustani legends in Oriya characters inscribed on them, used to be
set up over the grave. For these, two sticks are now substituted. The
corpse of a dead person is sewn up in a kind of sack. As it is
being lowered into the grave, the Mollana recites formulæ, and those
present throw earth over it before the grave is filled in. They then
take their departure, and the Mollana, standing on one leg, recites
further formulæ. On the following day, bitter food, consisting of rice
and margosa (Melia Azadirachta) leaves, is prepared, and given to the
agnates. On the third day after death, the burial-ground is visited,
and, after water has been poured over the grave, a cloth is spread
thereon. On this relations of the deceased throw earth and food. A
purificatory ceremony, in which ghi (clarified butter) is touched,
is performed on the fifteenth day. On the fortieth day, the Mollana
officiates at a ceremony in which food is offered to the dead person.

The Aruvas do not take part in any Muhammadan ceremonial, and do not
worship in mosques. Most of them are Paramarthos, and all worship
various Hindu deities and Takuranis (village gods). At their houses,
the god is represented by a mass of mud of conical shape, with
an areca nut on the top of it. In recent times, a number of Aruva
families, owing to a dispute with the Mollana, do not employ him for
their ceremonials, in which they follow the standard Oriya type. They
neither interdine nor intermarry with other sections of the community,
and have become an independent section thereof.

Arya.--Arya or Ariya (noble) occurs as a class of Pattar Brahmans,
a division of Samagaras, and an exogamous sept of Kurubas. Some
Pattanavans call themselves Ariya Nattu Chetti (Chettis of the country
of chiefs), Ariyar, or Ayyayirath Thalaivar (the five thousand chiefs).

Asadi.--The Asadis of the Bellary district are summed up, in the
Madras Census Report, 1901, as "a sub-caste of Mala or Holeya, which,
in Bellary, are almost interchangeable terms. They are prostitutes and
dancers." Among the Madigas, men called Asadi, who have undergone an
initiation ceremony, go about, in company with the Matangis (dedicated
prostitutes), playing on an instrument called the chaudike, and
singing the praises and reciting the story of Ellamma. (See Madiga.)

Asan (teacher).--The title of Variyans, who have held the hereditary
position of tutors in noblemen's families. Also a title of Pisharati
and Kanisan.

Asari.--In most parts of the Madras Presidency, Mr. H. A. Sturat
writes, "Asari (or Achari) is synonymous with Kammalan, and may denote
any of the five artizan castes, but in Malabar it is practically
confined to the carpenter caste. The Asari of Malabar is the Brahman
of the Kammala castes. The Kammala castes generally pollute Nayars
by approaching within twelve feet, and Brahmans by coming within
thirty-six feet; but an Asari with his measuring rod in his hand
has the privilege of approaching very near, and even entering the
houses of higher castes without polluting them. This exception may
have arisen out of necessity." At the census, 1901, some Sayakkarans
(Tamil dyers) returned Asari as a title.

In a Government office, a short time ago, the head clerk, a Brahman
named Rangachari, altered the spelling of the name of a Kammalan from
Velayudachari to Velayudasari in the office books, on the ground that
the former looked Brahmanical.

Ashtakshari (eight syllables).--A sub-division of Satanis, who believe
in the efficacy of the eight syllables om-na-mo-na-ra-ya-na-ya in
ensuring eternal bliss. The name ashtabhukkulu, or those who eat the
eight greedily, also occurs as a sub-division of the same people.

Ashtalohi.--The name, meaning workers in eight metals, of a small class
of Oriya artizans. According to one version the eight metals are gold,
silver, bell-metal, copper, lead, tin, iron, and brass; according to
another, gold, silver, copper, tin, lead, load-stone, iron, and steel.

Ashtikurissi.--Ashtikurissi (ashti, a bone) or Attikurissi is an
occupational sub-division of Nayars and Marans, who officiate at the
funerals of Nambutiri Brahmans and Nayars, and help in collecting
the remains of the bones after cremation.

Asili.--The name for Telugu toddy-drawers in the Cuddapah
district. (See Idiga.)

Asupani.--An occupational name for Marans who play on the temple
musical instruments asu and pani.

Asvo (horse).--An exogamous sept of Ghasi.

Atagara or Hatagara.--A sub-division of Devanga.

Aththi (Ficus glomerata).--An exogamous sept of Stanika.

Atikunnan.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a
sub-division of Nayar.

Atreya.--A Brahmanical gotra of Bhatrazus. Atreyas are descendants
of Atri, a rishi who is regarded by some as one of the ten Prajapatis
of Manu.

Atta (mother).--A sub-division of Pallan.

Attangarai (river-bank).--A sub-division of Konga Vellala.

Attikankana (cotton marriage thread).--A sub-division of Kurubas,
who tie a cotton thread round the wrist at weddings.

Atumpatram.--A name, meaning an object which dances, for Deva-dasis
in Travancore.

Aunvallur (possessors of cattle).--A fanciful name for Idaiyans.

Avaru.--A synonym of Agaru.

Aviri (Indigofera tinctoria).--An exogamous sept of Padma Sales,
who use indigo in the manufacture of coloured cloth fabrics.

Avisa (Sesbania grandiflora).--A gotra of Medara.

Avu (snake).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba.

Avula (cow).--An exogamous sept of Balija, Boya, Golla, Kapu, Korava,
Mutracha, and Yerukala.

Ayar (cow-herd).--A synonym or sub-division of Idaiyan and Kolayan.

Ayodhya (Oudh).--A sub-division of Kapus, who say that they originally
lived in Oudh.

Azhati.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a synonym
of Pisharati.


Badaga.--As the Todas are the pastoral, and the Kotas the artisan
tribe of the Nilgiris, so the agricultural element on these hills
is represented by the Badagas (or, as they are sometimes called,
Burghers). Their number was returned, at the census, 1901, as 34,178
against 1,267 Kotas, and 807 Todas. Though the primary occupation
of the Badagas is agriculture, there are among their community
schoolmasters, clerks, public works contractors, bricklayers, painters,
carpenters, sawyers, tailors, gardeners, forest guards, barbers,
washermen, and scavengers. Many work on tea and coffee estates, and
gangs of Badagas can always be seen breaking stones on, and repairing
the hill roads. Others are, at the present day, earning good wages
in the Cordite Factory near Wellington. Some of the more prosperous
possess tea and coffee estates of their own. The rising generation
are, to some extent, learning Tamil and English, in addition to their
own language, which is said to resemble old Canarese. And I have
heard a youthful Badaga, tending a flock of sheep, address an errant
member thereof in very fluent Billingsgate. There were, in 1904-1905,
thirty-nine Badaga schools, which were attended by 1,222 pupils. In
1907, one Badaga had passed the Matriculation of the Madras University,
and was a clerk in the Sub-judge's Court at Ootacamund.

A newspaper discussion was carried on a few years ago as to the
condition of the Badagas, and whether they are a down-trodden tribe,
bankrupt and impoverished to such a degree that it is only a short
time before something must be done to ameliorate their condition,
and save them from extermination by inducing them to emigrate to the
Wynad and Vizagapatam. A few have, in recent years, migrated to the
Anaimalai hills, to work on the planters' estates, which have been
opened up there. One writer stated that "the tiled houses, costing
from Rs. 250 to Rs. 500, certainly point to their prosperity. They
may frequently borrow from the Labbai to enable them to build, but,
as I do not know of a single case in which the Labbai has ever seized
the house and sold it, I believe this debt is soon discharged. The
walled-in, terraced fields immediately around their villages,
on which they grow their barley and other grains requiring rich
cultivation, are well worked, and regularly manured. The coats,
good thick blankets, and gold ear-rings, which most Badagas now
possess, can only, I think, point to their prosperity, while their
constant feasts, and disinclination to work on Sundays, show that
the loss of a few days' pay does not affect them. On the other hand,
a former Native official on the Nilgiris writes to me that "though the
average Badaga is thrifty and hard-working, there is a tendency for
him to be lazy when he is sure of his meal. When a person is sick in
another village, his relatives make it an excuse to go and see him,
and they have to be fed. When the first crop is raised, the idler
pretends that 'worms' have crept into the crop, and the gods have to be
propitiated, and there is a feast. Marriage or death, of course, draws
a crowd to be fed or feasted. All this means extra expenditure, and
a considerable drain on the slender income of the family. The Rowthan
(Muhammadan merchant) from the Tamil country is near at hand to lend
money, as he has carried his bazar to the very heart of the Badaga
villages. First it is a bag of ragi (food grain), a piece of cloth to
throw on the coffin, or a few rupees worth of rice and curry-stuff
doled out by the all-accommodating Rowthan at a price out of all
proportion to the market rate, and at a rate ranging from six pies
to two annas for the rupee. The ever impecunious Badaga has no means
of extricating himself, with a slender income, which leaves no margin
for redeeming debts. The bond is renewed every quarter or half year,
and the debt grows by leaps and bounds, and consumes all his earthly
goods, including lands. The advent of lawyers on the hills has made
the Badagas a most litigious people, and they resort to the courts,
which means expenditure of money, and neglect of agriculture." In the
funeral song of the Badagas, which has been translated by Mr. Gover,
[70] one of the crimes enumerated, for which atonement must be made,
is that of preferring a complaint to the Sirkar (Government), and one
of their numerous proverbs embodies the same idea. "If you prefer a
complaint to a Magistrate, it is as if you had put poison into your
adversary's food." But Mr. Grigg writes, [71] "either the terrors of
the Sirkar are not what they were, or this precept is much disregarded,
for the Court-house at Ootacamund is constantly thronged with Badagas,
and they are now very much given to litigation."

I gather from the notes, which Bishop Whitehead has kindly placed at
my disposal, that "when the Badagas wish to take a very solemn oath,
they go to the temple of Mariamma at Sigur, and, after bathing in
the stream and putting on only one cloth, offer fruits, cocoanuts,
etc., and kill a sheep or fowl. They put the head of the animal on
the step of the shrine, and make a line on the ground just in front of
it. The person who is taking the oath then walks from seven feet off
in seven steps, putting one foot immediately in front of the other,
up to the line, crosses it, goes inside the shrine, and puts out
a lamp that is burning in front of the image. If the oath is true,
the man will walk without any difficulty straight to the shrine. But,
if the oath is not true, his eyes will be blinded, and he will not be
able to walk straight to the shrine, or see the lamp. It is a common
saying among Badagas, when a man tells lies, 'Will you go to Sigur,
and take an oath?' Oaths are taken in much the same way at the temple
of Mariamma at Ootacamund. When a Hindu gives evidence in the Court
at Ootacamund, he is often asked by the Judge whether he will take
an oath at the Mariamma temple. If he agrees, he is sent off to the
temple with a Court official. The party for whom he gives evidence
supplies a goat or sheep, which is killed at the temple, the head
and carcase being placed in front of the image. The witness steps
over the carcase, and this forms the oath. If the evidence is false,
it is believed that some evil will happen to him."

The name Badaga or Vadugan means northerner, and the Badagas are
believed to be descended from Canarese colonists from the Mysore
country, who migrated to the Nilgiris three centuries ago owing to
famine, political turmoil, or local oppression in their own country. It
is worthy of notice, in this connection, that the head of the Badagas,
like that of the Todas and Kotas, is dolichocephalic, and not of the
mesaticephalic or sub-brachycephalic type, which prevails throughout
Mysore, as in other Canarese areas.


                                    Average.

                        Cephalic    Cephalic    Cephalic
                        length.     breadth.    index.
                        cm.         cm.

        Badaga          18.9        13.6        71.7
        Toda            19.4        14.2        73.3
        Kota            19.2        14.2        74.1


Of the Mysorean heads, the following are a few typical examples:--

                                    Average.

                        Cephalic    Cephalic    Cephalic
                        length.     breadth.    index.
                        cm.         cm.

    Ganiga              18.5        14.3        77.6
    Bedar               18.3        14.3        77.7
    Holeya              17.9        14.1        79.1
    Mandya Brahman      18.5        14.8        80.2
    Vakkaliga           17.7        14.5        81.7


Concerning the origin of the Badagas, the following legend is
current. Seven brothers and their sisters were living on the
Talamalai hills. A Muhammadan ruler attempted to ravish the girl,
whom the brother saved from him by flight. They settled down near
the present village of Bethalhada. After a short stay there, the
brothers separated, and settled in different parts of the Nilgiris,
which they peopled. Concerning the second brother, Hethappa, who
had two daughters, the story goes that, during his absence on one
occasion, two Todas forced their way into his house, ravished his
wife, and possessed themselves of his worldly effects. Hearing of
what had occurred, Hethappa sought the assistance of two Balayaru in
revenging himself on the Todas. They readily consented to help him,
in return for a promise that they should marry his daughters. The Todas
were killed, and the present inhabitants of the village Hulikallu are
supposed to be the descendants of the Balayaru and Badaga girls. The
seven brothers are now worshipped under the name Hethappa or Hetha.

In connection with the migration of the Badagas to the Nilgiris, the
following note is given in the Gazetteer of the Nilgiris. "When this
flitting took place there is little to show. It must have occurred
after the foundation of the Lingayat creed in the latter half of
the twelfth century, as many of the Badagas are Lingayats by faith,
and sometime before the end of the sixteenth century, since in 1602
the Catholic priests from the west coast found them settled on the
south of the plateau, and observing much the same relations with the
Todas as subsist to this day. The present state of our knowledge does
not enable us to fix more nearly the date of the migration. That the
language of the Badagas, which is a form of Canarese, should by now
have so widely altered from its original as to be classed as a separate
dialect argues that the movement took place nearer the twelfth than
the sixteenth century. On the other hand, the fact (pointed out by
Dr. Rivers [72]) that the Badagas are not mentioned in a single one
of the Todas' legends about their gods, whereas the Kotas, Kurumbas,
and Irulas, each play a part in one or more of these stories, raises
the inference that the relations between the Badagas and the Todas
are recent as compared with those between the other tribes. A critical
study of the Badaga dialect might perhaps serve to fix within closer
limits the date of the migration. As now spoken, this tongue contains
letters (two forms of r for instance) and numerous words, which
are otherwise met with only in ancient books, and which strike most
strangely upon the ear of the present generation of Canarese. The date
when some of these letters and words became obsolete might possibly
be traced, and thus aid in fixing the period when the Badagas left
the low country. It is known that the two forms of r, for example,
had dropped out of use prior to the time of the grammarian Kesiraja,
who lived in the thirteenth century, and that the word betta (a hill),
which the Badagas use in place of the modern bettu, is found in the
thirteenth century work Sabdamanidarpana."

It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Nilgiris, that "Nellialam,
about eight miles north-west of Devala as the crow flies, is the
residence of the Nellialam Arasu (Urs), who has been recognised as the
janmi (landlord) of a considerable area in the Munanad amsam, but is
in reality a Canarese-speaking Lingayat of Canarese extraction, who
follows the ordinary Hindu law of inheritance, and is not a native of
the Wynad or of Malabar. Family tradition, though now somewhat misty,
says that in the beginning two brothers named Sadasiva Raja Urs and
Bhujanga Raja Urs moved (at some date and for some reason not stated)
from Ummattur (in the present Chamarajnagar taluk of Mysore), and
settled at Malaikota, the old fort near Kalhatti. Their family deities
were Bhujangesvara and Ummattur Urakatti, which are still worshipped
as such. They brought with them a following of Bedars and Badagas,
and thereafter always encouraged the immigration to the hills of more
Canarese people. The village of Bannimara, a mile west of Kalhatti,
is still peopled by Bedars who are said to be descendants of people of
that caste who came with the two brothers; and to this day, when the
Badagas of the plateau have disputes of difficulty, they are said to
go down to Nellialam with presents (kanikai) in their hands, and ask
the Arasu to settle their differences, while, at the time of their
periodical ceremonies (manavalai) to the memory of their ancestors,
they send a deputation to Nellialam to invite representatives of the
Arasu to be present."

Close to the village of Bethalhada is a row of cromlechs carved with
figures of the sun and moon, human beings, animals, etc., and enclosed
within a stone kraal, which the Badagas claim to be the work of their
ancestors, to whom periodical offerings are made. At the time of my
visit, there were within one of the cromlechs a conch shell, lingam,
bell, and flowers. A number of these sculptured cromlechs at Sholur,
Melur, and other spots on the Nilgiris, are described and figured
by Breeks, [73] who records that the cromlech at Jakata Kambe is
interesting as being the place of the yearly sacrifice performed by
the Badagas of the Jakaneri grama (village) by their Kani Kurumba. And
he adds that the Badagas would seem to have usually selected the
neighbourhood of these cromlechs for their temples, as for example,
at Melur, Kakusi, H'laiuru, Tudur, and Jakatada.

It is recorded [74], in connection with the legends of the Badagas,
that "in the heart of the Banagudi shola, not far from the Dodduru
group of cromlechs, is an odd little shrine to Karairaya, consisting of
a ruined stone hut surrounded by a low wall, within which are a tiny
cromlech, some sacred water-worn stones, and sundry little pottery
images representing a tiger, a mounted man, and some dogs. These
keep in memory, it is said, a Badaga who was slain in combat with a
tiger; and annually a festival is held, at which new images are placed
there, and vows are paid. A Kurumba makes fire by friction and burns
incense, throws sanctified water over the numerous goats brought
to be sacrificed, to see if they will shiver in the manner always
held necessary in sacrificial victims, and then slays, one after the
other, those which have shown themselves duly qualified. Hulikal Drug,
usually known as the Drug, is a precipitous bluff at the very end of
the range which borders on the south the great ravine which runs up
to Coonoor. It is named from the neighbouring village of Hulikal,
or tiger's stone, and the story goes that this latter is so called
because in it a Badaga killed a notorious man-eater which had long been
the terror of the country side. The spot where the beast was buried
is shown near the Pillaiyar temple to the south of Hulikal village,
and is marked by three stones. Burton says there used formerly to be a
stone image of the slain tiger thereabouts. Some two miles south-east
of Konakarai in a place known as Kottai-hada, or the fort flat, lie
the remains of the old fort Udaiya Raya Kota. Badaga tradition gives
a fairly detailed account of Udaiya Raya. It says he was a chief who
collected the taxes for the Ummattur Rajas, and that he had also a fort
at Kullanthorai, near Sirumugai, the remains of which are still to be
seen. He married a woman of Netlingi hamlet of Nedugula, named Muddu
Gavari, but she died by the wrath of the gods because she persuaded
him to celebrate the annual fire-walking festival in front of the
fort, instead of at the customary spot by the Mahalingasvami temple
about half a mile off. Anaikatti is a hamlet situated in the jungle
of the Moyar valley. The stream which flows past it tumbles over a
pretty fall on the slopes of Birmukku (Bimaka) hill. The Badagas call
the spot Kuduraihallo, or the ravine of the horse, and say the name
was given it because a Badaga, covered with shame at finding that his
wife gave him first sort rice but his brother who lived with them only
second sort, committed suicide by jumping his horse down the fall."

According to Mr. Grigg, the Badagas recognise eighteen different
"castes or sects." These are, however, simplified by Mr. S. M. Natesa
Sastri [75] into six, "five high castes and one low caste." They are--


        1.   Udaya.         |
        2.   Haruva.        |
        3.   Adhikari.      | High caste.
        4.   Kanaka.        |
        5.   Badaga.        |
        6.   Toreya           Low caste.


"Udayas are Lingayats in religion, and carry the Sivalinga--the Siva
image--tied round their necks. They claim to be superior to all the
other Badagas, and are regarded as such. They are priests to all the
Badagas of the Lingayat class, and are strict vegetarians. They do
not intermarry with any of the other high caste Badaga sects. Udaya
was, and is the title assumed by the Maisur Rajas, and those Badagas,
by being thus designated as a caste, claim superior blood in their
veins." The Lingayat Badagas are commonly called Lingakutti. "Next
in rank come the Haruvas. From their name being so closely connected
with the Aryas--the respectable--and from their habit of wearing
the Brahmanical thread, we are warranted in believing that they
must originally have been the poor Brahman priests of the Badagas
that migrated to this country (the Nilgiris), though they have now
got themselves closely mingled with the Badagas. These Haruvas are
also strict vegetarians, and act as priests." It has been suggested
that the Haruvas (jumper) derive their name from the fire-walking
ceremony, which they perform periodically. A further, and more
probable suggestion has been made to me that Haruva comes from a
Canarese word meaning to beg or pray; hence one who begs or prays,
and so a Brahman. The Canarese Basava Purana frequently uses the word
in sense. "The Adhikaris are to a certain extent vegetarians. The
other two high castes, and of course the low caste Toreyas also, have
no objection of any kind to eating flesh. It is also said that the
vegetarian Adhikari, if he marries into a flesh-eating caste of the
Badagas, betakes himself to this latter very readily." The Kanakas are
stated by Mr. Grigg to be the accountants, who were probably introduced
when the hills were under the sway of the Tamil chiefs. This would,
however, seem to be very improbable. "The Toreyas are regarded
as sons and servants to the five high caste Badaga sects--to the
Haruvas especially. They are the lowest in the scale, and they are
prohibited from intermarrying with the other or high caste Badagas,
as long as they are sons to them." The Toreya does the menial duties
for the tribe. He is the village servant, carries the corpses to the
burning-ground, conveys the news of a death from village to village,
is the first to get shaved when a death occurs, and is sent along with
a woman when she is going to visit her mother or mother-in-law at a
distance from her own home. "The Udayas, Adhikaris and Kanakas are
Lingayats in religion, and the other three, the Haruvas, Badagas,
and Toreyas are Saivites." Of the six divisions referred to, the
Udayas and Toreyas are endogamous, but intermarriage is permissible
between the other four. At the census, 1891, a large number of Badagas
returned as their sub-division Vakkaliga, which means cultivator,
and is the name of the great cultivating caste of Mysore.

Seven miles west of Coonoor is a village named Athikarihatti, or
village of the Athikari or Adhikari section of the Badagas. "The story
goes that these people, under a leader named Karibetta Raya, came
from Sarigur in Mysore territory, and settled first at Nelliturai
(a short distance south-west of Mettupalaiyam) and afterwards at
Tudur (on the plateau west of Kulakambi) and Tadasimarahatti (to the
north-west of Melur), and that it was they who erected the sculptured
cromlechs of Tudur and Melur. Tudur and Tadasimarahatti are now both
deserted; but in the former a cattle kraal, an old shrine, and a
pit for fire-walking may still be seen, and in the latter another
kraal, and one of the raised stone platforms called mandaikallu by
the Badagas. Tradition says that the Badagas left these places and
founded Athikarihatti and its hamlets instead, because the Kurumbas
round about continually troubled them with their magic arts, and indeed
killed by sorcery several of their most prominent citizens." [76]

Like other Canarese people, the Badagas have exogamous septs or kulas,
of which Mari, Madhave (marriage), Kasturi (musk), and Belli (silver)
are examples. A very large number of families belong to the Mari and
Madhave septs, which were time after time given as the sept name
in reply to my enquiries. It may be noted that Belli occurs as an
exogamous sept of the Canarese classes Vakkaliga, Toreya, and Kuruba,
and Kasturi is recorded in my notes as a sept of the Vakkaligas and
Telugu Kammas.

The Badagas dwell in extensive villages, generally situated on the
summit of a low hillock, composed of rows of comfortable thatched or
tiled houses, and surrounded by the fields, which yield the crops. The
houses are not separate tenements, but a line of dwellings under
one continuous roof, and divided by party walls. Sometimes there
are two or three, or more lines, forming streets. Each house is
partitioned off into an outer (edumane) and inner apartment (ozhaga
or ogamane). If the family has cows or buffaloes yielding milk, a
portion of the latter is converted into a milk-house (hagottu), in
which the milk is stored, and which no woman may enter. Even males
who are under pollution, from having touched or passed near a Kota
or Paraiyan, or other cause, may not enter it until they have had a
ceremonial bath. To some houses a loft, made of bamboo posts, is added,
to serve as a store-house. In every Badaga village there is a raised
platform composed of a single boulder or several stones with an erect
stone slab set up thereon, called suththu kallu. There is, further,
a platform, made of bricks and mud, called mandhe kallu, whereon
the Badagas, when not working, sit at ease. In their folk-tales men
seated thereon are made to give information concerning the approach of
strangers to the village. Strangers, who are not Badagas, are called
Holeya. The Rev. G. Richter gives [77] Badaga Holeya as a division
of the lowly Holeyas, who came to Coorg from the Mysore country. In
front of the houses, the operations of drying and threshing grain are
carried out. The cattle are kept in stone kraals, or covered sheds
close to the habitations, and the litter is kept till it is knee or
waist deep, and then carried away as manure for the Badaga's land,
or planters' estates.

"Nobody," it has been said, [78] "can beat the Badaga at making
mother earth produce to her utmost capacity, unless it be a Chinese
gardener. To-day we see a portion of the hill side covered with rocks
and boulders. The Badagas become possessed of this scene of chaos,
and turn out into the place in hundreds, reducing it, in a few weeks,
to neat order. The unwieldy boulders, having been rolled aside, serve
their purpose by being turned into a wall to keep out cattle, etc. The
soil is pounded and worried until it becomes amenable to reason,
and next we see a green crop running in waves over the surface. The
Badagas are the most progressive of all the hill tribes, and always
willing to test any new method of cultivation, or new crops brought
to their notice by the Nilgiri Horticultural Society."

Writing in 1832, Harkness states [79] that "on leaving his house in
the morning the Burgher pays his adoration to the god of day, proceeds
to the tu-el or yard, in which the cattle have been confined, and,
again addressing the sun as the emblem of Siva, asks his blessing,
and liberates the herd. He allows the cattle to stray about in the
neighbourhood of the village, on a piece of ground which is always
kept for this purpose, and, having performed his morning ablutions,
commences the milking. This is also preceded by further salutations and
praises to the sun. On entering the house in the evening, the Burgher
addresses the lamp, now the only light, or visible emblem of the
deity. 'Thou, creator of this and of all worlds, the greatest of the
great, who art with us, as well in the mountain as in the wilderness,
who keepeth the wreaths that adorn the head from fading, who guardeth
the foot from the thorn, God, among a hundred, may we be prosperous.'"

The Badaga understands the rotation of crops well. On his land
he cultivates bearded wheat (beer ganji), barley, onions, garlic,
potatoes, kire (Amarantus), samai (Panicum miliare), tenai (Setaria
italica), etc.

"Among the Badagas," Mr. Natesa Sastri writes, "the position of the
women is somewhat different from what it is among most peoples. Every
Badaga has a few acres to cultivate, but he does not mainly occupy
himself with them, for his wife does all the out-door farm work,
while he is engaged otherwise in earning something in hard cash. To a
Badaga, therefore, his wife is his capital. Her labour in the field
is considered to be worth one rupee per day, while an average male
Badaga earns merely three annas. A Badaga woman, who has not her
own acres to cultivate, finds work on some other lands. She thus
works hard for her husband and family, and is quite content with the
coarsest food--the korali (Setaria italica) flour--leaving the better
food to the male members of the family. This fact, and the hard work
the Badaga women have to perform, may perhaps account to some extent
for the slight build of the Badagas as a race. The male Badaga, too,
works in the field, or at his own craft if he is not a cultivator,
but his love for ready cash is always so great that, even if he had
a harvest to gather the next morning, he would run away as a cooly
for two annas wages." Further, Mr. Grigg states that "as the men
constantly leave their villages to work on coffee plantations, much
of the labour in their own fields, as well as ordinary household work,
is performed by the women. They are so industrious, and their services
of such value to their husbands, that a Badaga sometimes pays 150 or
200 rupees as dowry for his wife." In the off season for cultivation,
I am informed, the Badaga woman collects faggots for home consumption,
and stores them near her house, and the women prepare the fields for
cultivation by weeding, breaking the earth, and collecting manure.

In his report on the revenue settlement of the Nilgiris (1885),
Mr. (now Sir) R. S. Benson notes that "concurrently with the
so-called abolition of the bhurty (or shifting) system of cultivation,
Mr. Grant abolished the peculiar system in vogue up to that time in
Kundahnad, which had been transferred from Malabar to the Nilgiris
in 1860. This system was known as erkadu kothukadu. Under it, a tax
of Re. 1 to Re. 1-8-0 was levied for the right to use a plough or
er, and a tax of from 4 to 8 annas was levied for the right to use
a hoe or kothu. The so-called patta issued to the ryot under this
system was really no more than a license to use one or more hoes,
as the case might be. It merely specified the amount payable for each
instrument, but in no cases was the extent or position of the lands
to be cultivated specified. The ryot used his implements whenever and
wherever he pleased. No restrictions, even on the felling of forests,
were imposed, so that the hill-sides and valleys were cleared at
will. The system was abolished in 1862. But, during the settlement,
I found this erkadu kothukadu system still in force in the flourishing
Badaga village of Kinnakorai, with some fifty houses."

In connection with the local self-government of the Badagas,
Mr. A. Rajah Bahadur Mudaliar writes to me as follows. "In former
days, the monegar was a great personage, as he formed the unit of the
administration. The appointment was more or less hereditary, and it
generally fell to the lot of the richest and most well-to-do. All
disputes within his jurisdiction were placed before him, and his
decision was accepted as final. In simple matters, such as partition
of property, disputes between husband and wife, etc., the monegars
themselves disposed of them. But, when questions of a complicated
nature presented themselves, they took as their colleagues other
people of the villages, and the disputes were settled by the collective
wisdom of the village elders. They assembled at a place set apart for
the purpose beneath a nim (Melia Azadirachta) or pipal tree (Ficus
religiosa) on a raised platform (ratchai), generally situated at
the entrance to the village. The monegar was ex-officio president of
such councils. He and the committee had power to fine the parties,
to excommunicate them, and to readmit them to the caste. Parents
resorted to the monegar for counsel in the disposal of their daughters
in marriage, and in finding brides for their sons. If any one had
the audacity to run counter to the wishes of the monegar in matters
matrimonial, he had the power to throw obstacles in the way of such
marriages taking place. The monegar, in virtue of his position, wielded
much power, and ruled the village as he pleased." In the old days,
it is said, when he visited any village within his jurisdiction,
the monegar had the privilege of having the best women or maids of
the place to share his cot according to his choice. In former times,
the monegar used to wear a silver ring as the badge of office, and some
Badagas still have in their possession such rings, which are preserved
as heirlooms, and worshipped during festivals. The term monegar is,
at the present day, used for the village revenue official and munsiff.

I gather that each exogamous sept has its headman, called Gouda,
who is assisted by a Parpattikaran, and decides tribal matters,
such as disputes, divorce, etc. Fines, when inflicted, go towards
feasting the tribe, and doing puja (worship) to the gods. In the
case of a dispute between two parties, one challenges the other to
take an oath in a temple before the village council. A declaration on
oath settles the matter at issue, and the parties agree to abide by
it. It is the duty of the Parpattikaran to make arrangements for such
events as the Heththeswami, Devve and Bairaganni festivals, and the
buffalo sacrificing festival at Konakkore. The Parpattikaran takes
part in the purification of excommunicated members of the tribe,
when they are received back into it, for example, on release from
prison. The tongue of the delinquent is burnt with a hot sandal
stick, and a new waist thread put on. He is taken to the temple,
where he stands amidst the assembled Badagas, who touch his head with
a cane. He then prostrates himself at the feet of the Parpattikaran,
who smears his forehead with sacred ashes. It is, further, the duty
of the Parpattikaran to be present on the occasion of the Kannikattu
(pregnancy) ceremony.

A quarter of a century ago, a Badaga could be at once picked out
from the other tribes of the Nilgiris by his wearing a turban. But,
in the present advanced age, not only does the Toda sometimes appear
in the national head-dress, but even Irulas and Kurumbas, who only a
short time ago were buried in the jungles, living like pigs and bears
on roots, honey and other forest produce, turn up on Sundays in the
Kotagiri bazar, clad in turban and coat of English cut. And, as the
less civilised tribes don the turban, so the college student abandons
this picturesque form of head-gear in favour of the less becoming
and less washable porkpie cap, while the Badaga men and youths glory
in a knitted night-cap of flaring red or orange hue. The body of the
Badaga man is covered by a long body-cloth, sometimes with red and
blue stripes, wrapped "so loosely that, as a man works in the fields,
he is obliged to stop between every few strokes of his hoe, to gather
up his cloth, and throw one end over his shoulder." Male adornment
is limited to gold ear-rings of a special pattern made by Kotas or
goldsmiths, a silver waist-thread, silver bangle on the wrist, and
silver, copper, or brass rings. The women wear a white body-cloth,
a white under-cloth tied round the chest, tightly wrapped square
across the breasts, and reaching to the knees, and a white cloth worn
like a cap on the head. As types of female jewelry and tattooing,
the following examples may be cited:--

1. Tattooed on forehead with dashes, circles and crescent; spot
on chin; double row of dots on each upper arm over deltoid; and
devices and double row of dots on right forearm. Gold ornament in
left nostril. Necklets of glass beads and silver links with four-anna
piece pendent. Silver armlet above right elbow. Four copper armlets
above left elbow. Four silver and seven composition bangles on left
forearm. Two silver rings on right ring-finger; two steel rings on
left ring-finger.

2. Tattooed on forehead; quadruple row of dots over right deltoid;
star on right forearm.

3. Tattooed like the preceding on forehead and upper arm. Spot on chin;
elaborate device on right forearm; rayed star or sun on back of hand.

4. Tattooed like the preceding on forehead and arm. Triple row of
dots on back and front of left wrist, and double row of dots, with
circle surrounded by dots, across chest.

Toreya women are only allowed to wear bangles on the wrist.

The tattoo marks on the foreheads of Udayar women consist of a
crescent and dot, and they have a straight line tattooed at the
outer corners of the eyes. Women of the other sub-divisions have
on the forehead two circles with two vertical dashes between them,
and a horizontal or crescentic dash below. The circles are made by
pricking in the pigment over an impression made with a finger ring,
or over a black mark made by means of such a ring. The operation
is performed either by a Badaga or Korava woman. The former uses
as needles the spines of Carissa spinarum, and a mixture of finely
powdered charcoal or lamp-black mixed with rice gruel. The marks on
the forehead are made when a girl is about eight or nine years old,
and do not, as stated by Mr. Natesa Sastri, proclaim to the whole
Badaga world that a girl is of marriageable age.

In colour the Badagas are lighter than the other hill tribes, and
the comparative pallor of the skin is specially noticeable in the
females, whom, with very few exceptions, I was only able to study by
surreptitious examination, when we met on the roads. In physique,
the typical Badaga man is below middle height, smooth-skinned, of
slender build, with narrow chest and shoulders.

Badaga men have cicatrices on the shoulder and forearm as the result
of branding with a fire-stick when they are lads, with the object,
it is said, of giving strength, and preventing pain when milking or
churning. In like manner, the Todas have raised cicatrices (keloids)
on the shoulder produced by branding with a fire-stick. They believe
that the branding enables them to milk the buffaloes with perfect ease.

The Badagas have a very extensive repertoire of hora hesaru, or
nicknames, of which the following are examples:--


    One who eats in bed during the night.
    Snorer.
    Stupid.
    Bald head.
    Brown-eyed.
    Thin and bony.
    Big head.
    Bandy-legged.
    One who returned alive from the burning ground.
    Ripe fruit.
    Big-thighed.
    Blind.
    Lame.
    Big calves.
    Piles.
    Liar.
    Cat-eyed.
    Fond of pot-herbs.
    Rheumatic.
    Bad-tempered.
    Left-handed.
    Buffalo grazer.
    Saliva dribbling.
    Honey-eater.
    Black.
    Spleen.
    Teeth.
    Potato-eater.
    Glutton.
    Belly.
    Itch legged.
    One who was slow in learning to walk.
    Tall.
    Thief-eyed.
    Pustule-bodied.
    Scarred.
    Hairy.
    Weak, like partially baked pots.
    Strong, like portland cement.


Among the Badagas, Konga is used as a term of abuse. Those who made
mistakes in matching Holmgren's wools, with which I tested them,
were, always called Konga by the onlookers.

When two Badagas meet each other, the elder touches the head of
the younger with his right hand. This form of salutation is known
as giving the head. A person of the Badaga section gives the head,
as it is called, to an Udaiyar, in token of the superiority of the
latter. When people belong to the same sept, they say "Ba, anna,
appa, thamma, amma, akka" (come, father, brother, mother, sister,
etc.). But, if they are of different septs, they will say "Ba, mama,
mami, bava" (come, uncle, aunt, brother-in-law, etc.). "Whenever,"
Dr. Rivers writes, [80] "a Toda meets a Badaga monegar (headman), or
an old Badaga with whom he is acquainted, a salutation passes between
the two. The Toda stands before the Badaga, inclines his head slightly,
and says 'Madtin pudia.' (Madtin, you have come). The Badaga replies
'Buthuk! buthuk!' (blessing, blessing), and rests his hand on the
top of the Toda's head. This greeting only takes place between Todas
and the more important of the Badaga community. It would seem that
every Badaga headman may be greeted in this way, but a Toda will only
greet other Badaga elders, if he is already acquainted with them. The
salutation is made to members of all the various castes of the Badagas,
except the Toreyas. It has been held to imply that the Todas regard
the Badagas as their superiors, but it is doubtful how far this is
the case. The Todas themselves say they follow the custom because
the Badagas help to support them. It seems to be a mark of respect
paid by the Todas to the elders of a tribe with which they have very
close relations, and it is perhaps significant that no similar sign
of respect is shown to Toda elders by the Badagas."

Every Badaga family has its Muttu Kota, from whom it gets the
agricultural implements, pots, hoes, etc. In return, the Kotas
receive an annual present of food-grains, mustard and potatoes. For a
Kota funeral, the Badagas have to give five rupees or a quantity of
rice, and a buffalo. The pots obtained from the Kotas are not used
immediately, but kept for three days in the jungle, or in a bush in
some open spot. They are then taken to the outer apartment of the
house, and kept there for three days, when they are smeared with the
bark of Meliosma pungens (the tud tree of the Todas) and culms of
Andropogon Schoenanthus (bzambe hullu). Thus purified, the pots are
used for boiling water in for three days, and may then be used for
any purpose. The Badagas are said to give a present of grain annually
to the Todas. Every Toda mand (or mad) seems to have its own group
of Badaga families, who pay them this gudu, as it is called. "There
are," Dr. Rivers writes, "several regulations concerning the food of
the palol (dairy man of a Toda sacred dairy). Any grain he eats must
be that provided by the Badagas. At the present time more rice is
eaten than was formerly the case. This is not grown by the Badagas,
but nevertheless the rice for the palol must be obtained through
them. The palol wears garments of a dark grey material made in the
Coimbatore district. They are brought to the palol by the Badaga
called tikelfmav. The earthenware vessels of the inner room (of the
ti dairy) are not obtained from the Kotas, like the ordinary vessels,
but are made by Hindus, and are procured through the Badagas."

The Badagas live in dread of the Kurumbas, and the Kurumba constantly
comes under reference in their folk-stories. The Kurumba is the
necromancer of the hills, and believed to be possessed of the power of
outraging women, removing their livers, and so causing their death,
while the wound heals by magic, so that no trace of the operation is
left. He is supposed, too, to have the power of opening the bolts of
doors by magic and effecting an entrance into a house at night for some
nefarious purpose. The Toda or Badaga requires the services of the
Kurumba, when he fancies that any member of his family is possessed
of the devil, or when he wants to remove the evil eye, to which he
imagines that his children have been subjected. The Kurumba does
his best to remove the malady by repeating various mantrams (magical
formulæ). If he fails, and if any suspicion is aroused in the mind of
the Toda or Badaga that he is allowing the devil to play his pranks
instead of loosing his hold on the supposed victim, woe betide him. The
wrath of the entire village, or even the whole tribe, is raised against
the unhappy Kurumba. His hut is surrounded at night, and the entire
household massacred in cold blood, and their huts set on fire. This is
very cleverly carried out, and the isolated position of the Kurumba
settlements allows of very little clue for identification. In 1835
no less than fifty-eight Kurumbas were thus murdered, and a smaller
number in 1875 and 1882. In 1891 the live inmates of a single hut
were murdered, and their hut burnt to ashes, because, it was said,
one of them who had been treating a sick Badaga child failed to cure
it. The crime was traced to some Kotas in conjunction with Badagas,
but the District Judge disbelieved the evidence, and all who were
charged were acquitted. Every Badaga family pays an annual tax of
four annas to the Kurumbas, and, if a Kurumba comes to a Badaga hatti
(village), a subscription is raised as an inducement to him to take
his departure. The Kurumba receives a fee for every Badaga funeral,
and for the pregnancy ceremony (kannikattu).

It is noted by Dr. Rivers that "the Toda sorcerers are not only feared
by their fellow Todas, but also by the Badagas, and it is probably
largely owing to fear of Toda sorcery that the Badagas continue to pay
their tribute of grain. The Badagas may also consult the Toda diviners,
and it is probable that the belief of the Badagas in the magical powers
of the Todas is turned to good account by the latter. In some cases,
Todas, have been killed by Badagas owing to this belief."

Among the Todas, the duties of milking the buffaloes and dairy-work
are entrusted to special individuals, whereas any Badaga male may,
after initiation, milk the cows and buffaloes, provided that he is
free from pollution. Every Badaga boy, when he is about seven or nine
years old, is made to milk a cow on an auspicious day, or on new year's
day. The ceremony is thus described by Mr. Natesa Sastri. "Early in
the morning of the day appointed for this ceremony, the boy is bathed,
and appears in his holiday dress. A she-buffalo, with her calf, stands
before his house, waiting to be milked. The parents, or other elder
relations of the boy, and those who have been invited to be present
on the occasion, or whose duty it is to be present, then conduct
the boy to the spot. The father, or some one of the agnatic kindred,
gives into the hands of the boy a bamboo vessel called hone, which
is already very nearly full of fresh-drawn milk. The boy receives
the vessel with both his hands, and is conducted to the buffalo. The
elder relations show him the process, and the boy, sitting down, milks
a small quantity into the hone. This is his first initiation into the
duty of milking, and it is that he may not commit mistakes on the very
first day of his milking that the hone is previously filled almost to
the brim. The boy takes the vessel filled with milk into his house,
and pours some of the sacred fluid into all his household eating
vessels--a sign that from that day he has taken up on himself the
responsibility of supplying the family with milk. He also throws some
milk in the faces of his parents and relatives. They receive it very
kindly, and bless him, and request him to continue thus to milk the
buffaloes, and bring plenty and prosperity to the house. After this,
the boy enters the milk-house (hagottu), and places milk in his hone
there. From this moment, and all through his life, he may enter into
that room, and this is therefore considered a very important ceremony."

A cow or buffalo, which has calved for the first time, has to
be treated in a special manner. For three or five days it is not
milked. A boy is then selected to milk it. He must not sleep on a mat,
or wear a turban, and, instead of tying his cloth round his waist,
must wear it loosely over his body. Meat is forbidden, and he must
avoid, and not speak to polluting classes, such as Irulas and Kotas,
and menstruating women. On the day appointed for milking the animal,
the boy bathes, and proceeds to milk it into a new hone purified by
smearing a paste of Meliosma (tud) leaves and bark over it, and heating
it over a fire. The milk is taken to a stream, where three cups are
made of Argyreia (minige) leaves, into which a small quantity of the
milk is placed. The cups are then put in the water. The remainder of
the milk in the hone is also poured into the stream. In some places,
especially where a Madeswara temple is close at hand, the milk is
taken to the temple, and given to the pujari. With a portion of the
milk some plantain fruits are made into a pulp, and given to an Udaya,
who throws them into a stream. The boy is treated with some respect
by his family during the period when he milks the animal, and is
given food first. This he must eat off a plate made of Argvreia,
or plantain leaves.

Besides the hagottu within the house, the Badagas have, at certain
places, separate dairy-houses near a temple dedicated to Heththeswami,
of which the one at Bairaganni (or Berganni) appears to be the
most important. The dairy pujari is here, like the Toda palol, a
celibate. In 1905, he was a young lad, whom my Brahman assistant
set forth to photograph. He was, however, met at a distance from
the village by a headman, who assured him that he could not take the
photograph without the sanction of fifteen villages. The pujari is
not allowed to wander freely about the village, or talk to grown-up
women. He cooks his own food within the temple grounds, and wears
his cloth thrown loosely over his body. Once a year, on the occasion
of a festival, he is presented with new cloths and turban, which
alone he may wear. He must be a strict vegetarian. A desire to marry
and abandon the priesthood is believed to be conveyed in dreams,
or through one inspired. Before leaving the temple service, he must
train his successor in the duties, and retires with the gains acquired
by the sale of the products of the herd and temple offerings. The
village of Bairaganni is regarded as sacred, and possesses no holagudi
(menstrual hut).

Bishop Whitehead adds that "buffaloes are given as offerings to the
temple at Bairaganni, and become the property of the pujari, who milks
them, and uses the milk for his food. All the villagers give him rice
every day. He may only eat once a day, at about 3 P.M. He cooks the
meal himself, and empties the rice from the cooking-pot by turning
it over once. If the rice does not come out the first time, he cannot
take it at all. When he wants to get married, another boy is appointed
in his place. The buffaloes are handed over to his successor." The
following legend in connection with Bairaganni is also recorded by
Bishop Whitehead. "There is a village in the Mekanad division of the
Nilgiris called Nundala. A man had a daughter. He wanted to marry her
to a man in the Paranganad division about a hundred years ago. She did
not wish to marry him. The father insisted, but she refused again and
again. At last she wished to die, and came near a tank, on the bank
of which was a tree. She sat under the tree and washed, and then threw
herself into the tank. One of the men of Bairaganni in the Paranganad
division saw the woman in a dream. She told him that she was not a
human being but a goddess, an incarnation of Parvati. The people of
Nundala built a strong bund (embankment) round the tank, and allow
no woman to go on it. Only the pujari, and Badagas who have prepared
themselves by fasting and ablution, are allowed to go on the bund to
offer puja, which is done by breaking cocoanuts, and offering rice,
flowers, and fruits. The woman told the man in his dream to build a
temple at Bairaganni, which is now the chief temple of Heththeswami."

Concerning the initiation of a Lingayat Badaga into his religion,
which takes place at about his thirteenth birthday, Mr. Natesa Sastri
writes as follows. "The priest conducts this ceremony, and the elder
relations of the family have only to arrange for the performance
of it. The priests belong to the Udaya sect. They live in their own
villages, and are specially sent for, and come to the boy's village
for the occasion. The ceremony is generally done to several boys of
about the same age on the same day. On the day appointed, all the
people in the Badaga village, where this ceremony is to take place,
observe a strict fast. The cows and buffaloes are all milked very
early in the morning, and not a drop of the milk thus collected is
given out, or taken by even the tenderest children of the village, who
may require it very badly. The Udaya priest arrives near the village
between 10 A.M. and noon on the day appointed. He never goes into the
village, but stops near some rivulet adjacent to it. The relations of
the boy approach him with a new basket, containing five measures of
uncooked rice, pulse, ghi, etc., and a quarter of a rupee--one fanam,
as it is generally designated. The priest sits near the water-course,
and lights a fire on the bank. Perfumes are thrown profusely into
it, and this is almost the only ceremony before the fire. The boys,
whose turn it is to receive the linga that day, are all directed
to bathe in the river. A plantain leaf, cut into one foot square,
is placed in front of the fire towards the east of it. The lingas,
kept in readiness by the parents of the boys, are now received by
the priest, and placed on the leaves. The boys are asked to wash
them--each one the linga meant for his wearing--in water and milk. Then
comes the time for the expenditure of all the collected milk of the
morning. Profusely the white fluid is poured, till the whole rivulet
is nothing but a stream of milk. After the lingas are thus washed,
the boys give them to the priest, who places them in his left palm,
and, covering them with his right, utters, with all the solemnity
due to the occasion, the following incantation, while the boys and
the whole village assembled there listen to it with the most profound
respect and veneration 'Oh! Siva, Hara, Basava, the Lord of all the
six thousand and three thousand names and glories, the Lord of one
lakh and ninety-six thousand ganas (body-guards of Siva), the donor of
water, the daily-to-be worshipped, the husband of Parvati. Oh! Lord,
O! Siva Linga, thy feet alone are our resort. Oh! Siva, Siva, Siva,
Siva.' While pronouncing this prayer, the priest now and then removes
his right palm, and pours water and milk round the sacred fire,
and over the lingas resting in his left palm. He then places each of
the lingas in a cloth of one cubit square, rolls it up, and requests
the boys to hold out their right palms. The young Badaga receives it,
repeats the prayer given about five times, and, during each repetition,
the palm holding the linga tied up in the cloth is carried nearer
and nearer to his neck. When that is reached (on the fifth utterance
of the incantation), the priest ties the ends of the rolled up cloth
containing the Siva emblem loosely round the boy's neck, while the
latter is all the while kneeling down, holding with both his hands
the feet of the priest. After the linga has been tied, the priest
blesses him thus: 'May one become one thousand to you. May you ever
preserve in you the Siva Linga. If you do so, you will have plenty
of milk and food, and you will prosper for one thousand years in name
and fame, kine and coin.' If more than one have to receive the linga
on the same day, each of them has to undergo this ceremony. After the
ceremony is over, the priest returns to his village with the rice,
etc., and fees. Every house, in which a boy has received the linga,
has to give a grand feast on that day. Even the poorest Badaga must
feed at least five other Badagas."

The foregoing account of the investiture with the lingam apparently
applies to the Mekanad Udayas. The following note is based on
information supplied by the Udayas of Paranginad. The ceremony of
investiture is performed either on new year's day or Sivarathri by
an Udaya priest in the house of a respected member of the community
(doddamane), which is vacated for the occasion. The houses of the boys
and girls who are to receive lingams are cleaned, and festoons of tud
and mango leaves, lime fruits, and flowers of Leucas aspera (thumbe)
are tied across the doorways, and in front of the house where the
ceremony is to be performed. Until the conclusion thereof, all the
people of the village fast. The candidates, with their parents, and
the officiating priest repair to the doddamane. The lingams are handed
over to the priest, who, taking them up one by one, does puja to them,
and gives them to the children. They in turn do puja, and the lingams,
wrapped in pink silk or cotton cloths, are tied round their necks. The
puja consists of washing the lingams in cow's urine and milk, smearing
them with sandal and turmeric paste, throwing flowers on them, and
waving incense and burning camphor before them. After the investiture,
the novices are taught a prayer, which is not a stereotyped formula,
but varies with the priest and village.

Like other Lingayats, the Udayas respect the Jangam, but do not employ
the Jangama thirtham (water used for washing the Jangam's feet)
for bathing their lingams. In Udaya villages there is no special
menstrual hut (holagudi). Milk is not regarded by them as a sacred
product, so there is no hagottu in their houses. Nor do they observe
the Manavalai festival in honour of ancestors. Other ceremonies are
celebrated by them, as by other Badagas, but they do not employ the
services of a Kurumba.

Important agricultural ceremonies are performed by the Badagas at
the time of sowing and harvest. The seed-sowing ceremony takes place
in March, and, in some places, e.g., the Mekanad and Paranginad, a
Kurumba plays an important part in it. On an auspicious day--a Tuesday
before the crescent moon--a pujari of the Devve temple sets out several
hours before dawn with five or seven kinds of grain in a basket and
sickle, accompanied by a Kurumba, and leading a pair of bullocks with a
plough. On reaching the field selected, the pujari pours the grain into
the cloth of the Kurumba, and, yoking the animals to the plough, makes
three furrows in the soil. The Kurumba, stopping the bullocks, kneels
on the ground between the furrows facing east. Removing his turban,
he places it on the ground, and, closing his ears with his palms,
bawls out "Dho, Dho," thrice. He then rises, and scatters the grain
thrice on the soil. The pujari and Kurumba then return to the village,
and the former deposits what remains of the grain in the store-room
(attu). A new pot, full of water, is placed in the milk-house,
and the pujari dips his right hand therein, saying "Nerathubitta"
(it is full). This ceremony is an important one for the Badagas, as,
until it has been performed, sowing may not commence. It is a day of
feasting, and, in addition to rice, Dolichos Lablab is cooked.

The other agricultural ceremony is called Devve habba or tenai
(Setaria italica), and is usually celebrated in June or July, always
on a Monday. It is apparently performed in honour of the two gods
Mahalingaswami and Hiriya Udaya, to whom a group of villages will have
temples dedicated. For example, the Badagas in the neighbourhood of
Kotagiri have their Hiriya Udaya temple at Tandanad, and Mahalingaswami
temple at Kannermukku. This Devve festival, which should on no account
be pronounced duvve, which means burning-ground, is celebrated at one
place, whither the Badagas from other villages proceed, to take part
in it. About midday, some Badagas and the temple pujari go from the
temple of Hiriya Udaya to that of Mahalingaswami. The procession is
usually headed by a Kurumba, who scatters fragments of tud bark and
wood as he goes on his way. The pujari takes with him the materials
necessary for doing puja, and, after worshipping Mahalingaswami,
the party return to the Hiriya Udaya temple, where milk and cooked
rice are offered to the various gods within the temple precincts. On
the following day, all assemble at the temple, and a Kurumba brings
a few sheaves of Setaria italica, and ties them to a stone set up at
the main entrance. After this, puja is done, and the people offer
cocoanuts to the god. Later on, all the women of the Madhave sept,
who have given birth to a first-born child, come, dressed up in
holiday attire, with their babies, to the temple. On this day they
wear a special nose ornament, called elemukkuththi, which is only
worn on one other occasion, at the funeral of a husband. The women do
puja to Hiriya Udaya, and the pujari gives them a small quantity of
rice on minige (Argyreia) leaves. After eating this, they leave the
temple in a line, and wash their hands with water given to them by
the pujari. This ceremonial, performed by women of the Madhave sept,
is called Mandedhanda. As soon as the Devve festival is concluded,
the reaping of the crop commences, and a measure or two of grain from
the crop gathered on the first day, called nisal, is set apart for
the Mahalingaswami temple.

The most important gods of the Badagas are Heththeswami,
Mahalingaswami, Hiriya Udaya, Madeswara, Mankali, Jadeswami, and
Nilgiri Rangaswami. And at the present day, some Badagas proceed to the
plains, to worship at the Saivite temple at Karamadai in Coimbatore,
or at Nanjangod in Mysore.

The festival in honour of Heththeswami is celebrated in the month
of January at Baireganni. It is sometimes called ermathohabba, as,
with it, ploughing operations cease. It always commences on a Monday,
and usually lasts eight days. A Sedan or Devanga weaver comes with his
portable hand-loom, and sufficient thread for weaving a dhubati (coarse
cloth) and turban. At Baireganni there is a special house, in which
these articles are woven. But, at other places where the festival is
observed, the Badagas go to the weaver's village to fetch the required
cloths. Early on the second morning of the festival, some of the more
respected Badagas and the weaver proceed to the weaving house after
bathing. The weaver sets up his loom, and worships it by offering
incense, and other things. The Badagas give him a new cloth, and a
small sum of money, and ask him to weave a dhubati and two kachches
(narrow strips of cloth). Daily, throughout the festival, the Badagas
collect near the temple, and indulge in music and songs. Until the last
day, they are not permitted to set eyes on the god Heththeswami. On
the morning of the last day, the pujari, accompanied by all the
Badagas, takes the newly woven cloths to a stream, in which they are
washed. When they are dry, all proceed to the temple, where the idol
is dressed up in them, and all, on this occasion only, are allowed to
look at it. Devotees pay a small offering of money, which is placed on
a tray near the idol. The crowd begins to disperse in the afternoon,
and, on their way back to their villages, the wants of the travellers
are attended to by people posted at intervals with coffee, fruit,
and other articles of food. If the Badagas have to go to a weaver's
village for the cloths, the weaver is, when the order is given for
them, presented with four annas, after he has bathed. When handing
the money to him, the Badagas bawl out "This is the fee for making
the cloths to be worn by Heththe Iramasthi and Parasakti Parvati." On
the last day of the festival, the cloths are washed, and one of them
is made to represent an idol, which is decorated with waist and neck
ornaments, and an umbrella. All prostrate themselves before it, and
make offerings of money. Fruits and other things are then offered
to Heththeswami and some recite the following prayer. "May all good
acts be remembered, and all bad ones be forgotten. Though there may
be a thousand and one sins, may I reach the feet of God."

The following further information in connection with the Baireganni
festival is given by Bishop Whitehead. "The people from other villages
offer money, rice, fruits, umbrellas of gold or silver for the goddess,
cloths, and buffaloes. The buffaloes are never killed, but remain
as the property of the temple. The pujari calls the representatives
of one village, and tells them what Hetheswami says to him, e.g.,
'This year you will have good [or bad] crops; cholera or small-pox,
good [or bad] rain, etc.' As the people present their offerings, they
prostrate themselves, kneeling down and touching the ground with their
foreheads, and the pujari gives them some flowers, which they wear
in their hair. The people and the pujari play on the kombu [horn],
and ring bells while the offerings are being made. After the offerings
have finished, all the men dance, in two companies, in front of the
temple, one shouting 'How-ko, How-ko,' and the other 'Is-holi.' The
dance was taught them by the Todas, and the words are Toda."

In connection with the Jadeswami festival the ceremony of walking
through fire [burning embers] is carried out at Melur, Tangalu,
Mainele, Jakkanare, Tenad, and Nidugala. At Melur and Tangalu,
the temples belong to the Haruvas, who carry out all the details
of ceremony. The temple at Tenad is owned by the Udayas, by whom
the ceremonial is performed. In other places, the celebrants are
Badagas. The festival is observed, on an elaborate scale, at Nidugala
during the month of January. All those who are going to walk over the
burning embers fast for eight days, and go through the rite on the
ninth day. For its performance, Monday is considered an auspicious
day. The omens are taken by boiling two pots of milk side by side on
two hearths. If the milk overflows uniformly on all sides, the crops
will be abundant for all the villages. But, if it flows over on one
side only, there will be plentiful crops for villages on that side
only. The space over which the embers are spread is said to be about
five yards long, and three yards broad. But, in some places, e.g.,
Jakkanare and Melur, it is circular as at the Muhammadan fire-walking
ceremony. For making the embers, the wood of Eugenia Jambolana and
Phyllanthus Emblica are used. For boiling the milk, and setting fire
to the wood, a light obtained by friction must be used. The process
is known as niligolu, or upright stick. The vertical stick is made of
a twig of Rhodomyrtus tomentosus, which is rotated in a socket in a
long thick piece of a bough of Debregeasia velutina, in which a row
of sockets has been made. The rotation is produced by a cord passed
several times round the vertical stick, of which each end is pulled
alternately. The horizontal block is pressed firmly on the ground by
the toes of a man, who presses a half cocoanut shell down on the top of
the vertical stick, so as to force it down into the socket. A Badaga,
who failed in an attempt to demonstrate the making of fire by this
method, gave as an excuse that he was under worldly pollution, from
which he would be free at the time of the fire-walking ceremony. Though
the Badagas make fire by friction, reference is made in their folk
legends, not to this mode of obtaining fire, but to chakkamukki
(flint and steel), which is repeatedly referred to in connection
with cremation. After the milk boiling ceremonial, the pujari, tying
bells on his legs, approaches the fire pit, carrying milk freshly
drawn from a cow, which has calved for the first time, and flowers of
Rhododendron arboreum, Leucas aspera, or jasmine. After doing puja,
he throws the flowers on the embers, and they should remain unscorched
for a few seconds. He then pours some of the milk over the embers,
and no hissing sound should be produced. The omens being propitious,
he walks over the glowing embers, followed by an Udaya, and the crowd
of celebrants, who, before going through the ordeal, count the hairs on
their feet. If any are singed, it is a sign of approaching ill fortune,
or even death. In an account of the fire-walking ceremony, in 1902,
it is noted that "the Badagas strongly repudiate the insinuation
of preparing their feet to face the fire ordeal. It is done to
propitiate Jeddayswami, to whom vows are invoked, in token of which
they grow one twist or plait of hair, which is treasured for years,
and finally cut off as an offering to Jeddayswami. Numbers of Chettis
were catering to the crowd, offering their wares, bangles, gay-coloured
handkerchiefs, as well as edibles. The Kotas supplied the music, and
an ancient patriarch worked himself up to a high pitch of inspiration,
and predicted all sorts of good things for the Badagas with regard
to the ensuing season and crops."

The following legend, relating to the fire-walking ceremony, is
recorded by Bishop Whitehead. "When they first began to perform the
ceremony fifty or sixty years ago, they were afraid to walk over the
fire. Then the stone image of Mahalinga Swami turned into a snake,
and made a hole through the temple wall. It came out, and crawled
over the fire, and then went back to the temple. Then their fear
vanished, and they walked over the embers. The hole is still to be
seen in the temple."

Of the fire-walking ceremony at Melur, the following account is
given in the Gazetteer of the Nilgiris. "It takes place on the Monday
after the March new moon, just before the cultivation season begins,
and is attended by Badagas from all over Merkunad. The inhabitants
of certain villages (six in number), who are supposed to be the
descendants of an early Badaga named Guruvajja, have first, however,
to signify through their Gottukars, or headmen, that the festival may
take place; and the Gottukars choose three, five, or seven men to walk
through the fire. On the day appointed, the fire is lit by certain
Badaga priests and a Kurumba. The men chosen by the Gottukars then
bathe, adorn themselves with sandal, do obeisance to the Udayas of
Udayarhatti near Keti, who are specially invited and feasted; pour
into the adjacent stream milk from cows which have calved for the
first time during the year; and, in the afternoon, throw more milk
and some flowers from the Mahalingasvami temple into the fire pit,
and then walk across it. Earth is next thrown on the embers, and they
walk across twice more. A general feast closes the ceremony, and next
day the first ploughings are done, the Kurumba sowing the first seeds,
and the priests the next lot. Finally, a net is brought. The priest
of the temple, standing over it, puts up prayers for a favourable
agricultural season; two fowls are thrown into it, and a pretence is
made of spearing them; and then it is taken and put across some game
path, and some wild animal (a sambhar deer if possible) is driven
into it, slain, and divided among the villagers. This same custom of
annually killing a sambhar is also observed at other villages on the
plateau, and in 1883 and 1894 special orders were passed to permit
of its being done during the close season. Latterly, disputes about
precedence in the matter of walking through the fire at Melur have been
carried as far as the civil courts, and the two factions celebrate the
festival separately in alternate years. A fire-walking ceremony also
takes place annually at the Jadayasvami temple in Jakkaneri under the
auspices of a Sivachari Badaga. It seems to have originally had some
connection with agricultural prospects, as a young bull is made to go
partly across the fire-pit before the other devotees, and the owners
of young cows which have had their first calves during the year take
precedence of others in the ceremony, and bring offerings of milk,
which are sprinkled over the burning embers."

At the Sakalathi festival, in the month of October, Badagas, towards
evening, throw on the roofs of their houses flowers of Plectranthus
Wightii, Crotalaria obtecta, Lobelia nicotianoefolia, Achyranthes
aspera, and Leucas aspera. On the following day, they clean their
houses, and have a feast. In the afternoon, numbers of them may be
seen in the streets drawing in front of their houses pictures in
wood-ashes of buffaloes, bulls, cows, ploughs, stars, sun and moon,
snakes, lizards, etc. They then go into their houses, and wash their
hands. Taking up in his clean hands a big cake, on which are placed a
little rice and butter, the Badaga puts on it three wicks steeped in
castor oil, and lights them. The cake is then waved round the heads
of all the children of the house taken to a field, and thrown therein
with the words "Sakalathi has come." The cake-thrower returns home,
and prostrates himself before a lamp placed in the inner room, and
repeats a long formula, composed of the various synonyms of Siva.

In the month of November, a festival called Dodda Habba (big feast)
is celebrated. In the afternoon, rice is cooked in whey within the
hagottu, and eaten on minige leaves. Throughout the day the villagers
play at various ball games.

A festival, which is purely local, is celebrated near Konakore in
honour of Mahangkali. A buffalo is led to the side of a precipice,
killed by a Kurumba with a spear, and thrown over the edge
thereof. There is a legend that, in olden days, a pujari used to put
a stick in the crevice of a rock, and, on removing it, get the value
of a buffalo in fanams (gold coins). But, on one occasion, he put
the stick in a second time, in the hopes of gaining more money. No
money, however, was forthcoming and, as a punishment for his greed,
he died on the spot.

All Badaga villages, except those of the Udayas, have a hut, called
holagudi, for the exclusive use of women during their monthly
periods. A few months before a girl is expected to reach puberty,
she is sent to the holagudi, on a Friday, four or five days before
the new moon day. This is done lest, in the ordinary course of events,
the first menstruation should commence on an inauspicious day. The girl
remains in the holagudi one night, and returns home on the following
day clad in new cloths, leaving the old ones in the hut. When she
arrives at her house, she salutes all the people who are there, and
receives their blessing. On Sunday she goes to the houses of her
relations, where she is given kadalai (Cicer arietinum) and other
food. She may not enter the inner apartment of her house until she
has seen the crescent moon. Badaga women observe five days menstrual
pollution. If a woman discovers her condition before washing her
face in the early morning, that day is included in the pollution
period. Otherwise, the period must be prolonged over six days. On
the third day she bathes in cold water, using the bark of Pouzolzia
(thorekolu), and on the fourth day is allowed a change of clothing
after a bath. On this day she leaves the hut, and passes a portion
of the night in the verandah of her house. After cooking and eating
her evening meal, she bathes, and enters the outer room. Early on
the following morning, the spot which she has occupied is cleaned,
and she bathes in a stream. Returning home, she eats her food in the
outer room, where she remains till next morning. Even children may
not be touched by a menstruating woman. If, by chance, this happens,
the child must be washed to remove the pollution, before it can be
handled by others. This restriction is apparently not observed by
any other tribe or caste.

Writing concerning marriage among the Badagas, Harkness states [81]
that "it is said to be common for one who is in want of labourers to
promise his daughter in marriage to the son or other relative of a
neighbour not in circumstances so flourishing as himself. And, these
engagements being entered into, the intended bridegroom serves the
father of his betrothed as one of his own family till the girl comes
of age, when the marriage is consummated, and he becomes a partner
in the general property of the family of his father-in-law."

A man may marry a girl belonging to the same village as himself, if
he and she are not members of the same exogamous sept. In most cases,
however, all the inhabitants of a village are of the same sept, and
a man has to take as his wife a girl from a village other than his own.

Among all sections of the Badagas, adult marriage is the general rule,
though infant marriage is also practised. Marriage is preceded by a
simple form of courtship, but the consent of the parents to the union
is necessary. A girl does not suffer in reputation if she is rejected
by a number of suitors, before she finally settles down. Except among
the Udayas, the marriage ceremony is of a very simple nature. A
day or two before that fixed for taking the girl to the house of
her husband-elect, the latter proceeds to her village, accompanied
by his brothers, who, as a token of respect, touch the feet of all
the Badagas who are assembled. The bride is taken to the house of the
bridegroom, accompanied by the Kota band. Arrived there, she stands at
the entrance, and her mother-in-law or sister-in-law brings water in
a vessel, and pours it into her hands thrice. Each time she lets the
water fall over her feet. The mother-in-law then ties round her neck a
string of beads (male mani), and leads her to the outer room (edumane),
where cooked samai (Panicum miliare) and milk is given to her. This she
pretends to eat, and the bridegroom's sister gives her water to wash
her hands with. The bride and two married women or virgins (preferably
the bridegroom's sisters) go to a stream in procession, accompanied
by the Kota musicians, and bring therefrom water for cooking purposes
in decorated new pots. The bride then salutes all her new relations,
and they in turn give her their blessing. The ceremonial concludes
with a feast, at the conclusion of which, in some cases, the bride
and bridegroom sit on the raised verandah (pial), and receive presents.

"Though," a correspondent writes, "the Badaga is simple, and his wants
are few, he cannot resist the temptation of wine and women. The Badaga
woman can change husbands as often as she pleases by a simple system
of divorce, and can also carry on with impunity intimacy within
the pale of her own community. It is not uncommon to find Badaga
women changing husbands, so long as youth and vigour tempt them to
do so, and confining themselves eventually to the last individual,
after age and infirmity have made their mark, and render such frolics
inexpedient." A former Magistrate of the Nilgiris informs me that he
tried more than one case, in which a married man filed a complaint
against another man for kidnapping or enticing away his wife for
immoral purposes. The father of the woman was always charged as an
abetter, and pleaded that, as no pariyam (bride price) had been paid
by the husband, though he and the woman lived together as man and
wife, no criminal offence could be proved against either the father
or the abductor. Polygamy is permitted, and the plurality of wives
is a gain to the husband, as each wife becomes a bread-winner, and
supports her children, and the man makes each wife superintend one
department of the day's work. Remarriage of widows is very common,
and a widow may marry the brother of her deceased husband. It is
said to be etiquette among the Badagas that, when a woman's husband
is away, she should be accessible to her brothers-in-law. Instances
occur, in which the husband is much younger than his wife, who,
until he has reached maturity, cohabits with her paternal aunt's son,
or some one whom she may have a fancy for. The marriage ceremony of
the Udayas is carried out on an elaborate scale, and is based on
the type of ceremonial which is carried out by some castes in the
plains. Before dawn on the marriage day, the brothers and cousins
of the bridegroom go, accompanied by some Udayas and the Kota band,
to the forest, whence they bring two sticks of Mimusops hexandra,
to do duty as the milk-posts. The early hour is selected, to avoid
the chance of coming across inauspicious objects. The sticks should
be cut off the tree at a single stroke of the bill-hook, and they
may not be laid flat on the ground, but placed on a blanket spread
thereon. The Udayas, who joined in the procession, collect twelve
posts of Mimusops as supports for the marriage booth (pandal). In
front of the house, which is to be the scene of the wedding, two pits
are dug, into which cow-dung water is poured. The pujari does puja
to the milk-posts by offering sugar-cane, jaggery (crude sugar),
etc., and ties two threads thereto. The posts are then placed in
the pits by five people--the parents of the bridal couple and the
priest. The booth, and dais or enclosure, are then erected close to
the milk-posts. On the second day, the bridegroom's party, attended
by Kota musicians, dressed up in dancing costume, go to the house of
the bride, where a feast is held. The bride then salutes a lamp, and
prostrates herself at the feet of her parents, who bless her, saying
"May your body and hands soon be filled (i.e., may you have a child),
and may your life be prosperous." The bride is taken in procession
to the house of the bridegroom, accompanied by some Udayas, and a
Toreya carrying a bag of rice. At the entrance to the house she is
blindfolded, and her mother-in-law pours water over her feet, and
waves coloured water (arathi) in front of her. She then enters the
house, right foot foremost, and sits on a mat. Three married women,
nearly related to the bridegroom, proceed, with the Kota musicians,
to a stream, carrying three pots decorated with leaves of Leucas
aspera. The priest does puja, and the pots are filled with water, and
brought back in procession to the marriage dais. The water is poured
into three vessels placed thereon three times by each of the three
women. Within the marriage enclosure, two raised platforms are set up
by a Toreya. The bridegroom, after going round the enclosure three
times with his brothers and sisters, enters it, and bathes with the
water contained in the vessels. He then dresses himself in new clothes,
and is carried to the outer room by his maternal uncle. The bride is
then treated in like manner, but is taken to the inner room. At a fixed
auspicious hour, the bridal couple repair to the enclosure, where the
bridegroom stands on a mat. A screen is held up by four or five men
between him and the bride, who stands facing him, while the priest
ties the ends of their clothes together. They then link their little
fingers together, the screen is removed, and they seat themselves on
the mat. The bridegroom's sister brings a tray with a mass of rice
scooped out into a cavity to hold ghi for feeding a lighted wick
(annadha arathi) on it, and, placing it before the bridal pair, sits
down. The tali, consisting of a golden disc, is worshipped by the
priest, and given to the bridegroom, who ties it on to the bride's
neck. In some places it is tied by four or five elders, belonging
to different villages, who are not widowers. The contracting couple
then put on wreaths called sammandha malai, or wreaths establishing
relationship, and the wrist threads are tied on. The bride's sister
brings some rice and milk in a cup, into which the linked fingers of
the bride and bridegroom are thrust. Taking up some of the rice, they
put it into each other's mouths three times. After they have washed
their hands, the maternal uncle or priest asks them if they have seen
Aranjoti (the pole-star), and they reply in the affirmative. On the
third day, presents are given to the newly-married couple, and the
wrist threads are removed. Going to a stream, they perform a mimic
ceremony of sowing, and scatter cotton and rice seed in two small
pans made by a Toreya with cow-dung. Widow remarriage is permitted
among the Udayas, and a widow may marry a cousin, but not her dead
husband's brother. At the marriage ceremony, a priest makes a mark
with sacred ashes on the foreheads of the contracting couple, and
announces the fact of their union.

It is noted by Dr. Rivers that "Breeks has stated that the Toda
custom is that the house shall pass to the youngest son. It seems
quite clear that this is wrong, and that this custom is absolutely
unknown among the Todas. It is, however, a Badaga custom, and among
them I was told that it is due to the fact that, as the sons of a
family grow up and marry, they leave the house of the parents and build
houses elsewhere. It is the duty of the youngest son to dwell with his
parents, and support them as long as they live, and, when they die, he
continues to live in the paternal home, of which he becomes the owner."

A ceremony is performed in the seventh month of a woman's first
pregnancy, which is important, inasmuch as it seals the marriage
contract, and, after its performance, divorce can only be obtained
through the decree of the panchayat (tribal council). Moreover, if
it has not been performed, a man cannot claim the paternity of the
child. The ceremony is called kanni kattodu or kanni hakodu (thread
tying or throwing). The husband and wife are seated in the midst of
those who have assembled for the occasion, and the former asks his
father-in-law whether he may throw the thread round his wife's neck,
and, having received permission, proceeds to do so. If he gets the
thread, which must have no knots in it, entangled in the woman's
bunch of hair (kondai), which is made large for the occasion by the
addition of false hair, he is fined three rupees. On the day of the
ceremony, the man and his wife are supposed to be under pollution,
and sit in the verandah to receive presents. The mats used by them
for sleeping on are cleaned on the following morning, and they get
rid of the pollution by bathing.

A first confinement must not take place within the house, and
the verandah is converted into a lying-in chamber, from which the
woman is, after delivery, removed to the outer apartment, where she
remains till she is free from pollution by catching sight of the
crescent moon. If a woman has been delivered at her father's house,
she returns to the home of her husband within a month of the birth
of the child on an auspicious day. On arrival there, the infant is
placed near the feet of an old man standing by a lamp within the
milk-house. Placing his right hand over the head of the infant, the
old man blesses it, and a feast is held, before the commencement of
which two cups, one containing milk, and the other cooked rice, are
produced. All the relations take up a little of the milk and rice,
and touch the tongue of the baby with them.

A child receives its name on the seventh, ninth, or eleventh day. A
sumptuous meal is given to the community, and the grandfather
(paternal, if possible) milks a cow, and pours the milk into a brass
cup placed in the milk-house. With it a little cooked samai grain is
mixed. The babe is washed with water brought from a stream; marked on
the forehead with sacred ashes; a turmeric-dyed thread is tied round
its waist; a silver or iron bangle placed on its wrists; and a silver
bead tied by a thread round its neck. Thus decorated, the infant is
taken up by the oldest man of the village who is not a widower, who
gives it a name, which has already been chosen. The elder, and the
child's parents and grandparents then place a little milk in its mouth.

Children, both male and female, go through a shaving ceremony, usually
when they are seven months old. The infant is seated in the lap of a
Badaga, and, after water has been applied to its head by a Badaga or
a barber, the maternal uncle removes some of the hair with a razor,
and then hands it over to another Badaga or a barber to complete
the operation.

Of the death rites as carried out by the Badaga sub-division,
the following note was recorded during a visit to Kotagiri. When
death is drawing near, a gold coin, called Viraraya hana or fanam,
dipped in butter or ghi, is given to the dying man to swallow. If he
is too far gone to be capable of swallowing, the coin is, according
to Mr. Natesa Sastri, tied round the arm. But our informants told us
that this is not done at the present day. "If," Mr. Gover writes, [82]
"the tiny coin slips down, well. He will need both gold and ghi, the
one to sustain his strength in the dark journey to the river of death,
the other to fee the guardian of the fairy-like bridge that spans the
dreaded tide. If sense remains to the wretched man, he knows that now
his death is nigh. Despair and the gold make recovery impossible,
and there are none who have swallowed the Birianhana, and yet have
lived. If insensibility or deathly weakness make it impossible for the
coin to pass the thorax, it is carefully bound in cloth, and tied to
the right arm, so that there may be nought to hinder the passage of a
worthy soul into the regions of the blessed." The giving of the coin
to the dying man is apparently an important item, and, in the Badaga
folk-tales, a man on the point of death is made to ask for a Viraraya
fanam. When life is extinct, the corpse is kept within the house
until the erection of the funeral car (gudikattu) is completed. Though
Gover states that the burning must not be delayed more than twenty-four
hours, at the present day the Badagas postpone the funeral till all the
near relations have assembled, even if this necessitates the keeping of
the corpse for two or three days. Cremation may take place on any day,
except Tuesday. News of a death is conveyed to distant hamlets (hattis)
by a Toreya, who is paid a rupee for his services. On approaching a
hamlet, he removes his turban, to signify the nature of his errand,
and, standing on the side of a hill, yells out "Dho! Dho! who is in
the hamlet?" Having imparted his news, he proceeds on his journey
to the next hamlet. On the morning of the day fixed for the funeral,
the corpse is taken on a charpoy or native cot to an open space, and
a buffalo led thrice round it. The right hand of the corpse is then
lifted up, and passed over the horns of the buffalo. A little milk is
drawn, and poured into the mouth of the corpse. Prior to this ceremony,
two or three buffaloes may be let loose, and one of them captured,
after the manner of the Todas, brought near the corpse, and conducted
round the cot. The funeral car is built up in five to eleven tiers,
decorated with cloths and streamers, and one tier must be covered with
black chintz. At the funeral of a young man, the Rev. A. C. Clayton
noticed that the car was surmounted by a flag, and hung about with
bread, oranges, plantains, and the bag containing the books which
the youth had used in the Basel Mission School. [83] By the poorer
members of the community the car is replaced by a cot covered with
cloth, and surmounted by five umbrellas. Immediately after the buffalo
ceremony, the corpse is carried to the car, and placed in the lowest
storey thereof, washed, and dressed in coat and turban. A new dhupati
(coarse cloth) is wrapped round it. Two silver coins (Japanese yens
or rupees) are stuck on the forehead. Beneath the cot are placed a
crowbar, and baskets containing cakes, parched paddy, tobacco, chick
pea (Cicer arietinum), jaggery and samai flour. A number of women,
relations and friends of the dead man, then make a rush to the cot,
and, sitting on it round the corpse, keep on waiting, while a woman
near its head rings a bell. When one batch is tired, it is replaced
by another. Badaga men then pour in in large numbers, and salute the
corpse by touching the head, Toreyas and female relations touching
the feet. Of those who salute, a few place inside the dhupati a piece
of white cloth with red and yellow stripes, which has been specially
prepared for the purpose. All then proceed to dance round the car
to the music of the Kota band, near male relations removing their
turban or woollen night cap, as a mark of respect, during the first
three revolutions. Most of the male dancers are dressed up in gaudy
petticoats and smart turbans. "No woman," Mr. Natesa Sastri writes,
"mingles in the funeral dance if the dead person is a man, but,
if the deceased is a woman, one old woman, the nearest relative of
the dead, takes part in it." But, at the funerals of two men which
we witnessed, a few women danced together with the men. Usually the
tribesmen continue to arrive until 2 or 3 P.M. Relations collect
outside the village, and advance in a body towards the car, some,
especially the sons-in-law of the dead man, riding on ponies, some
of them carrying samai grain. As they approach the car, they shout
"Ja! hoch; Ja! hoch." The Muttu Kotas bring a double iron sickle with
imitation buffalo horns on the tip, which is placed, with a hatchet,
buguri (flute), and walking stick, on the car or on the ground beside
it. When all are assembled, the cot is carried to an open space
between the house and the burning-ground, followed by the car and a
party of women carrying the baskets containing grain, etc. The car
is then stripped of its trappings, and hacked to pieces. The widow is
brought close to the cot, and removes her nose ornament (elemukkuthi),
and other jewels. At both the funerals which we witnessed, the widow
had a narrow strip of coloured chintz over her shoulders. Standing
near the corpse, she removed a bit of wire from her ear-rings, a lock
of hair, and a palm leaf roll from the lobe of the ear, and tied them
up in the cloth of her dead husband. After her, the sisters of the
dead man cut off a lock of hair, and, in like manner, tied it in the
cloth. Women attached to a man by illegitimate ties sometimes also cut
off a lock of hair, and, tying it to a twig of Dodonæa viscosa, place
it inside the cloth. Very impressive is the recitation, or after-death
confession of a dead man's sins by an elder of the tribe standing at
the head of the corpse, and rapidly chanting the following lines, or
a variation thereof, while he waves his right hand during each line
towards the feet. The reproduction of the recitation in my phonograph
never failed to impress the daily audience of Badagas, Kotas and Todas.


    This is the death of Andi.
    In his memory the calf of the cow Belle has been set free.
    From this world to the other.
    He goes in a car.
    Everything the man did in this world.
    All the sins committed by his ancestors.
    All the sins committed by his forefathers.
    All the sins committed by his parents.
    All the sins committed by himself.
    The estranging of brothers.
    Shifting the boundary line.
    Encroaching on a neighbour's land by removing the hedge.
    Driving away brothers and sisters.
    Cutting the kalli tree stealthily.
    Cutting the mulli tree outside his boundary.
    Dragging the thorny branches of the kotte tree.
    Sweeping with a broom.
    Splitting green branches.
    Telling lies.
    Uprooting seedlings.
    Plucking growing plants, and throwing them in the sun.
    Giving young birds to cats.
    Troubling the poor and cripples.
    Throwing refuse water in front of the sun.
    Going to sleep after seeing an eclipse of the moon.
    Looking enviously at a buffalo yielding an abundance of milk.
    Being jealous of the good crops of others.
    Removing boundary stones.
    Using a calf set free at the funeral.
    Polluting water with dirt.
    Urinating on burning embers.
    Ingratitude to the priest.
    Carrying tales to the higher authorities.
    Poisoning food.
    Not feeding a hungry person.
    Not giving fire to one half frozen.
    Killing snakes and cows.
    Killing lizards and blood-suckers.
    Showing a wrong path.
    Getting on the cot, and allowing his father-in-law to sleep on
    the ground.
    Sitting on a raised verandah, and driving thence his mother-in-law.
    Going against natural instincts.
    Troubling daughters-in-law.
    Breaking open lakes.
    Breaking open reservoirs of water.
    Being envious of the prosperity of other villages.
    Getting angry with people.
    Misleading travellers in the forest.
    Though there be three hundred such sins,
    Let them all go with the calf set free to-day.
    May the sins be completely removed!
    May the sins be forgiven!
    May the door of heaven be open!
    May the door of hell be closed!
    May the hand of charity be extended!
    May the wicked hand be shrivelled!
    May the door open suddenly!
    May beauty or splendour prevail everywhere!
    May the hot pillar be cooled!
    May the thread bridge [84] become light!
    May the pit of perdition be closed!
    May he reach the golden pillar!
    Holding the feet of the six thousand Athis,
    Holding the feet of the twelve thousand Pathis,
    Holding the feet of Brahma,
    Holding the feet of the calf set free to-day,
    May he reach the abode of Siva!
          So mote it be.


The recitation is repeated thrice, and a few Badagas repeat the
last words of each line after the elder. It was noticed by the
Rev. A. C. Clayton that, during the recitation, the people surrounded
the bier on three sides, leaving a lane open to the west. The sins
of the dead man were transferred to another as sin-bearer, and
finally passed away down the lane. As the ceremony witnessed by us
differs materially from the account thereof given by Gover nearly
forty years ago, I may quote his description. "By a conventional
mode of expression, the sum total of sins a man may do is said to
be thirteen hundred. Admitting that the deceased has committed them
all, the performer cries aloud 'Stay not their flight to God's pure
feet.' As he closes, the whole assembly chants aloud 'Stay not their
flight.' Again the performer enters into details, and cries 'He killed
the crawling snake. It is a sin.' In a moment the last word is caught
up, and all the people cry 'It is a sin.' As they shout, the performer
lays his hand upon the calf. The sin is transferred to the calf. Thus
the whole catalogue is gone through in this impressive way. But this
is not enough. As the last shout 'Let all be well' dies away, the
performer gives place to another, and again confession is made, and
all the people shout 'It is a sin.' A third time it is done. Then,
still in solemn silence, the calf is let loose. Like the Jewish
scapegoat, it may never be used for secular work." Dr. Rivers writes
that "the Badagas let loose a calf at a funeral, to bear the sins of
the deceased. It is possible that the calf in the Toda ceremony may
have the same significance. If so, the practice has not improbably
been borrowed, and the fact that the bell which is hung on the neck
of the calf is kept by Kotas or Badagas suggests that the whole
incident may have been borrowed by the Todas from one or other of
these races." At the funerals, of which we were spectators, no calf
was brought near the corpse, and the celebrants of the rites were
satisfied with the mere mention by name of a calf, which is male or
female according to the sex of the deceased. At the funeral witnessed
by the Rev. A. C. Clayton, a cow-buffalo was led three times round the
bier, and a little of its milk, drawn at the time, put into the mouth
of the corpse. Then a buffalo calf was led thrice round the bier,
and the dead man's hand laid on its head. By this act, the calf was
supposed to receive all the sins of the deceased. It was then driven
away to a great distance, that it might contaminate no one, and it
was said that it would never be sold, but looked on as a dedicated
sacred animal. If a dead man leaves a widow in a state of pregnancy,
who has not performed the kanni kattodu or marriage thread ceremony,
this must be gone through before the corpse is taken to the pyre, in
order to render the child legitimate. The pregnant woman is, at the
time of the funeral, brought close to the cot, and a near relation
of the deceased, taking up a cotton thread, twisted in the form of a
necklace without any knots, throws it round her neck. Sometimes the
hand of the corpse is lifted up with the thread, and made to place it
round the neck. At the funeral of the young man, Mr. Clayton saw this
ceremony performed on his pregnant wife. After a turmeric-dyed cord
had been taken from the hands of the corpse and tied round her neck,
she was again brought to the side of the bier, and her ear-rings,
nose ornaments, and other articles of jewellery, were removed in token
that she had become a widow. Soon after the recitation of sins, all
the agnates go to the house of the dead man, at the entrance to which
a gunny-bag is spread, whereon a small quantity of paddy is poured,
and a few culms of Cynodon Dactylon and a little cow-dung are placed
on it. The eldest of the agnates, sickle in hand, takes some of the
paddy, and moves on, raising both hands to his forehead. The other
agnates then do the same, and proceed in Indian file, males in front
and females in the rear, to the corpse. Round it they walk, men from
left to right, and women in the reverse direction, and at the end
of each circuit put some of the paddy on its face. The cot is then
carried to the burning-ground, a woman heading the procession, and
shaking the end of her cloth all the way. The corpse is laid on the
pyre with its feet to the south, and the pyre lighted by the eldest son
standing at the head. The sticks of which the car was constructed are
added to the fuel, of which the pyre is built up. In some places the
son, when lighting the pyre, repeats the words "Being begotten by my
father and mother, I, in the presence of all and the Deva, set fire
at the head after the manner of my ancestors and forefathers." The
Rev. A. C. Clayton records that, before the procession started for
the burning-ground, some female relatives of the dead man tied locks
of their hair round the toes of the corpse, and others went three
times round the bier. On the day following the funeral, the bereaved
family distribute rice to all the Badagas of the hamlet, and all the
near relations of the deceased go to the burning-ground, taking with
them two new pots. The fire is extinguished, and the fragments of the
bones are collected. A tray is made of the fronds of the bracken fern
(Pteris aquilina) covered with a cloth, on which the bones are placed
together with culms of Cynodon grass and ghi. The Badagas of the hamlet
who are younger than the deceased salute the bones by touching them,
and a few men, including the chief mourner, hold the tray, and convey
it to the bone pit, which every hamlet possesses. Into it the bones
are thrown, while an elder repeats the words "Become united with the
line of your relations, with your class, and with the big people," or
"May the young and old who have died, may all those who have died from
time immemorial up to the present time, mingle in one." When the pit
has been closed up, all return to the spot where the body was burnt,
and, clearing a space, make a puddle, round which they stand, and
throw into it a handful of korali (Setaria italica), uttering the words
"May deaths cease; may evils cease; may good prevail in the village; in
virtue of the good deeds of the ancestors and forefathers, may this one
mingle with them." This ceremony concluded, they repair to a stream,
where a member of the bereaved family shaves a Toreya partially or
completely. Some take a razor, and, after removing a patch of hair,
pass the Toreya on to a barber. All the agnates are then shaved by
a Badaga or a barber. The chief mourner then prostrates himself on
the ground, and is blessed by all. He and the Toreya proceed to the
house of the deceased. Taking a three-pronged twig of Rhodomyrtus
tomentosus, and placing a minige (Argyreia) leaf on the prongs,
he thrusts it into a rubbish heap near the house. He then places a
small quantity of samai grain, called street food, on the leaf, and,
after sprinkling it thrice with water, goes away.

It was noted by Harkness that, at the burning-ground, the son or
representative of the deceased dropped a little grain into the mouth
of the corpse, carrying in his left hand a small bar of iron, which
is supposed to have a repulsive power over the spirits that hover
about the dead.

The final death ceremonies, or korambu, are celebrated on a
Sunday. Towards evening the house of the deceased is cleansed
with cow-dung, and Badaga men assemble therein, sending away all
women. The chief mourner, accompanied by two Badagas carrying new
pots, proceeds to a stream, where the pots are cleaned with cow-dung,
and rubbed over with culms of Andropogon Schoenanthus. They are
then filled with water, carried to the house, and deposited in the
milk-room. At the entrance to the inner apartment, five agnates stand,
holding a circular bamboo tray (kerachi) made of plaited bamboo, on
which the chief mourner pours a small quantity of paddy, and spreads
it with a sickle. The widow and other female relations come near,
and cry. A few sickles or knives (preferably those which were used
at the funeral) are placed on the tray, which is saluted by all the
Badagas present. The paddy is husked in a mortar, and the rice cooked
with Dolichos Lablab, Cicer arietinum, and other pulses, without
the addition of salt. Early on the following morning, the eldest
son, taking a small quantity of the rice to the roof of the house,
places seven balls made therefrom on plantain or minige leaves, and
recites the names of the male and female ancestors and forefathers,
his mother, father, and brothers. The remainder of the rice is eaten
by relations. In some places, the whole of the rice is divided into
seven balls, and taken outside the house. Water is sprinkled over the
roof, and a portion of the rice thrown thereon. Standing up before
the assembled Badagas, an elder says "To-day we have acted up to the
observances of our ancestors and forefathers. New ones should not be
considered as old, or old as new. There is not a man carrying a head
(wise man), or a woman carrying breasts (wise woman). May he become
united with the men of his clan and caste."

The funeral rites of the Udayas differ in some important details from
those of the Badaga sub-division. The buffalo catching, and leading
the animal round the corpse, are omitted. But a steer and heifer are
selected, and branded on the thigh, by means of a hot iron, with the
lingam and other emblems. Bedecked with cloths and jewels, they are
led to the side of the corpse, and made to stand on a blanket spread
on the ground. They are treated as if they were lingams, and puja is
done to them by offering cocoanuts and betel leaves, and throwing
flowers over them. Round their necks kankanams (marriage threads)
are tied. They are made to turn so as to face away from the corpse,
and their tails are placed in the hands thereof. An elder then proceeds
with the recitation of the dead person's sins. The Udayas bury their
dead in a sitting posture in a cell dug out of the side of the grave,
and, like the Irulas, prefer to use a grave in which a previous burial
has taken place. At the four corners of the grave they place in the
ground a plant of Leucas aspera, and pass a cotton thread laterally
and diagonally across the grave, leaving out the side opposite the
cell. Two men descend into the grave, and deposit the corpse in its
resting place with two lighted lamps.

In 1905, an elaborate Badaga memorial ceremony for ancestors called
manavalai, which takes place at long intervals, was celebrated on
the Nilgiris. I gather from the notes of a Native official that an
enormous car, called elu kudi teru (seven-storeyed car) was built of
wood and bamboo, and decorated with silk and woollen fabrics, flags,
and umbrellas. Inside the ground floor were a cot with a mattress and
pillow, and the stem of a plantain tree. The souls of the ancestors
are supposed to be reclining on the cot, resting their heads on the
pillow, and chewing the plantain, while the umbrellas protect them from
the sun and rain. The ear ornaments of all those who have died since
the previous ceremony should be placed on the cot. "A Badaga fell
and hurt himself during the erection of the car. Whereupon, another
Badaga became possessed, and announced that the god was angry because
a Kurumba had something to do with the building of the structure. A
council meeting was held, and the Kurumba fined twenty-five rupees,
which were credited to the god. Sixty-nine petty bazars and three beer
taverns had been opened for the convenience of all classes of people
that had assembled. One very old Badaga woman said that she was twelve
years old when the first European was carried in a chair by the Todas,
and brought up the ghat to the Nilgiris from Coimbatore. On Wednesday
at 10 A.M. people from the adjoining villages were announced, and
the Kota band, with the village people, went forward, greeted them,
and brought them to the car. As each man approached it, he removed
his turban, stooped over the pillow and laid his head on it, and then
went to join the ring for the dance. The dancers wore skirts made of
white long-cloth, white and cream silks and satins with border of red
and blue trimming, frock dresses, and dressing-gowns, while the coats,
blouses, and jackets were of the most gaudy colours of silk, velvet,
velveteen, tweed, and home-spun. As each group of people arrived,
they went first to the temple door, saluted the god, and went to the
basement of the car to venerate the deceased, and then proceeded to
dance for an hour, received their supplies of rice, etc., and cleared
off. Thursday and Friday were the grandest days. Nearly three thousand
females, and six thousand males, assembled on Thursday. To crown all
the confusion, there appeared nearly a thousand Badagas armed with
new mamotis (spades). They came on dancing for some distance, rushed
into the crowd, and danced round the car. These Badagas belonged
to a gang of public works, local fund, and municipal maistries. On
the last day a sheep was slaughtered in honour of the deity. The
musicians throughout the festivities were Kotas and Kurumbas. The
dancing of the men of three score showed that they danced to music,
and the stepping was admirable, while the dancing of young men did not
show that they had any idea of dancing, or either taste or knowledge
of music. They were merely skipping and jumping. This shows that the
old art of the Badaga dance is fast decaying." The cot is eventually
burnt at the burning-ground, as if it contained a corpse.

A kind of edible truffle (Mylitta lapidescens) is known as little
man's bread on the Nilgiris. The Badaga legendary name for it is
Pandva-unna-buthi, or dwarf bundle of food, [85] i.e., food of the
dwarfs, who are supposed once to have inhabited the Nilgiris and
built the pandu kulis or kistvaens.

The story goes that Lord Elphinstone, a former Governor of Madras,
was anxious to build a residence at Kaiti. But the Badagas, who had
on the desired site a sacred tree, would not part with the land. The
Governor's steward succeeded in making the Badaga headman drunk,
and secured, for a rental of thirty-five rupees annually, the site,
whereon a villa was built, which now belongs to the Basel Mission. [86]

In a recent work, [87] Mr. A. H. Keane, in a note on the "Dravidian
Aborigines," writes as follows. "All stand on the very lowest
rung of the social ladder, being rude hillmen without any culture
strictly so called, and often betraying marked negroid characters,
as if they were originally Negroes or Negritos, later assimilated
in some respects to their Dravidian conquerors. As they never had
a collective racial name, they should now be called, not Dravidians
or proto-Dravidians, but rather pre-Dravidians, as more collectively
indicating their true ethnical relations. Such are the Kotas, Irulas,
Badagas, and Kurumbas." It may be pointed out that the Badagas and
Kotas of the Nilgiri plateau are not "wild tribes," have no trace of
negroid characters, and no affinities with the Kurumbas and Irulas
of the Nilgiri slopes. The figures in the following table speak for
themselves:--


    =========+=======================+======================
             |        Stature.       |      Nasal Index.
             +=======+=======+=======+=======+=======+======
             |   A   |   B   |   C   |   D   |   E   |   F
    =========+=======+=======+=======+=======+=======+======
    Badaga   | 164.1 | 180.2 | 159.9 |  75.6 |  88.4 |  62.7
    Kota     | 162.9 | 174.2 | 155.  |  77.2 |  92.9 |  64.
    Irula    | 159.8 | 168.  | 152.  |  84.9 | 100.  |  72.3
    Kurumba  | 157.5 | 163.6 | 149.6 |  88.8 | 111.  |  79.1
    =========+=======+=======+=======+=======+=======+======

    Column Headers: A = Average cm. B = Maximum cm.
    C = Minimum cm. D = Average. E = Maximum. F = Minimum.


Badagi.--The carpenter sub-division of Panchalas.

Badhoyi.--The Badhoyis are Oriya carpenters and blacksmiths, of whom
the former are known as Badhoyi, and the latter as Komaro. These
are not separate castes, and the two sections both interdine and
intermarry. The name Badhoyi is said to be derived from the Sanskrit
vardhaki, which, in Oriya, becomes bardhaki, and indicates one who
changes the form, i.e., of timber. Korti, derived from korto, a saw,
occurs as the name of a section of the caste, the members of which
are wood-sawyers. Socially, the Badhoyis occupy the same position as
Doluvas, Kalinjis, and various other agricultural classes, and they
do not, like the Tamil Kammalans, claim to be Viswakarma Brahmans,
descended from Viswakarma, the architect of the gods.

The hereditary headman is called Maharana, and, in some places,
there seem to be three grades of Maharana, viz., Maharana, Dondopato
Maharana, and Swangso Maharana. These headmen are assisted by a
Bhollobhaya or Dolobehara, and there is a further official called
Agopothiria, whose duty it is to eat with an individual who is
re-admitted into the caste after a council meeting. This duty is
sometimes performed by the Maharana. Ordinary meetings of council
are convened by the Maharana and Bhollobhaya. But, if a case of a
serious nature is to be tried, a special council meeting, called kulo
panchayat, is held in a grove or open space outside the village. All
the Maharanas and other officers, and representatives of five castes
(panchapatako) equal or superior to the Badhoyis in the social scale,
attend such a council. The complainant goes to the Swangso Maharana,
and, giving him fifty areca nuts, asks him to convene the council
meeting. Punishment inflicted by the caste council usually assumes the
form of a fine, the amount of which depends on the worldly prosperity
of the delinquent, who, if very indigent, may be let off with a
reprimand and warning. Sometimes offences are condoned by feeding
Brahmans or the Badhoyi community. Small sums, collected as fines,
are appropriated by the headman, and large sums are set apart towards
a fund for meeting the marriage expenses of the poorer members of
the caste, and the expenditure in connection with kulo panchayats.

Concerning the marriage ceremonies, Mr. D. Mahanty writes as
follows. "At a marriage among the Badhoyis, and various other castes in
Ganjam, two pith crowns are placed on the head of the bridegroom. On
his way to the bride's house, he is met by her purohit (priest) and
relations, and her barber washes his feet, and presents him with a new
yellow cloth, flowers, and kusa grass (also called dharbha grass). When
he arrives at the house, amid the recitations of stanzas by the priest,
the blowing of conch shells and other music, the women of the bride's
party make a noise called hulu-huli, and shower kusa grass over him. At
the marriage booth, the bridegroom sits upon a raised 'altar,' and
the bride, who arrives accompanied by his maternal uncle, pours salt,
yellow-coloured rice, and parched paddy (rice) over the head of the
bridegroom, by whose side she seats herself. One of the pith crowns
is removed from the bridegroom's forehead, and placed on that of the
bride. Various Brahmanical rites are then performed, and the bride's
father places her hand in that of the bridegroom. A bundle of straw
is now placed on the altar, on which the contracting parties sit, the
bridegroom facing east, and the bride west. The purohit rubs a little
jaggery over the bridegroom's right palm, joins it to the palm of the
bride, and ties their two hands together with a rope made of kusa grass
(hasthagonti). A yellow cloth is tied to the cloths which the bridal
pair are wearing, and stretched over their shoulders (gontiyala). The
hands are then untied by a married woman. Sradha is performed for the
propitiation of ancestors, and the purohit, repeating some mantrams
(prayers), blesses the pair by throwing yellow rice over them. On the
sixth day of the ceremony, the bridegroom runs away from the house of
his father-in-law, as if he was displeased, and goes to the house of
a relation in the same or an adjacent village. His brother-in-law,
or other male relation of the bride, goes in search of him, and,
when he has found him, rubs some jaggery over his face, and brings
him back." As an example of the stanzas recited by the purohit,
the following may be cited:--


    I have presented with my mind and word, and also with kusa grass
    and water.

    The witnesses of this are fire, Brahmans, women, relations,
    and all the devatas.

    Forgive this presentable faithful maid.

    I am performing the marriage according to the Vedic rites.

    Women are full of all kinds of faults. Forgive these faults.

    Brahma is the god of this maid.

    By the grace of the god Vasudeva, I give to thee the bridegroom.


The Badhoyis are Paramarthos, and follow the Chaitanya form of
Vaishnavism. They further worship various village deities. The dead
are cremated. The corpse of a dead person is washed, not at the house,
but at the burning-ground.

The most common caste title is Maharana. But, in some zemindaris, such
titles as Bindhani Rathno, and Bindhani Bushano, have been conferred
by the zemindars on carpenters for the excellence of their work.

The carpenters and blacksmiths hold inams or rent-free lands both
under zemindars and under Government. In return, they are expected
to construct a car for the annual festival of the village deity,
at which, in most places, the car is burnt at the conclusion of
the festival. They have further to make agricultural implements
for the villagers, and, when officials arrive on circuit, to supply
tent-pegs, etc.

Bagata.--The Bagatas, Bhaktas, or Baktas are a class of Telugu
fresh-water fishermen, who are said to be very expert at catching fish
with a long spear. It is noted, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, that
"on the Dasara day they worship the fishing baskets, and also (for
some obscure reason) a kind of trident." The trident is probably the
fishing spear. Some of the Bagatas are hill cultivators in the Agency
tracts of Vizagapatam. They account for their name by the tradition
that they served with great devotion (bhakti) the former rulers of
Golgonda and Madugula, who made grants of land to them in mokhasa
tenure. Some of them are heads of hill villages. The head of a single
village is called a Padal, and it may be noted that Padala occurs as an
exogamous sept of the Kapus, of which caste it has been suggested that
the Bagatas are an offshoot. The overlord of a number of Padals styles
himself Nayak or Raju, and a Mokhasadar has the title of Dora. It is
recorded, in the Census Report, 1871, that "in the low country the
Bhaktas consider themselves to take the rank of soldiery, and rather
disdain the occupation of ryots (cultivators). Here, however (in hill
Madugulu in the Vizagapatam district), necessity has divested them
of such prejudices, and they are compelled to delve for their daily
bread. They generally, nevertheless, manage to get the Kapus to work
for them, for they make poor farmers, and are unskilled in husbandry."

It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district,
that "Matsya gundam (fish pool) is a curious pool on the Macheru
(fish river) near the village of Matam, close under the great
Yendrika hill, 5,188 feet above the sea. A barrier of rocks runs
right across the river there, and the stream plunges into a great
hole and vanishes beneath this, reappearing again about a hundred
yards lower down. Just where it emerges from under the barrier, it
forms a pool, which is crowded with mahseer of all sizes. These are
wonderfully tame, the bigger ones feeding fearlessly from one's hand,
and even allowing their backs to be stroked. They are protected by the
Madgole zamindars--who on several grounds venerate all fish--and by
superstitious fears. Once, goes the story, a Brinjari caught one and
turned it into curry, whereon the king of the fish solemnly cursed
him, and he and all his pack-bullocks were turned into rocks, which
may be seen there till this day. At Sivaratri, a festival occurs at
the little thatched shrine near by, the priest at which is a Bagata,
and part of the ritual consists in feeding the sacred fish.

"In 1901, certain envious Bagatas looted one of the villages of the
Konda Malas or hill Paraiyans, a pushing set of traders, who are
rapidly acquiring wealth and exalted notions, on the ground that they
were becoming unduly arrogant. The immediate cause of the trouble
was the fact that at a cockfight the Malas' birds had defeated the
Bagatas'."

In a note on the Bagatas, Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao writes that the caste
is divided into exogamous septs or intiperulu, some of which occur also
among the Kapus, Telagas, and Vantaris. Girls are married either before
or after puberty, and the custom, called menarikam, which renders it
a man's duty to marry his maternal uncle's daughter, is the general
rule. An Oriya or Telugu Brahman officiates at marriages, and the
bride is presented with jewelry as a substitute for the bride-price
(voli) in money. It is noted, in the Census Report, 1901, that,
at a wedding, the bridegroom is struck by his brother-in-law, who
is then presented with a pair of new cloths. The Bagatas are both
Vaishnavites and Saivites, and the former get themselves branded on
the arm by a Vaishnava guru, who lives in the Godavari district. The
Vaishnavites burn their dead, and the Saivites bury them in the
customary sitting attitude. Satanis officiate for the former, and
Jangams for the latter. Both sections perform the chinna and pedda
rozu (big and little day) death ceremonies. The hill Bagatas observe
the Itiga Ponduga festival, which is celebrated by the hill classes
in Vizagapatam.

Bahusagara (many seas).--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report,
1901, as a synonym of Rangari. The Rangaris are tailors and dyers,
and the signification of the name is not clear.

Baidya.--See Vaidyan.

Bainedu.--The Bainedu, or Bainedi, as they are called in the
Census Report, 1901, are the musicians and barbers of the Malas and
Madigas. At the peddadinamu death ceremony of the Gamallas, a Mala
Bainedu takes part in the recitation of the story of Ankamma, and in
making the designs (muggu) on the ground.

Bairagi.--The Bairagis are a class of religious mendicants, who
roam about all over India, and are for the most part recruited from
North Indian castes. They are followers of Ramanand, who founded the
order at the end of the fourteenth, or beginning of the fifteenth
century. According to common tradition, the schism of Ramanand
originated in resentment of an affront offered him by his fellow
disciples, and sanctioned by his teacher. It is said that he had
spent some time in travelling through various parts of India, after
which he returned to the math, or residence of his superior. His
brethren objected to him that in the course of his peregrinations
it was impossible he could have observed that privacy in his meals,
which is a vital observance of the Ramanuja sect; and, as Raghavanand
admitted the validity of the objection, Ramanand was condemned to
feed in a place apart from the rest of the disciples. He was highly
incensed at the order, and retired from the society altogether,
establishing a schism of his own. [88]

The name Bairagi is derived from the Sanskrit vairagya (vi + rag),
denoting without desire or passion, and indicates an ascetic, who has
subdued his passions, and liberated himself from worldly desires. The
Bairagis are sometimes called Bavaji or Sadhu.

The Bairagis are Vaishnavites, and bear the Tengalai Vaishnava mark
(namam), made with sandal-paste or gopi, on the forehead. Bairagis with
a Vadagalai mark are very rare. The Bairagis wear necklaces of tulsi
(Ocimum sanctum) beads or lotus (Nelumbium speciosum) seeds. Every
Bairagi cooks his food within a space cleansed with cow-dung water
by himself or his disciple, and will not leave the space until he has
finished his meal. The Bairagis are not particular about screening the
space from the public gaze. They partake of one meal daily, in the
afternoon, and are abstainers from flesh dietary. They live mainly
on alms obtained in the bazars, or in choultries (rest-houses for
travellers). They generally carry with them one or two brass vessels
for cooking purposes, a salagrama stone and a conch-shell for worship,
and a chillum (pipe) for smoking ganja (Indian hemp) or opium. They
are, as a rule, naked except for a small piece of cloth tied round
the waist and passed between the thighs. Some wear more elaborate
body-clothing, and a turban. They generally allow the beard to grow,
and the hair of the head is long and matted, with sometimes a long tail
of yak or human hair tied in a knot on the top of the head. Those who
go about nearly naked smear ashes all over their bodies. When engaged
in begging, some go through the streets, uttering aloud the name of
some God. Others go from house to house, or remain at a particular
spot, where people are expected to give them alms.

Some Bairagis are celibates, and others married. They are supposed
to be celibates, but, as Dr. T. N. Bhattacharjee observes, [89] the
"monks of this order have generally a large number of nuns attached
to their convents, with whom they openly live as man and wife." The
Bairagis are very particular about the worship of the salagrama stone,
and will not partake of food without worshipping it. When so doing,
they cover their head with a piece of cloth (Ram nam ka safa), on
which the name Rama is printed in Devanagiri characters. Their face
and shoulders are stamped, by means of brass stamps, with the word
Rama in similar characters. For the purpose of meditation, the Bairagi
squats on the ground, sometimes with a deer or tiger skin beneath him,
and rests his hands on the cross-piece of his yoga-dandam, or bent
stick. A pair of tongs is stuck in the ground on his right side, and
sometimes fire is kept near it. It is noted by Mr. J. C. Oman [90]
that "a most elaborate ritual has been laid down for the guidance
of Bairagis in the daily routine of the indispensable business and
duties of life, prescribing in minute detail how, for example, the
ascetic should wash, bathe, sit down, perform pranayam (stoppage
or regulation of respiration), purify his body, purge his mind,
meditate on Vishnu, repeat the Gayatri (hymn) as composed for the
special use of members of the sect, worship Rama, Sita, Lakshman,
Bharata, and Satringah, together with Rama's bows and arrows, and,
lastly, the monkey god Hanuman."

The Bairagis have a guru or priest, whom they call Mahant. Some visit
the celebrated temple near Tirupati and pay their respects to the
Mahant thereof.

Baisya.--A sub-division of Koronos of Ganjam.

Baita Kammara.--The name, meaning outside blacksmiths, applied to
Kamsala blacksmiths, who occupy a lowly position, and work in the
open air or outside a village. [91]

Bajantri.--A synonym of Mangala, indicating their occupation as
professional musicians.

Bakta.--See Bagata.

Bakuda.--A sub-division of Holeya.

Balanollu.--Balanollu and Badranollu are names of gotras of Ganigas,
the members of which may not cut Erythroxylon monogynum.

Balasantosha.--The Balasantosha or Balasanta vandlu (those who please
children) are described in the Kurnool Manual as "ballad reciters,
whose chief stories are the Bobbili katha, or the story of the siege
of the fort of Bobbili in Vizagapatam by Bussy; the Kurnool Nabob's
katha or the story of the resumption of Kurnool by the English; and the
tale of the quarrels between Ganga and Parvati, the two wives of Siva."

Balegara (bangle man).--An occupational sub-division of Banajiga.

Balija.--The Balijas are described by Mr. Francis [92] as being
"the chief Telugu trading caste, scattered throughout all parts of
the Presidency. It is said to have two main sub-divisions, Desa
(or Kota, a fort) and Peta (street). The first of these includes
those, whose ancestors are supposed to have been the Balija (Nayak)
kings of Madura, Tanjore and Vijayanagar, or provincial governors
in those kingdoms; and to the second belong those, like the Gazulu
(bangle sellers) and Perike (salt-sellers), who live by trade. In
the Tamil districts Balijas are known as Vadugans (Telugu people) and
Kavarais. The descendants of the Nayak or Balija Kings of Madura and
Tanjore claim to be Kshatriyas and of the Kasyapa (a rishi) gotra,
while the Vijayanagar Rais say they are lineal descendants of the
sage Bharadwaja. Others trace their ancestry to the Kauravas of the
Mahabharata. This Kshatriya descent is, however, not admitted by
other castes, who say that Balijas are an offshoot of the Kammas or
Kapus, or that they are a mixed community recruited from these and
other Telugu castes. The members of the caste none of them now wear
the sacred thread, or follow the Vedic ritual. The name Kartakkal
(governors) was returned by those who claim to be descendants of the
Nayak Kings of Madura and Tanjore."

In a letter submitted, from Coimbatore, to Mr. Francis in connection
with the census, 1901, it was stated that "the Balija people are
Kshatriyas of the Lunar Race, as can be proved by a reference to
the Bahgavatham, Vishnupuranam, and Brahmmandapuranam, etc.... In
this connection, it will be interesting to note that one Sevappa
Naidu married Murthiammal, sister-in-law to Achuta Deva Rayulu of
Narapathi Samasthanam of Vijayanagar, and as a marriage portion or
dowry received the territory of Tanjore, over which he ruled as king
for a long period. It was at this time that the celebrated Tirumalay
Naidu of Madura took as wife one of the daughters of Sevappa Naidu's
family. Tirumalay's grandson, one Chockalinga Naidu, married Mangammal,
daughter of Vijiaragavulu Naidu, a grandson of the said Tanjore
Sevappa Naidu. It will thus be seen that the Naidu rulers of Tanjore,
Trichinopoly, and Madura, were all relations of Narapathi Samasthanam
of Vijianagar. That these Narapathies of Vijianagaram were Kshatriyas
of the Lunar Race can be clearly seen by a reference to Manucharithra,
Parijathapaharanam, Prouda Prabanda Kavi Charitra, etc., and that they
were direct descendants of the great Andra Kings can be proved with
equal satisfaction by referring to Colonel Mackenzie's MSS., in the
introduction of A. D. Campbell's Telugu Grammar, and James Prinsep's
Useful Tables of Andra Kings will show that the Andras were immediate
descendants of the well-known Yayathi Raja of the Lunar Race."

"The Balijas," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [93] "are the trading caste
of the Telugu country, but they are now found in every part of the
Presidency. Concerning the origin of this caste several traditions
exist, but the most probable is that which represents them as a
recent offshoot of the Kapu or Reddi caste. The caste is rather a
mixed one, for they will admit, without much scruple, persons who
have been expelled from their proper caste, or who are the result
of irregular unions. The bulk of the Balijas are now engaged in
cultivation, and this accounts for so many having returned Kapu as
their main caste, for Kapu is also a common Telugu word used for
a ryot (farmer). It is not improbable that there was once a closer
connection than now between the Kapus and the Balijas, and the claim
of the Balijas to belong to the Kapu caste may have a foundation in
fact. In their customs there is very little difference between the
Kapus and Balijas. Their girls are married both before and after
puberty. The re-marriage of widows is forbidden. They eat flesh,
and alcohol is said to be freely indulged in [There is a proverb
'If a man be born a Balija, he must crack the arrack bottle']. Like
the Bogams and Sanis, the Balija females usually wear a petticoat
instead of the long robe of ordinary Hindus. The general name of the
caste is Naidu." "The Balija Naidu," it has been said, [94] "is to
be met with in almost every walk of life--railway station-masters,
head coolies, bakers, butlers, municipal inspectors, tappal (post)
runners, hawkers, and hotel-keepers. The title Chetti is by some used
in preference to Naidu." It is noted in the Bellary Manual that the
Balijas "have by common consent obtained a high place in the social
system of South India. Some are land-owners, residing on and working
their own property with the help of members of inferior castes; but
the majority live by trade." At Tirupati, a number of Balija families
are engaged in the red sanders wood (Pterocarpus santalinus), carving
industry. Figures of swamis (deities), mythological figures, elephants,
and miniature temple cars with flying cherubs and winged horses, are
most abundantly carved: but domestic utensils in the shape of chembus,
kinnis, cups, plates, etc., are turned on the lathe. Large vessels are
sometimes made of the wood of vepi or achamaram (Hardwickia binata),
which resembles red sanders wood, but is more liable to crack. The
carved figures are sold to pilgrims and others who visit Tirupati,
and are also taken to Conjeeveram, Madura, and other places, at times
when important temple festivals are celebrated. Vessels made of red
sanders wood carry no pollution, and can be used by women during the
menstrual period, and taken back to the house without any purification
ceremony. For the same reason, Sanyasis (ascetics) use such vessels
for doing puja.

The name Balija is said to be derived from the Sanskrit bali (a
sacrifice) and ja (born), signifying that the Balijas owe their origin
to the performance of a yagam. The legend is current that on one
occasion Siva wanted his consort Parvati to appear before him in all
her glory. But, when she stood before him, fully decorated, he laughed,
and said that she was not as charming as she might be. On this, she
prayed that Siva would help her to become so. From his braid of hair
Siva created a being who descended on the earth, bearing a number of
bangles and turmeric paste, with which Parvati adorned herself. Siva,
being greatly pleased with her appearance, told her to look at herself
in a looking-glass. The being, who brought the bangles, is believed
to have been the ancestor of the Gazula Balijas. According to another
version of the legend, Parvati was not satisfied with her appearance
when she saw herself in the looking-glass, and asked her father to tell
her how she was to make herself more attractive. He accordingly prayed
to Brahma, who ordered him to perform a severe penance (thapas). From
the sacrificial fire, kindled in connection therewith, arose a being
leading a donkey laden with heaps of bangles, turmeric, palm leaf
rolls for the ears, black beads, sandal powder, a comb, perfumes,
etc. From this Maha Purusha who thus sprang from a sacrifice (bali),
the Balijas derived their origin and name. To him, in token of respect,
were given flags, torches, and certain musical instruments.

The Desayis, or leaders of the right-hand faction, are said to be
Balijas by caste. In former days they had very great influences, and
all castes belonging to the right-hand faction would obey the Desayi
Chetti. Even at the present day, the Oddes and others refer their
disputes to the Desayi, and not to their own caste headman. In former
times there were three principal Desayis, who had their head-quarters
at Conjeeveram, Cuddalore, and Walajapet. The head Desayi possesses a
biruthu (insigne of office) in the form of a large brass ladle with a
bell attached to it. On the occasion of Balija marriages and funerals,
this is sent through the Chalavathi (a pariah), who is the servant
of the Desayi, and has the right of allu eduththal (taking a handful)
when he goes to the bazaar, where he receives meat from the butcher,
vegetables, etc., as his perquisite. The Desayi's ladle is kept in
the custody of the Chalavathi (See Desayi).

The Balijas, Mr. Stuart writes, [95] "employ Brahmans and Satanis
as their priests. The chief object of their worship is Gauri, their
caste deity. It is said that the Malas are the hereditary custodians
of the idol of Gauri and her jewels, which the Balijas get from them
whenever they want to worship her. The following story is told to
account for this. The Kapus and Balijas, molested by the Muhammadan
invaders on the north of the northern Pennar, migrated to the south
when the Pennar was in full flood. Being unable to cross the river,
they invoked their deity to make a passage for them, for which it
demanded the sacrifice of a first-born child. While they stood at a
loss what to do, the Malas who followed them boldly offered one of
their children to the goddess. Immediately the river divided before
them, and the Kapus and the Balijas crossed it, and were saved from
the tyranny of the Muhammadans. Ever since that time, the Malas have
been respected by the Kapus and Balijas, and the latter even deposited
the images of Gauri, the bull and Ganesa, which they worshipped,
in the house of a Mala. I am credibly informed that the practice of
leaving these images in the custody of Malas is even now observed in
some parts of the Cuddapah district and elsewhere."

Of the numerous sub-divisions of the Balijas, the following may
be noticed:--


    Gazula, glass bangles. Valaiyal or vala (bangle) Chetti is the
    Tamil equivalent. By some the sight of a Gazula Balija with his
    pile of bangles on his back is considered a good omen. In recent
    years, a scare has arisen in connection with an insect, which
    is said to take up its abode in imported German glass bangles,
    which compete with the indigenous industry of the Gazulas. The
    insect is believed to lie low in the bangle till it is purchased,
    when it comes out and nips the wearer, after warning her to get
    her affairs in order before succumbing. A specimen of a broken
    bangle, from which the insect is stated to have burst forth and
    stung a girl in the wrist, was sent to me. But the insect was
    not forthcoming.

    Gandavallu, or Gundapodi vandlu. Go about the villages,
    hawking turmeric, kunkumam (colour powder), kamela (Mallotus
    philippinensis) dye powder, beads, combs, cosmetics and other
    articles. Supposed to have been originally Komatis.

    Kavarai, Tamil synonym for Balija.

    Linga.

    Panchama.

    Telugu or Telaga. A synonym for Balija in the Northern Circars.

    Rajamahendram or Musu Kamma. The former denotes the town of
    Rajahmundry, and the latter a special ear-ornament worn by women.

    Tota, garden.

    Ralla, precious stones.

    Pagadala, coral.

    Pusa, beads.

    Racha, royal.

    Vyasa. A sage (rishi) or hunter, whom the hunting classes claim
    as their ancestor.


Other sub-divisions, classified as Balijas at the census, 1901, were:--


    Jakkulas, among whom it was, at Tenali in the Kistna district,
    formerly customary for each family to give up one girl for
    prostitution. Under the influence of social reform, a written
    agreement was a few years ago entered into to give up the practice.

    Adapapa. Female attendants on the ladies of the families of
    Zamindars, who, as they are not allowed to marry, lead a life of
    prostitution. Their sons call themselves Balijas. In some places,
    e.g., the Kistna and Godavari districts, this class is known as
    Khasa or Khasavandlu.

    Santa Kavarai. Returned as Balijas in the Chingleput district.

    Ravut. Returned in the Salem district. Said to have been formerly
    soldiers under the Poligars.


Like other Telugu castes, the Balijas have exogamous septs (intiperu)
and gotras. Of the former, the following are examples:--


    Tupakala, musket.
    Samudram, ocean.
    Pappu, split pulse.
    Gantla, bell.
    Puli, tiger.
    Balli, lizard.
    Avula, cow.
    Gandham, sandal paste or powder.
    Jilakara, cummin seeds.
    Miriyala, pepper.
    Mutyala, pearls.
    Narikella, cocoanut.
    Nemili, peacock.
    Pagadala, coral.
    Pattindla, silk house.
    Ratnala, precious stones.
    Ungarala, rings.
    Yenumala, buffalo.


There is a saying that a Balija who has no gotra must take the name of
the Pasuleti, or Pasupuleti gotra. In like manner, a Brahman orphan,
whose gotra cannot be traced, is made to adopt the Vathsa gotra.

Among the Musu Kammas, the consent of both the maternal uncle and
elder sister's husband must be obtained before a girl is given in
marriage. At the betrothal ceremony, the future bridegroom's relations
proceed to the house of the girl, carrying the following articles
on an odd number of trays beneath a cloth canopy (ulladam): mustard,
fenugreek (Trigonella Foenumgræcum), cummin seeds, curds, jaggery, dhal
(Cajanus indicus), balls of condiments, tamarinds, pepper, twenty-one
cakes, eleven cocoanuts, salt, plantains, flowers, a new cloth,
black beads, a palm-leaf roll for the ear lobe, turmeric, a comb,
and kunkumam (colour powder). A few rupees, called kongu mudi, to be
given to the future mother-in-law, are also placed on the tray. The
contracting parties exchange betel and a cocoanut, of which the latter
is taken away by a member of the bridegroom's party, tied up in his
body-cloth. The girl is seated on a plank, goes through the ceremony
(nalagu) of being anointed with oil and paste, and is presented with
a new cloth. Wearing this, she sits on the plank, and betel, flowers,
jewels, etc., are placed in her lap. A near female relation then
ties a string of black beads round her neck. Among the Musu Kammas,
the milk-post, consisting of a green bamboo, with sometimes a branch
of Odina Wodier, must be set up two days before the commencement of
the marriage ceremonies. It is worshipped, and to it are tied an iron
ring, and a string of cotton and wool twisted together (kankanam). A
small framework, called dhornam, made of two sticks, across which
cotton threads or pieces of cloth are stretched, is brought by a
washerwoman, and given to the maternal uncle of the bridegroom,
who ties it to the marriage booth. The marriage pots are brought
from a potter's house beneath a cloth canopy (ulladam), and given to
married couples, closely related to the bridegroom, who fetch water,
and place the pots on the dais. Some married women pour rice on a
clean white cloth spread on the floor, and rub off the bran with their
hands, while they sing songs. The cloth to be worn by the bridegroom
is dipped in turmeric water by these women and dried. The Balijas are
very particular about the worship of their female ancestors (perantalu)
and no auspicious ceremony can be commenced until perantalu puja has
been performed. Among the Musu Kammas, five women, who are closely
related to the bridal couple, take only one meal a day, and try to
keep free from pollution of all sorts. They go through the nalagu
ceremony, and are presented with new cloths. Among other sections,
the wall is simply painted with turmeric dots to represent the
ancestors. The ancestor worship concluded, the finger and toe-nails
of the bridegroom are cut, and a Musu Kamma bridegroom is conducted
to a temple of Vigneswara (Ganesa), if there is one near at hand. By
other sections it is considered sufficient, if Vigneswara worship is
performed at the marriage booth. The Musu Kamma bridegroom is dressed
up at the temple, and a bashingam (chaplet) tied on his forehead. An
old-fashioned turban (paghai) is placed on his head, and a dagger
(jimthadu) stuck into his waist-cloth. It is said that, in olden times,
the Balijas used to worship the dagger, and sacrifice sheep or goats
at marriages. The bridegroom is next brought to the house where the
wedding is being celebrated, and his brother-in-law washes his feet,
and, after throwing flowers and rice over them, puts toe-rings and
shoes thereon. The Brahman purohit lights the sacred fire (homam),
and pours ghi (clarified butter) therein, while he utters some
verses, Vedic or other. He then ties the kankanam (thread) on the
bridegroom's wrist. The parents of the bride next proceed with the
dharadhattam (gift of the girl) by pouring water and grains of rice
into the hands of the bridegroom. Vigneswara is then worshipped,
and the bottu (marriage badge) is blessed by those assembled, and
handed to the bridegroom. He, placing his right foot on that of
the bride, who is separated from him by a screen, ties it round her
neck. The couple then exchange seats, and rice is thrown in front of
them. They next go thrice round the dais and milk-post, and, at the
end of the first and second rounds, the foot of the bride is placed
on a grinding stone. After the third round they gaze at the pole-star
(Arundati). Into one of the marriage pots are put a pap-bowl, ring, and
bracelet, which are picked out by the couple. If the pap-bowl is first
got hold of by the bridegroom, the first-born child will be a boy; if
the ring, it will be a girl. This rite concluded, the bridegroom makes
a mark on the bride's forehead with collyrium. On the second day, the
bridegroom makes a pretence of being angry, and stays in a garden or
house near that in which the marriage ceremonies are conducted. The
bride, and some of her relations, go to him in procession, and,
treating him with great respect, bring him back. The sacred fire is
lighted, and the bride enters the room in which the marriage pots
(araveni) are kept. The bridegroom is stopped at the entrance thereto
by a number of married women, and has to call his wife by her name,
and pay a small sum of money for the arathi (coloured water), which
is waved by the women, to ward off the evil eye. In some places,
the sister of the bridegroom extracts a promise that his coral
(daughter) shall be given in marriage to her pearl (son). He is then
permitted to enter the room. On the third day, after homam has been
performed by the Brahman priest, the newly married couple go through
a burlesque imitation of domestic life, after they have worshipped
the posts of the booth, and perform a mimic ploughing ceremony,
the bridegroom stirring up some earth in a basket with a stick or
miniature plough. This, in some places, his sister tries to prevent
him from doing by covering the basket with a cloth, and he has to say
"I will give my coral to your pearl." His brother-in-law tries to
squeeze his fingers between a pair of sticks called kitti, which
was, in former times, a very popular form of torture as a means
of extracting confession. The bride gives her husband some conji
(rice-gruel) to refresh him after his pretended labour.

At a marriage among the Perikes (q.v.), a gunny-bag is said to be
worshipped before the bottu is tied. A quantity of rice is measured
on the first day of the ceremonies and tied up in a cloth. On the
third day, the cloth is opened, and it is considered an auspicious
sign if the quantity of rice exceeds that which was originally put
into it. Among the Rajamahendram Balijas, just before the nalagu
ceremony, the knees, shoulders, and cheeks of the bride and bridegroom
are touched with a pestle, while the names of their septs are called
out. On the third day, the same process is repeated, but in the reverse
order. A Gazula Balija bride must, when the bottu is tied, be dressed
in a white cloth with red stripes, called sanna pappuli. With other
sections, a white cloth dyed with turmeric is de rigeur.

Balija, it may be noted, is, in the North Arcot Manual, returned
as a division of Dasaris and Idigas. The better classes of Medaras
(cane-splitters and mat-makers) are also taking to calling themselves
Balijas, and assume the title Chetti. Oddes and Upparas sometimes
style themselves Odde Balija and Uppara Balija. They belong to the
right-hand section, which is headed by the Desayi, who is a Balija,
and so describe themselves as belonging to the Setti or Chetti samayam
(section). Some members of the Mila and Vada fishing castes have
adopted Oda or Vada (boat) Balija as their caste name.

Ballala.--Ballala, or Bellala, was returned, at the census, 1901,
as the caste name of a number of individuals, indicating their claim
to descent from the Hoysal Ballal kings of Mysore. Ballal is a title
assumed by Bant families of position. There is a proverb that, when
a Bant becomes powerful, he becomes a Ballal. [96]

Ballem (spear).--An exogamous sept of Mala.

Balli (lizard).--An exogamous sept of Balija.

Balolika.--A synonym of Rajapuri.

Balu (bear).--A sept of Domb.

Bana (big pot).--An exogamous sept of Togatas, and a name for Telugu
washermen, who are sometimes called Bana Tsakala. Bana is the Telugu
name for the pot which they use for boiling the clothes in.

Banajiga (vanik, tradesman).--Canarese traders, many of whom are
Lingayats. See Linga Balija.

Banda.--Banda, as applied to the Mondi mendicant class, seems to be
used in the sense of an obstinate fellow. Some, however, maintain
that it refers to a beggar who carries about a stone, and threatens
to beat his brains out, if alms are not forthcoming. Banda, meaning
a rock, also occurs as an exogamous sept of Odde.

Bandari.--Bandari, denoting apparently the shrub Dodondæa viscosa,
is an exogamous sept of Odde. It further occurs, in the sense of a
temple treasurer, as an exogamous sept of Devangas and Padma Sales,
for whom the Bandari acts as caste messenger. It is also the name
of the assistant to the headman, or Pattakar, of the Okkiliyans,
a title of Konkani Brahmans, and a synonym of Kelasis.

Bandekara.--A synonym for Konkani Vanis (traders), who are said, in the
Madras Census Report, 1901, to ape the Brahmanical customs, and call
themselves by the curious hybrid name of Vasiya (or Vaisya) Brahman.

Bandi (cart).--An exogamous sept of Kapu, Kavarai, Korava, Kumbara,
Kurni, Kuruba, Mala, Odde, Stanika, and Yanadi. It further occurs
as a name for Koravas, who drag the temple car at times of religious
festival. Vandikkaran (cartmen) is an occupational name for Nayars,
who work as cartmen for carrying fuel.

Bangaru Mukkara (gold nose ornament).--A sub-division of Kamma.

Baniya.--The Baniyas or Bunyas are immigrant traders and money-lenders
(sowcars) from Northern India, who have settled down in the southern
bazars, where they carry on a lucrative business, and wax sleek and
wealthy. Bania also occurs as a synonym for the South Indian trading
caste, the Komatis.

It may be noted, as a little matter of history, that, in 1677, the
Court of Directors, in a letter to Fort St. George, offered "twenty
pounds reward to any of our servants or soldiers as shall be able to
speak, write, and translate the Banian language, and to learn their
arithmetic." [97]

Banjari.--A synonym of Lambadi.

Banka (gum).--An exogamous sept of Motati Kapu.

Bannagara (a painter).--A synonym of Chitrakara.

Bannan.--A synonym of Vannan or Mannan, recorded at times of
census. In like manner Bannata occurs as a Canarese form of the
Malayalam Veluttedan or Vannattan.

Banni or Vanni (Prosopis spicigera).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba and
Kurni. The tree is worshipped because on it "the five Pandava princes
hung up their arms when they entered Virat Nagra in disguise. On the
tree the arms turned to snakes, and remained untouched till the owners
returned." (Lisboa.)

Bant.--For the following account of the Bants I am mainly indebted
to Mr. H. A. Stuart's description of them in the Manual of South
Canara. The name Bant, pronounced Bunt, means in Tulu a powerful man
or soldier, and indicates that the Bants were originally a military
class corresponding to the Nayars of Malabar. The term Nadava instead
of Bant in the northern portions of South Canara points, among other
indications, to a territorial organisation by nads similar to that
described by Mr. Logan as prevailing in Malabar. "The Nayars," he
writes, "were, until the British occupied the country, the militia
of the district. Originally they seem to have been organised into
'Six Hundreds,' and each six hundred seems to have had assigned to
it the protection of all the people in a nad or country. The nad was
in turn split up into taras, a Dravidian word signifying originally
a foundation, the foundation of a house, hence applied collectively
to a street, as in Tamil teru, in Telugu teruvu, and in Canarese
and Tulu teravu. The tara was the Nayar territorial unit for civil
purposes." It has been stated that "the Malabar Nair chieftain of old
had his nad or barony, and his own military class; and the relics
of this powerful feudal system still survive in the names of some
of the taluks (divisions) of modern Malabar, and in the official
designations of certain Nair families, whose men still come out with
quaint-looking swords and shields to guard the person of the Zamorin on
the occasion of the rice-throwing ceremony, which formally constitutes
him the ruler of the land. Correspondingly, the Bants of the northern
parts of Canara still answer to the territorial name of Nad Bants,
or warriors of the nad or territory. It is necessary to explain that,
in both ancient Keralam and Tulu, the functions of the great military
and dominant classes were so distributed that only certain classes
were bound to render military service to the ruling prince. The rest
were lairds or squires, or gentleman farmers, or the labourers and
artisans of their particular community, though all of them cultivated
a love of manly sports." [98]

Few traces of any such organisation as has been indicated now
prevail, great changes having been made when the Vijayanagar
Government introduced, more than five hundred years ago, a system
of administration under which the local Jain chiefs, though owing
allegiance to an overlord, became more independent in their relations
with the people of the country. Under the Bednur kings, and still more
under the Mysore rule, the power of the chiefs was also swept away,
but the old organisation was not reverted to.

The Bants are now the chief land-owning and cultivating class in South
Canara, and are, with the exception of the Billavas or toddy-drawers,
the most numerous caste in the district. "At the present day, the Bants
of Canara are largely the independent and influential landed gentry,
some would say, perhaps, the substantial yeomanry. They still retain
their manly independence of character, their strong and well developed
physique, and they still carry their heads with the same haughty toss
as their forefathers did in the stirring fighting days when, as an
old proverb had it, 'The slain rested in the yard of the slayer,'
and when every warrior constantly carried his sword and shield. Both
men and women of the Bant community are among the comeliest of Asiatic
races, the men having high foreheads and well-turned aquiline noses."

In a note on the agricultural economy of South Canara, Rao Sahib
T. Raghaviah writes [99] that "the ryot (cultivator) of South Canara
loves to make his land look attractive, and every field is lined with
the lovely areca, and the stately palm. The slopes adjoining the rich
fields are studded with plantations of jack, mango, cashew, plantain
and other fruit and shade trees, and the ryot would not even omit to
daub his trees with the alternate white and red bands, with which the
east coast women love to adorn a marriage house or temple wall. These,
with the regularly laid out and carefully embanked water-courses and
streams, lend an air of enchantment to the whole scene. The ignorance
prevailing among the women of the richer section of the landed classes
(on the east coast) is so great that it is not uncommon to ridicule
a woman by saying that what she knows about paddy (rice) is that it
grows on a tree. But, in a district like South Canara, the woman that
does not know agriculture is the exception. I have often come across
respectable women of the landed classes like the Bants, Shivallis,
and Nairs, managing large landed estates as efficiently as men. The
South Canara woman is born on the land, and lives on it. She knows
when to sow, and when to reap; how much seed to sow, and how much
labour to employ to plough, to weed, or to reap. She knows how to
prepare her seed, and to cure her tobacco, to garner her grain,
and to preserve her cucumbers through the coming monsoon. She knows
further how to feed her cow, and to milk it, to treat it when sick,
and to graze it when hale. She also knows how to make her manure, and
how to use it without wasting a bit of it. She knows how to collect
green leaves for her manure, and to help the fuel reserve on the hill
slope above her house grow by a system of lopping the branches and
leaving the standards. She knows also how to collect her areca nuts,
and to prepare them for the market, and to collect her cocoanuts, and
haggle for a high price for them with her customers. There is, in fact,
not a single thing about agriculture which the South Canara man knows,
and which the South Canara woman does not know. It is a common sight,
as one passes through a paddy flat or along the adjoining slope, to
see housewives bringing out handfuls of ashes collected in the oven
over night, and depositing them at the root of the nearest fruit tree
on their land."

Most of the Bants are Hindus by religion, and rank as Sudras, but
about ten thousand of them are Jains. Probably they originally assumed
Jainism as a fashionable addition to the ancestral demon worship, to
which they all still adhere, whether they profess to be Vaishnavites,
Saivites, or Jains. It is probable that, during the political supremacy
of the Jains, a much larger proportion of the Bants professed adherence
to that religion than now-a-days.

There are four principal sub-divisions of the caste, viz., Masadika,
who are the ordinary Bants of Tuluva; Nadava or Nad, who speak
Canarese, and are found in the northern part of South Canara; the
Parivara, who do not follow the aliya santana system of inheritance;
and the Jains. Members of these sub-divisions may not intermarry, but
instances have occurred of marriage between members of the Masadika
and Nad sub-divisions.

Nothing very definite is known of the origin of the Bants, but
Tuluva seems, in the early centuries of the Christian era, to have
had kings who apparently were sometimes independent and sometimes
feudatories of overlords, such as the Pallavas, the early Kadambas,
the early Chalukyans, the later Kadambas, the western Chalukyans,
the Kalachurians, and the Hoysal Ballals. This indicates a constant
state of fighting, which would account for an important class of the
population being known as Bantaru or warriors; and, as a matter of
course, they succeeded in becoming the owners of all the land which
did not fall to the share of the priestly class, the Brahmans. Ancient
inscriptions speak of kings of Tuluva, and the Bairasu Wodears of
Karakal, whose inscriptions have been found at Kalasa as early as
the twelfth century, may have exercised power throughout Tuluva or
the greater part of it. But, when the Vijayanagar dynasty became
the overlords of Canara in 1336, there were then existing a number
of minor chiefs who had probably been in power long before, and the
numerous titles still remaining among the Bants and Jains, and the
local dignities known as Pattam and Gadi, point to the existence
from very early times of a number of more or less powerful local
chieftains. The system peculiar to the west coast under which all
property vests in females, and is managed by the seniors of the family,
was also favourable to the continuance of large landed properties,
and it is probable that it is only within comparatively recent times
that sub-division of landed property became anything like as common
as it is now. All the Bants, except the Parivara and a few Jains
follow this aliya santana system of inheritance, [100] a survival of
a time when the military followers of conquering invaders or local
chiefs married women of the local land-owning classes, and the most
important male members of the family were usually absent in camp or
at court, while the women remained at the family house on the estate,
and managed the farms. The titles and the pattams or dignities have
always been held by the male members, but, as they also go with the
landed property, they necessarily devolve on the sister's son of
a deceased holder, whence has arisen the name aliya santana, which
means sister's son lineage. A story is embodied in local traditions,
attributing the origin of the system to the fiat of a king named Bhutal
Pandya, until whose time makkala santana, or inheritance from father to
son, generally obtained. "It is said that the maternal uncle of this
prince, called Deva Pandya, wanted to launch his newly constructed
ships with valuable cargo in them, when Kundodara, king of demons
demanded a human sacrifice. Deva Pandya asked his wife's permission
to offer one of his sons, but she refused, while his sister Satyavati
offered her son Jaya Pandya for the purpose. Kundodara, discovering
in the child signs of future greatness, waived the sacrifice, and
permitted the ships to sail. He then took the child, restored to him
his father's kingdom of Jayantika, and gave him the name of Bhutal
Pandya. Subsequently, when some of the ships brought immense wealth,
the demon again appeared, and demanded of Deva Pandya another human
sacrifice. On the latter again consulting his wife, she refused to
comply with the request, and publicly renounced her title and that of
her children to the valuable property brought in the ships. Kundodara
then demanded the Deva Pandya to disinherit his sons of the wealth
which had been brought in the ships, as also of the kingdom, and
to bestow all on his sister's son, Jaya or Bhutal Pandya. This was
accordingly done. And, as this prince inherited his kingdom from his
maternal uncle and not from his father, he ruled that his own example
should be followed by his subjects, and it was thus that the aliya
santana law was established about A.D. 77." [101]

It is noted by Mr. L. Moore [102] that various judicial decisions
relating to the aliya santana system are based to a great extent on
a book termed Aliya Santanada Kattu Kattale, which was alleged to be
the work of Bhutala Pandiya, who, according to Dr. Whitley Stokes, the
learned scholar who edited the first volume of the Madras High Court
Reports, lived about A.D. 78, but which is in reality a very recent
forgery compiled about 1840. As to this, Dr. A. C. Burnell observes
as follows in a note in his law of partition and succession. "One
patent imposture yet accepted by the Courts as evidence is the Aliya
Santanada Kattu Kattale, a falsified account of the customs of South
Canara. Silly as many Indian books are, a more childish or foolish
tract it would be impossible to discover; it is about as much worthy of
notice in a law court as 'Jack the Giant Killer.' That it is a recent
forgery is certain.... The origin of the book in its present state is
well-known; it is satisfactorily traced to two notorious forgers and
scoundrels about thirty years ago, and all copies have been made from
the one they produced. I have enquired in vain for an old manuscript,
and am informed, on the best authority, that not one exists. A number
of recent manuscripts are to be found, but they all differ essentially
one from another. A more clumsy imposture it would be hard to find,
but it has proved a mischievous one in South Canara, and threatens to
render a large amount of property quite valueless. The forgers knew the
people they had to deal with, the Bants, and, by inserting a course
that families which did not follow the Aliya Santana shall become
extinct, have effectually prevented an application for legislative
interference, though the poor superstitious folk would willingly
(it is said) have the custom abolished." [103]

As a custom similar to aliya santana prevails in Malabar, it no doubt
originated before Tuluva and Kerala were separated. The small body
of Parivara Bants, and the few Jain Bants that do not follow the
aliya santana system, are probably the descendants of a few families
who allowed their religious conversion to Hinduism or Jainism to
have more effect on their social relations than was commonly the
case. Now that the ideas regarding marriage among the Bants are in
practice assimilated to a great extent to those of most other people,
the national rule of inheritance is a cause of much heart-burning and
quarrelling, fathers always endeavouring to benefit their own offspring
at the cost of the estate. A change would be gladly welcomed by many,
but vested interests in property constitute an almost insuperable
obstacle.

The Bants do not usually object to the use of animal food, except, of
course, the flesh of the cow, and they do not as a rule wear the sacred
thread. But there are some families of position called Ballals, amongst
whom heads of families abstain from animal food, and wear the sacred
thread. These neither eat nor intermarry with the ordinary Bants. The
origin of the Ballals is explained by a proverb, which says that when a
Bant becomes powerful, he becomes a Ballal. Those who have the dignity
called Pattam, and the heads of certain families, known as Shettivalas
or Heggades, also wear the sacred thread, and are usually managers
or mukhtesars of the temples and bhutasthans or demon shrines within
the area over which, in former days, they are said to have exercised
a more extended jurisdiction, dealing not only with caste disputes,
but settling numerous civil and criminal matters. The Jain Bants are
strict vegetarians, and they abstain from the use of alcoholic liquors,
the consumption of which is permitted among other Bants, though the
practice is not common. The Jain Bants avoid taking food after sunset.

The more well-to-do Bants usually occupy substantial houses on their
estates, in many of which there is much fine wood-work, and, in some
cases, the pillars of the porches and verandahs, and the doorways are
artistically and elaborately carved. These houses have been described
as being well built, thatched with palm, and generally prettily
situated with beautiful scenic prospects stretching away on all sides.

The Bants have not as a rule largely availed themselves of European
education, and consequently there are but few of them in the Government
service, but among these few some have attained to high office, and
been much respected. As is often the case among high spirited people
of primitive modes of thought, party and faction feeling run high,
and jealousy and disputes about landed property often lead to hasty
acts of violence. Now-a-days, however, the last class of disputes
more frequently lead to protracted litigation in the Courts.

The Bants are fond of out-door sports, football and buffalo-racing
being amongst their favourite amusements. But the most popular
of all is cock-fighting. Every Bant, who is not a Jain, takes an
interest in this sport, and large assemblages of cocks are found
at every fair and festival throughout South Canara. "The outsider,"
it has been said, [104] "cannot fail to be struck with the tremendous
excitement that attends a village fair in South Canara. Large numbers
of cocks are displayed for sale, and groups of excited people may
be seen huddled together, bending down with intense eagerness to
watch every detail in the progress of a combat between two celebrated
village game-cocks." Cock fights on an elaborate scale take place on
the day after the Dipavali, Sankaranthi or Vinayakachathurthi, and
Gokalashtami festivals, outside the village boundary. At Hiriadaka,
in October, 1907, more than a hundred birds were tethered by the leg
to the scrub jungle composed of the evergreen shrub Ixora coccinea,
or carried in the arms of their owners or youngsters. Only males, from
the town and surrounding villages, were witnesses of the spectacle. The
tethered birds, if within range of each other, excited by the constant
crowing and turmoil, indulged in an impromptu fight. Grains of rice
and water were poured into the mouths and over the heads of the birds
before the fight, and after each round. The birds were armed with
cunningly devised steel spurs, constituting a battery of variously
curved and sinuous weapons. It is believed that the Bhuta (demon)
is appeased, if the blood from the wounds drops on the ground. The
men, whose duty it is to separate the birds at the end of a round,
sometimes receive nasty wounds from the spurs. The tail feathers of
a wounded bird are lifted up, and a palm leaf fan or towel is waved
to and fro over the cloacal orifice to revive it. The owner of a
victorious bird becomes the possessor of the vanquished bird, dead
or alive. At an exhibition of the products of South Canara, during
a recent visit of the Governor of Madras to Mangalore, a collection
of spurs was exhibited in the class "household implements."

For the following note on buffalo races, I am indebted to
Mr. H. O. D. Harding. "This is a sport that has grown up among a race
of cultivators of wet land. It is, I believe, peculiar to South Canara,
where all the cultivation worth mentioning is wet. The Bants and Jains,
and other landowners of position, own and run buffaloes, and the
Billava, or toddy drawer, has also entered the racing world. Every
rich Bant keeps his kambla field consecrated to buffalo-racing,
and his pair of racing buffaloes, costing from Rs. 150 to Rs. 500,
are splendid animals; and, except for an occasional plough-drawing
at the beginning of the cultivation season, are used for no purpose
all the year, except racing. The racing is for no prize or stakes,
and there is no betting, starter, judge, or winning post. Each pair
of buffaloes runs the course alone, and is judged by the assembled
crowd for pace and style, and, most important of all, the height and
breadth of the splash which they make. Most people know the common
levelling plank used by the ryots (cultivators) all over India
to level the wet field after ploughing. It is a plank some 4 or 5
feet long by 1 or 1 1/2 feet broad, and on it the driver stands to
give it weight, and the buffaloes pull it over the mud of a flooded
rice-field. This is the prototype of the buffalo-racing car, and any
day during the cultivating season in the Tulu country one may see two
boys racing for the love of the sport, as they drive their levelling
boards. From this the racing car has been specialised, and, if a work
of art for its own purpose, is not a car on which any one could or
would wish to travel far. The leveller of utility is cut down to a
plank about 1 1/2 by 1 foot, sometimes handsomely carved, on which
is fixed a gaily decorated wooden stool about 6 inches high and 10
inches across each way, hollowed out on the top, and just big enough
to afford good standing for one foot. In the plank, on each side,
are holes to let the mud and water through. The plank is fixed to a
pole, which is tied to the buffalo's yoke. The buffaloes are decorated
with coloured jhuls and marvellous head-pieces of brass and silver
(sometimes bearing the emblems of the sun and moon), and ropes which
make a sort of bridle. The driver, stripping himself to the necessary
minimum of garments, mounts, while some of his friends cling, like ants
struggling round a dead beetle, to the buffaloes. When he is fairly up,
they let go, and the animals start. The course is a wet rice-field,
about 150 yards long, full of mud and water. All round are hundreds,
or perhaps thousands of people, including Pariahs who dance in groups
in the mud, play stick-game, and beat drums. In front of the galloping
buffaloes the water is clear and still, throwing a powerful reflection
of them as they gallop down the course, raising a perfect tornado of
mud and water. The driver stands with one foot on the stool, and one
on the pole of the car. He holds a whip aloft in one hand, and one
of the buffaloes' tails in the other. He drives without reins, with
nothing but a waggling tail to hold on to and steer by. Opening his
mouth wide, he shouts for all he is worth, while, to all appearances,
a deluge of mud and water goes down his throat. So he comes down the
course, the plank on which he stands throwing up a sort of Prince of
Wales' feathers of mud and water round him. The stance on the plank
is no easy matter, and not a few men come to grief, but it is soft
falling in the slush. Marks are given for pace, style, sticking to
the plank, and throwing up the biggest and widest splash. Sometimes a
kind of gallows, perhaps twenty feet high, is erected on the course,
and there is a round of applause if the splash reaches up to or
above it. Sometimes the buffaloes bolt, scatter the crowd, and
get away into the young rice. At the end of the course, the driver
jumps off with a parting smack at his buffaloes, which run up the
slope of the field, and stop of themselves in what may be called the
paddock. At a big meeting perhaps a hundred pairs, brought from all
over the Tulu country, will compete, and the big men always send their
buffaloes to the races headed by the local band. The roads are alive
with horns and tom-toms for several days. The proceedings commence
with a procession, which is not infrequently headed by a couple of
painted dolls in an attitude suggestive of that reproductiveness,
which the races really give thanks for. They are a sort of harvest
festival, before the second or sugge crop is sown, and are usually
held in October and November. Devils must be propitiated, and the
meeting opens with a devil dance. A painted, grass-crowned devil
dancer, riding a hobby-horse, proceeds with music round the kambla
field. Then comes the buffalo procession, and the races commence. At
a big meeting near Mangalore, the two leading devil dancers were
dressed up in masks, and coat and trousers of blue mission cloth,
and one had the genitalia represented by a long piece of blue cloth
tipped with red, and enormous testes. Buffaloes, young and old, trained
and untrained, compete, some without the plank attached to them, and
others with planks but without drivers. Accidents sometimes happen,
owing to the animals breaking away among the crowd. On one occasion,
a man who was in front of a pair of buffaloes which were just about
to start failed to jump clear of them. Catching hold of the yoke,
he hung on to it by his hands, and was carried right down the course,
and was landed safely at the other end. If he had dropped, he would
have fallen among four pairs of hoofs, not to mention the planks,
and would probably have been brained. It is often a case of owners up,
and the sons and nephews of big Bants, worth perhaps Rs. 10,000 a year,
drive the teams."

To the above account, I may add a few notes made at a buffalo
race-meeting near Udipi, at which I was present. Each group of
buffaloes, as they went up the track to the starting-point, was
preceded by the Koraga band playing on drum, fife and cymbals,
Holeyas armed with staves and dancing, and a man holding a flag
(nishani). Sometimes, in addition to the flag, there is a pakke
or spear on the end of a bamboo covered with strips of cloth, or a
makara torana, i.e., festooned cloths between two bamboos. The two
last are permitted only if the buffaloes belong to a Bant or Brahman,
not if they are the property of a Billava. At the end of the races,
the Ballala chief, in whose field they had taken place, retired in
procession, headed by a man carrying his banner, which, during the
races, had been floating on the top of a long bamboo pole at the far
end of the track. He was followed by the Koraga band, and the Holeyas
attached to him, armed with clubs, and dancing a step dance amid
discordant noises. Two Nalkes (devil-dancers), dressed up in their
professional garb, and a torch-bearer also joined in the procession,
in the rear of which came the Ballala beneath a decorated umbrella. In
every village there are rakshasas (demons), called Kambla-asura, who
preside over the fields. The races are held to propitiate them, and,
if they are omitted, it is believed that there will be a failure of the
crop. According to some, Kambla-asura is the brother of Maheshasura,
the buffalo-headed giant, from whom Mysore receives its name. The
Koragas sit up through the night before the Kambla day, performing
a ceremony called panikkuluni, or sitting under the dew. They sing
songs to the accompaniment of the band, about their devil Nicha,
and offer toddy and a rice-pudding boiled in a large earthen pot,
which is broken so that the pudding remains as a solid mass. This
pudding is called kandel adde, or pot pudding. On the morning of the
races, the Holeyas scatter manure over the field, and plough it. On
the following day, the seedlings are planted, without, as in ordinary
cases, any ploughing. To propitiate various devils, the days following
the races are devoted to cock-fighting. The Kamblas, in different
places, have various names derived from the village deity, the chief
village devil, or the village itself, e.g., Janardhana Devara, Daivala,
or Udiyavar. The young men, who have the management of the buffaloes,
are called Bannangayi Gurikara (half-ripe cocoanut masters) as they
have the right of taking tender cocoanuts, as well as beaten rice
to give them physical strength, without the special permission of
their landlord. At the village of Vandar, the races take place in a
dry field, which has been ploughed, and beaten to break up the clods
of earth. For this reason they are called podi (powder) Kambla.

A pair of buffaloes, belonging to the field in which the races take
place, should enter the field first, and a breach of this observance
leads to discussion and quarrels. On one occasion, a dispute arose
between two Bants in connection with the question of precedence. One
of them brought his own pair of buffaloes, and the other a borrowed
pair. If the latter had brought his own animals, he would have
had precedence over the former. But, as his animals were borrowed,
precedence was given to the man who brought his own buffaloes. This
led to a dispute, and the races were not commenced until the delicate
point at issue was decided. In some places, a long pole, called pukare,
decorated with flags, flowers, and festoons of leaves, is set up in
the Kambla field, sometimes on a platform. Billavas are in charge of
this pole, which is worshipped, throughout the races, and others may
not touch it.

Fines inflicted by the Bant caste council are, I am informed, spent
in the celebration of a temple festival. In former days, those found
guilty by the council were beaten with tamarind switches, made to
stand exposed to the sun, or big red ants were thrown over their
bodies. Sometimes, to establish the innocence of an accused person,
he had to take a piece of red-hot iron (axe, etc.) in his hand,
and give it to his accuser.

At a puberty ceremony among some Bants the girl sits in the courtyard
of her house on five unhusked cocoanuts covered with the bamboo
cylinder which is used for storing paddy. Women place four pots filled
with water, and containing betel leaves and nuts, round the girl,
and empty the contents over her head. She is then secluded in an
outhouse. The women are entertained with a feast, which must include
fowl and fish curry. The cocoanuts are given to a washerwoman. On the
fourth day, the girl is bathed, and received back at the house. Beaten
rice, and rice flour mixed with jaggery (crude sugar) are served out
to those assembled. The girl is kept gosha (secluded) for a time,
and fed up with generous diet.

Under the aliya santana system of inheritance, the High Court has ruled
that there is no marriage within the meaning of the Penal Code. But,
though divorce and remarriage are permitted to women, there are formal
rules and ceremonies observed in connection with them, and amongst
the well-to-do classes divorce is not looked upon as respectable,
and is not frequent. The fictitious marriage prevailing amongst the
Nayars is unknown among the Bants, and a wife also usually leaves
the family house, and resides at her husband's, unless she occupies
so senior a position in her own family as to make it desirable that
she should live on the family estate.

The Bants are divided into a number of balis (exogamous septs), which
are traced in the female line, i.e., a boy belongs to his mother's, not
to his father's bali. Children belonging to the same bali cannot marry,
and the prohibition extends to certain allied (koodu) balis. Moreover,
a man cannot marry his father's brother's daughter, though she belongs
to a different bali. In a memorandum by Mr. M. Mundappa Bangera,
[105] it is stated that "bali in aliya santana families corresponds to
gotra of the Brahmins governed by Hindu law, but differs in that it is
derived from the mother's side, whereas gotra is always derived from
the father's side. A marriage between a boy and girl belonging to the
same bali is considered incestuous, as falling within the prohibited
degrees of consanguinity. It is not at all difficult to find out the
bali to which a man or woman belongs, as one can scarcely be found
who does not know one's own bali by rote. And the heads of caste,
who preside at every wedding party, and who are also consulted by
the elders of the boy or girl before an alliance is formed, are such
experts in these matters that they decide at once without reference
to any books or rules whether intermarriages between persons brought
before them can be lawfully performed or not." As examples of balis
among the Bants, the following may be cited:--


    Bellathannaya, jaggery.
    Bhuthiannaya, ashes.
    Chaliannaya, weaver.
    Edinnaya, hornet's nest.
    Karkadabennai, scorpion.
    Kayerthannaya (Strychnos Nux-vomica).
    Kochattabannayya, or Kajjarannayya, jack tree (Artocarpus
    integrifolia).
    Koriannaya, fowl.
    Pathanchithannaya, green peas.
    Perugadannaya, bandicoot rat.
    Poyilethannaya, one who removes the evil eye.
    Puliattannaya, tiger.
    Ragithannaya, ragi (Eleusine Coracana).


Infant marriage is not prohibited, but is not common, and both men
and girls are usually married after they have reached maturity. There
are two forms of marriage, one called kai dhare for marriages between
virgins and bachelors, the other called budu dhare for the marriage
of widows. After a match has been arranged, the formal betrothal,
called ponnapathera or nischaya tambula, takes place. The bridegroom's
relatives and friends proceed in a body on the appointed day to the
bride's house, and are there entertained at a grand dinner, to which
the bride's relatives and friends are also bidden. Subsequently the
karnavans (heads) of the two families formally engage to perform the
marriage, and plates of betel leaves and areca nuts are exchanged,
and the betel and nuts partaken of by the two parties. The actual
marriage ceremony is performed at the house of the bride or bridegroom,
as may be most convenient. The proceedings commence with the bridegroom
seating himself in the marriage pandal, a booth or canopy specially
erected for the occasion. He is there shaved by the village barber,
and then retires and bathes. This done, both he and the bride are
conducted to the pandal by their relations, or sometimes by the
village headman. They walk thrice round the seat, and then sit down
side by side. The essential and binding part of the ceremony, called
dhare, then takes place. The right hand of the bride being placed
over the right hand of the bridegroom, a silver vessel (dhare gindi)
filled with water, with a cocoanut over the mouth and the flower of
the areca palm on the cocoanut, is placed on the joined hands. The
parents, the managers of the two families, and the village headmen
all touch the vessel, which, with the hands of the bridal pair,
is moved up and down three times. In certain families the water is
poured from the vessel into the united hands of the couple, and this
betokens the gift of the bride. This form of gift by pouring water
was formerly common, and was not confined to the gift of a bride. It
still survives in the marriage ceremonies of various castes, and the
name of the Bant ceremony shows that it must once have been universal
among them. The bride and bridegroom then receive the congratulations
of the guests, who express a hope that the happy couple may become
the parents of twelve sons and twelve daughters. An empty plate, and
another containing rice, are next placed before the pair, and their
friends sprinkle them with rice from the one, and place a small gift,
generally four annas, in the other. The bridegroom then makes a gift
to the bride. This is called sirdachi, and varies in amount according
to the position of the parties. This must be returned to the husband,
if his wife leaves him, or if she is divorced for misconduct. The
bride is then taken back in procession to her home. A few days later
she is again taken to the bridegroom's house, and must serve her
husband with food. He makes another money present to her, and after
that the marriage is consummated.

According to another account of the marriage ceremony among some
Bants, the barber shaves the bridegroom's face, using cow's milk
instead of water, and touches the bride's forehead with razor. The
bride and bridegroom bathe, and dress up in new clothes. A plank
covered with a newly-washed cloth supplied by a washerman, a tray
containing raw rice, a lighted lamp, betel leaves and areca nuts,
etc., are placed in the pandal. A girl carries a tray on which are
placed a lighted lamp, a measure full of raw rice, and betel. She is
followed by the bridegroom conducted by her brother, and the bride,
led by the bridegroom's sister. They enter the pandal and, after
going round the articles contained therein five times, sit down on the
plank. An elderly woman, belonging to the family of the caste headman,
brings a tray containing rice, and places it in front of the couple,
over whom she sprinkles a little of the rice. The assembled men and
women then place presents of money on the tray, and sprinkle rice over
the couple. The right hand of the bride is held by the headman, and
her uncle, and laid in that of the bridegroom. A cocoanut is placed
over the mouth of a vessel, which is decorated with mango leaves and
flowers of the areca palm. The headman and male relations of the bride
place this vessel thrice in the hands of the bridal couple. The vessel
is subsequently emptied at the foot of a cocoanut tree.

The foregoing account shows that the Bant marriage is a good deal
more than concubinage. It is indeed as formal a marriage as is to be
found among any people in the world, and the freedom of divorce which
is allowed cannot deprive it of its essential character. Widows are
married with much less formality. The ceremony consists simply of
joining the hands of the couple, but, strange to say, a screen is
placed between them. All widows are allowed to marry again, but it
is, as a rule, only the young women who actually do so. If a widow
becomes pregnant, she must marry or suffer loss of caste.

The Bants all burn their dead, except in the case of children under
seven, and those who have died of leprosy or of epidemic disease
such as cholera or small-pox. The funeral pile must consist at
least partly of mango wood. On the ninth, eleventh or thirteenth
day, people are fed in large numbers, but the Jains now substitute
for this a distribution of cocoanuts on the third, fifth, seventh,
or ninth day. Once a year--generally in October--a ceremony called
agelu is performed for the propitiation of ancestors.

From a detailed account of the Bant death ceremonies, I gather that
the news of a death is conveyed to the caste people by a Holeya. A
carpenter, accompanied by musicians, proceeds to cut down a mango tree
for the funeral pyre. The body is bathed, and laid out on a plank. Clad
in new clothes, it is conveyed with music to the burning-ground. A
barber carries thither a pot containing fire. The corpse is set down
near the pyre and divested of the new clothes, which are distributed
between a barber, washerman, carpenter, a Billava and Holeya. The
pyre is kindled by a Billava, and the mat on which the corpse has
been lying is thrown thereon by a son or nephew of the deceased. On
the third day the relations go to the burning-ground, and a barber
and washerman sprinkle water over the ashes. Some days later, the
caste people are invited to attend, and a barber, washerman, and
carpenter build up on the spot where the corpse was burnt a lofty
structure, made of bamboo and areca palm, in an odd number of tiers,
and supported on an odd number of posts. It is decorated with cloths,
fruits, tender cocoanuts, sugarcane, flowers, mango leaves, areca
palm flowers, etc., and a fence is set up round it. The sons and
other relations of the deceased carry to the burning-ground three
balls of cooked rice (pinda) dyed with turmeric and tied up in a
cloth, some raw rice dyed with turmeric, pieces of green plantain
fruit, and pumpkin and a cocoanut. They go thrice round the structure,
carrying the various articles in trays on their heads, and deposit them
therein. The relations then throw a little of the coloured rice into
the structure, and one of the caste men sprinkles water contained in
a mango leaf over their hands. After bathing, they return home. The
clothes, jewels, etc., of the deceased are laid on a cloth spread
inside the house. A piece of turmeric is suspended from the ceiling by
a string, and a tray containing water coloured yellow placed beneath
it. Round this the females seat themselves. A cocoanut is broken, and a
barber sprinkles the water thereof contained in a mango leaf over those
assembled. On the following day, various kinds of food are prepared,
and placed on leaves, with a piece of new cloth, within a room of the
house. The cloth remains there for a year, when it is renewed. The
renewal continues until another death occurs in the family.

In the following table, the cephalic index of the Bants is compared
with that of the Billavas and Shivalli Brahmans:--


        ===========================================
            --     | Average. | Maximum. | Minimum.
        ===========+==========+==========+=========
        Brahman    |   80.4   |   96.4   |   72
        Billava    |   80.1   |   91.5   |   71
        Bant       |   78     |   91.2   |   70.8
        ===========+==========+==========+=========


The headman among the Bants is generally called Guttinayya, meaning
person of the guttu or site. Every village, or group of villages,
possesses a guttu, and the Bant who occupies, or holds in possession
the house or site set apart as the guttu is the Guttinayya. When
this passes to another by sale or inheritance, the office of headman
passes with it. It is said that, in some instances, the headmanship
has in this way passed to classes other than Bants, e.g., Brahmans and
Jains. In some villages, the headman is, as among some other castes,
called Gurikara, whose appointment is hereditary.

A few supplementary notes may be added on the Parivara, Nad, and
Masadika Bants. The Parivaras are confined to the southern taluks of
the South Canara district. They may interdine, but may not intermarry
with the other section. The rule of inheritance is makkalakattu
(in the male line). Brahman priests are engaged for the various
ceremonials, so the Parivaras are more Brahmanised than the Nad or
Masadika Bants. The Parivaras may resort to the wells used by Brahmans,
and they consequently claim superiority over the other sections. Among
the Nad Bants, no marriage badge is tied on the neck of the bride. At
a Parivara marriage, after the dhare ceremony, the bridegroom ties a
gold bead, called dhare mani, on the neck of the bride. The remarriage
of widows is not in vogue. In connection with the death ceremonies,
a car is not, as among the Nad and Masadika sections, set up over
the mound (dhupe). On the eleventh day, the spreading of a cloth on
the mound for offerings of food must be done by Nekkaras, who wash
clothes for Billavas.

The Nad or Nadava and Masadika Bants follow the aliya santana
law of succession, and intermarriage is permitted between the
two sections. The names of the balis, which have already been
given, are common among the Masadikas, and do not apply to the
Nads, among whom different sept names occur, e.g., Honne, Shetti,
Koudichi, etc. Elaborate death ceremonies are only performed if the
deceased was old, or a respected member of the community. The corpse
is generally cremated in one of the rice-fields belonging to the
family. After the funeral, the male members of the family return home,
and place a vessel containing water and light in a room. One or two
women must remain in this room, and the light must be kept burning
until the bojja, or final death ceremonies, are over. The water in
the vessel must be renewed twice daily. At the final ceremonies,
a feast is given to the castemen, and in some places, the headman
insists on the people of the house of mourning giving him a jewel as
a pledge that the bojja will be performed on the ninth, eleventh, or
thirteenth day. The headman visits the house on the previous day, and,
after examination of the provisions, helps in cutting up vegetables,
etc. On the bojja day, copper and silver coins, and small pieces
of gold, are buried or sown in the field in which the ceremony
is performed. This is called hanabiththodu. The lofty structure,
called gurigi or upparige, is set up over the dhupe or ashes heaped
up into a mound, or in the field in which the body was cremated,
only in the event of the deceased being a person of importance. In
some places, two kinds of structure are used, one called gurigi,
composed of several tiers, for males, and the other called delagudu,
consisting of a single tier, for females. Devil-dancers are engaged,
and the commonest kola performed by them is the eru kola, or man and
hobby-horse. In the room containing the vessel of water, four sticks
are planted in the ground, and tied together. Over the sticks a cloth
is placed, and the vessel of water placed beneath it. A bit of string
is tied to the ceiling, and a piece of turmeric or a gold ring is
attached to the end of it, and suspended so as to touch the water in
the vessel. This is called nir neralu (shadow in water), and seems
to be a custom among various Tulu castes. After the bojja ceremony,
all those who are under death pollution stand in two rows. A Madavali
(washerman) touches them with a cloth, and a Kelasi (barber) sprinkles
water over them. In this manner, they are freed from pollution.

The most common title among the Bants is Chetti or Setti, but many
others occur, e.g., Heggade, Nayaka, Bangera, Rai, Ballalaru, etc.

Barang Jhodia.--A sub-division of Poroja.

Bardeshkar (people of twelve countries).--Some families among Konkani
Brahmans go by this name.

Bariki.--Bariki is the name for village watchmen in Southern Ganjam,
whose duty it further is to guide the traveller on the march from
place to place. In the Bellary Manual, Barika is given as the name
for Canarese Kabberas, who are village servants, who keep the village
chavadi (caste meeting-house) clean, look after the wants of officials
halting in the village, and perform various other duties. In the
Census Report, 1901, the Barikas are said to be usually Boyas. The
Barika of Mysore is defined by Mr. L. Rice as [106] "a menial among
the village servants; a deputy talari, who is employed to watch the
crops from the growing crop to the granary."

It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Bellary district, that "in
the middle of the threshold of nearly all the gateways of the ruined
fortifications round the Bellary villages will be noticed a roughly
cylindrical or conical stone, something like a lingam. This is the
boddu-rayi, literally the navel stone, and so the middle stone. It
was planted there when the fort was built, and is affectionately
regarded as being the boundary of the village site. Once a year, in
May, just before the sowing season begins, a ceremony takes place in
connection with it. Reverence is first made to the bullocks of the
village, and in the evening they are driven through the gateway past
the boddu-rayi with tom-toms, flutes, and all kinds of music. The
Barike next does puja (worship) to the stone, and then a string
of mango leaves is tied across the gateway above it. The villagers
now form sides, one party trying to drive the bullocks through the
gate, and the other trying to keep them out. The greatest uproar and
confusion naturally follow, and, in the midst of the turmoil, some
bullock or other eventually breaks through the guardians of the gate,
and gains the village. If that first bullock is a red one, the red
grains on the red soils will flourish in the coming season. If he
is white, white crops like cotton and white cholam will prosper. If
he is red-and-white, both kinds will do well. When the rains fail,
and, in any case, on the first full moon in September, rude human
figures drawn on the ground with powdered charcoal may be seen at
cross-roads and along big thoroughfares. They represent Jokumara the
rain-god, and are made by the Barikes--a class of village servants,
who are usually of the Gaurimakkalu sub-division of the Kabberas. The
villagers give the artists some small remuneration, and believe that
luck comes to those who pass over the figures."

Barike.--A title of Gaudos and other Oriya castes.

Barrellu (buffaloes).--An exogamous sept of Kapu.

Basala.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as Telugu beggars
and soothsayers in Vizagapatam. The word is apparently a corruption
of Basa-valu, a sage. The Basa-valu pretend to be messengers of Indra,
the chief of the Devatas, and prognosticate coming events.

Basari (fig tree).--A gotra of Kurni.

Basava Golla.--A name for certain Koyis of the Godavari district,
whose grandfathers had a quarrel with some of their neighbours,
and separated from them. The name Basava is said to be derived from
bhasha, a language, as these Koyis speak a different language from
the true Gollas. [107] In like manner, Basa Kondhs are those who speak
their proper language, in contradistinction to those who speak Oriya,
or Oriya mixed with Kui.

Basavi.--See Deva-dasi.

Basiya Korono.--A sub-division of Korono.

Basruvogaru (basru, belly).--An exogamous sept of Gauda.

Baththala (rice).--An exogamous sept of Kamma.

Batlu (cup).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba.

Bauri.--There are found in the Madras Presidency nomad gangs of Bauris
or Bawariyas, who are described [108] as "one of the worst criminal
tribes of India. The sphere of their operations extends throughout the
length and breadth of the country. They not only commit robberies,
burglaries and thefts, but also practice the art of manufacturing
and passing counterfeit coin. They keep with them a small quantity
of wheat and sandal seeds in a small tin or brass case, which they
call Devakadana or God's grain, and a tuft of peacock's feathers,
all in a bundle. They are very superstitious, and do not embark on
any enterprise without first ascertaining by omens whether it will be
attended with success or not. This they do by taking at random a small
quantity of grains out of their Devakadana and counting the number
of grains, the omen being considered good or bad according as the
number of seeds is odd or even. For a detailed record of the history
of this criminal class, and the methods employed in the performance
of criminal acts, I would refer the reader to the accounts given by
Mr. Paupa Rao [109] and Mr. W. Crooke. [110]

Bavaji.--The Bavajis are Bairagi or Gosayi beggars, who travel about
the country. They are known by various names, e.g., Bairagi, Sadu, etc.

Bavuri.--The Bavuris, or Bauris, are a low class of Oriya
basket-makers, living in Ganjam, and are more familiarly known as
Khodalo. They are a polluting class, living in separate quarters,
and occupy a position lower than the Samantiyas, but higher than
the Kondras, Dandasis, and Haddis. They claim that palanquin (dhooly
or duli) bearing is their traditional occupation, and consequently
call themselves Boyi. "According to one story," Risley writes, [111]
"they were degraded for attempting to steal food from the banquet
of the gods; another professes to trace them back to a mythical
ancestor named Bahak Rishi (the bearer of burdens), and tells how,
while returning from a marriage procession, they sold the palanquin
they had been hired to carry, got drunk on the proceeds, and assaulted
their guru (religious preceptor), who cursed them for the sacrilege,
and condemned them to rank thenceforward among the lowest castes of
the community." The Bavuris are apparently divided into two endogamous
sections, viz., Dulia and Khandi. The former regard themselves as
superior to the latter, and prefer to be called Khodalo. Some of these
have given up eating beef, call themselves Dasa Khodalos, and claim
descent from one Balliga Doss, a famous Bavuri devotee, who is said
to have worked wonders, analogous to those of Nandan of the Paraiyan
community. To this section the caste priests belong. At Russelkonda,
a woman, when asked if she was a Bavuri, replied that the caste is so
called by others, but that its real name is Khodalo. Others, in reply
to a question whether they belonged to the Khandi section, became
angry, and said that the Khandis are inferior, because they eat frogs.

The Bavuris gave the name of two gotras, saptha bhavunia and naga,
which are said to be exogamous. The former offer food to the gods on
seven leaves of the white gourd melon, Benincasa cerifera (kokkara),
and the latter on jak (Artocarpus integrifolia: panasa) leaves. All
over the Oriya country there is a general belief that house-names or
bamsams are foreign to the Oriya castes, and only possessed by the
Telugus. But some genuine Oriya castes, e.g., Haddis, Dandasis and
Bhondaris, have exogamous bamsams.

For every group of villages (muttah), the Bavuris apparently have a
headman called Behara, who is assisted by Naikos or Dolo Beharas,
or, in some places, Dondias or Porichas, who hold sway over a
smaller number of villages. Each village has its own headman, called
Bhollobhaya (good brother), to whose notice all irregularities are
brought. These are either settled by himself, or referred to the Behara
and Naiko. In some villages, in addition to the Bhollobhaya, there
is a caste servant called Dangua or Dogara. For serious offences,
a council-meeting is convened by the Behara, and attended by the
Bhollobhayas, Naikos, and a few leading members of the community. The
meeting is held in an open plain outside the village. Once in two
or three years, a council-meeting, called mondolo, is held, at which
various matters are discussed, and decided. The expenses of meetings
are defrayed by the inhabitants of the villages in which they take
place. Among the most important matters to be decided by tribunals
are adultery, eating with lower castes, the re-admission of convicts
into the caste, etc. Punishment takes the form of a fine, and trial
by ordeal is apparently not resorted to. A man, who is convicted
of committing adultery, or eating with a member of a lower caste,
is received back into the caste on payment of the fine. A woman,
who has been proved guilty of such offences, is not so taken back. It
is said that, when a member of a higher caste commits adultery with
a Bavuri woman, he is sometimes received into the Bavuri caste. The
Behara receives a small fee annually from each village or family,
and also a small present of money for each marriage.

Girls are married either before or after puberty. A man may marry
his maternal uncle's, but not his paternal aunt's daughter. At an
adult marriage, the festivities last for four days, whereas, at an
infant marriage, they are extended over seven days. When a young man's
parents have selected a girl for him, they consult a Brahman, and,
if he decides that the marriage will be auspicious, they proceed to
the girl's home, and ask that a day be fixed for the betrothal. On
the appointed day the amount of money, which is to be paid by the
bridegroom-elect for jewels, etc., is fixed. One or two new cloths
must be given to the girl's grandmother, and the man's party must
announce the number of feasts they intend to give to the castemen. If
the family is poor, the feasts are mentioned, but do not actually take
place. The marriage ceremony is always celebrated at night. On the
evening of the day prior thereto, the bride and bridegroom's people
proceed to the temple of the village goddess (Takurani), and, on their
way home, go to seven houses of members of their own or some higher
caste, and ask them to give them water, which is poured into a small
vessel. This vessel is taken home, and hung over the bedi (marriage
dais). The water is used by the bride and bridegroom on the following
morning for bathing. On the marriage day, the bridegroom proceeds to
the bride's village, and is met on the way by her party, and escorted
by his brother-in-law to the dais. The Bhollobhaya enquires whether
the bride's party have received everything as arranged, and, when
he has been assured on this point, the bride is brought to the dais
by her maternal uncle. She carries with her in her hands a little
salt and rice; and, after throwing these over the bridegroom, she
sits by his side. The grandfathers of the contracting couple, or a
priest called Dhiyani, officiate. Their palms are placed together,
and the hands united by a string dyed with turmeric. The union of
the hands is called hasthagonti, and is the binding portion of the
ceremony. Turmeric water is poured over the hands seven times from a
chank or sankha shell. Seven married women then throw over the heads
of the couple a mixture of Zizyphus Jujuba (borkolipathro) leaves, rice
smeared with turmeric, and Cynodon Dactylon (dhuba) culms. This rite is
called bhondaivaro, and is performed at all auspicious ceremonies. The
fingers of the bride and bridegroom are then linked together, and
they are led by the wife of the bride's brother seven times round
the bedi. The priest then proclaims that the soot can soon be wiped
off the cooking-pot, but the connection brought about by the marriage
is enduring, and relationship is secured for seven generations. The
pair are taken indoors, and fed. The remaining days of the marriage
ceremonies are given up to feasting. The remarriage of widows is
permitted. A widow is expected to marry the younger brother of her
deceased husband, or, with his permission, may marry whom she likes.

When a girl attains maturity, she is seated on a new mat, and Zizyphus
Jujuba leaves are thrown over her. This ceremony is sometimes repeated
daily for six days, during which sweets, etc., are given to the girl,
and women who bring presents are fed. On the seventh day, the girl
is taken to a tank (pond), and bathed.

The dead are either buried or burnt. The corpse is, at the funeral,
borne in the hands, or on a bier, by four men. Soon after the village
boundary has been crossed, the widow of the deceased throws rice over
the eyes of the corpse, and also a little fire, after taking it three
times round. She usually carries with her a pot and ladle, which she
throws away. If an elderly woman dies, these rites are performed
by her daughter-in-law. At the burial-ground, the corpse is taken
seven times round the grave, and, as it is lowered into it, those
present say "Oh! trees, Oh! sky, Oh! earth, we are laying him in. It
is not our fault." When the grave has been filled in, the figures of
a man and woman are drawn on it, and all throw earth over it, saying
"You were living with us; now you have left us. Do not trouble the
people." On their return home, the mourners sprinkle cowdung water
about the house and over their feet, and toddy is partaken of. On the
following day, all the old pots are thrown away, and the agnates eat
rice cooked with margosa (Melia Azadirachta) leaves. Food is offered
to the dead person, either at the burial-ground or in the backyard of
the house. On the tenth day, the Dhiyani, as the priest is called, is
sent for, and arrives with his drum (dhiyani). A small hut is erected
on a tank bund (embankment), and food cooked seven times, and offered
seven times on seven fragments of pots. A new cloth is spread, and on
it food, fruits, a chank shell, etc., are placed, and offered to the
deceased. The various articles are put into a new pot, and the son,
going into the water up to his neck, throws the pot into the air,
and breaks it. The celebrants of the rite then return to the house,
and stand in a row in front thereof. They are there purified by means
of milk smeared over their hands by the Dhiyani. On the twelfth day,
food is offered on twelve leaves.

The Bavuris do not worship Jagannathaswami, or other of the higher
deities, but reverence their ancestors and the village goddesses or
Takuranis. Like other Oriya classes, the Bavuris name their children
on the twenty-first day. Opprobrious names are common among them,
e.g., Ogadu (dirty fellow), Kangali (wretched fellow), Haddia (Haddi,
or sweeper caste).

Bedar or Boya.--"Throughout the hills," Buchanan writes, [112]
"northward from Capaladurga, are many cultivated spots, in which,
during Tippoo's government, were settled many Baydaru or hunters,
who received twelve pagodas (£4 5s.) a year, and served as irregular
troops whenever required. Being accustomed to pursue tigers and deer
in the woods, they were excellent marksmen with their match-locks,
and indefatigable in following their prey; which, in the time of war,
was the life and property of every helpless creature that came in
their way. During the wars of Hyder and his son, these men were
chief instruments in the terrible depredations committed in the
lower Carnatic. They were also frequently employed with success
against the Poligars (feudal chiefs), whose followers were of a
similar description." In the Gazetteer of the Anantapur district it
is noted that "the Boyas are the old fighting caste of this part of
the country, whose exploits are so often recounted in the history
books. The Poligars' forces, and Haidar Ali's famous troops were
largely recruited from these people, and they still retain a keen
interest in sport and manly exercises."

In his notes on the Boyas, which Mr. N. E. Q. Mainwaring has kindly
placed at my disposal, he writes as follows. "Although, until
quite recently, many a Boya served in the ranks of our Native army,
being entered in the records thereof either under his caste title of
Naidu, or under the heading of Gentu, [113] which was largely used
in old day military records, yet this congenial method of earning
a livelihood has now been swept away by a Government order, which
directs that in future no Telegas shall be enlisted into the Indian
army. That the Boyas were much prized as fighting men in the stirring
times of the eighteenth century is spoken to in the contemporaneous
history of Colonel Wilks. [114] He speaks of the brave armies of the
Poligars of Chitteldroog, who belonged to the Beder or Boya race in
the year 1755. Earlier, in 1750, Hyder Ali, who was then only a Naik
in the service of the Mysore Raja, used with great effect his select
corps of Beder peons at the battle of Ginjee. Five years after this
battle, when Hyder was rising to great eminence, he augmented his
Beder peons, and used them as scouts for the purpose of ascertaining
the whereabouts of his enemies, and for poisoning with the juice
of the milk-hedge (Euphorbia Tirucalli) all wells in use by them,
or in their line of march. The historian characterises them as being
'brave and faithful thieves.' In 1751, the most select army of Morari
Row of Gooty consisted chiefly of Beder peons, and the accounts of
their deeds in the field, as well as their defence of Gooty fort,
which only fell after the meanness of device had been resorted to,
prove their bravery in times gone by beyond doubt. There are still a
number of old weapons to be found amongst the Boyas, consisting of
swords, daggers, spears, and matchlocks. None appear to be purely
Boya weapons, but they seem to have assumed the weapons of either
Muhammadans or Hindus, according to which race held sway at the
time. In some districts, there are still Boya Poligars, but, as a
rule, they are poor, and unable to maintain any position. Generally,
the Boyas live at peace with their neighbours, occasionally only
committing a grave dacoity (robbery). [115]

"In the Kurnool district, they have a bad name, and many are on the
police records as habitual thieves and housebreakers. They seldom
stoop to lesser offences. Some are carpenters, others blacksmiths
who manufacture all sorts of agricultural implements. Some, again,
are engaged as watchmen, and others make excellent snares for fish
out of bamboo. But the majority of them are agriculturists, and most
of them work on their own putta lands. They are now a hard-working,
industrious people, who have become thrifty by dint of their industry,
and whose former predatory habits are being forgotten. Each village,
or group of villages, submits to the authority of a headman, who is
generally termed the Naidu, less commonly Dora as chieftain. In some
parts of Kurnool, the headmen are called Simhasana Boyas. The headman
presides at all functions, and settles, with the assistance of the
elders, any disputes that may arise in the community regarding division
of property, adultery, and other matters. The headman has the power
to inflict fines, the amount of which is regulated by the status and
wealth of the defaulter. But it is always arranged that the penalty
shall be sufficient to cover the expense of feeding the panchayatdars
(members of council), and leave a little over to be divided between
the injured party and the headman. In this way, the headman gets paid
for his services, and practically fixes his own remuneration."

It is stated in the Manual of the Bellary district that "of the
various Hindu castes in Bellary, the Boyas (called in Canarese
Bedars, Byedas, or Byadas) are far the strongest numerically. Many
of the Poligars whom Sir Thomas Munro found in virtual possession
of the country when it was added to the Company belonged to this
caste, and their irregular levies, and also a large proportion of
Haidar's formidable force, were of the same breed. Harpanahalli was
the seat of one of the most powerful Poligars in the district in the
eighteenth century. The founder of the family was a Boya taliari, who,
on the subversion of the Vijayanagar dynasty, seized on two small
districts near Harpanahalli. The Boyas are perhaps the only people
in the district who still retain any aptitude for manly sports. They
are now for the most part cultivators and herdsmen or are engaged
under Government as constables, peons, village watchmen (taliaris),
and so forth. Their community provides an instructive example of the
growth of caste sub-divisions. Both the Telugu-speaking Boyas and
the Canarese-speaking Bedars are split into the two main divisions
of Uru or village men, and Myasa or grass-land men, and each of
these divisions is again sub-divided into a number of exogamous
Bedagas. Four of the best known of these sub-divisions are Yemmalavaru
or buffalo-men; Mandalavaru or men of the herd; Pulavaru or flower-men,
and Minalavaru or fish-men. They are in no way totemistic. Curiously
enough, each Bedagu has its own particular god, to which its members
pay special reverence. But these Bedagas bear the same names among
both the Boyas and the Bedars, and also among both the Uru and
Myasa divisions of both Boyas and Bedars. It thus seems clear that,
at some distant period, all the Boyas and all the Bedars must have
belonged to one homogeneous caste. At present, though Uru Boyas will
marry with Uru Bedars and Myasa Boyas with Myasa Bedars, there is
no intermarriage between Urus and Myasas, whether they be Boyas or
Bedars. Even if Urus and Myasas dine together, they sit in different
rows, each division by themselves. Again, the Urus (whether Boyas or
Bedars) will eat chicken and drink alcohol, but the Myasas will not
touch a fowl or any form of strong drink, and are so strict in this
last matter that they will not even sit on mats made of the leaf of the
date-palm, the tree which in Bellary provides all the toddy. The Urus,
moreover, celebrate their marriages with the ordinary ceremonial of the
halu-kamba or milk-post, and the surge, or bathing of the happy pair;
the bride sits on a flour-grinding stone, and the bridegroom stands
on a basket full of cholam (millet), and they call in Brahmans to
officiate. But the Myasas have a simpler ritual, which omits most of
these points, and dispenses with the Brahman. Other differences are
that the Uru women wear ravikkais or tight-fitting bodices, while the
Myasas tuck them under their waist-string. Both divisions eat beef,
and both have a hereditary headman called the ejaman, and hereditary
Dasaris who act as their priests."

In the Madras Census Report, 1901, it is stated that the two main
divisions of Boyas are called also Pedda (big) and Chinna (small)
respectively, and, according to another account, the caste has
four endogamous sections, Pedda, Chinna, Sadaru, and Myasa. Sadaru
is the name of a sub-division of Lingayats, found mainly in the
Bellary and Anantapur districts, where they are largely engaged
in cultivation. Some Bedars who live amidst those Lingayats call
themselves Sadaru. According to the Manual of the North Arcot
district, the Boyas are a "Telugu hunting caste, chiefly found above
the ghats. Many of the Poligars of that part of the country used to
belong to the caste, and proved themselves so lawless that they were
dispossessed. Now they are usually cultivators. They have several
divisions, the chief of which are the Mulki Boyas and the Pala Boyas,
who cannot intermarry." According to the Mysore Census Reports, 1891
and 1901, "the Bedas have two distinct divisions, the Kannada and
Telugu, and own some twenty sub-divisions, of which the following
are the chief:--Halu, Machi or Myasa, Nayaka, Pallegar, Barika,
Kannaiyyanajati, and Kirataka. The Machi or Myasa Bedas comprise a
distinct sub-division, also called the Chunchus. They live mostly
in hills, and outside inhabited places in temporary huts. Portions
of their community had, it is alleged, been coerced into living
in villages, with whose descendants the others have kept up social
intercourse. They do not, however, eat fowl or pork, but partake of
beef; and the Myasa Bedas are the only Hindu class among whom the
rite of circumcision is performed, [116] on boys of ten or twelve
years of age. These customs, so characteristic of the Mussalmans,
seem to have been imbibed when the members of this sub-caste were
included in the hordes of Haidar Ali. Simultaneously with the
circumcision, other rites, such as the panchagavyam, the burning
of the tongue with a nim (Melia Azadirachta) stick, etc. (customs
pre-eminently Brahmanical), are likewise practised prior to the youth
being received into communion. Among their other peculiar customs,
the exclusion from their ordinary dwellings of women in child-bed
and in periodical sickness, may be noted. The Myasa Bedas are said to
scrupulously avoid liquor of every kind, and eat the flesh of only two
kinds of birds, viz., gauja (grey partridge), and lavga (rock-bush
quail)." Of circumcision among the Myasa Bedars it is noted, in the
Gazetteer of the Bellary district, that they practise this rite round
about Rayadrug and Gudekota. "These Myasas seem quite proud of the
custom, and scout with scorn the idea of marrying into any family in
which it is not the rule. The rite is performed when a boy is seven
or eight. A very small piece of the skin is cut off by a man of the
caste, and the boy is then kept for eleven days in a separate hut, and
touched by no one. His food is given him on a piece of stone. On the
twelfth day he is bathed, given a new cloth, and brought back to the
house, and his old cloth, and the stone on which his food was served,
are thrown away. His relations in a body then take him to a tangedu
(Cassia auriculata) bush, to which are offered cocoanuts, flowers,
and so forth, and which is worshipped by them and him. Girls on first
attaining puberty are similarly kept for eleven days in a separate
hut, and afterwards made to do worship to a tangedu bush. This tree
also receives reverence at funerals."

The titles of the Boyas are said to be Naidu or Nayudu, Naik, Dora,
Dorabidda (children of chieftains), and Valmiki. They claim direct
lineal descent from Valmiki, the author of the Ramayana. At times
of census in Mysore, some Bedars have set themselves up as Valmiki
Brahmans. The origin of the Myasa Bedas is accounted for in the
following story. A certain Bedar woman had two sons, of whom the elder,
after taking his food, went to work in the fields. The younger son,
coming home, asked his mother to give him food, and she gave him
only cholam (millet) and vegetables. While he was partaking thereof,
he recognised the smell of meat, and was angry because his mother had
given him none, and beat her to death. He then searched the house, and,
on opening a pot from which the smell of meat emanated, found that it
only contained the rotting fibre-yielding bark of some plant. Then,
cursing his luck, he fled to the forest, where he remained, and became
the forefather of the Myasa Bedars.

For the following note on the legendary origin of the Bedars, I am
indebted to Mr. Mainwaring. "Many stories are told of how they came
into existence, each story bringing out the name which the particular
group may be known by. Some call themselves Nishadulu, and claim
to be the legitimate descendants of Nishadu. When the great Venudu,
who was directly descended from Brahma, ruled over the universe, he
was unable to procure a son and heir to the throne. When he died, his
death was regarded as an irreparable misfortune. In grief and doubt
as to what was to be done, his body was preserved. The seven ruling
planets, then sat in solemn conclave, and consulted together as to
what they should do. Finally they agreed to create a being from the
right thigh of the deceased Venudu, and they accordingly fashioned and
gave life to Nishudu. But their work was not successful, for Nishudu
turned out to be not only deformed in body, but repulsively ugly. It
was accordingly agreed, at another meeting of the planets, that he was
not a fit person to be placed on the throne. So they set to work again,
and created a being from the right shoulder of Venudu. Their second
effort was crowned with success. They called their second creation
Chakravati, and, as he gave general satisfaction, he was placed on the
throne. This supersession naturally caused Nishudu, the first born,
to be discontented, and he sought a lonely place. There he communed
with the gods, begging of them the reason why they had created him,
if he was not to rule. The gods explained to him that he could not now
be put on the throne, since Chakravati had already been installed, but
that he should be a ruler over the forests. In this capacity, Nishudu
begot the Koravas, Chenchus, Yanadis, and Boyas. The Boyas were his
legitimate children, while the others were all illegitimate. According
to the legend narrated in the Valmiki Ramayana, when king Vishwamitra
quarrelled with the Rishi Vashista, the cow Kamadenu belonging to the
latter, grew angry, and shook herself. From her body an army, which
included Nishadulu, Turka (Muhammadans), and Yevannudu (Yerukalas)
at once appeared.

"A myth related by the Boyas in explanation of their name Valmikudu
runs as follows. In former days, a Brahman, who lived as a highwayman,
murdering and robbing all the travellers he came across, kept a
Boya female, and begot children by her. One day, when he went out to
carry on his usual avocation, he met the seven Rishis, who were the
incarnations of the seven planets. He ordered them to deliver their
property, or risk their lives. The Rishis consented to give him all
their property, which was little enough, but warned him that one day he
would be called to account for his sinful deeds. The Brahman, however,
haughtily replied that he had a large family to maintain, and, as they
lived on his plunder, they would have to share the punishment that
was inflicted upon himself. The Rishis doubted this, and advised him
to go and find out from his family if they were willing to suffer an
equal punishment with him for his sins. The Brahman went to his house,
and confessed his misdeeds to his wife, explaining that it was through
them that he had been able to keep the family in luxury. He then told
her of his meeting with the Rishis, and asked her if she would share
his responsibility. His wife and children emphatically refused to be
in any way responsible for his sins, which they declared were entirely
his business. Being at his wit's end, he returned to the Rishis, told
them how unfortunate he was in his family affairs, and begged advice
of them as to what he should do to be absolved from his sins. They
told him that he should call upon the god Rama for forgiveness. But,
owing to his bad bringing up and his misspent youth, he was unable
to utter the god's name. So the Rishis taught him to say it backwards
by syllables, thus:--ma ra, ma ra, ma ra, which, by rapid repetition
a number of times, gradually grew into Rama. When he was able to
call on his god without difficulty, the Brahman sat at the scene of
his graver sins, and did penance. White-ants came out of the ground,
and gradually enveloped him in a heap. After he had been thus buried
alive, he became himself a Rishi, and was known as Valmiki Rishi,
valmiki meaning an ant-hill. As he had left children by the Boya
woman who lived with him during his prodigal days, the Boyas claim
to be descended from these children and call themselves Valmikudu."

The Bedars, whom I examined at Hospet in the Bellary district, used
to go out on hunting expeditions, equipped with guns, deer or hog
spears, nets like lawn-tennis nets used in drives for young deer or
hares. Several men had cicatrices, as the result of encounters with
wild boars during hunting expeditions, or when working in the sugar
plantations. It is noted in the Bellary Gazetteer that "the only caste
which goes in for manly sports seems to be the Boyas, or Bedars, as
they are called in Canarese. They organise drives for pig, hunt bears
in some parts in a fearless manner, and are regular attendants at the
village gymnasium (garidi mane), a building without any ventilation
often constructed partly underground, in which the ideal exercise
consists in using dumbbells and clubs until a profuse perspiration
follows. They get up wrestling matches, tie a band of straw round one
leg, and challenge all and sundry to remove it, or back themselves to
perform feats of strength, such as running up the steep Joladarasi hill
near Hospet with a bag of grain on their back." At Hospet wrestling
matches are held at a quiet spot outside the town, to witness which
a crowd of many hundreds collect. The wrestlers, who performed before
me, had the hair shaved clean behind so that the adversary could not
seize them by the back hair, and the moustache was trimmed short for
the same reason. Two young wrestlers, whose measurements I place on
record, were splendid specimens of youthful muscularity.


                                 cm.     cm.

            Height              163.2    163
            Shoulders            41.8     42.8
            Chest                84       82
            Upper arm, flexed    28       29
            Thigh                47       51


In the Gazetteer of Anantapur it is stated that the Telugu New Year's
day is the great occasion for driving pig, and the Boyas are the chief
organisers of the beats. All except children, the aged and infirm,
join in them, and, since to have good sport is held to be the best
of auguries for the coming year, the excitement aroused is almost
ludicrous in its intensity. It runs so high that the parties from
rival villages have been known to use their weapons upon one another,
instead of upon the beasts of the chase. In an article entitled "Boyas
and bears" [117] a European sportsman gives the following graphic
description of a bear hunt. "We used to sleep out on the top of one
of the hills on a moonlight night. On the top of every hill round,
a Boya was watching for the bears to come home at dawn, and frantic
signals showed when one had been spotted. We hurried off to the place,
to try and cut the bear off from his residence among the boulders,
but the country was terribly rough, and the hills were covered with a
peculiarly persistent wait-a-bit-thorn. This, however, did not baulk
the Boyas. Telling me to wait outside the jumble of rocks, each man
took off his turban, wound it round his left forearm, to act as a
shield against attacks from the bear, lit a rude torch, grasped his
long iron-headed spear, and coolly walked into the inky blackness of
the enemy's stronghold, to turn him out for me to shoot at. I used to
feel ashamed of the minor part assigned to me in the entertainment,
and asked to be allowed to go inside with them. But this suggestion
was always respectfully, but very firmly put aside. One could not
see to shoot in such darkness, they explained, and, if one fired,
smoke hung so long in the still air of the caves that the bear
obtained an unpleasant advantage, and, finally, bullets fired at
close quarters into naked rock were apt to splash or re-bound in an
uncanny manner. So I had to wait outside until the bear appeared with
a crowd of cheering and yelling Boyas after him." Of a certain cunning
bear the same writer records that, unable to shake the Boyas off,
"he had at last taken refuge at the bottom of a sort of dark pit,
'four men deep' as the Boyas put it, under a ledge of rock, where
neither spears nor torches could reach him. Not to be beaten, three
of the Boyas at length clambered down after him, and unable otherwise
to get him to budge from under the mass of rock beneath which he had
squeezed himself, fired a cheap little nickel-plated revolver one of
them had brought twice into his face. The bear then concluded that
his refuge was after all an unhealthy spot, rushed out, knocking
one of the three men against the rocks as he did so, with a force
which badly barked one shoulder, clambered out of the pit, and was
thereafter kept straight by the Boyas until he got to the entrance
of his residence, where I was waiting for him."

Mr. Mainwaring writes that "the Boyas are adepts at shikar
(hunting). They use a bullock to stalk antelope, which they shoot
with matchlocks. Some keep a tame buck, which they let loose in
the vicinity of a herd of antelope, having previously fastened a
net over his horns. As soon as the tame animal approaches the herd,
the leading buck will come forward to investigate the intruder. The
tame buck does not run away, as he probably would if he had been
brought up from infancy to respect the authority of the buck of the
herd. A fight naturally ensues, and the exchange of a few butts finds
them fastened together by the net. It is then only necessary for the
shikaris to rush up, and finish the strife with a knife."

Among other occupations, the Boyas and Bedars collect honey-combs,
which, in some places, have to be gathered from crevices in overhanging
rocks, which have to be skilfully manipulated from above or below.

The Bedar men, whom I saw during the rainy season, wore a black
woollen kambli (blanket) as a body-cloth, and it was also held over
the head as a protection against the driving showers of the south-west
monsoon. The same cloth further does duty as a basket for bringing
back to the town heavy loads of grass. Some of the men wore a garment
with the waist high up in the chest, something like an English rustic's
smock frock. Those who worked in the fields carried steel tweezers on
a string round the loins, with which to remove babul (Acacia arabica)
thorns, twigs of which tree are used as a protective hedge for fields
under cultivation. As examples of charms worn by men the following
may be cited:--


    String tied round right upper arm with metal talisman box attached
    to it, to drive away devils. String round ankle for the same
    purpose.

    Quarter-anna rolled up in cotton cloth, and worn on upper arm in
    performance of a vow.

    A man, who had dislocated his shoulder when a lad, had been
    tattooed with a figure of Hanuman (the monkey god) over the
    deltoid muscle to remove the pain.

    Necklet of coral and ivory beads worn as a vow to the Goddess
    Huligamma, whose shrine is in Hyderabad.

    Necklets of ivory beads and a gold disc with the Vishnupad (feet
    of Vishnu) engraved on it. Purchased from a religious mendicant
    to bring good luck.


Myasa Bedar women are said [118] to be debarred from wearing
toe-rings. Both Uru and Myasa women are tattooed on the face, and
on the upper extremities with elaborate designs of cars, scorpions,
centipedes, Sita's jade (plaited hair), Hanuman, parrots, etc. Men are
branded by the priest of a Hanuman shrine on the shoulders with the
emblem of the chank shell (Turbinella rapa) and chakram (wheel of the
law) in the belief that it enables them to go to Swarga (heaven). When
a Myasa man is branded, he has to purchase a cylindrical basket
called gopala made by a special Medara woman, a bamboo stick, fan,
and winnow. Female Bedars who are branded become Basavis (dedicated
prostitutes), and are dedicated to a male deity, and called Gandu
Basavioru (male Basavis). They are thus dedicated when there happens to
be no male child in a family; or, if a girl falls ill, a vow is made
to the effect that, if she recovers, she shall become a Basavi. If
a son is born to such a woman, he is affiliated with her father's
family. Some Bedar women, whose house deities are goddesses instead
of gods, are not branded, but a string with white bone beads strung
on it, and a gold disc with two feet (Vishnupad) impressed on it,
is tied round their neck by a Kuruba woman called Pattantha Ellamma
(priestess to Uligamma). Bedar girls, whose house deities are females,
when they are dedicated as Basavis, have in like manner a necklace,
but with black beads, tied round the neck, and are called Hennu Basavis
(female Basavis). For the ceremony of dedication to a female deity,
the presence of the Madiga goddess Matangi is necessary. The Madigas
bring a bent iron rod with a cup at one end, and twigs of Vitex Negundo
to represent the goddess, to whom goats are sacrificed. The iron rod is
set up in front of the doorway, a wick and oil are placed in the cup,
and the impromptu lamp is lighted. Various cooked articles of food are
offered, and partaken of by the assembled Bedars. Bedar women sometimes
live in concubinage with Muhammadans. And some Bedars, at the time of
the Mohurram festival, wear a thread across the chest like Muhammadans,
and may not enter their houses till they have washed themselves.

According to the Mysore Census Report, 1901, the chief deity of the
Bedars is "Tirupati Venkataramanaswami worshipped locally under the
name of Tirumaladevaru, but offerings and sacrifices are also made
to Mariamma. Their guru is known as Tirumalatatacharya, who is also a
head of the Srivaishnava Brahmans. The Uru Boyas employ Brahmans and
Jangams as priests." In addition to the deities mentioned, the Bedars
worship a variety of minor gods, such as Kanimiraya, Kanakarayan,
Uligamma, Palaya, Poleramma, and others, to whom offerings of fruits
and vegetables, and sacrifices of sheep and goats are made. The Dewan
of Sandur informs me that, in recent times, some Myasa Bedars have
changed their faith, and are now Saivas, showing special reverence
to Mahadeva. They were apparently converted by Jangams, but not to
the fullest extent. The guru is the head of the Ujjani Lingayat matt
(religious institution) in the Kudligi taluk of Bellary. They do not
wear the lingam. In the Madras Census Report, 1901, the patron deity
of the Boyas is said to be Kanya Devudu.

Concerning the religion of the Boyas, Mr. Mainwaring writes as
follows. "They worship both Siva and Vishnu, and also different
gods in different localities. In the North Arcot district, they
worship Tirupatiswami. In Kurnool, it is Kanya Devudu. In Cuddapah
and Anantapur, it is Chendrugadu, and many, in Anantapur, worship
Akkamma, who is believed to be the spirit of the seven virgins. At
Uravakonda, in the Anantapur district, on the summit of an enormous
rock, is a temple dedicated to Akkamma, in which the seven virgins are
represented by seven small golden pots or vessels. Cocoanuts, rice,
and dal (Cajanus indicus) form the offerings of the Boyas. The women,
on the occasion of the Nagalasauthi or snake festival, worship the
Nagala swami by fasting, and pouring milk into the holes of 'white-ant'
hills. By this, a double object is fulfilled. The 'ant' heap is a
favourite dwelling of the naga or cobra, and it was the burial-place of
Valmiki, so homage is paid to the two at the same time. Once a year,
a festival is celebrated in honour of the deceased ancestors. This
generally takes place about the end of November. The Boyas make no use
of Brahmans for religious purposes. They are only consulted as regards
the auspicious hour at which to tie the tali at a wedding. Though
the Boya finds little use for the Brahman, there are times when the
latter needs the services of the Boya. The Boya cannot be dispensed
with, if a Brahman wishes to perform Vontigadu, a ceremony by which
he hopes to induce favourable auspices under which to celebrate a
marriage. The story has it that Vontigadu was a destitute Boya, who
died from starvation. It is possible that Brahmans and Sudras hope in
some way to ameliorate the sufferings of the race to which Vontigadu
belonged, by feeding sumptuously his modern representative on the
occasion of performing the Vontigadu ceremony. On the morning of the
day on which the ceremony, for which favourable auspices are required,
is performed, a Boya is invited to the house. He is given a present
of gingelly (Sesamum) oil, wherewith to anoint himself. This done, he
returns, carrying in his hand a dagger, on the point of which a lime
has been stuck. He is directed to the cowshed, and there given a good
meal. After finishing the meal, he steals from the shed, and dashes
out of the house, uttering a piercing yell, and waving his dagger. He
on no account looks behind him. The inmates of the house follow for
some distance, throwing water wherever he has trodden. By this means,
all possible evil omens for the coming ceremony are done away with."

I gather [119] that some Boyas in the Bellary district "enjoy inam
(rent free) lands for propitiating the village goddesses by a certain
rite called bhuta bali. This takes place on the last day of the feast
of the village goddess, and is intended to secure the prosperity of
the village. The Boya priest gets himself shaved at about midnight,
sacrifices a sheep or a buffalo, mixes its blood with rice, and
distributes the rice thus prepared in small balls throughout the limits
of the village. When he starts out on this business, the whole village
bolts its doors, as it is not considered auspicious to see him then. He
returns early in the morning to the temple of the goddess from which
he started, bathes, and receives new cloths from the villagers."

At Hospet the Bedars have two buildings called chavadis, built by
subscription among members of their community, which they use as a
meeting place, and whereat caste councils are held. At Sandur the Uru
Bedars submit their disputes to their guru, a Srivaishnava Brahman,
for settlement. If a case ends in a verdict of guilty against an
accused person, he is fined, and purified by the guru with thirtham
(holy water). In the absence of the guru, a caste headman, called
Kattaintivadu, sends a Dasari, who may or may not be a Bedar, who
holds office under the guru, to invite the castemen and the Samaya,
who represents the guru in his absence, to attend a caste meeting. The
Samayas are the pujaris at Hanuman and other shrines, and perform
the branding ceremony, called chakrankitam. The Myasa Bedars have
no guru, but, instead of him, pujaris belonging to their own caste,
who are in charge of the affairs of certain groups of families. Their
caste messenger is called Dalavai.

The following are examples of exogamous septs among the Boyas,
recorded by Mr. Mainwaring:--


    Mukkara, nose or ear ornament.
    Majjiga, butter-milk.
    Kukkala, dog.
    Pula, flowers.
    Pandhi, pig.
    Chilakala, paroquet.
    Hastham, hand.
    Yelkameti, good rat.
    Misala, whiskers.
    Nemili, peacock.
    Pegula, intestines.
    Mijam, seed.
    Uttareni, Achyranthes aspera.
    Puchakayala, Citrullus Colocynthis.
    Gandhapodi, sandal powder.
    Pasula, cattle.
    Chinthakayala, Tamarindus indica.
    Avula, cow.
    Udumala, lizard (Varanus).
    Pulagam, cooked rice and dhal.
    Boggula, charcoal.
    Midathala, locust.
    Potta, abdomen.
    Utla, swing for holding pots.
    Rottala, bread.
    Chimpiri, rags.
    Panchalingala, five lingams.
    Gudisa, hut.
    Tota, garden.
    Lanka, island.
    Bilpathri, Ægle Marmelos.
    Kodi-kandla, fowl's eyes.
    Gadidhe-kandla, donkey's eyes.
    Joti, light.
    Namala, the Vaishnavite namam.
    Nagellu, plough.
    Ulligadda, onions.
    Jinkala, gazelle.
    Dandu, army.
    Kattelu, sticks or faggots.
    Mekala, goat.
    Nakka, jackal.
    Chevvula, ear.
    Kotala, fort.
    Chapa, mat.
    Guntala, pond.
    Thappata, drum.
    Bellapu, jaggery.
    Chimala, ants.
    Genneru, Nerium odorum.
    Pichiga, sparrows.
    Uluvala, Dolichos biflorus.
    Geddam, beard.
    Eddula, bulls.
    Cheruku, sugar-cane.
    Pasupu, turmeric.
    Aggi, fire.
    Mirapakaya, Capsicum frutescens.
    Janjapu, sacred thread.
    Sankati, ragi or millet pudding.
    Jerripothu, centipede.
    Guvvala, pigeon.


Many of these septs are common to the Boyas and other classes, as
shown by the following list:--


    Avula, cow--Korava.
    Boggula, charcoal--Devanga.
    Cheruku, sugar-cane--Jogi, Odde.
    Chevvula, ear--Golla.
    Chilakala, paroquet--Kapu, Yanadi.
    Chimala, ants--Tsakala.
    Chinthakayala, tamarind fruit--Devanga.
    Dandu, army--Kapu.
    Eddula, bulls--Kapu.
    Gandhapodi, sandal powder--a sub-division of Balija.
    Geddam, beard--Padma Sale.
    Gudisa, hut--Kapu.
    Guvvala, pigeon--Mutracha.
    Jinkala, gazelle--Padma Sale.
    Kukkala, dog--Orugunta Kapu.
    Lanka, island--Kamma.
    Mekala, goat--Chenchu, Golla, Kamma, Kapu, Togata, Yanadi.
    Midathala, locust--Madiga.
    Nakkala, jackal--Dudala, Golla, Mutracha.
    Nemili, peacock--Balija.
    Pichiga, sparrow--Devanga.
    Pandhi, pig--Asili, Gamalla.
    Pasula, cattle--Madiga, Mala.
    Puchakaya, colocynth--Komati, Viramushti.
    Pula, flowers--Padma Sale, Yerukala.
    Tota, garden--Chenchu, Mila, Mutracha, Bonthuk Savara.
    Udumala, lizard--Kapu, Tottiyan, Yanadi.
    Ulligadda, onions--Korava.
    Uluvala, horse-gram--Jogi.
    Utla, swing for holding pots--Padma Sale.


At Hospet, the preliminaries of a marriage among the Myasa Bedars are
arranged by the parents of the parties concerned and the chief men
of the keri (street). On the wedding day, the bride and bridegroom
sit on a raised platform, and five married men place rice stained
with turmeric on the feet, knees, shoulders, and head of the
bridegroom. This is done three times, and five married women then
perform a similar ceremony on the bride. The bridegroom takes up the
tali, and, with the sanction of the assembled Bedars, ties it on the
bride's neck. In some places it is handed to a Brahman priest, who
ties it instead of the bridegroom. The unanimous consent of those
present is necessary before the tali-tying is proceeded with. The
marriage ceremony among the Uru Bedars is generally performed at the
bride's house, whither the bridegroom and his party proceed on the eve
of the wedding. A feast, called thuppathuta or ghi (clarified butter)
feast, is held, towards which the bridegroom's parents contribute rice,
cocoanuts, betel leaves and nuts, and make a present of five bodices
(ravike). At the conclusion of the feast, all assemble beneath the
marriage pandal (booth), and betel is distributed in a recognised
order of precedence, commencing with the guru and the god. On the
following morning four big pots, smeared with turmeric and chunam
(lime) are placed in four corners, so as to have a square space
(irani square) between them. Nine turns of cotton thread are wound
round the pots. Within the square the bridegroom and two young girls
seat themselves. Rice is thrown over them, and they are anointed. They
and the bride are then washed by five women called bhumathoru. The
bridegroom and one of the girls are carried in procession to the
temple, followed by the five women, one of whom carries a brass
vessel with five betel leaves and a ball of sacred ashes (vibuthi)
over its mouth, and another a woman's cloth on a metal dish,
while the remaining three women and the bridegroom's parents throw
rice. Cocoanuts and betel are offered to Hanuman, and lines are drawn
on the face of the bridegroom with the sacred ashes. The party then
return to the house. The lower half of a grinding mill is placed
beneath the pandal, and a Brahman priest invites the contracting
couple to stand thereon. He then takes the tali, and ties it on the
bride's neck, after it has been touched by the bridegroom. Towards
evening the newly married couple sit inside the house, and close
to them is placed a big brass vessel containing a mixture of cooked
rice, jaggery (crude sugar) and curds, which is brought by the women
already referred to. They give a small quantity thereof to the couple,
and go away. Five Bedar men come near the vessel after removing
their head-dress, surround the vessel, and place their left hands
thereon. With their right hands they shovel the food into their mouths,
and bolt it with all possible despatch. This ceremony is called bhuma
idothu, or special eating, and is in some places performed by both
men and women. All those present watch them eating, and, if any one
chokes while devouring the food, or falls ill within a few months,
it is believed to indicate that the bride has been guilty of irregular
behaviour. On the following day the contracting couple go through the
streets, accompanied by Bedars, the brass vessel and female cloth,
and red powder is scattered broadcast. On the morning of the third
and two following days, the newly married couple sit on a pestle,
and are anointed after rice has been showered over them. The bride's
father presents his son-in-law with a turban, a silver ring, and a
cloth. It is said that a man may marry two sisters, provided that he
marries the elder before the younger.

The following variant of the marriage ceremonies among the Boyas
is given by Mr. Mainwaring. "When a Boya has a son who should be
settled in life, he nominally goes in search of a bride for him,
though it has probably been known for a long time who the boy is to
marry. However, the formality is gone through. The father of the boy,
on arrival at the home of the future bride, explains to her father
the object of his visit. They discuss each other's families, and,
if satisfied that a union would be beneficial to both families, the
father of the girl asks his visitor to call again, on a day that is
agreed to, with some of the village elders. On the appointed day, the
father of the lad collects the elders of his village, and proceeds with
them to the house of the bride-elect. He carries with him four moottus
(sixteen seers) of rice, one seer of dhal (Cajanus indicus), two seers
of ghi (clarified butter), some betel leaves and areca nuts, a seer
of fried gram, two lumps of jaggery (molasses), five garlic bulbs,
five dried dates, five pieces of turmeric, and a female jacket. In
the evening, the elders of both sides discuss the marriage, and,
when it is agreed to, the purchase money has to be at once paid. The
cost of a bride is always 101 madas, or Rs. 202. Towards this sum,
sixteen rupees are counted out, and the total is arrived at by counting
areca nuts. The remaining nuts, and articles which were brought by
the party of the bridegroom, are then placed on a brass tray, and
presented to the bride-elect, who is requested to take three handfuls
of nuts and the same quantity of betel leaves. On some occasions, the
betel leaves are omitted. Betel is then distributed to the assembled
persons. The provisions which were brought are next handed over to
the parents of the girl, in addition to two rupees. These are to
enable her father to provide himself with a sheet, as well as to
give a feast to all those who are present at the betrothal. This is
done on the following morning, when both parties breakfast together,
and separate. The wedding is usually fixed for a day a fortnight
or a month after the betrothal ceremony. The ceremony differs but
slightly from that performed by various other castes. A purohit is
consulted as to the auspicious hour at which the tali or bottu should
be tied. This having been settled, the bridegroom goes, on the day
fixed, to the bride's village, or sometimes the bride goes to the
village of the bridegroom. Supposing the bridegroom to be the visitor,
the bride's party carries in procession the provisions which are to
form the meal for the bridegroom's party, and this will be served
on the first night. As the auspicious hour approaches, the bride's
party leave her in the house, and go and fetch the bridegroom, who is
brought in procession to the house of the bride. On arrival, he is made
to stand under the pandal which has been erected. A curtain is tied
therein from north to south. The bridegroom then stands on the east
of the curtain, and faces west. The bride is brought from the house,
and placed on the west of the curtain, facing her future husband. The
bridegroom then takes up the bottu, which is generally a black thread
with a small gold bead upon it. He shows it to the assembled people,
and asks permission to fasten it on the bride's neck. The permission
is accorded with acclamations. He then fastens the bottu on the bride's
neck, and she, in return, ties a thread from a black cumbly (blanket),
on which a piece of turmeric has been threaded, round the right wrist
of the bridegroom. After this, the bridegroom takes some seed, and
places it in the bride's hand. He then puts some pepper-corns with
the seed, and forms his hands into a cup over those of the bride. Her
father then pours milk into his hand, and the bridegroom, holding it,
swears to be faithful to his wife until death. After he has taken
the oath, he allows the milk to trickle through into the hands of the
bride. She receives it, and lets it drop into a vessel placed on the
ground between them. This is done three times, and the oath is repeated
with each performance. Then the bride goes through the same ceremony,
swearing on each occasion to be true to her husband until death. This
done, both wipe their hands on some rice, which is placed close at
hand on brass trays. In each of these trays there must be five seers
of rice, five pieces of turmeric, five bulbs of garlic, a lump of
jaggery, five areca nuts, and five dried dates. When their hands are
dry, the bridegroom takes as much of the rice as he can in his hands,
and pours it over the bride's head. He does this three times, before
submitting to a similar operation at the hands of the bride. Then each
takes a tray, and upsets the contents over the other. At this stage,
the curtain is removed, and, the pair standing side by side, their
cloths are knotted together. The knot is called the knot of Brahma,
and signifies that it is Brahma who has tied them together. They now
walk out of the pandal, and make obeisance to the sun by bowing, and
placing their hands together before their breasts in the reverential
position of prayer. Returning to the pandal, they go to one corner
of it, where five new and gaudily painted earthenware pots filled
with water have been previously arranged. Into one of these pots,
one of the females present drops a gold nose ornament, or a man drops
a ring. The bride and bridegroom put their right hands into the pot,
and search for the article. Whichever first finds it takes it out,
and, showing it, declares that he or she has found it. This farce is
repeated three times, and the couple then take their seats on a cumbly
in the centre of the pandal, and await the preparation of the great
feast which closes the ceremony. For this, two sheep are killed,
and the friends and relations who have attended are given as much
curry and rice as they can eat. Next morning, the couple go to the
bridegroom's village, or, if the wedding took place at his village,
to that of the bride, and stay there three days before returning
to the marriage pandal. Near the five water-pots already mentioned,
some white-ant earth has been spread at the time of the wedding, and
on this some paddy (unhusked rice) and dhal seeds have been scattered
on the evening of the day on which the wedding commenced. By the time
the couple return, these seeds have sprouted. A procession is formed,
and the seedlings, being gathered up by the newly married couple, are
carried to the village well, into which they are thrown. This ends
the marriage ceremony. At their weddings, the Boyas indulge in much
music. Their dresses are gaudy, and suitable to the occasion. The
bridegroom, if he belongs to either of the superior gotras, carries
a dagger or sword placed in his cummerbund (loin-band). A song which
is frequently sung at weddings is known as the song of the seven
virgins. The presence of a Basavi at a wedding is looked on as a good
omen for the bride, since a Basavi can never become a widow."

In some places, a branch of Ficus religiosa or Ficus bengalensis
is planted in front of the house as the marriage milk-post. If it
withers, it is thrown away, but, if it takes root, it is reared. By
some Bedars a vessel is filled with milk, and into it a headman throws
the nose ornament of a married woman, which is searched for by the
bride and bridegroom three times. The milk is then poured into a pit,
which is closed up. In the North Arcot Manual it is stated that the
Boya bride, "besides having a golden tali tied to her neck, has an
iron ring fastened to her wrist with black string, and the bridegroom
has the same. Widows may not remarry or wear black bangles, but they
wear silver ones."

"Divorce," Mr. Mainwaring writes, "is permitted. Grounds for divorce
would be adultery and ill-treatment. The case would be decided by
a panchayat (council). A divorced woman is treated as a widow. The
remarriage of widows is not permitted, but there is nothing to prevent
a widow keeping house for a man, and begetting children by him. The
couple would announce their intention of living together by giving
a feast to the caste. If this formality was omitted, they would be
regarded as outcastes till it was complied with. The offspring of such
unions are considered illegitimate, and they are not taken or given
in marriage to legitimate children. Here we come to further social
distinctions. Owing to promiscuous unions, the following classes
spring into existence:--


1.   Swajathee        Pure Boyas, the offspring of parents who
     Sumpradayam.     have been properly married in the proper
                      divisions and sub-divisions.
2.   Koodakonna       The offspring of a Boya female, who is
     Sumpradayam.     separated or divorced from her husband who
                      is still alive, and who cohabits with
                      another Boya.
3.   Vithunthu        The offspring of a Boya widow by a Boya.
     Sumpradayam.
4.   Arsumpradayam.   The offspring of a Boya man or woman,
                      resulting from cohabitation with a member
                      of some other caste.


The Swajathee Sumpradayam should only marry among
themselves. Koodakonna Sumpradayam and Vithunthu Sumpradayam may
marry among themselves, or with each other. Both being considered
illegitimate, they cannot marry Swajathee Sumpradayam, and would not
marry Arsumpradayam, as these are not true Boyas, and are nominally
outcastes, who must marry among themselves."

On the occasion of a death among the Uru Bedars of Hospet, the corpse
is carried on a bier by Uru Bedars to the burial-ground, with a new
cloth thrown over, and flowers strewn thereon. The sons of the deceased
each place a quarter-anna in the mouth of the corpse, and pour water
near the grave. After it has been laid therein, all the agnates throw
earth into it, and it is filled in and covered over with a mound, on to
the head end of which five quarter-anna pieces are thrown. The eldest
son, or a near relation, takes up a pot filled with water, and stands
at the head of the grave, facing west. A hole is made in the pot, and,
after going thrice round the grave, he throws away the pot behind him,
and goes home without looking back. This ceremony is called thelagolu,
and, if a person dies without any heir, the individual who performs
it succeeds to such property as there may be. On the third day the
mound is smoothed down, and three stones are placed over the head,
abdomen, and legs of the corpse, and whitewashed. A woman brings some
luxuries in the way of food, which are mixed up in a winnowing tray
divided into three portions, and placed in the front of the stones
for crows to partake of. Kites and other animals are driven away,
if they attempt to steal the food. On the ninth day, the divasa
(the day) ceremony is performed. At the spot where the deceased
died is placed a decorated brass vessel representing the soul of the
departed, with five betel leaves and a ball of sacred ashes over its
mouth. Close to it a lamp is placed, and a sheep is killed. Two or
three days afterwards, rice and vegetables are cooked. Those who have
been branded carry their gods, represented by the cylindrical bamboo
basket and stick already referred to, to a stream, wash them therein,
and do worship. On their return home, the food is offered to their
gods, and served first to the Dasari, and then to the others, who
must not eat till they have received permission from the Dasari. When
a Myasa Bedar, who has been branded, dies his basket and stick are
thrown into the grave with the corpse.

In the Mysore Census Report, 1891, the Mysore Bedars are said to
cremate the dead, and on the following day to scatter the ashes on
five tangedu (Cassia auriculata) trees.

It is noted by Buchanan [120] that the spirits of Baydaru men who die
without having married become Virika (heroes), and to their memory
have small temples and images erected, where offerings of cloth,
rice, and the like, are made to their names. If this be neglected,
they appear in dreams, and threaten those who are forgetful of their
duty. These temples consist of a heap or cairn of stones, in which
the roof of a small cavity is supported by two or three flags; and
the image is a rude shapeless stone, which is occasionally oiled,
as in this country all other images are."

Bedar.--See Vedan.

Begara.--Begara or Byagara is said to be a synonym applied by Canarese
Lingayats to Holeyas.

Behara.--Recorded, at times of census, as a title of various Oriya
castes, e.g., Alia, Aruva, Dhobi, Gaudo, Jaggali, Kevuto, Kurumo,
Ronguni, and Sondi. In some cases, e.g., among the Rongunis, the
title is practically an exogamous sept. The headman of many Oriya
castes is called Behara.

Bejjo.--A sub-division of Bhondari, and title of Kevuto.

Belata (Feronia elephantum: wood-apple).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba.

Bellapu (jaggery: palm-sugar).--An exogamous sept of Boya.

Bellara.--"The Bellaras, or Belleras," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes,
[121] "are a somewhat higher caste of basket and mat-makers than
the Parava umbrella-makers and devil-dancers. They speak a dialect
of Canarese (see South Canara Manual, Vol. II). They follow the
aliya santana law (inheritance in the female line), but divorce is
not so easy as amongst most adherents of that rule of inheritance,
and divorced women, it is said, may not marry again. Widows, however,
may remarry. The dead are either burned or buried, and a feast called
Yede Besala is given annually in the name of deceased ancestors. The
use of alcohol and flesh, except beef, is permitted. They make both
grass and bamboo mats."

Bellathannaya (jaggery: crude sugar).--An exogamous sept of Bant.

Belle (white).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba. The equivalent bile
occurs as a gotra of Kurni.

Belli.--Belli or Velli, meaning silver, has been recorded as an
exogamous sept of Badaga, Korava, Kuruba, Madiga, Okkiliyan, Toreya,
and Vakkaliga. The Belli Toreyas may not wear silver toe-rings.

Vellikkai, or silver-handed, has been returned as a sub-division of
the Konga Vellalas.

Belu (Feronia elephantum).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba.

Benayito.--A sub-division of Odiya.

Bende (Hibiscus esculentus).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba. The
mucilaginous fruit (bendekai or bandicoy) of this plant is a favourite
vegetable of both Natives and Europeans. The nick-name Bendekai is
sometimes given, in reference to the sticky nature of the fruit,
to those who try to smooth matters over between contending parties.

Bengri (frog).--A sept of Domb.

Benia.--A small caste of Oriya cultivators and palanquin-bearers
in Ganjam. It is on record [122] that in Ganjam honey and wax
are collected by the Konds and Benias, who are expert climbers of
precipitous rocks and lofty trees. The name is said to be derived
from bena, grass, as the occupation of the caste was formerly to
remove grass, and clear land for cultivation.

Benise (flint stone).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba.

Benne (butter).--A gotra of Kurni.

Bepari.--Bepari is, in the Madras Census Report, described as "a
caste allied to the Lambadis. Its members worship a female deity
called Banjara, speak the Bepari or Lambadi language, and claim
to be Kshatriyas." Bhonjo, the title of the Rajah of Gumsur, was
returned as a sub-caste. The Rev. G. Gloyer [123] correctly makes
the name Boipari synonymous with Brinjari, and his illustration of
a Boipari family represents typical Lambadis or Brinjaris. Bepari
and Boipari are forms of Vyapari or Vepari, meaning a trader. The
Beparis are traders and carriers between the hills and plains in
the Vizagapatam Agency tracts. Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao informs me
that "they regard themselves as immune from the attacks of tigers,
if they take certain precautions. Most of them have to pass through
places infested with these beasts, and their favourite method of
keeping them off is as follows. As soon as they encamp at a place,
they level a square bit of ground, and light fires in the middle of
it, round which they pass the night. It is their firm belief that the
tiger will not enter the square, from fear lest it should become blind,
and eventually be shot. I was once travelling towards Malkangiri from
Jeypore, when I fell in with a party of these people encamped in the
manner described. At that time, several villages about Malkangiri
were being ravaged by a notorious man-eater (tiger)."

Beralakoduva (finger-giving).--A section of the Vakkaligas, among whom
the custom of sacrificing some of the fingers used to prevail. (See
Morasu.)

Beri Chetti.--The Beri Chettis, or principal merchants, like other
Chettis and Komatis, claim to be Vaisyas, "but they will not admit
that the Komatis are on a par with them, and declare that they
alone represent the true Vaisya stock." [124] With regard to their
origin, the Kanyakapurana states that a certain king wanted to marry
a beautiful maiden of the Komati caste. When the Komatis declined to
agree to the match, the king began to persecute them, and those Komatis
who left the country out of fear were called Beri or Bediri (fear)
Chettis. The story is, in fact, similar to that told by the Nattukottai
Chettis, and the legend, no doubt, refers to persecution of some king,
whose extortion went beyond the limits of custom. Another derivation
of the word Beri is from perumai, greatness or splendour. The name
Beri, as applied to a sub-division of the Komatis, is said to be
a corruption of bedari, and to denote those who fled through fear,
and did not enter the fire-pits with the caste goddess Kanyakamma.

The legend of the Beri Chettis, as given by Mr. H. A. Stuart, [124]
states that "Kaveripuram near Kumbakonam was formerly the town in
which the caste principally resided. The king of the country attempted
to obtain a Beri Chetti maiden in marriage, but was refused, and
he therefore persecuted them, and drove them out of his dominions,
forbidding interchange of meals between them and any other caste
whatever--a prohibition which is still in force."

The Beri Chettis have a number of endogamous divisions, named after
geographical areas, towns, etc., such as Tirutaniyar, Acharapakaththar,
Telungu, Pakkam, Musalpakam. Among these there is an order of social
precedence, some of the divisions interdining, others not.

The Beri Chettis are, like the Kammalans (artisan class), a
leading caste of the left-hand section, and the following story is
narrated. While the Beris were living at Kaveripuram in a thousand
houses, each house bearing a distinct gotra (house name,) a king,
who took wives from among all castes, wanted the Beris to give him
one of their maidens. Though unwilling, they promised to do so, but
made up their minds to get over the difficulty by a ruse. On the day
fixed for the marriage, all the Beri families left the place, after a
male black dog had been tied to the milk-post of the marriage pandal
(booth). When he learnt what had occurred, the king was very angry,
and forbade all castes to take water from the Beris. And this led to
their joining the left-hand section.

The Beri Chettis resort to the panchayat system of administration of
affairs affecting the caste, and the headman, called Peridanakkaran,
is assisted by a barber of the left-hand section. They are in favour
of infant marriages, though adult marriage is not prohibited. They are
not allowed to tie plantain trees to the posts of the wedding pandal,
with the trees touching the ground. If this is done, the Paraiyans,
who belong to the right-hand section, cut them down. This custom
is still observed in some out-of-the way villages. Upanayanam, or
investiture with the sacred thread, is either performed long before
marriage, or by some along with the marriage rite. A man or boy,
after investiture, always wears the thread.

Most of the Beri Chettis are meat-eaters, but some profess to be
vegetarians.

It is said that there is much dispute between the Beri Chettis and the
Komatis regarding their relative positions, and each caste delights
to tell stories to the detriment of the other. In general estimation,
however, the Beris are deemed a little inferior to the Komatis." [125]
The claim of the Beri Chettis to be Vaisyas is based on the following
legend, as given by Mr. Stuart. [126] "In the time of the Cholas,
they erected a water-pandal, and Komatis claimed the right to use it,
which was at once denied. The king attempted to solve the question by
reference to inscriptions in the Kamakshiamma temple at Conjeeveram,
but without success. He then proposed that the rivals should submit
to the ordeal of carrying water in an unbaked pot. This was agreed
to, and the Beri Chettis were alone successful. The penalty for
failure was a fine of Rs. 12,000, which the Komatis could not pay,
and they were therefore obliged to enslave themselves to a Beri Chetti
woman, who paid the fine. Their descendants are still marked men,
who depend upon Beri Chettis for their subsistence. The great body
of the Komatis in the country were not parties to the agreement,
and they do not now admit that their inferiority has ever been
proved." According to another version of the legend, during the
reign of the Cholas, a water-pandal was erected by the Beris, and
the Komatis claimed the right to use it. This was refused on the
ground that they were not Vaisyas. The question at issue was referred
to the king, who promised to enquire into it, but did not do so. A
Viramushti (caste beggar of the Beri Chettis and Komatis) killed the
king's horse and elephant. When questioned as to his reason for so
doing, he explained that it was to call the king's attention to the
dispute, and restored the animals to life. The king then referred
both parties to Conjeeveram, where a sasanam (copper-plate grant)
was believed to exist. To procure this document, the decapitation of
twelve human beings was necessary, and the Viramushti sacrificed his
twelve children. According to the document, the Beris were Vaisyas,
and the Komatis were ordered to be beheaded. But some Beris interceded
on their behalf, and they were pardoned on condition that they would
pay a sum of money. To secure the necessary money, they became slaves
to a rich Beri woman. Ever since this incident, the Komatis have
been the children of the Beris, and their descendants are called
Pillaipuntha Komati, or Komati who became a son. For the services
which he rendered, the Viramushti is said to have been presented
with a sasanam, and he is treated as a son by the caste men, among
whom he has some influence. For example, the Beri Chettis may not
plant in their back-yards Moringa pterygosperma, Dolichos Lablab,
or a red variety of Amarantus. If the Viramushti found the first
of these planted, he would destroy it, and demand a fine of three
fanams. For Dolichos the fine is six fanams, and for Amarantus one
fanam. The rearing of pigs, goats, and fowls by the Beri Chettis is
forbidden under penalty of a fine. If a Beri Chetti woman carries a
water-pot on her head, the Viramushti will throw it down, and demand
a fine of twelve fanams. The women are not allowed to carry on sales
at a public fair, under penalty of excommunication. The Beri Chettis
and Komatis should not do business together.

The Kammalans and Chettis are regarded as friends, and there is a Tamil
proverb "Settiyum Kammalanum onnu," i.e., the Chetti and Kammalan
are one. In this connection the following legend is quoted. "In
the town of Kanda, anciently the Camalas (artificers of five sorts)
lived closely united together, and were employed by all ranks of men,
as there were no artificers besides them. They feared and respected
no king, which offended certain kings, who combined against them,
taking with them all kinds of arms. But, as the fort (Kanda Kottai,
or magnetic fort), in which the Camalar lived, was entirely constructed
of loadstone, this attracted, and drew the weapons away from the hands
of the assailants. The kings then promised a great reward to any one
who should burn down the fort. No one dared to do this. At length
the courtesans of a temple engaged to effect it, and took the pledge
of betel and areca, engaging thereby to do so. The kings, greatly
rejoicing, built a fort opposite, filled with such kind of courtesans,
who, by their singing, attracted the people from the fort, and led
to intercourse. One of these at length succeeded in extracting from
a young man the secret, that, if the fort was surrounded with varacu
straw, set on fire, it might be destroyed. The king accordingly had
this done, and, in the burning down of the fort, many of the Camalar
lost their lives. Some took to ships belonging to them, and escaped by
sea. In consequence, there were no artificers in that country. Those
taken in the act of endeavouring to escape were beheaded. One woman
of the tribe, being pregnant, took refuge in the house of a Chetti,
and escaped, passing for his daughter. From a want of artificers, who
made implements for weavers, husbandmen, and the like, manufactures
and agriculture ceased, and great discontent arose in the country. The
king, being of clever wit, resorted to a device to discover if any of
the tribe remained, to remedy the evil complained of. This was to send
a piece of coral, having a fine tortuous aperture running through it,
and a piece of thread, to all parts of the country, with promise of
great reward to any one who should succeed in passing the thread
through the coral. None could accomplish it. At length the child
that had been born in the Chetty's house undertook to do it; and,
to effect it, he placed the coral over the mouth of an ant-hole,
and having steeped the thread in sugar, placed it at some little
distance. The ants took the thread, and drew it through the coral. The
king, seeing the difficulty overcome, gave great presents, and sent
much work to be done, which that child, under the council and guidance
of its mother, performed. The king sent for the Chetty, and demanded an
account of this young man, which the Chetty detailed. The king had him
plentifully supplied with the means especially of making ploughshares,
and, having married him to the daughter of a Chetty, gave him grants
of land for his maintenance. He had five sons, who followed the five
different branches of work of the Camalar tribe. The king gave them
the title of Panchalar. Down to the present day there is an intimate
relation between these five branches, and they intermarry with each
other; while, as descendants of the Chetty tribe, they wear the punul,
or caste-thread of that tribe." [127]

The Acharapakam Chettis are known as Malighe Chettis, and are connected
with the Chettis of this legend. Even now, in the city of Madras,
when the Beri Chettis assemble for the transaction of caste business,
the notice summoning the meeting excludes the Malighe Chettis, who
cannot, like other Beri Chettis, vote at elections, meetings, etc.,
of the Kandasami temple.

Some Beri Chettis, Mr. Stuart writes, "worship Siva, and some Vishnu,
and a few are Lingayats, who do not marry into families with a
different worship. They bury, while the others burn their dead. All
the divisions wear the sacred thread, and do not tolerate widow
remarriage. Unlike Komatis, their daughters are sometimes married
after puberty."

Berike.--The children of a Boya widow by a man of her own caste,
with whom she lives, are said [128] to drift into a distinct section
called Berike.

Bestha.--The Besthas are summed up, in the Madras Census Report,
1891, as "a Telugu caste, the hereditary occupation of which is
hunting and fishing, but they have largely taken to agriculture,
and the professions of bearers and cooks." In the Census Report,
1901, it is stated that "the fisherman caste in the Deccan districts
are called Besthas and Kabberas, while those in some parts of the
Coimbatore and Salem districts style themselves Toreyar, Siviyar,
and Parivarattar. These three last speak Canarese like the Kabberas,
and seem to be the same as Besthas or Kabberas. Kabbera and Toreya
have, however, been treated as distinct castes. There are two
endogamous sub-divisions in the Bestha caste, namely the Telaga
and the Parigirti. Some say that the Kabbili or Kabberavandlu are
a third. The Parigirti section trace their descent from Sutudu,
the famous expounder of the Mahabharata. Besthas employ Brahmans
and Satanis (or Jangams, if Saivites) for their domestic ceremonies,
and imitate the Brahman customs, prohibiting widow remarriage, and
worshipping Siva and Vishnu as well as the village deities. The Maddi
sub-caste is said to be called so, because they dye cotton with the
bark of the maddi tree (Morinda citrifolia)." It is suggested, in
the Gazetteer of the Bellary district, that the Besthas are really
a sub-division of the Gangimakkalu Kabberas, who were originally
palanquin-bearers, but, now that these vehicles have gone out of
fashion, are employed in divers other ways. It may be noted that
the Siviyars of Coimbatore say that they are Besthas who emigrated
from Mysore in the troublous times of the Muhammadan usurpation. The
name Siviyar, they say, was given to them by the Tamils, as, being
strong and poor, they were palanquin-bearers to officers on circuit
and others in the pre-railway days. Their main occupations at the
present day are tank and river fishing.

In the Manual of the North Arcot district, it is noted that many
Besthas "trade, and are in a flourishing condition, being most numerous
above the ghats. The name Bestha appears to have no meaning, but
they call themselves Sutakulam, and say they are descendants of the
rishi Suta Mahamuni. The term Suta also applies to the offspring of a
Kshatriya by a Brahman, but it seems more probable that the Besthas
gained the name from their superiority in the culinary art, suta
also meaning cook. They are divided into Telugu Besthas and Parigirti
Besthas, the difference between them being chiefly one of religious
observance, the former being in the habit of getting themselves branded
on the shoulders with the Vaishnavite emblems--chank and chakram--and
the latter never undergoing this ceremony. It is a rule with them to
employ Dasaris as the messengers of a death, and Tsakalas, as those
of a birth, or of the fact that a girl has reached womanhood. Their
chief object of worship is Hanuman, the monkey god, a picture or
figure of whom they always have in their houses for domestic worship."

In connection with the names Parigirti or Pakirithi which have been
recorded as divisions of the Besthas, it may be observed that,
in some parts of the Telugu country, the term Pakirithi is used
as a substitute for Vaishnava. This word has become converted into
Parigirti or Parikithi, denoting that the Besthas are Vaishnavites,
as opposed to Saivites. Some Besthas, when questioned as to the origin
of their caste, said that they had no purandam to help them. The word
used by them is a corruption of puranam.

The Besthas are summed up, in the Mysore Census Report, 1901, as
"fishermen, boatmen, and palanquin-bearers, who are known by different
names according to the localities they live in. In the eastern
districts they are called Bestha, in the southern Toraya, Ambiga and
Parivara (boatmen), while in the western parts their names are Kabyara
and Gangemakkalu. The Telugu-speaking population call themselves
Boyis. Their chief occupations are fishing, palanquin-bearing,
and lime-burning. Some of them are employed by Government as peons
(orderlies), etc., while a large number are engaged in agricultural
pursuits. The Boyis obey a headman called the Pedda (big) Boyi. The
Toraya does not intermarry either with the Kabyara or the Boyi, whom he
resembles in every way. The Kabyara or Karnatic Besthas proper never
carry the palanquin, but live by either farming or lime-burning. They
have a headman known as the Yajaman."

I have often seen Besthas in Mysore fishing on tanks from rafts, with
floats made of cane or cork-wood supporting their fish-baskets. The
Besthas use small cast-nets, and it is thought by them that the
employment of drag-nets worked by several men would bring bad luck
to them. When a new net is used for the first time, the first fish
which is caught is cut, and the net smeared with its blood. One of
the meshes of the net is burnt, after incense has been thrown into
the fire. If a snake becomes entangled in a net when it is first used,
it is rejected, and burnt or otherwise disposed of.

The tribal deity of the Telugu Besthas is Kamamma, and, when this
goddess is worshipped, Mala Pambalas are engaged to recite the
legendary story relating to her. They never offer the flesh of animals
or liquor to the goddess.

Like other Telugu castes, the Besthas have intiperulu or exogamous
septs and gotras. In connection with some of the latter, certain
prohibitions are observed. For example, the jasmine plant (malle)
may not be touched by members of the malle gotra, and the ippa tree
(Bassia latifolia) may not be touched or used by members of the Ippala
gotra. Writing at the beginning of the last century, Buchanan [129]
informs us that "everywhere in Karnata the palanquin-bearers are of
Telinga descent. In the language of Karnata they are called Teliga
Besthas, but in their own dialect they are called Bai. Their proper
occupations, beside that of carrying the palanquin, are fishing, and
distillation of rum. Wealthy men among them become farmers, but none
of the caste hire themselves out as farm servants. Their hereditary
chiefs are called Pedde Bui, which, among the Europeans of Madras,
is bestowed on the headman of every gentleman's set." In a note on
the Bestha Boyis, or fishermen bearers of Masulipatam in the days of
the East India Company, Mr. H. G. Prendergast writes [130] that they
were "found to be peculiarly trustworthy servants. When their English
masters went on promotion to Madras, they were accompanied by their
trusty Boyis, and, from that day to this, Bestha Boyis have been
employed as attendants in public and mercantile offices in Madras,
and have continued to maintain their good reputation."

Of the use of the word Boy (a corruption of Boyi) for palanquin-bearer,
numerous examples are quoted by Yule and Burnell. [131] Thus
Carraccioli, in his life of Lord Clive, records that, in 1785, the
Boys with Colonel Lawrence's palankeen, having struggled a little
out of the time of march, were picked up by the Marattas. Writing in
1563, Barras states [132] that "there are men who carry the umbrella
so dexterously to ward off the sun that, although their master trots
on his horse, the sun does not touch any part of his body and such
men are called Boi."

The insigne of the Besthas, as recorded at Conjeeveram, is a net. [133]

Besya (a prostitute).--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901,
as a sub-caste of Oriya Gunis. It is a form of the word Vesya.

Betta (hill).--A sub-division of Kurumba.

Bevina.--Bevina or Beva (nim or margosa: Melia Azadirachta) has been
recorded as an exogamous sept of Kuruba, and a sub-division of Kadu
Kurumba. The nim tree is held sacred by Hindus, and takes an important
part in many of the ceremonials connected with the small-pox goddess
and other village deities.

Bhag (tiger).--A sept of numerous classes in Vizagapatam, e.g.,
Bhumia, Bottada, Domb, Gadaba, Mattiya, Omanaito, Pentiya, and
Rona. The equivalent Bhago occurs among some classes in Ganjam.

Bhagavatulu.--Recorded as play-actors in the Telugu country. Their
name is derived from the fact that they perform stories and episodes
from the Bhagavatam, one of the Puranas.

Bhakta.--See Bagata.

Bhandari.--See Kelasi.

Bhande.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as "a class of
potters in the Ganjam Maliahs, a sub-division of Kumbharo. The name
is derived from the Sanskrit bhanda, a pot."

Bharadwaja.--A Brahmanical gotra of Bhatrazus. Bharadwaja was a rishi,
the son of Brihaspati, and preceptor of the Pandavas.

Bhatia.--Nearly four hundred members of this caste were returned
at the Madras Census, 1901. It is recorded in the Bombay Gazetteer,
that "the Bhatias claim to be Bhati Rajputs of the Yadav stock. As
a class they are keen, vigorous, enterprising, thrifty, subtle and
unscrupulous. Some of the richest men in Bombay started life without
a penny. A large number of Bhatias are merchant traders and brokers,
and within the last fifty years they have become a very wealthy and
important class." Like the Nattukottai Chettis of Southern India,
the Bhatias undertake sea voyages to distant countries, and they are
to be found eastward as far as China.

Bhatta.--A sub-division of Gaudo.

Bhatkali.--A class of Muhammadans on the west coast, who are said to
have originally settled at Bhatkal in North Canara.

Bhatrazu.--The Bhats, Bhatrazus, or Bhatrajus are described, in the
Mysore Census Reports, 1891 and 1901, as musicians and ballad-reciters,
who "speak Telugu, and are supposed to have come from the Northern
Circars. They were originally attached to the courts of the Hindu
princes as bards or professional troubadours, reciting ballads in
poetry in glorification of the wondrous deeds of local princes and
heroes. Hyder Ali, although not a Hindu, delighted to be constantly
preceded by them, and they are still an appendage to the state of
Hindu and Mussalman Chiefs. They have a wonderful faculty in speaking
improvisatore, on any subject proposed to them, a declamation in
measures, which may be considered as a sort of medium between blank
verse and modulated verse. But their profession is that of chanting
the exploits of former days in front of the troops while marshalling
them for battle, and inciting them to emulate the glory of their
ancestors. Now many of them are mendicants."

In the Madras Census Report, 1871, the Bhat Rajahs are said to
"wear the pavitra or sacred thread. They are the bards and minstrels,
who sing the praises of the Kshatriya race, or indeed of great men in
general, and especially of those who liberally reward the singers. They
are a wandering class, gaining a living by attaching themselves to
the establishments of great men, or in chanting the folklore of the
people. They are mostly Vishnu worshippers, and in only one district
is it reported that they worship village deities." In the Madras
Census Report, 1891, the Bhatrazus are summed up as being "a class of
professional bards, spread all over the Telugu districts. They are
the representatives of the Bhat caste of other parts of India. They
are called Razus, because they are supposed to be the offspring of a
Kshatriya female by a Vaisya male. They are well versed in folklore,
and in the family histories and legends of the ancient Rajahs. Under
the old Hindu Rajahs the Bhatrazus were employed as bards, eulogists,
and reciters of family genealogy and tradition. Most of them are now
cultivators, and only a few are ballad-reciters. They will eat with
the Kapus and Velamas. Their ceremonies of birth, death and marriage
are more or less the same as those of the Kapus. Razu is the general
name of the caste."

The Bhatrazus, Mr. W. Francis writes, [134] "are also called Bhats or
Magadas. They have two endogamous sub-divisions, called Vandi, Raja or
Telaganya, and Magada, Kani or Agraharekala. [Some Bhatrazus maintain
that Vandi and Magada were individuals who officiated as heralds at
the marriage of Siva.] Each of these is again split up into several
exogamous septs or gotras, among which are Atreya, Bharadwaja,
Gautama, Kasyapa and Kaundinya. All of these are Brahmanical
gotras, which goes to confirm the story in Manu that the caste is
the offspring of a Vaisya father and a Kshatriya mother. Bhatrazus
nevertheless do not all wear the sacred thread now-a-days, or recite
the gayatri. [135] They employ Brahman priests for their marriages,
but Jangams and Satanis for funerals, and in all these ceremonies they
follow the lower or Puranic instead of the higher Vedic ritual. Widow
marriage is strictly forbidden, but yet they eat fish, mutton and
pork, though not beef. These contradictions are, however, common
among Oriya castes, and the tradition is that the Bhatrazus were a
northern caste which was first invited south by King Pratapa Rudra
of the Kshatriya dynasty of Warangal (1295-1323 A.D.). After the
downfall of that kingdom they seem to have become court bards and
panegyrists under the Reddi and Velama feudal chiefs, who had by that
time carved out for themselves small independent principalities in the
Telugu country. As a class they were fairly educated in the Telugu
literature, and even produced poets such as Ramaraja Bhushana, the
author of the well-known Vasu-Charitram. Their usual title is Bhat,
sometimes with the affix Razu or Murti."

Of the Bhatrazus in the North Arcot district, Mr. H. A. Stuart states
[136] that "they now live by cultivation, and by singing the fabulous
traditions current regarding the different Sudra castes at their
marriages and other ceremonies, having probably invented most of
them. They profess to be Kshatriyas. But it is known that several are
Musalmans or members of other castes, who, possessing an aptitude for
extempore versification, were taken by Rajahs to sing their praises,
and so called themselves Bhatturazus. They resemble the Razus in
their customs, but are said to bury their dead." In the Gazetteer of
Anantapur, the Bhatrazus are described as touring round the villages,
making extempore verses in praise of the principal householders,
and being rewarded by gifts of old clothes, grain, and money. It is
stated in the Kurnool Manual that "the high-caste people (Kammas) are
bound to pay the Batrajulu certain fees on marriage occasions. Some
of the Batrajas have shotriems and inams." Shotriem is land given
as a gift for proficiency in the Vedas or learning, and inam is land
given free of rent.

In connection with the special attachment of the Bhatrazus to the
Velama, Kamma, and Kapu castes, the following story is narrated. Once
upon a time there was a man named Pillala Marri Bethala Reddi, who had
three sons, of whom two took to cultivation. The third son adopted
a military life, and had seventy-four sons, all of whom became
commanders. On one occasion, during the reign of Pratapa Rudra,
when they were staying at the fort of Warangal, they quarrelled
among themselves, and became very rebellious. On learning this,
the king summoned them to his court. He issued orders that a sword
should be tied across the gate. The commanders were reluctant to go
under a sword, as it would be a sign of humiliation. Some of them ran
against the sword, and killed themselves. A Bhatrazu, who witnessed
this, promised to help the remaining commanders to gain entrance
without passing under the sword. He went to the king, and said that
a Brahman wished to pay him a visit. An order was accordingly issued
that the sword should be removed. The services of the Bhatrazu greatly
pleased the commanders, and they came to regard the Bhatrazus as their
dependants, and treated them with consideration. Even at the present
day, at a marriage among the Kapus, Kammas, and Velamas, a Bhatrazu
is engaged. His duties are to assist the bridegroom in his wedding
toilette, to paint sectarian marks on his forehead, and to remain
as his personal attendant throughout the marriage ceremonies. He
further sings stanzas from the Ramayana or Mahabharata, and songs
in praise of Brahmans and the caste to which the bridal couple
belong. The following was sung at a Kapu wedding. "Anna Vema Reddi
piled up money like a mountain, and, with his brother Pinna Brahma
Reddi, constructed agraharams. Gone Buddha Reddi spent large sums
of money for the reading of the Ramayana, and heard it with much
interest. Panta Malla Reddi caused several tanks to be dug. You,
their descendants, are all prosperous, and very charitable." In the
houses of Kammas, the following is recited. "Of the seventy-seven sons,
Bobbali Narasanna was a very brave man, and was told to go in search
of the kamma (an ornament) without using abusive language. Those who
ran away are Velamas, and those who secured it Kammas."

In their ceremonial observances, the Bhatrazus closely follow the
standard Telugu type. At marriages, the bridal couple sit on the
dais on a plank of juvvi (Ficus Tsiela) wood. They have the Telugu
Janappans as their disciples, and are the only non-Brahman caste,
except Jangams and Pandarams, which performs the duties of guru or
religious instructor. The badge of the Bhatrazus at Conjeeveram is
a silver stick. [137]

In the Madras Census Report, 1901, Bhato, Kani Razu, Kannaji Bhat
and Padiga Raju appear as synonyms, and Annaji Bhat as a sub-caste
of Bhatrazus.

The following account of a criminal class, calling themselves
Batturajas or Battu Turakas, was published in the Police Weekly
Circular, Madras, in 1881. [138] "They are known to the Cuddapah
and North Arcot Police as criminals, and a note is made whenever an
adult leaves his village; but, as they commit their depredations
far from home, and convert their spoil into hard cash before they
return, it is difficult to get evidence against them. Ten or twelve
of these leave home at once; they usually work in parties of three
or four, and they are frequently absent for months together. They
have methods of communicating intelligence to their associates when
separated from them, but the only one of these methods that is known
is by means of their leaf plates, which they sew in a peculiar
manner, and leave after use in certain places previously agreed
upon. These leaf plates can be recognised by experts, but all that
these experts can learn from them is that Battu Turakas have been
in the neighbourhood recently. On their return to their village, an
account of their proceedings is rendered, and their spoil is divided
equally among the whole community, a double share being, however,
given to the actual thief or thieves. They usually disguise themselves
as Brahmans, and, in the search of some of their houses lately,
silk cloths worn only by Brahmans were found together with other
articles necessary for the purpose (rudraksha necklaces, salagrama
stones, etc.). They are also instructed in Sanskrit, and in all the
outward requisites of Brahmanism. A Telugu Brahman would soon find
out that they are not Brahmans, and it is on this account that they
confine their depredations to the Tamil country, where allowance is
made for them as rude uncivilized Telugus. They frequent choultries
(travellers' resting-places), where their very respectable appearance
disarms suspicion, and watch for opportunities of committing thefts,
substituting their own bags or bundles (filled with rubbish) for those
they carry off." To this account Mr. M. Paupa Rao Naidu adds [139] that
"it is during festivals and feasts that they very often commit thefts
of the jewels and cloths of persons bathing in the tanks. They are
thus known as Kolamchuthi Papar, meaning that they are Brahmins that
live by stealing around the tanks. Before the introduction of railways,
their depredations were mostly confined to the choultries and tanks."

Concerning the Bhattu Turakas of the North Arcot district,
Mr. H. A. Stuart writes [140] that "a few of this very intelligent and
educated criminal class are found in the north-west of the Chendragiri
taluk, and in the north of Punganur. They are really Muhammadans,
but never worship according to the rules of that religion, and know
little about its tenets. They have no employment save cheating, and
in this they are incomparably clever. They speak several languages
with perfect fluency, have often studied Sanskrit, and are able to
personate any caste. Having marked down a well-to-do householder,
they take an opportunity of entering his service, and succeed at last
in gaining his confidence. They then abuse it by absconding with what
they can lay hands upon. They often take to false coining and forgery,
pretend to know medicine, to have the power of making gold or precious
stones, or of turning currency notes into others of higher value."

Bhayipuo.--Bhayipuo is returned, in the Census Report, 1901, as an
Oriya caste, the members of which claim to be Kshatriyas. The word
means brother's son, in which sense it is applied to the issue of
the brothers of Rajahs by concubines. The illegitimate children of
Rajahs are also classed as Bhayipuo.

Bhima.--A section of Savaras, named after Bhima, one of the Pandava
brothers.

Bholia (wild dog).--An exogamous sept of Kondra.

Bhondari.--The Bhondaris are the barbers of the Oriya country,
living in Ganjam. "The name Bhondari," Mr. S. P. Rice writes, [141]
is "derived from bhondaram, treasure. The zamindars delivered over
the guarding of the treasure to the professional barbers, who became
a more important person in this capacity than in his original office
of shaver in ordinary to His Highness." The Bhondaris occupy a higher
position than the Tamil and Telugu barbers. Though various Oriya
castes bathe after being shaved, the touch of a Bhondari at other
times is not regarded as polluting. All over the Ganjam district,
the Bhondaris are employed as domestic servants, and some are engaged
as coolies, cart-drivers, etc. Others officiate as pujaris (priests)
at Takurani (village deity) temples, grind sandalwood, or make flower
garlands. On the occasion of ceremonial processions, the washing of
the feet of the guests, carrying articles required for worship, and
the jewels and cloths to be worn by the bridal couple on the wedding
day, are performed by the Bhondari. I am informed that a woman of
this caste is employed by Karnams on the occasion of marriage and
other ceremonials, at which her services are indispensable. It is
said that in some places, where the Bhondaris do not shave castes
lower than the Gudiyas, Oriya Brahmans allow them to remove the leaf
plates off which they have taken their food, though this should not
be done by a non-Brahman.

There are apparently three endogamous sub-divisions, named Godomalia,
Odisi, and Bejjo. The word Godomalia means a group of forts, and it is
said to be the duty of members of this section to serve Rajahs who live
in forts. The Godomalias are most numerous in Ganjam, where they claim
to be superior to the Odisi and Bejjo sections. Among exogamous septs,
Mohiro (peacock), Dhippo (light), Oppomarango (Achyranthes aspera),
and Nagasira (cobra) may be noted. Members of the Oppomarango sept
do not touch, or use the root of the plant as a tooth brush. Lights
may not be blown out with the breath, or otherwise extinguished by
members of the Dhippo sept; and they do not light their lamps unless
they are madi, i.e., wearing silk cloths, or cloths washed and dried
after bathing. Nagasira is a sept common to many Oriya castes, and
is said to owe its origin to the influence of Oriya Brahmans.

The hereditary headman of the caste is called Behara, and he is
assisted by a Bhollobaya. Most of the Bhondaris follow the form
of Vaishnavism inculcated by Chaithyana, and known as Paramartho
matham. They wear as a necklace a string of tulsi (Ocimum sanctum)
beads, without which they will not worship or take their food. Many
Hindu deities, especially Jagannatha, and various local Takuranis
are also worshipped by them.

A man should not marry his maternal uncle's or paternal aunt's
daughter. Infant marriage is the rule, and, if a girl has not secured
a husband before she attains maturity, she has to go through a mock
marriage ceremony called dharma bibha. She is taken to a Streblus asper
(sahada or shadi) tree, and married to it. She may not, during the
rest of her life, touch the Streblus tree, or use its twigs as a tooth
brush. Sometimes she goes through the ceremony of marriage with some
elderly man, preferably her grandfather, or, failing him, her elder
sister's husband as bridegroom. A divorce agreement (tsado patro)
is drawn up, and the pseudo-marriage thereby dissolved. Sometimes
the bridegroom is represented by a bow and arrow, and the ceremony
is called khando bibha.

The real marriage ceremonies last over seven days. On the day before
the bibha (wedding), a number of earthen pots are placed on a spot
which has been cleaned for their reception, and some married women
throw Zizyphus Jujuba leaves and rice, apparently as an evil-eye
removing and purificatory ceremony. While doing so, they cry "Ulu, ulu"
in a manner which recalls to mind the kulavi idal of the Maravans
and Kallans. A ceremony, called sokko bhondo, or wheel worship,
is performed to a potter's wheel. The bridegroom, who has to fast
until the night, is shaved, after which he stands on a grindstone and
bathes. While he is so doing, some women bring a grinding-mill stone,
and grind to powder Vigna Catiang, Cajanus indicus and Cicer arietinum
seeds, crying "Ulu, ulu," as they do so. The bridegroom then dresses
himself, and sits on the marriage dais, while a number of married
women crowd round him, each of whom touches an areca nut placed on his
head seven times with a grinding stone. They also perform the ceremony
called bhondaivaro, which consists in throwing Zizyphus Jujuba leaves,
and rice dyed with turmeric, over the bridegroom, again calling
out "Ulu, ulu." Towards evening, the bridegroom's party proceed in
procession to a temple, taking with them the various articles required
on the morrow, such as the sacred thread, jewels, cloths, and mokkuto
(forehead ornament). After worshipping the god, they return home,
and on the way thither collect water in a vessel from seven houses,
to be used by the bridegroom when he bathes next day. A ceremonial
very similar to that performed by the bridegroom on the eve of the
wedding is also performed by the bride and her party. On the wedding
day, the bridegroom, after worshipping Vigneswara (Ganesa) at the
marriage dais with the assistance of a Brahman purohit, proceeds,
dressed up in his marriage finery, mokkuto, sacred thread and wrist
thread, to a temple in a palanquin, and worships there. Later on,
he goes to the bride's house in a palanquin. Just as he is about to
start, his brother's wife catches hold of the palanquin, and will
not let him go till she has received a present of a new cloth. He
is met en route by the bride's father, and his feet are washed by
her brother. His future father-in-law, after waving seven balls of
coloured rice before him, escorts him to his house. At the entrance
thereto, a number of women, including the bride's mother, await his
arrival, and, on his approach, throw Zizyphus Jujuba leaves, and cry
"Ulu, ulu." His future mother-in-law, taking him by the hand, leads
him into the house. As soon as he has reached the marriage dais,
the bride is conducted thither by her maternal uncle, and throws
some salt over a screen on to the bridegroom. Later on, she takes her
seat by his side, and the Brahman purohit, after doing homam (making
sacred fire), ties the hands of the contracting couple together with
dharbha grass. This is called hastagonthi, and is the binding portion
of the marriage ceremony. The bride and bridegroom then exchange ten
areca nuts and ten myrabolams (Terminalia fruits). Two new cloths
are thrown over them, and the ends thereof are tied together in a
knot containing twenty-one cowry (Cypræa Arabica) shells, a coin,
and a few Zizyphus leaves. This ceremonial is called gontiyalo. The
bride's brother strikes the bridegroom with his fist, and receives a
present of a cloth. At this stage, the couple receive presents from
relations and friends. They then play seven times with cowry shells,
and the ceremonial closes with the throwing of Zizyphus leaves, and
the eating by the bride and bridegroom of rice mixed with jaggery
(crude sugar) and curds. On the two following days, they sit on
the dais, play with cowries, and have leaves and rice thrown over
them. They wear the cloths given to them on the wedding day, and may
not bathe in a tank (pond) or river. On the fourth day (chauti), the
bride is received into the gotra of the bridegroom. In token thereof,
she cooks some food given to her by the bridegroom, and the pair make a
show of partaking thereof. Towards the evening the bride is conducted
by her maternal uncle to near the dais, and she stands on a grinding
stone. Seven turns of thread dyed with turmeric are wound round the
posts of the dais. Leading his wife thither, the bridegroom cuts the
thread, and the couple stand on the dais, while four persons support
a cloth canopy over their heads, and rice is scattered over them. On
the fifth day, the newly-married couple and their relations indulge in
throwing turmeric water over each other. Early on the morning of the
sixth day, the bridegroom breaks a pot placed on the dais, and goes
away in feigned anger to the house of a relation. Towards evening, he
is brought back by his brother-in-law, and plays at cowries with the
bride. The Bhondaivaro ceremony is once more repeated. On the seventh
day, the sacred thread, wrist-threads and mokkuto are removed. Widows
and divorcées are permitted to remarry. As among various other castes,
a widow should marry her deceased husband's younger brother.

The dead are cremated. When a person is on the point of death,
a little Jagannatha prasadam, i.e., rice from the temple at Puri,
is placed in his mouth. Members of many Oriya castes keep by them
partially cooked rice, called nirmalyam, brought from this temple,
and a little of this is eaten by the orthodox before meals and
after bathing. The corpse is washed, anointed, and wrapped in a new
cloth. After it has been secured on the bier, a new red cloth is
thrown over it. At the head, a sheaf of straw, from the roof of the
house, if it is thatched, is placed. The funeral pyre is generally
prepared by an Oriya washerman. At the burning-ground, the corpse
is placed close to the pyre, and the son puts into the mouth some
parched rice, and throws rice over the eyes. Then, lighting the straw,
he waves it thrice round the corpse, and throws it on the face. The
corpse is then carried thrice round the pyre, and laid thereon. In
the course of cremation, each mourner throws a log on the pyre. The
son goes home, wet and dripping, after bathing. On the following
day, the fire is extinguished, and two fragments of bone are placed
in a small pot, and carefully preserved. The ashes are heaped up,
and an image is drawn on the ground with a stick, to which food is
offered. A meal, called pithapona (bitter food), consisting of rice
and margosa (Melia Azadirachta) leaves, is partaken of by agnates
only. On the tenth day, the relatives and intimate friends of the
deceased are shaved, the son last of all. The son and the agnates go
to a tank bund (pond embankment), and cook food in a new pot within
a shed which has been specially constructed for the occasion. The
pot is then broken into ten fragments, on which food is placed, and
offered to the dead person. The son takes the fragments, one by one,
to the tank, bathing each time. The pot containing the two pieces
of bone is generally buried beneath a pipal (Ficus religiosa) tree
growing near a tank. On the tenth day, after the offering of food,
the son proceeds to this spot, and, after pouring water ten times
over the ground beneath which the pot is buried, takes the pot home,
and buries it near the house. As he approaches his home, he goes
ahead of those who accompany him, and, carrying a vessel filled with
water, pours some of this three times on the ground, waving his hand
in a circular manner. He then makes three marks with a piece of iron
on the ground. A piece of hollow bamboo open at both ends, or other
grain measure, is given to him, with which he measures rice or other
grain seven times. He then throws the measure behind him between his
legs, and, entering the house, puts a sect mark on his forehead with
the aid of a broken looking-glass, which must be thrown away. Ghi
(clarified butter) and meat may not be eaten by those under death
pollution till the eleventh day, when a feast is held.

If an important elder of the community dies, a ceremony called
jola-jola handi (pot drilled with holes) is performed on the night of
the tenth day. Fine sand is spread over the floor of a room having
two doors, and the surface is smoothed with a tray or plank. On the
sand a lighted lamp is placed, with an areca nut by its side. The
lamp is covered with an earthen cooking-pot. Two men carry on their
shoulders a pot riddled with holes, suspended from a pole made of
Diospyros Embryopteris wood, from inside the room into the street,
as soon as the lamp is covered by the cooking-pot. Both doors of the
room are then closed, and not opened till the return of the men. The
pot which they carry is believed to increase in weight as they bear it
to a tank, into which it is thrown. On their return to the house, they
tap three times at the door, which then opens. All present then crowd
into the room, and examine the sand for the marks of the foot-prints
of a bull, cat or man, the trail of a centipede, cart-track, ladder,
etc., which are believed to be left by the dead person when he goes
to the other world.

Opprobrious names are very common among the Bhondaris, especially
if a child is born after a succession of deaths among the offspring
of a family. Very common among such names are those of low castes,
e.g., Haddi, Bavuria, Dandasi, etc.

Bhonjo.--The title of the Raja of Gumsur in Ganjam.

Bhumanchi (good earth).--A sub-division of Kapu.

Bhu (earth) Razu.--A name for Razus who live in the plains, in
contradistinction to the Konda Razus who live in the hills.

Bhu Vaisya (earth Vaisya).--A name returned by some Nattukottai
Chettis and Vellalas.

Bhumi Dhompthi.--The name, meaning earth marriage offering, of a
sub-division of Madigas, at whose marriages the offering of food is
placed on the ground.

Bhumi Razulu (kings of the earth).--A name assumed by some Koyis.

Bhumia.--The Bhumias are an Oriya caste of hill cultivators, found in
the Jeypore Zamindari. According to a tradition, they were the first
to cultivate the land on the hills. In the Central Provinces they are
said to be known as Baigas, concerning whom Captain Ward writes [142]
that "the decision of the Baiga in a boundary dispute is almost always
accepted as final, and, from this right as children of the soil and
arbiters of the land belonging to each village, they are said to have
derived their title of Bhumia, the Sanskrit bhumi meaning the earth."

For the following note I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. The
Bhumias have septs, e.g., bhag (tiger) and naga (cobra). A man
can claim his paternal aunt's daughter in marriage. The marriage
ceremonial is much the same as among the Bottadas. The jholla tonk
(presents) consist of liquor, rice, a sheep or fowl, and cloths
for the parents of the bride. A pandal (booth), made of poles of
the sorghi tree, is erected in front of the bridegroom's house,
and a Desari officiates. The remarriage of widows is permitted and
a younger brother usually marries his elder brother's widow. If a
man divorces his wife, it is customary for him to give her a rupee
and a new cloth in compensation. The dead are burned, and pollution
lasts for nine days. On the tenth day a ceremonial bath is taken,
and a feast, with copious supplies of liquor, is held. In parts of
the Central Provinces the dead are buried, and two or three flat
stones are set up over the grave. [143]

Bhuri.--A sub-division of Gond.

Bijam (seed).--An exogamous sept of Boya.

Bilpathri (bael: Ægle Marmelos).--An exogamous sept of Boya.

Bindhani (workman).--A title of Oriya Badhoyis, and sometimes used
as the name of the caste.

Bingi.--The Bingivandlu are described, in the Kurnool Manual, as a
class of mendicants, who play dramas. Some of them have shrotiyam
villages, as Lingineni Doddi in Pattikonda. "Shrotiyam" has been
defined [144] as "lands, or a village, held at a favourable rate,
properly an assignment of land or revenue to a Brahman learned in
the Vedas, but latterly applied generally to similar assignments to
native servants of the government, civil or military, and both Hindus
and Muhammadans, as a reward for past services."

Bhutiannaya (ashes).--An exogamous sept of Bant.

Bidaru (wanderers).--A sub-division of Odde.

Bilimagga.--The Bilimagga weavers of South Canara, who speak a very
corrupt form of Tamil, must not be confused with the Bilimaggas
of Mysore, whose mother-tongue is Canarese. In some places the
Bilimaggas of South Canara call themselves Padma Sales, but they have
no connection with the Padma Sale caste. There is a tradition that
they emigrated from Pandiya Maduradesa in the Tamil country. The caste
name Bilimagga (white loom) is derived from the fact that they weave
only white cloths. In some places, for the same reason, Devangas
call themselves Bilimaggas, but the Devangas also make coloured
cloths. White cloths are required for certain gods and bhuthas
(devils) on occasions of festivals, and these are usually obtained
from Bilimaggas.

The Bilimaggas follow the makkala santana law of inheritance (from
father to son). They are said to have seven gotras, and those of
the Mangalore, Kundapur, and Udipi taluks, are stated to belong
respectively to the 800, 700, and 500 nagaras. The caste deities are
Virabhadra, Brahmalinga, and Ammanoru.

For the whole community, there is a chief headman called Paththukku
Solra Settigar, or the Setti who advises the ten, and for every village
there is an ordinary headman styled Gurikara. The chief headman is
usually the manager of some temple of the caste, and the Gurikara has
to collect the dues from the members of the community. Every married
couple has to pay an annual tax of twelve annas, and every unmarried
male over twelve years of age of six annas towards the temple fund.

Marriage of girls before puberty is the rule, and any girl who attains
maturity without being married runs the risk of losing her caste. The
remarriage of widows is permitted. The betrothal ceremony is important
as being binding as a contract. It consists in the father of the
girl giving betel leaves and areca nuts in a tray to the father of
her future husband, before a number of people. If the contract is
dissolved before the marriage is celebrated, betel and nuts must be
presented to the father of the girl, in the presence of an assembly,
as a sign that the engagement is broken off. On the day previous
to the marriage ceremonial, the fathers of the contracting couple
exchange betel leaves and areca nuts three times. On the following
morning, they proceed to the house of the bridegroom, the bride's
father carrying a brass vessel containing water. From this vessel,
water is poured into smaller vessels by an odd number of women
(five or more). These women are usually selected by the wife of the
headman. The pouring of the water must be carried out according to
a recognised code of precedence, which varies with the locality. At
Udipi, for example, the order is Mangalore, Barkur, Udipi. The women
all pour water over the head of the bridegroom.

The rite is called mariyathe niru (water for respect). The bridegroom
is then decorated, and a bashingam (chaplet) is placed on his
forehead. He sits in front of a brass vessel, called Ganapathi (the
elephant god), which is placed on a small quantity of rice spread on
the floor, and worships it. He is then conducted to the marriage pandal
(booth) by his sister's husband, followed by his sister carrying the
brass vessel and a gindi (vessel with a spout), to which the bride's
bashingam and the tali (marriage badge) are tied. A red cloth, intended
for the bride, must also be carried by her. Within the pandal, the
bridegroom stands in front of a cot. The bride's party, and the men
in attendance on the bridegroom, stand opposite each other with the
bridegroom between them, and throw rice over each other. All are then
seated, except the bridegroom, his sister, and the bride's brother. The
bridegroom's father waves incense in front of the cot and brass vessel,
and hands over the gindi, and other articles, to the bridegroom's
sister, to be taken to the bride. Lights and arathi water are waved
before the bridegroom, and, while the bride's father holds his hands,
her brother washes his feet. He then goes seven times round the cot,
after he has worshipped it, and broken cocoanuts, varying in number
according to the nagara to which he belongs--seven if he is a member
of the seven hundred nagara, and so on. He next takes his seat on
the cot, and is joined by the bride, who has had the bashingam put
on her forehead, and the tali tied on her neck, by the bridegroom's
sister. Those assembled then call the maternal uncles of the bridal
couple, and they approach the cot. The bridegroom's uncle gives the
red cloth already referred to to the uncle of the bride. The bride
retires within the house, followed by her maternal uncle, and sits
cross-legged, holding her big toes with her hands. Her uncle throws
the red cloth over her head, and she covers her face with it. This is
called devagiri udugare. The uncle then carries her to the pandal,
and she sits on the left of the bridegroom. The Gurikara asks the
maternal uncle of the bridegroom to hand over the bride's money,
amounting to twelve rupees or more. He then requests permission of the
three nagara people, seven gotra people, and the relatives of the bride
and bridegroom to proceed with the dhare ceremony. This being accorded,
the maternal uncles unite the hands of the pair, and, after the cloth
has been removed from the bride's face, the dhare water is poured over
their hands, first by the bride's father, and then by the Gurikara,
who, while doing so, declares the union of the couple according to
the observances of the three nagaras. Those assembled throw rice
on, and give presents to the bride and bridegroom. The presents are
called moi, and the act of giving them moi baikradhu (Tamil). Some
women wave arathi, and the pair go inside the house, and sit on a
mat. Some milk is given to the bridegroom by the bride's sister,
and, after sipping a little of it, he gives it to the bride. They
then return to the pandal, and sit on the cot. Rice is thrown over
their heads, and arathi waved in front of them. The bridegroom drops
a ring into a tray, and turmeric-water is poured over it. The couple
search for the ring. The wedding ceremonies are brought to a close
by bathing in turmeric-water (vokli bath), after which the couple
sit on the cot, and those assembled permit the handing over of the
bride to the bridegroom's family (pennu oppuchchu kodukradhu).

Any number of marriages, except three or seven, may be carried on
simultaneously beneath a single pandal. If there are more than a
single bridal couple, the bashingam is worn only by the pair who are
the elder, or held in most respect. Sometimes, one couple is allowed
to wear the bashingam, and another to have the dhare water first
poured over them.

The dead are cremated. The corpse is carried to the burning-ground
on a bier, with a tender plantain leaf placed beneath it. Fire
is carried not by the son, but by some other near relative. The
ashes are collected on the third day, and a mound (dhupe) is made
therewith. Daily until the final death ceremony, a tender cocoanut,
and water in a vessel, are placed near it. In the final death ceremony
(bojja), the Bilimaggas closely follow the Bants, except as regards the
funeral car. To get rid of death pollution, a Tulu Madivali (washerman
caste) gives cloths to, and sprinkles water over those under pollution.

The caste title is Setti or Chetti.

Billai-kavu (cat-eaters).--Said to be Mala Paidis, who eat cats.

Billava.--The Billavas are the Tulu-speaking toddy-drawers of the
South Canara district. It is noted, in the Manual, that they are
"the numerically largest caste in the district, and form close upon
one-fifth of the total population. The derivation of the word Billava,
as commonly accepted in the district, is that it is a contraction of
Billinavaru, bowmen, and that the name was given as the men of that
caste were formerly largely employed as bowmen by the ancient native
rulers of the district. There is, however, no evidence whatever,
direct or indirect, to show that the men of the toddy-drawing caste
were in fact so employed. It is well known that, both before and after
the Christian era, there were invasions and occupations of the northern
part of Ceylon by the races then inhabiting Southern India, and Malabar
tradition tells that some of these Dravidians migrated from Iram or
Ceylon northwards to Travancore and other parts of the West Coast of
India, bringing with them the cocoanut or southern tree (tenginamara),
and being known as Tivars (islanders) or Iravars, which names have
since been altered to Tiyars and Ilavars. This derivation would also
explain the name Divaru or Halepaik Divaru borne by the same class of
people in the northern part of the district, and in North Canara. In
Manjarabad above the ghauts, which, with Tuluva, was in olden days
under the rule of the Humcha family, known later as the Bairasu
Wodears of Karakal, they are called Devaru Makkalu, literally God's
children, but more likely a corruption of Tivaru Makkalu, children of
the islanders. In support of this tradition, Mr. Logan has pointed out
[145] that, in the list of exports from Malabar given in the Periplus,
in the first century A.D., no mention is made of the cocoanut. It was,
however, mentioned by Cosmos Indico Pleustes (522 to 547 A.D.), and
from the Syrian Christians' copper-plate grants, early in the ninth
century, it appears that the Tiyans were at that time an organised
guild of professional planters. Although the cocoanut tree may have
been introduced by descendants of immigrants from Ceylon moving up
the coast, the practice of planting and drawing toddy was no doubt
taken up by the ordinary Tulu cultivators, and, whatever the origin
of the name Billava may be, they are an essentially Tulu class of
people, following the prevailing rule that property vests in females,
and devolves in the female line."

It is worthy of note that the Billavas differ from the Tiyans in one
very important physical character--the cranial type. For, as shown
by the following table, whereas the Tiyans are dolichocephalic the
Billavas are, like other Tulu classes, sub-brachycephalic:--


    ===============================================================
                 |                Cephalic Index.
                 |=================================================
                 | Average. | Maximum. | Minimum. | Number of times
                 |          |          |          | exceeding 80.
    =============+==========+==========+==========+================
    40 Tiyans    |    73    |   78.7   |   68.5   |       1
    50 Billavas  |    80    |   91.5   |   71     |      28
    =============+==========+==========+==========+================


Some Billavas about Udipi call themselves either Billavaru or
Halepaikaru. But the Halepaiks proper are toddy-drawers, who are found
in the Kundapur taluk, and speak Kanarese. There are said to be certain
differences between the two classes in the method of carrying out the
process of drawing toddy. For example, the Halepaiks generally grasp
the knife with the fingers directed upwards and the thumb to the
right, while the Billavas hold the knife with the fingers directed
downwards and the thumb to the left. A Billava at Udipi had a broad
iron knife with a round hole at the base, by which it was attached to
an iron hook fixed on to a rope worn round the loins. For crushing the
flower-buds within the spathe of the palm, Billavas generally use a
stone, and the Halepaiks a bone. There is a belief that, if the spathe
is beaten with the bone of a buffalo which has been killed by a tiger,
the yield of toddy will, if the bone has not touched the ground, be
greater than if an ordinary bone is used. The Billavas generally carry
a long gourd, and the Halepaiks a pot, for collecting the toddy in.

Baidya and Pujari occur as caste names of the Billavas, and also as a
suffix to the name, e.g., Saiyina Baidya, Bomma Pujari. Baidya is said
to be a form of Vaidya, meaning a physician. Some Billavas officiate as
priests (pujaris) at bhutasthanas (devil shrines) and garidis. Many
of these pujaris are credited with the power of invoking the aid
of bhutas, and curing disease. The following legend is narrated,
to account for the use of the name Baidya. A poor woman once lived
at Ullal with two sons. A Sanyasi (religious ascetic), pitying their
condition, took the sons as his sishyas, with a view to training them
as magicians and doctors. After some time, the Sanyasi went away from
Ullal for a short time, leaving the lads there with instructions
that they should not be married until his return. In spite of his
instructions, however, they married, and, on his return, he was very
angry, and went away again, followed by his two disciples. On his
journey, the Sanyasi crossed the ferry near Ullal on foot. This the
disciples attempted to do, and were on the point of drowning when the
Sanyasi threw three handfuls of books on medicine and magic. Taking
these, the two disciples returned, and became learned in medicine
and magic. They are supposed to be the ancestors of the Billavas.

The Billavas, like the Bants, have a number of exogamous septs (balis)
running in the female line. There is a popular belief that these are
sub-divisions of the twenty balis which ought to exist according to
the Aliya Santana system (inheritance in the female line).

The caste has a headman called Gurikara, whose office is hereditary,
and passes to the aliya (sister's son). Affairs which affect the
community as a whole are discussed at a meeting held at the bhutasthana
or garidi.

At the betrothal ceremony, the bride-price (sirdachi), varying from
ten to twenty rupees, is fixed. A few days before the wedding, the
maternal uncle of the bride, or the Gurikara, ties a jewel on her neck,
and a pandal (booth) is erected, and decorated by the caste barber
(parel maddiyali) with cloths of different colours. If the bridegroom
is an adult, the bride has to undergo a purificatory ceremony a day
or two before the marriage (dhare) day. A few women, usually near
relations of the girl, go to a tank (pond) or well near a Bhutasthana
or garidi, and bring water thence in earthenware pots. The water is
poured over the head of the girl, and she bathes. On the wedding
day, the bride and bridegroom are seated on two planks placed on
the dais. The barber arranges the various articles, such as lights,
rice, flowers, betel leaves and areca nuts, and a vessel filled with
water, which are required for the ceremonial. He joins the hands
of the contracting couple, and their parents, or the headman, place
the nose-screw of the bridesmaid on their hands, and pour the dhare
water over them. This is the binding part of the ceremony, which
is called kai (hand) dhare. Widow remarriage is called bidu dhare,
and the pouring of water is omitted. The bride and bridegroom stand
facing each other, and a cloth is stretched between them. The headman
unites their hands beneath the screen.

If a man has intercourse with a woman, and she becomes pregnant,
he has to marry her according to the bidu dhare rite. Before the
marriage ceremony is performed, he has to grasp a plantain tree with
his right hand, and the tree is then cut down.

At the first menstrual period, a girl is under pollution for ten or
twelve days. On the first day, she is seated within a square (muggu),
and five or seven cocoanuts are tied together so as to form a seat. A
new earthenware pot is placed at each corner of the square. Four
girls from the Gurikara's house sit at the corners close to the
pots. Betel leaves, areca nuts, and turmeric paste are distributed
among the assembled females, and the girls pour water from the pots
over the head of the girl. Again, on the eleventh or the thirteenth
day, the girl sits within the square, and water is poured over her
as before. She then bathes.

The dead are usually cremated, though, in some cases, burial is
resorted to. The corpse is washed and laid on a plantain leaf, and a
new cloth is thrown over it. Some paddy (unhusked rice) is heaped up
near the head and feet, and cocoanut cups containing lighted wicks
are placed thereon. All the relations and friends assembled at the
house dip leafy twigs of the tulsi (Ocimum sanctum) in water, and
allow it to drop into the mouth of the corpse. The body is carried
on a plank to the burning-ground. The collection of wood for the
pyre, or the digging of the grave, is the duty of Holeyas. The wood
of Strychnos Nux-vomica should never be used for the pyre. This is
lighted by placing fire at the two ends thereof. When the flames meet
in the middle, the plantain leaf, paddy, etc., which have been brought
from the house, are thrown into them. On the fifth day, the ashes
are collected, and buried on the spot. If the body has been buried,
a straw figure is made, and burnt over the grave, and the ashes are
buried there. A small conical mound, called dhupe, is made there,
and a tulsi plant stuck in it. By the side of the plant a tender
cocoanut with its eyes opened, tobacco leaf, betel leaves and areca
nuts are placed. On the thirteenth day, the final death ceremonies,
or bojja, are performed. On the evening of the previous day, four
poles, for the construction of the upparige or gudikattu (car),
are planted round the dhupe. At the house, on or near the spot where
the deceased breathed his last, a small bamboo car, in three tiers,
is constructed, and decorated with coloured cloths. This car is
called Nirneralu. A lamp is suspended from the car, and a cot placed
on the ground beneath it, and the jewels and clothes of the dead
person are laid thereon. On the following morning, the upparige is
constructed, with the assistance of the caste barber. A small vessel,
filled with water, is placed within the Nirneralu. The sons-in-law
of the deceased receive a present of new cloths, and, after bathing,
they approach the Nirneralu. The chief mourner takes the vessel from
within it, and pours the water at the foot of a cocoanut tree. The
chief Gurikara pours some water into the empty vessel, and the chief
mourner places it within the Nirneralu. Then seven women measure out
some rice three times, and pour the rice into a tray held by three
women. The rice is taken to a well, and washed, and then brought
back to the car. Jaggery (crude sugar) and cocoanut scrapings are
mixed with the rice, which is placed in a cup by seven women. The cup
is deposited within the car on the cot. The wife or husband of the
deceased throws a small quantity of rice into the cup. She turns the
cup, and a ladle placed by its side, upside down, and covers them with
a plantain leaf. The various articles are collected, and tied up in
a bundle, which is placed in a palanquin, and carried in procession,
by two men to the upparige, which has been constructed over the
dhupe. Nalkes and Paravas (devil-dancers), dressed up as bhutas, may
follow the procession. Those present go thrice round the upparige,
and the chief mourner unties the bundle, and place its contents
on the car. The near relations put rice, and sometimes vegetables,
pumpkins, and plantains, on the plantain leaf. All present then leave
the spot, and the barber removes the cloths from the car, and pulls
it down. Sometimes, if the dead person has been an important member
of the community, a small car is constructed, and taken in procession
round the upparige. On the fourteenth day, food is offered to crows,
and the death ceremonies are at an end.

If a death occurs on an inauspicious day, a ceremony called Kale
deppuni (driving away the ghost) is performed. Ashes are spread on the
floor of the house, and the door is closed. After some time, or on the
following day, the roof of the house is sprinkled with turmeric water,
and beaten with twigs of Zizyphus OEnoplia. The door is then opened,
and the ashes are examined, to see if the marks of the cloven feet of
the ghost are left thereon. If the marks are clear, it is a sign that
the ghost has departed; otherwise a magician is called in to drive
it out. A correspondent naively remarks that, when he has examined
the marks, they were those of the family cat.

In some cases, girls who have died unmarried are supposed to haunt
the house, and bring trouble thereto, and they must be propitiated
by marriage. The girl's relations go in search of a dead boy, and
take from the house where he is a quarter of an anna, which is tied
up between two spoons. The spoons are tied to the roof of the girl's
house. This represents the betrothal ceremony. A day is fixed for
the marriage, and, on the appointed day, two figures, representing
the bride and bridegroom, are drawn on the floor, with the hands
lying one on the other. A quarter-anna, black beads, bangles, and a
nose-screw, are placed on the hands, and water is poured on them. This
is symbolical of the dhare ceremony, and completes the marriage.

The pujaris of all the bhuthasthanas and garidis are Billavas. The
bhutha temples called garidis belong to the Billavas, and the
bhuthas are the Baiderukulu (Koti and Chennayya), Brimmeru (or
Brahmeru) Gunda, Okka Ballala, Kujumba Ganja, and Devanajiri. The
Baiderkulu are believed to be fellow castemen of the Billavas, and
Koti and Chennayya to be descended from an excommunicated Brahman
girl and a Billava. The legend of Koti and Chennayya is recorded
at length by Mr. A. C. Burnell in the Indian Antiquary. [146] The
bhuthas are represented by idols. Brimmeru is the most important,
and the others are subordinate to him. He is represented by a plate
of silver or other metal, bearing the figure of a human being, which
is kept within a car-like stone structure within the shrine. On its
left are two human figures made of clay or stone, which represent
the Baiderukulu. On the right are a man on horseback, and another
figure, representing Okka Ballala and Kujumba Ganja. Other idols
are also set up at the garidi, but outside the main room. They
seem to vary in different localities, and represent bhuthas such as
Jumadi, Pancha Jumadi, Hosabhutha, Kallurti, etc. Brimmeru has been
transformed, by Brahman ingenuity, into Brahma, and all the bhuthas
are converted into Gonas, or attendants on Siva. In the pardhanas
(devil songs) Brimmeru is represented as the principal bhutha, and the
other bhuthas are supposed to visit his sthana. A bhuthasthana never
contains idols, but cots are usually found therein. A sthana may be
dedicated to a single bhutha, or to several bhuthas, and the number
may be ascertained by counting the number of cots, of which each is
set apart for a single bhutha. If the sthana is dedicated to more than
one bhutha, the bhuthas are generally Kodamanithaya, Kukkinathaya,
and Daiva. All the arrangements for the periodical kola, or festival
of the bhuthasthana, are made by the pujari. During the festival, he
frequently becomes possessed. Only such Billavas as are liable to be
possessed are recognised as pujaris. As a sign of their office, they
wear a gold bangle on the right wrist. Further details in connection
with bhutha worship will be found in the articles on Bants, Nalkes,
and Paravas.

Bilva (jackal).--An exogamous sept of Kondra.

Bindhollu (brass water-pot).--An exogamous sept of Jogi.

Binu (roll of woollen thread).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba.

Bissoyi.--The Parlakimedi Maliahs are, I am informed, divided up into
muttahs, and each muttah contains many villages, all ruled over by
a Bissoyi, a sort of feudal chief, who is responsible for keeping
them in order. Concerning the Bissoyis, Mr. S. P. Rice writes [147]
that in the Maliahs "are a number of forts, in which the Bissoyis, or
hill chieftains, reside. Each of them holds a small court of his own;
each has his armed retainers, and his executive staff. They were set to
rule over the hill tracts, to curb the lawlessness of the aboriginal
tribes of the mountains, the Khonds and the Savaras. They were, in
fact, lords of the marches, and were in a measure independent, but
they appear to have been under the suzerainty of the Raja of Kimedi,
and they were also generally responsible to Government. Such men
were valuable friends and dangerous enemies. Their influence among
their own men was complete; their knowledge of their own country
was perfect. It was they, and they only, who could thread their way
through the tangled and well-nigh impenetrable jungle by foot-paths
known only to themselves. Hence, when they became enemies, they could
entrench themselves in positions which were almost impenetrable. Now a
road leads to every fort; the jungles have disappeared; the Bissoyis
still have armed retainers, and still keep a measure of respect;
but their sting is gone, and the officer of Government goes round
every year on the peaceful, if prosaic occupation of examining schools
and inspecting vaccination." The story of the Parlakimedi rebellion,
"a forgotten rebellion" as he calls it, in the last century, and the
share which the Bissoyis took in it, is graphically told by Mr. Rice.

At times of census, Bissoyi has been returned as a title of Doluva,
Kalingi, Kurumo, and Sondi.

Biswalo.--A title of various Oriya castes.

Bochchu (hairs).--An exogamous sept of Odde.

Boda.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a small
cultivating class in Ganjam. Boda is the name of a sub-division
of the Gadabas, who use the fibre of boda luvada (Ficus glomerata)
in the manufacture of their female garments.

Boda Dasari (bald-headed mendicant).--An exogamous sept of Jogi.

Boddu (navel).--An exogamous sept, or sub-division of Idigas and
Asilis. It is recorded in the Gazetteer of the Bellary district, that
"in the middle of the threshold of nearly all the gateways of the
ruined fortifications round the Bellary villages will be noticed a
roughly cylindrical or conical stone, something like a lingam. This
is the Boddu-rayi, literally the navel stone, and so the middle
stone. Once a year, in May, just before the sowing season begins,
a ceremony takes place in connection with it." (See Bariki.)

Bodo (big).--A sub-division of Bottada, Mali, Omanaito, Pentia, and
other castes. Bodo Nayak is a title among the Gadabas, and Bodo Odiya
occurs as a sub-division of Sondi.

Bogam.--See Deva-dasi and Sani.

Bogara.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as "Canarese
brass and copper-smiths: a sub-division of Panchala." From a note on
the Jains of the Bellary district [148] I gather that "there is a class
of people called Bogaras in the Harpanahalli taluk, and in the town of
Harpanahalli itself, side by side with the Jains. They are a thriving
class, and trade in brass and copper wares. The Bogaras practice the
Jaina religion, have the same gotras, freely worship in Jain temples,
and are accepted into Jaina society. Evidently they are a sub-division
of the Jains, though now excluded from inter-marriage." It is said that
"arrangements are now being made (through the Jaina Bhattacharya at
Kolhapur) to enable Bogaras to intermarry with the Jains."

Bogarlu.--Occurs as the name of a class of agricultural labourers in
the Vizagapatam Agency, who are probably workers in metal who have
taken to agriculture.

Boggula (charcoal).--An exogamous sept of Boya and Devanga.

Bohora.--The Bohoras or Boras are "Musalman converts from the Bombay
side. They are traders. In Madras they have their own high priest
and their own mosque (in Georgetown). It is said that, when one of
them dies, the high priest writes a note to the archangels Michael,
Israel and Gabriel, asking them to take care of him in Paradise,
and that the note is placed in the coffin." [149] They consider
themselves as a superior class, and, if a member of another section
enters their mosque, they clean the spot occupied by him during his
prayers. They take part in certain Hindu festivals, e.g., Dipavali,
or feast of lights, at which crackers are let off.

Boidyo.--Recorded under the name Boyidyo, in the Madras Census Report,
1901, as "literally a physician: a sub-caste of Pandito." There is
said to be no difference between Panditos and Boidyos. In Ganjam they
are known by the former, elsewhere by the latter name.

Boipari.--A synonym of Lambadi. (See Bepari.)

Boishnobo.--The Boishnobos have been defined as a class of Oriya
religious mendicants and priests to Sudras. The name means worshippers
of Bishnu or Vishnu. Most of them are followers of Chaitanya, the
great Bengali reformer.

Boksha.--Boksha or Boksham (treasury) is the name of a sub-division of
Gollas, indicating their employment as treasury servants in guarding
and carrying treasure. In some places, those who are employed in
packing and lifting bags of money in district treasuries are still
called Gollas, though they may belong to some other caste. In the
Census Report, 1901, Bokkisha Vadugar (treasury northerner) was
returned as a Tamil synonym for Golla.

Bolasi.--The Bolasis are a caste of Oriya cultivators, who are largely
found in the Gumsur taluk of Ganjam. Many of them serve as paiks or
peons. The original name of the caste is said to have been Thadia,
which has been changed in favour of Bolasi (Bayalisi, forty-two) in
reference to the caste being one of the recognized forty-two Oriya
Sudra castes. It is also suggested that the name is derived from bola
(anklets), as the women wear heavy brass anklets.

Their ceremonial rites connected with marriage, death, etc.,
are similar to those of the Doluvas, Gaudos, Badhoyis, and other
castes. Marriage is infant, and, if a girl does not secure a husband
before she reaches maturity, she goes through a form of marriage
with an arrow or a grinding stone. The Bolasis are Vaishnavites, and
observe the Paramartho or Chaitanya form thereof. The caste titles
are Podhano, Nayako, Daso, Mahanti, Patro, Sahu, Jenna, and Konhoro.

Gudiyas who are engaged in agriculture are sometimes known as Bolasi
Gudiyas.

Bolodia.--The name of a section of Tellis, who use pack-bullocks
(bolodo, an ox) for carrying grain about the country. Some Gaudos,
at times of census, have also returned Bolodia as their sub-division.

Bombadai (a fish).--A gotra of Medara. The equivalent Bomidi occurs as
an exogamous sept of Mala. Members of the Vamma gotra of the Janappans
abstain from eating this fish, because, when some of their ancestors
went to fetch water in a marriage pot, they found a number of this
fish in the water collected in the pot.

Bomma (a doll).--An exogamous sept of Padma Sale. The equivalent
Bommala occurs as an exogamous sept of Mala. The Bommalatavallu are
said [150] to exhibit shows in the Vizagapatam district.

Bommali.--A sub-division of the Koronos of Ganjam.

Bonda.--A sub-division of Poroja.

Bondia.--A small class, inhabiting Ganjam. The name is said to be
derived from bondono, meaning praise, as the Bondias are those who
praise and flatter Rajas.

Bondili.--In the Madras Census Report, 1891, the Bondilis are "said
to derive their name from Bundelkund. They claim to be Rajputs,
but appear to have degenerated. The Sivaites of this sect are said
to bury their dead, while the Vishnavaites burn. In the Kadri taluk
of Cuddapah all are said to bury. The custom in this respect appears
to differ in different localities. Besides Siva and Vishnu worship,
three of the eight authorities who give particulars of this section
agree that they worship village deities as well. All state that
remarriage of widows is not permitted. They are generally cultivators,
peons, or the body-guards of Zemindars." The Bondilis of the North
Arcot district are described by Mr. H. A. Stuart [151] as being
"foreigners from Bundelkund, from which fact their name originates,
and of various Vaisya and Sudra castes; the former having the
termination Lala to their names, and the latter that of Ram. Many
of the Sudra Bondilis, however, improperly take the title Singh,
and say they are Kshatriyas, that is, Rajputs. The Vaisya Bondilis
are few in number, and only found in Vellore, Chittoor and Arni,
where they are usually money-lenders. The Sudras are mostly sepoys,
constables, or revenue peons. Some say that they are not even Sudras,
but the descendants of Rajputs by women of the country, and probably
many of them are such. All are very particular with respect to eating
with an other professed Bondili, and refuse to do so unless they are
quite certain that he is of their class. In their marriage customs
they resemble the Rajputs."

I am informed that one section of the Bondilis is named Toli, in
reference to their being workers in leather. There is, at Venkatagiri,
a street called Toli mitta, or Toli quarters, and, in former days,
the inhabitants thereof were not allowed to enter the temples.

In the Census Report, 1901, Guvalo, or traders from Sambalpur, is
returned as a sub-caste of Bondili.

Boniya.--The Oriya name for Baniya (trader). Boniya Korono appears
[152] as the name for traders and shopkeepers in Ganjam.

Bonka.--Recorded, in the Vizagapatam Manual, as cultivators in the
Jeypore hills, and, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a small
Oriya caste of hill cultivators, which has three sub-divisions, Bonka,
Pata Bonka, and Goru Bonka.

Bonthuk.--The Bonthuks or Bonthuk Savaras are scattered about the
Kistna and Guntur districts, and lead a nomad life, carrying their
small dwelling-huts with them as they shift from place to place. They
are called Bonthuk Savaras to distinguish them from the Pothra (stone)
Savaras, who dwell further north. By Telugu people they are called
Chenchu or Bontha Chenchu, though they have no connection with the
Chenchus who inhabit the hills in Kurnool, and other parts of the
Telugu country. The Bonthuks, however, like the Chenchus, claim Ahobila
Narasimha as their tribal deity. The Bonthuks speak the Oriya language,
and they have a Mongoloid type of features, such as are possessed
by the Savaras of Ganjam and Vizagapatam. Their house-names, or
intiperalu, however are Telugu. These constitute exogamous septs, and
seem to be as follows:--Pasupuretti, Simhadri (the god at Simhachalam
near Vizagapatam), Koneti, Dasapatri, Gedala (buffaloes), Kudumala
(cakes), Akula (leaves), Sunkara, and Tota (garden). At marriages,
individuals of the Pasupuretti sept officiate as priests, and members
of the Koneti sept as drummers and musicians. Men belonging to the
Gedalu sept are considered as equivalent to shepherds.

The Bonthuks have a very interesting way of naming their children. If
a child is born when an official or person of some distinction
happens to be near their encampment, it is named after him. Thus
such names as Collector, Tahsildar, Kolnol (Colonel), Governor,
Innes, Superintendent, and Acharlu (after one Sukracharlu) are met
with. Sometimes children are named after a town or village, either
because they were born there, or in the performance of a vow to some
place of pilgrimage. In this way, such names as Hyderabad, Channapatam
(Madras), Bandar (Masulipatam), Nellore, and Tirupati arise. A boy
was named Tuyya (parrot), because a parrot was brought into the
settlement at the time of his birth. Another child was called Beni
because, at its birth, a bamboo flute (beni) was played.

Every settlement is said to have a headman, called Bichadi, who, in
consultation with several elders of the tribe, settles disputes and
various affairs affecting the community. If an individual has been
fined, and does not accept the punishment, he may appeal to another
Bichadi, who may enhance the fine. Sometimes those who do not agree to
abide by the decision of the Bichadi have to undergo a trial by ordeal,
by taking out an areca nut from a pot of boiling cowdung water. The
dimensions of the pot, in height and breadth, should not exceed the
span of the hand, and the height of the cowdung water in the pot
should be that of the middle finger from the base to the tip. If, in
removing the nut from the pot, the hand is injured, the guilt of the
individual is proved. Before the trial by ordeal, a sum of ten rupees
is deposited by both complainant and accused with the Bichadi, and
the person under trial may not live in his dwelling-hut. He lives in a
grove or in the forest, watched by two members of the Pasupuretti sept.

The Bonthuks are engaged in collecting bamboos, and selling them after
straightening them by heating them in the fire. Before the bamboos are
placed in carts, for conveyance to the settlement, a goat and fowls
are sacrificed to Satyamma, Dodlamma, Muthyalamma, and Pothuraju,
who are represented by stones.

Girls are married before puberty, and, if a girl happens to be
mated only after she has reached maturity, there is no marriage
ceremonial. The marriage rites last over five days, on the first
of which a brass vessel, with a thread tied round its neck, and
containing turmeric water and the oyila tokka or tonko (bride's
money), is carried in procession to the bride's hut on the head of a
married girl belonging to a sept other than those of the contracting
couple. She has on her head a hood decorated with little bells, and
the vessel is supported on a cloth pad. When the hut is reached,
the bride's money is handed over to the Bichadi, and the turmeric
water is poured on the ground. The bride's money is divided between
her parents and maternal uncle, the Bichadi, and the caste men. A
pig is purchased, and carried by two men on a pole to the scene of
the marriage. The caste people, and the married girl carrying a brass
vessel, go round the animal, to the accompaniment of music. The girl,
as she goes round, pours water from the vessel on the ground. A thread
is tied round the neck of the pig, which is taken to the bridegroom's
hut, and cut up into two portions, for the parties of the bridegroom
and bride, of which the former is cooked and eaten on the same day. At
the homes of the bride and bridegroom, a pandal (booth) and dais are
erected. The materials for the former are brought by seven women,
and for the latter by nine men. The pandal is usually decorated with
mango and Eugenia Arnoltiana leaves. After supper, some relations of
the contracting couple go to an open space, where the Bichadi, who
has by him two pots and two bashingams (chaplets) of arka (Calotropis
gigantea) flowers, is seated with a few men. The fathers of the bride
and bridegroom ask the Bichadi to give them the bashingams, and this
he does after receiving an assurance that the wedding will not be
attended by quarrelling. The bride and bridegroom take their seats on
the dais at the home of the latter, and the officiating priest ties
the bashingams on their foreheads. Nine men and seven women stand near
the dais, and a thread is passed round them seven times. This thread
is cut up by the priest, and used for the kankanams (wrist threads)
of the bride and bridegroom. These are removed, at the close of the
marriage festivities, on the fifth day.

When a girl attains maturity, she is under pollution for nine days, at
the conclusion of which the Bichadi receives a small present of money
from her parents. Her husband, and his agnates (people of his sept)
also have to observe pollution, and, on the ninth day, the cooking pots
which they have used are thrown away, and they proceed to the Bichadi,
to whom they make a present of money, as they have probably broken
the tribal rule that smoking is forbidden when under pollution. On
the ninth day, the girl and her husband throw water over each other,
and the marriage is consummated.

The dead are usually buried, lying on the left side. On the second day,
food is offered to crows and Brahmani kites. On the eleventh day,
a mat is spread on the floor of the hut, and covered with a clean
sheet, on which balls of food are placed. The dead person is invoked
by name, as the various people deposit the food offering. The food is
finally put into a winnowing basket, and taken to the bank of a tank
(pond). A small hut is made there, and the food is placed therein on
two leaves, one of which represents the Yama Dutas (servants of the
god of death), the other the deceased.

Boori (cake).--An exogamous sept of Mala.

Bosantiya.--The Bosantiyas are summed up, in the Madras Census
Report, 1901, as "Oriya cultivators found in the northern
taluks of Ganjam. They are said by some to have been originally
dyers." I am informed that the caste name has reference to the
fact that the occupation thereof was the collection of the fruits
of Mallotus philippinensis, and trade in the dye (bosonto gundi)
obtained therefrom. The dye, commonly known as kamela, or kamala,
is the powdery substance obtained as a glandular pubescence from the
exterior of the fruits. The following note on the dye was published
in the Indian Forester, 1892. "Among the many rich natural products
of Ganjam, probably the most esteemed in commerce is the red kamela
dye, the valuable product of the Mallotus philippinensis. This tree,
with its lovely scarlet berries and vivid emerald green foliage, is
a marked feature of forest scenery in Ganjam. The berries are coated
with a beautiful red powder, which constitutes the dye. This powder is
collected by being brushed off into baskets made for the purpose, but
the method of collection is reckless and wasteful in the extreme, the
trees being often felled in order to reach the berries more easily. The
industry is a monopoly of the Hill Khonds, who, however, turn it to
little advantage. They are ignorant of the great commercial value of
the dye, and part with the powder to the low-country dealers settled
among them for a few measures of rice or a yard or two of cloth. The
industry is capable of great development, and a large fortune awaits
the firm or individual with sufficient enterprise to enter into
rivalry with the low-country native dealers settled among the Khonds,
who at present enjoy a monopoly of the trade. It is notorious that
these men are accumulating vast profits in respect of this dye. The
tree is cultivated largely by the Khonds in their forest villages."

The Bosantiyas seem to have no sub-divisions, but exogamous
gotras, e.g., nagasira (cobra) and kochimo (tortoise) exist among
them. Socially they are on a par with the Bhondaris, and above
Pachchilia Gaudos and Samantiyas. They have a headman called Bissoyi,
who is assisted by a Bhollobaya, and they have further a caste
messenger called Jati Naiko. The caste titles are Bissoyi and Nahako.

Most of the Bosantiyas are Saivites, but a few follow the Paramartho
form of Vaishnavism. They also worship various Takuranis (village
deities), such as Kotaru and Chondi.

In the Vizagapatam Manual (1869), Bosuntea is described as a caste
of Paiks or fighting men in the Vizagapatam district (Jeypore).

Bottada.--The Bottadas are, Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [153] "a Class of
Uriya cultivators and labourers, speaking Muria or Lucia, otherwise
known as Basturia, a dialect of Uriya. Mr. Taylor says the caste is
the same as Muria, which is shown separately in the tables, and in
Mr. H. G. Turner's notes in the Census Report of 1871. But, whether
identical or distinct, it seems clear that both are sub-divisions of
the great Gond tribe."

For the following note, I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. There
is a current tradition that the caste originally dwelt at Barthagada,
and emigrated to Vizagapatam long ago. It is vaguely mentioned that
Barthagada was situated towards and beyond Bastar, near which place
there are still to be found people of this caste, with whom those
living in the Vizagapatam Agency intermarry. The caste is divided
into three endogamous divisions, viz.:--


    (1) Bodo, or genuine Bottadas;
    (2) Madhya, descendants of Bottada men and non-Bottada women;
    (3) Sanno, descendants of Madhya men and non-Madhya women. The
        Bodos will not interdine with the other two sections, but
        males of these will eat with Bodos.


The following notes refer to the Bodo section, in which various
exogamous septs, or bamsa, exist, of which the following are
examples:--


    Kochchimo, tortoise.      Kukkuro, dog.
    Bhag, tiger.              Makado, monkey.
    Goyi, lizard (Varanus).   Cheli, goat.
    Nag, cobra.


Girls are married either before or after puberty. A man can claim
his paternal aunt's daughter in marriage. When a marriage is under
contemplation, the prospective bridegroom's parents take maddho
(liquor) and chada (beaten rice) to the girl's house, where they are
accepted or refused, according as her parents agree to, or disapprove
of the match. After a stated period, further presents of liquor,
rice, black gram, dhal, salt, chillies, and jaggery (crude sugar)
are brought, and betel leaves and areca nuts given in exchange. Two
days later the girl's parents pay a return visit to those of the
young man. After another interval, the marriage takes place. Nine
days before its celebration, paddy (unhusked rice) and Rs. 2 are
taken to the bride's house as jholla tonka, and a feast is held. At
the bridegroom's house, a pandal, made of nine sorghi or sal (Shorca
robusta) posts, is erected, with a pot of turmeric water tied to the
central post. The bride is conducted thither. At the marriage rites the
Desari officiates. The ends of the cloths of the contracting couple
are tied together, and their little fingers are linked together,
while they go, with pieces of turmeric and rice in their hands,
seven times round the pandal. The sacred fire, or homam, is raised,
and into it seven or nine different kinds of wood, ghi (clarified
butter), milk, rice and jaggery are thrown. Turmeric-rice dots are put
on the foreheads of the bride and bridegroom by the Desari, parents,
and relations. They are anointed with castor-oil, and bathed with the
water contained in the pot tied to the post. New cloths are presented
to them, and a caste feast is held.

Widow remarriage is permitted, and a younger brother often marries
the widow of his elder brother. If, however, she marries any one else,
her new husband has to pay rand tonka, consisting of liquor, a sheep or
goat, and rice, as a fine to the caste, or he may compound for payment
of five rupees. Divorce is permitted, and, if a man divorces his wife,
he usually gives her some paddy, a new cloth, and a rupee. If the
woman divorces herself from her husband, and contracts an alliance
with another man, the latter has to pay a fine of twenty rupees to
the first husband, a portion of which is spent on a feast, at which
the two husbands and the woman are present.

The dead are burned, and death pollution is observed for ten days,
during which no agricultural work is done, and no food is cooked in
the bamsa of the deceased, which is fed by some related bamsa. On
the day following cremation, a new pot with water, and some sand
are carried to the spot where the corpse was burnt. A bed of sand is
made, in which a banyan (Ficus bengalensis) or pipal (Ficus religiosa)
is planted. A hole is made in the pot, and the plant watered. On the
tenth day, on which a bath is taken, some fried rice and a new pot
are carried to the burning-ground, and left there.

The Bottadas have the reputation of being the best cultivators in the
Jeypore Agency, and they take a high position in social rank. Many of
them wear the sacred thread, at the time of marriage and subsequently,
and it is said that the right to wear it was acquired by purchase
from former Rajas of Jeypore.

Bottu Kattoru (those who tie the bottu).--A sub-division of
Kappiliyans, who are Canarese cultivators settled in the Tamil
district of Madura. The bottu (marriage badge) is the equivalent of
the Tamil tali.

Bovi.--The name of the palanquin-bearing section of the Mogers of South
Canara. Some Besthas from Mysore, who have settled in this district,
are also called Bovi, which is a form of Boyi (bearer).

Boya (see Bedar).--Boya has also been recorded [154] as a sub-division
of Mala, a name for Ekari.

Boyan.--A title of Odde.

Boyi (see Bestha).--It is also the title of one of the chief men
among the Savaras.

Brahman.--The Brahmans of Southern India are divided into a number
of sections, differing in language, manners and customs. As regards
their origin, the current belief is that they sprang from the mouth
of Brahma. In support thereof, the following verse from the Purusha
Suktha (hymn of the primæval male) of the Rig Veda is quoted:--From
the face of Prajapathi (Viratpurusha) came the Brahmans; from the
arms arose the Kshatriyas; from the thighs sprang the Vaisyas; and
from the feet the Sudras. Mention of the fourfold division of the
Hindu castes is also made in other Vedas, and in Ithihasas and Puranas.

The Brahmans fall into three groups, following the three Vedas or
Sakas, Rig, Yajus, and Samam. This threefold division is, however,
recognised only for ceremonial purposes. For marriage and social
purposes, the divisions based on language and locality are practically
more operative. In the matter of the more important religious rites,
the Brahmans of Southern India, as elsewhere, closely follow their
own Vedas. Every Brahman belongs to one or other of the numerous
gotras mentioned in Pravara and Gotra Kandams. All the religious
rites are performed according to the Grihya Sutras (ritual books)
pertaining to their Saka or Veda. Of these, there are eight kinds
now in vogue, viz.:--


    1. Asvalayana Sutra of the Rig Veda.
    2. Apasthamba  |
    3. Bharadwaja  |
    4. Bhodayana   | Sutras of the black Yajus.
    5. Sathyashada |
    6. Vaikkanasa  |
    7. Kathyayana Sutra of the white Yajus.
    8. Drahyayana Sutra of Sama Veda.


All Brahmans claim descent from one or more of the following
seven Rishis:--Atri, Bhrigu, Kutsa, Vashista, Gautama, Kasyapa,
Angiras. According to some, the Rishis are Agasthya, Angiras, Atri,
Bhrigu, Kasyapa, Vashista, and Gautama. Under these Rishis are
included eighteen ganams, and under each ganam there are a number
of gotras, amounting in all to about 230. Every Brahman is expected
to salute his superiors by repeating the Abhivadhanam (salutation)
which contains his lineage. As an example, the following may be
given:--"I, Krishna by name, of Srivathsa gotra, with the pravara
(lineage) of the five Rishis, Bhargava, Chyavana, Apnuvana, Aruva,
and Jamadagni, following the Apasthamba sutra of the Yajus Saka,
am now saluting you." Daily, at the close of the Sandhya prayers,
this Abhivadhanam formula should be repeated by every Brahman.

Taking the Brahmans as a whole, it is customary to group them in two
main divisions, the Pancha Dravidas and Pancha Gaudas. The Pancha
Dravidas are pure vegetarians, whereas the Pancha Gaudas need not
abstain from meat and fish, though some, who live amidst the Pancha
Dravidas, do so. Other differences will be noted in connection with
Oriya Brahmans, who belong to the Pancha Gauda section. In South India,
all Brahmans, except those who speak the Oriya and Konkani languages,
are Pancha Dravidas, who are divided into five sections, viz.:--


    1. Tamil, or Dravida proper.
    2. Telugu or Andhra.
    3. Canarese, or Carnataka.
    4. Marathi or Desastha.
    5. Guzarati.


The Tulu-speaking Shivalli Brahmans are included among the Carnatakas;
the Pattar and Nambutiri Brahmans (see Nambutiri) among the Dravidas
proper.

From a religious point of view, the Brahmans are either Saivites or
Vaishnavites. The Saivites are either Saivites proper, or Smarthas. The
Smarthas believe that the soul of man is only a portion of the infinite
spirit (atman), and that it is capable of becoming absorbed into
the atman. They recognise the Trimurtis, Brahma, Vishnu, and Siva as
separate gods, but only as equal manifestations of the supreme spirit,
and that, in the end, these are to be absorbed into the infinite
spirit, and so disappear. Saivas, on the other hand, do not recognise
the Trimurtis, and believe only in one god, Siva, who is self-existent,
and not liable to lose his personality. Of Vaishnavites there are three
kinds, viz., those who are the followers of Chaitanya, Ramanuja, and
Madhvacharya. Like the Smarthas, the Vaishnavites recognise Brahma,
Vishnu, and Siva, but Vishnu is supposed to be the chief god, to whom
the others are subordinate.

"Vaishnavas," Monier Williams writes, [155] "are believers in the
one personal god Vishnu, not only as the preserver, but as above
every other god, including Siva. It should be noted, too, that both
Saivites and Vaishnavas agree in attributing an essential form of
qualities to the Supreme Being. Their one god, in fact, exists in
an eternal body, which is antecedent to his earthly incarnations,
and survives all such incarnations." He adds that "it cannot be
doubted that one great conservative element of Hinduism is the many
sidedness of Vaishnavism. For Vaishnavism is, like Buddhism, the most
tolerant of systems. It is always ready to accommodate itself to other
creeds, and delights in appropriating to itself the religious idea
of all the nations of the world. It admits of every form of internal
development. It has no organised hierarchy under one supreme head,
but it may have any number of separate associations under separate
leaders, who are ever banding themselves together for the extension
of spiritual supremacy over ever increasing masses of population."

The Oriya Brahmans, who follow the creed of Chaitanya, are called
Paramarthos, and are confined to the Ganjam district. There is no
objection to intermarriage between Smartha and Paramartho Oriya
Brahmans.

Sri Vaishnavas (who put on the namam as a sectarian mark) and Madhvas
are exclusive as regards intermarriage, but the Madhvas have no
objection to taking meals with, and at the houses of Smarthas,
whereas Sri Vaishnavas object to doing so.

According to the Sutras, a Brahman has to go through the following
samskaras (rites):--


        1. Garbhadana.          6. Annaprasanam
        2. Pumsavanam.          7. Chaulam.
        3. Simantam.            8. Upanayanam
        4. Jatakarmam.          9. Vivaham.
        5. Namakaranam.


These rites are supposed to purify the body and spirit from the taint
transmitted through the womb of the mother, but all of them are not
at the present day performed at the proper time, and in regular order.

The Garbhadhana, or impregnation ceremony, should, according to
the Grihya Sutras, be performed on the fourth day of the marriage
ceremonies. But, as the bride is a young girl, it is omitted, or Vedic
texts are repeated. The Garbhadhana ceremony is performed, after
the girl has attained puberty. At the time of consummation or Ritu
Santhi, the following verse is repeated:--"Let all pervading Vishnu
prepare her womb; let the Creator shape its forms; let Prajapathi be
the impregnator; let the Creator give the embryo."

Pumsavanam and Simantam are two ceremonies, which are performed
together during the seventh or ninth month of the first pregnancy,
though, according to the Grihya Sutras, the former should be performed
in the third month. At the Pumsavanam, or male producing ceremony,
the pregnant woman fasts, and her husband squeezes into her right
nostril a little juice from the fruit and twig of the alam tree
(Ficus bengalensis), saying "Thou art a male child." The twig selected
should be one pointing, east or north; with two fruits looking like
testicles. The twig is placed on a grinding-stone, and a girl, who has
not attained puberty, is asked to pound it. The pulp is wrapped in a
new silk cloth, and squeezed to express the juice. On the conclusion
of the Pumsavanam, the Simantam, or parting the pregnant woman's
hair, is gone through. After oblations in the sacred fire (homam),
the woman's husband takes a porcupine quill, to which three blades
of dharbha grass, and a twig with fruits of the aththi tree (Ficus
glomerata) are attached, and passes it over the woman's head from
before backwards, parting the hair.

The Jatakarmam, Namakaranam, Annaprasanam, and Chaulam rites
are ordinarily celebrated, one after the other, on the Upanayanam
day. Jatakarmam consists in smearing some ghi (clarified butter) and
honey on the tongue of the baby, and repeating the following verses
from the Rig Veda:--"Oh! long lived one, mayst thou live a hundred
years in this world, protected by the gods. Become firm as a rock,
firm as an axe, pure as gold. Thou art the Veda called a son; live
thou a hundred years. May Indra bestow on thee his best treasures. May
Savitri, may Sarasvati, may the Asvins grant thee wisdom."

At the Namakaranam, or naming ceremony, the parents of the child
pronounce its name close to its ear, and repeat the Vedic prayer to
Indra and Agni "May Indra give you lustre, and Indra semen, wisdom,
and children."

The Annaprasanam, or food-giving ceremony, should be performed during
the sixth month after birth. A little solid food is put into the
child's mouth, and the following Vedic verses are repeated:--"Agni
who lives on plants, Soma who lives on soma juice, Brahmans who live
on the Vedas, and Devatas who live on amartam (ambrosia), may they
bless you. As the earth gives food to plants and water, so I give you
this food. May these waters and plants give you prosperity and health."

At the Chaulam, or tonsure ceremony, the child is seated in his
mother's lap. The father, taking a few blades of dharbha grass in his
hand, sprinkles water over the child's head. Seven times he inserts
blades of dharbha in the hair of the head (three blades each time),
saying "Oh! divine grass, protect him." He then cuts off the tips of
the blades, and throws them away. The father is expected, according to
the Grihya Sutras, to shave or cut the child's hair. At the present
day, however, the barber is called in, and shaves the head, leaving
one lock or more according to local custom.

The Upanayana, or leading a boy to his guru or spiritual teacher, is
essentially a ceremony of initiation. From an orthodox point of view,
this ceremony should be performed before the age of eight years,
but in practice it is deferred even up to the age of seventeen. It
usually commences with the arrangement of seed-pans containing
nine kinds of grain, and tying a thread or pratisaram on the boy's
wrist. After this, the Abyudayam, or invocation of ancestors, is gone
through. The boy sits in front of the sacred fire, and his father,
or some other person, sits by his side, to help him in the ceremonial
and act the part of guru. He places over the boy's head blades of
dharbha grass so that the tips are towards the east, south, west,
and north. The tips are cut off, and the following Vedic verses are
repeated:--"Please permit me to shave the head of this boy with the
knife used by the sun for shaving Soma. He is to be shaved, because
it will bring him long life and old age. May the boy become great,
and not die a premature death. May he outshine all in glory." The
boy is then shaved by a barber, and more Vedic verses are repeated,
which run as follows:--"You are shaving with a sharp razor, so that
this shaving may enable him to live long. Brihaspathi, Surya, and
Agni shaved the hair of the head of Varuna, and placed the hairs in
the middle regions of the sky, earth, and in swarga. I shall place
the hairs removed by me at the foot of the audambara tree (Ficus
glomerata), or in the clumps of dharbha grass." The boy then bathes,
and comes near the sacred fire. After ghi has been poured thereon, a
bundle of palasa (Butea frondosa) sticks is given to him, and he puts
it on the fire after repeating certain Vedic riks. A grinding-stone
is placed on one side of the fire, and the boy treads on it, while
the following verse is repeated:--"Tread on this stone, and may
you be as firm as it is. May you subdue thy enemies." A new cloth
is given to him, which he puts on. The following verses are then
repeated:--"Oh! cloth, Revathi and others have spun, woven, spread
out, and put skirts on both sides of you. May these goddesses clothe
the boy with long life. Blessed with life, put on this cloth. Dress
the boy with this cloth. By wearing it, let him attain a hundred
years of age. May his life be extended. Such a garment as this was
given to Soma by Brihaspathi to wear. Mayst thou reach old age. Put
on this cloth. Be a protector to all people. May you live a hundred
years with full vigour. May you have plenty of wealth." After the boy
has put on the cloth, the following is repeated:--"You have put on
this cloth for the sake of blessing. You have become the protector of
your friends. Live a hundred years. A noble man, blessed with life,
mayst thou obtain wealth." A girdle (minji) spun from grass is wound
thrice round the boy's body, and tied with a knot opposite the navel,
or to the left of it. The following verses are repeated:--"This blessed
girdle, the friend of the gods, has come to us to remove our sins, to
purify and protect us, bring strength to us by the power of exhalation
and inhalation. Protect, Oh! girdle, our wealth and meditation. Destroy
our enemies, and guard us on all the four sides." A small piece of
deer-skin is next tied on to the sacred thread, which has been put
on the boy soon after the shaving rite. The following verses are
repeated:--"Oh! skin which is full of lustre because Mitra sees you,
full of glory and one that is not fit for wicked people, I am now
putting you on. May Aditi tuck up thy garment. Thou mayst read Vedas,
and grow wise. Thou mayst not forget what you have read. Mayst thou
become holy and glorious." The boy seats himself next to the guru,
and close to the sacred fire, and repeats the following:--"I have come
near the spiritual teacher, my Acharya. May the teacher and myself
become prosperous. May I also complete my Vedic studies properly,
and let me be blessed with a married life after the study." The
guru sprinkles water over the boy three times, and, taking hold of
his hand, says:--"Agni, Soman, Savitha, Sarasvati, Pusha, Aryaman,
Amsuhu, Bagadevata, and Mitra have seized thy hand. They have taken
you over to them, and you have become friends." Then he hands over
the boy to the gods by repeating:--"We give you to Agni, Soman,
Savitha, Sarasvati, Mrityu, Yaman, Gadhan, Andhakan, Abhaya, Oshadhi,
Prithvi, and Vaisvanara. With the permission of Surya, I am allowing
you to approach me. Oh! boy, may you have children full of lustre, and
capable of becoming heroes." The boy then repeats the following:--"I
am come to be a student. You that have obtained permission from the
Surya, please take me." The teacher asks, "Who are you? What is your
name?" The boy gives out his name, and the teacher enquires of him what
kind of Brahmachari he is. The boy replies that he is a Brahmachari
for Atman, and repeats the following:--"Oh! sun, the lord of all ways,
through your grace I am about to begin my studies, which will do good
to me." The teacher and the boy take their seats on dharbha grass,
and say:--"Oh! dharbha, a giver of royal power, a teacher's seat,
may I not withdraw from thee." The boy then pours some ghi on to the
sacred fire. A cloth is thrown over both the teacher and the boy,
and the latter asks the former to recite the Savitri. The
following Gayatri is repeated into his ear:--"Let us meditate on
that excellent glory of the divine vivifier. May he illumine our
understandings." The boy touches his own upper lip with his right
hand, and says:--"Oh! Prana, I have become illumined, having heard
the Savitri. Protect and guard this wealth that has entered me, the
Gayatri or Savitri." He then takes the palasa staff, and the teacher
says:--"Up with life. Oh! sun, this is thy son. I give him in charge to
thee." The boy then worships the sun thus:--"That bright eye created by
the gods, which rises in the east, may we see it a hundred autumns;
may we live a hundred autumns; may we rejoice a hundred autumns;
may we live a hundred autumns; may we rejoice a hundred autumns;
may we be glad a hundred autumns; may we prosper a hundred autumns;
may we speak a hundred autumns; may we live undecaying a hundred
autumns; and may we long see the sun." The ceremonial is brought to
a close on the first day by the boy begging rice from his mother and
other female relations. A basket, filled with rice, is placed in a
pandal (booth), and the boy stands near it, repeating "Please give me
alms." Each woman pours some rice into a tray which he carries, and
presents him with some money and betel leaves. The rice is placed in
the basket. On the second and third days, the boy puts palasa sticks
into the sacred fire, and pours ghi thereon. On the fourth day,
the new cloth is given to the teacher.

The wearing of the sacred thread is a sign that the boy has
gone through the upanayanam ceremony. It is noted [156] by the
Rev. A. Margöschis that "the son of Brahman parents is not reckoned
to be a Brahman (i.e., he may not take part in religious ceremonies)
until he has gone through the ceremony of assuming the sacred thread;
and I have heard Brahman boys wearing the thread taunting a boy of
Brahman birth, and calling him a Sudra, because he had not yet assumed
the holy thread." The thread is composed of three threads of cotton
secured together in one spot by a sacred knot of peculiar construction,
called Brahma Grandhi. The knot in the sacred thread worn by Vaishnava
Brahmans is called Vishnu Grandhi, and that in the thread of Smarthas
Rudra Grandhi. In the preparation of the thread, cotton sold in the
bazaar may not be used; the bolls ought to be secured direct from the
plant. Here and there Brahmans may be seen in villages, removing the
cotton from the bolls, and preparing it into pads for spinning into
thread. Those who teach students the Vedas may be seen spinning the
thread from these pads. The spinning rod is a thin piece of bamboo
stick weighted with a lead or soapstone disc about half an inch in
diameter. The thin thread is kept in stock, and twisted into the sacred
thread whenever it is required. Three or more people usually take part
in the twisting process, during which they chant Vedic verses. In the
Srutis and Sutras, it is enjoined that the Yagnopavita (sacred thread)
is to be put on only on occasions of sacrifice. It ought really to be
a vestment, and is a symbolical representation thereof. Ordinarily
the thread is worn over the left shoulder in the position called
Upavitham. In ceremonies connected with the dead, however, it is worn
over the right shoulder in the position called prachinavithi. At the
time of worshipping Rishis and Ganas, the thread should be over both
shoulders and round the neck in the position called nivithi.

The grass girdle and deer-skin worn by a youth at the Upanayanam
ceremony are removed on the fifth day, or, among the orthodox,
kept on until the first Upakarmam day. They, and the palasa
stick, should be retained by the Brahmachari till the close of his
studentship. Nambutiri Brahman lads of eight or nine years old, who
have gone through the Upanayanam ceremony, always carry with them
the palasa stick, and wear the grass girdle, and, in addition to
the sacred thread, a thin strip of deer-skin in length equal to the
thread. Round the waist he wears a narrow strip of cloth (kaupinam)
passed between the legs. He may cover his breast and abdomen with
a cloth thrown over his body. He is thus clad until his marriage,
or at least until he has concluded the study of the Vedas.

The marriage rites in vogue at the present day resemble those of
Vedic times in all essential particulars. All sections of Brahmans
closely follow the Grihya Sutras relating to their sakha. The marriage
ceremonies commence with the Nischyathartham or betrothal ceremony. The
bridegroom being seated on a plank amidst a number of Brahmans,
Vedic verses are repeated, and, after the bestowal of blessings,
the bride's father proclaims that he intends giving his daughter
in marriage to the bridegroom, and that he may come for the purpose
after the completion of the Vratam ceremony. For this ceremony, the
bridegroom, after being shaved, dresses up. Meanwhile, the Brahmans who
have been invited assemble. The bridegroom sits on the marriage dais,
and, after repeating certain Vedic verses, says:--"With the permission
of all assembled, let me begin the Vratams Prajapathyam, Soumyam,
Agneyam, and Vaiswadevam, and let me also close them." All the Vratams
should be performed long before the marriage. In practice, however,
this is not done, so the bridegroom performs an expiatory ceremony,
to make up for the omission. This consists in offering oblations of
ghi, and giving presents of money to a few Brahmans. The bridegroom is
helped throughout the Vratam ceremonies by a spiritual teacher or guru,
who is usually his father or a near relation. The guru sprinkles water
over the bridegroom's body, and tells him to go on with kandarishi
tharpanam (offerings of water, gingelly, and rice, as an oblation to
Rishis). A small copper or silver vessel is placed on a leaf to the
north-east of the sacred fire, and is made to represent Varuna. A new
cloth is placed round the vessel. The various Vratams mentioned are
gone through rapidly, and consist of offerings of ghi through fire to
the various Devatas and Pitris. The Nandhi Sradh, or memorial service
to ancestors, is then performed. The bridegroom next dresses up as a
married man, and proceeds on a mock pilgrimage to a distant place. This
is called Paradesa Pravesam (going to a foreign place), or Kasiyatra
(pilgrimage to Benares). It is a remnant of the Snathakarma rite,
whereat a Brahmachari, or student, leaves his spiritual teacher's
house at the close of his studies, performs a ceremony of ablution,
and becomes an initiated householder or Snathaka. The bridegroom
carries with him an umbrella, a fan, and a bundle containing some
rice, cocoanut, and areca-nut. He usually goes eastward. His future
father-in-law meets him, and brings him to the house at which the
marriage is to be celebrated. As soon as he has arrived there, the
bride is brought, dressed up and decorated in finery. The bridal pair
are taken up on the shoulders of their maternal uncles, who dance
about for a short time. Whenever they meet, the bride and bridegroom
exchange garlands (malaimaththal). The couple then sit on a swing
within the pandal (booth), and songs are sung. A few married women go
round them three times, carrying water, a light, fruits, and betel,
in a tray. The pair are conducted into the house, and are seated on
the marriage dais. The marriage, or Vivaham, is then commenced. A
purohit (priest) repeats certain Vedic texts as a blessing, and
says:--"Bless this couple of ... gotras, the son and daughter of
..., grandchildren of ..., now about to be married." At this stage,
the gotras of the contracting couple must be pronounced distinctly,
so as to ensure that they are not among the prohibited degrees. The
bridal couple must belong to different gotras. The bridegroom next
says that he is about to commence the worship of Visvaksena if he is
a Vaishnavite, or Ganapathi if he is a Saivite, for the successful
termination of the marriage ceremonies. The Ankurarpana (seed-pan)
ceremony is then proceeded with. Five earthenware pans are procured,
and, after being purified by the sprinkling of punyaham water over
them, are arranged in the form of a square. Four of the pans are
placed at the four cardinal points, east, west, north, and south,
and the remaining pot is set down in the centre of the square. The
pan to the east represents Indra, the one to the west Varuna, the
one to the south Yama, and the one to the north Soman. While water
is being sprinkled over the pans, the following synonyms for each of
these gods are repeated:--


    Indra--Sathakruthu, Vajranam, Sachipathi.
    Yama--Vaivaswata, Pithrupathi, Dharmaraja.
    Varuna--Prachethas, Apampathi, Swarupinam.
    Soman--Indum, Nisakaram, Oshadisam.


Nine kinds of grains soaked in water are placed in the seed-pans. These
grains are Dolichos Lablab (two varieties), Phaseolus Mungo
(two varieties), Oryza sativa, Cicer Arietinum, Cajanus indicus,
Eleusine Coracana, and Vigna Catiang. The tying of the wrist-thread
(pratisaram) is next proceeded with. Two cotton threads are laid on
a vessel representing Varuna. After the recitation of Vedic verses,
the bridegroom takes one of the threads, and, dipping it in turmeric
paste, holds it with his left thumb, smears some of the paste on it
with his right thumb and forefinger, and ties it on the left wrist
of the bride. The purohit ties the other thread on the right wrist
of the bridegroom, who, facing the assembly, says "I am going to
take the bride." He then recites the following Vedic verse:--"Go to
my future father-in-law with due precautions, and mingle with the
members of his family. This marriage is sure to be pleasing to Indra,
because he gets oblations of food, etc., after the marriage. May your
path be smooth and free from thorns. May Surya and Bhaga promote our
dhampathyam (companionship)."

The purohit again proclaims the marriage, and the gotras and names
of three generations are repeated. Those assembled then bless the
couple. The bride's father says that he is prepared to give his
daughter in marriage to the bridegroom, who states that he accepts
her. The father of the bride washes the feet of the bridegroom placed
on a tray with milk and water. The bridegroom then washes the feet of
the bride's father. The bride sits in her father's lap, and her mother
stands at her side. The father, repeating the names of the bridegroom's
ancestors for three generations, says that he is giving his daughter
to him. He places the hand of the bride on that of the bridegroom,
and both he and the bride's mother pour water over the united hands
of the contracting couple. The following sloka is repeated:--"I am
giving you a virgin decorated with jewels, to enable me to obtain
religious merit." The bridegroom takes the bride by the hand, and
both take their seats in front of the sacred fire. This part of the
ceremonial is called dhare (pouring of water). Much importance is
attached to it by Tulu Brahmans. Among Non-Brahman castes in South
Canara, it forms the binding portion of the marriage ceremony. After
the pouring of ghi as an oblation, the bridegroom throws down a few
twigs of dharbha grass, and repeats the formula:--"Oh! dharbha, thou
art capable of giving royal powers, and the teacher's seat. May I not
be separated from thee." Then the bride's father, giving a vessel of
water, says "Here is Arghya water." The bridegroom receives it with
the formula:--"May this water destroy my enemies. May brilliancy,
energy, strength, life, renown, glory, splendour, and power dwell in
me." Once again the bride's father washes the feet of the bridegroom,
who salutes his father-in-law, saying "Oh! water, unite me with fame,
splendour, and milk. Make me beloved by all creatures, the lord of
cattle. May fame, heroism, and energy dwell in me." The bride's father
pours some water from a vessel over the hand of the bridegroom,
who says "To the ocean I send you, the imperishable waters; go
back to your source. May I not suffer loss in my offspring. May my
sap not be shed." A mixture of honey, plantain fruit, and ghi, is
given to the bridegroom by the bride's father with the words "Ayam
Madhuparko" (honey mixture). Receiving it, the bridegroom mutters
the following:--"What is the honeyed, highest form of honey which
consists in the enjoyment of food; by that honeyed highest form of
honey, may I become highest, honeyed, an enjoyer of food." He partakes
three times of the mixture, and says:--"I eat thee for the sake of
brilliancy, luck, glory, power, and the enjoyment of food." Then the
bride's father gives a cocoanut to the bridegroom, saying "Gauhu"
(cow). The bridegroom receives it with the words "Oh! cow, destroy
my sin, and that of my father-in-law." According to the Grihya
Sutras, a cow should be presented to the bridegroom, to be cooked
or preserved. Next a plantain fruit is given to the bridegroom, who,
after eating a small portion of it, hands it to the bride. The bride
sits on a heap or bundle of paddy (unhusked rice), and the bridegroom
says "Oh! Varuna, bless her with wealth. May there be no ill-feeling
between herself, her brothers and sisters. Oh! Brihaspathi, bless
her that she may not lose her husband. Oh! Indra, bless her to
be fertile. Oh! Savitha, bless her that she may be happy in all
respects. Oh! girl, be gentle-eyed and friendly to me. Let your
look be of such a nature as not to kill your husband. Be kind to me,
and to my brothers. [157] May you shine with lustre, and be of good
repute. Live long, and bear living children." The pair are then seated,
and the bridegroom, taking a blade of dharbha grass, passes it between
the eyebrows of the bride, and throws it behind her, saying "With
this dharbha grass I remove the evil influence of any bad mark thou
mayst possess, which is likely to cause widowhood." [Certain marks or
curls (suli) forebode prosperity, and others misery to a family into
which a girl enters by marriage. And, when a wealthy Hindu meditates
purchasing a horse, he looks to the presence or absence of certain
marks on particular parts of the body, and thereby forms a judgment of
the temper and qualities of the animal.] The bridegroom then repeats
the following:--"Now they ought to rejoice, and not cry. They have
arranged our union to bring happiness to both of us. In view of the
happiness we are to enjoy hereafter, they should be glad. This is
a fitting occasion for rejoicing." Four Brahmans next bring water,
and the bridegroom receives it, saying:--"May the evil qualities of
this water disappear; may it increase. Let the Brahmans bring water
for the bath, and may it bring long life and children to her." A
bundle of paddy, or a basket filled therewith, is brought to the
pandal. The bride sits on the paddy, and a ring of dharbha grass is
placed on her head. The bridegroom repeats the formula "Blessed by
the Surya, sit round the sacred fire, and look at the dharbha ring,
my mother-in-law and brother-in-law." A yoke is then brought, one end
of which is placed on the head of the bride above the ring, and the
following formula is repeated:--"Oh! Indra, cleanse and purify this
girl, just as you did in the case of Abhala, by pouring water through
three holes before marrying her." Abhala was an ugly woman, who wished
to marry Indra. To attain this end, she did penance for a long time,
and, meeting Indra, requested him to fulfil her desire. Indra made her
his wife, after transforming her into a beautiful woman by sprinkling
water over her through the holes in the wheels of the car which
was his vehicle. Into the hole of the yoke a gold coin, or the tali
(marriage badge), is dropped, with the words "May this gold prove a
blessing to you. May the yoke, the hole of the yoke, bring happiness
to you. May we be blessed to unite your body with mine." Then the
bridegroom, sprinkling water over the yoke and coin, says:--"May you
become purified by the sun through this purificatory water. May this
water, which is the cause of thunder and lightning, bring happiness
to you. Oh! girl, may this water give you health and long life. A
new and costly silk cloth (kurai), purchased by the bridegroom,
is given to the bride, and the bridegroom says:--"Oh! Indra, listen
to my prayers; accept them, and fulfil my desires." The bride puts
on the cloth, with the assistance of the bridegroom's sister, and
sits on her father's lap. The bridegroom, taking up the tali, ties
it by the string on the bride's neck, saying:--"Oh! girl, I am tying
the tali to secure religious merit." This is not a Vedic verse, and
this part of the ceremony is not included in the Grihya Sutras. All
the Brahmans assembled bless the couple by throwing rice over their
heads. A dharbha waist-cord is passed round the waist of the bride,
and the following is repeated:--"This girl is gazing at Agni, wishing
for health, wealth, strength and children. I am binding her for her
good." The bridegroom then holds the hand of the bride, and both go
to the sacred fire, where the former says:--"Let Surya lead to Agni,
and may you obtain permission from the Aswins to do so. Go with me
to my house. Be my wife, and the mistress of my house. Instruct and
help me in the performance of sacrifices." After offerings of ghi
in the sacred fire, the bridegroom says:--"Soma was your husband;
Gandharva knew thee next; Agni was your third husband. I, son of man,
am your fourth husband. Soma gave you to Gandharva, and Gandharva gave
you to Agni, who gave to me with progeny and wealth." The bridegroom
takes hold of the bride's right wrist, and, pressing on the fingers,
passes his hand over the united fingers three times. This is called
Panigrahanam. To the Nambutiri Brahman this is a very important item,
being the binding part of the marriage ceremonial. Some years ago,
at a village near Chalakkudi in the Cochin State, a Nambutiri refused
to accept a girl as his bride, because the purohit inadvertently
grasped her fingers, to show how it ought to be done at the time of
the marriage ceremony. The purohit had to marry the girl himself. The
next item in the ceremonial is Sapthapathi, or the taking of the seven
steps. This is considered as the most binding portion thereof. The
bridegroom lifts the left foot of the bride seven times, repeating
the following:--"One step for sap, may Vishnu go after thee. Two
steps for juice, may Vishnu go after thee. Three steps for vows,
may Vishnu go after thee. Four steps for comfort, may Vishnu go after
thee. Five steps for cattle, may Vishnu go after thee. Six steps for
the prospering of wealth, may Vishnu go after thee. Seven steps for
the seven-fold hotriship, [158] may Vishnu go after thee. With seven
steps we have become companions. May I attain to friendship with
thee. May I not be separated from thy friendship. Mayst thou not be
separated from my friendship. Let us be united; let us always take
counsel together with good hearts and mutual love. May we grow in
strength and prosperity together. Now we are one in minds, deeds,
and desires. Thou art Rik, I am Samam; I am the sky, thou art the
earth; I am the semen, thou art the bearer; I am the mind, thou
art the tongue. Follow me faithfully, that we may have wealth and
children together. Come thou of sweet speech." The bridegroom then does
homam, repeating the following:--"We are offering oblations to Soma,
Gandharva, and Agni. This girl has just passed her virginity. Make her
leave her father's house. Bless her to remain fixed in her husband's
house. May she have a good son by your blessing. Cause her to beget
ten children, and I shall be the eleventh child. Oh! Agni, bless her
with children, and make them long-lived. Oh! Varuna, I pray to you
for the same thing. May this woman be freed from the sorrow arising
out of sterility, and be blessed by Garhapathyagni. May she have
a number of children in her, and become the mother of many living
children. Oh! girl, may your house never know lamentations during
nights caused by deaths. May you live long and happy with your husband
and children. May the sky protect thy back; may Vayu strengthen your
thighs; and the Aswins your breast. May Savitri look after thy suckling
sons. Until the garment is put on, may Brihaspathi guard them, and the
Viswedevas afterwards. Oh! Varuna, make me strong and healthy. Do not
steal away years from our ages. All those who offer oblations pray
for the same. Oh! you all-pervading Agni, pacify Varuna; you who
blaze forth into flames to receive oblations, be friendly towards
us. Be near us, and protect us. Receive, and be satisfied with our
oblations. Make us prosperous. We are always thinking of you. Take
our oblations to the several devatas, and give us medicine." The
bride next treads on a stone, and the bridegroom says:--"Oh! girl,
tread on this stone. Be firm like it. Destroy those who seek to do
thee harm. Overcome thy enemies." Some fried paddy is put in the
sacred fire, and the bridegroom repeats the following:--"Oh! Agni,
I am offering the fried grains, so that this girl may be blessed with
long life. Oh! Agni, give me my wife with children, just as in olden
days you were given Suryayi with wealth. Oh! Agni, bless my wife with
lustre and longevity. Also bless her husband with long life, that she
may live happily. Oh! Agni, help us to overcome our enemies." Again
the bride treads on the stone, and the bridegroom says:--"Oh! girl,
tread on this stone, and be firm like it. Destroy those who seek to
do thee harm. Overcome thy enemies." This is followed by the offering
of fried grain with the following formula:--"The virgins prayed to
Surya and Agni to secure husbands, and they were at once granted their
boons. Such an Agni is now being propitiated by offerings of fried
paddy. Let him make the bride leave her father's house." For the third
time, the bride treads on the stone, and fried paddy is offered with
the formula:--"Oh! Agni, thou art the giver of life, and receiver of
oblations. Oblations of ghi are now offered to you. Bless the pair to
be of one mind." The dharbha girdle is removed from the bride's waist,
with the verse: "I am loosening you from the bondage of Varuna. I am
now removing the thread with which Surya bound you." Those assembled
then disperse. Towards evening, Brahmans again assemble, and the
bride and bridegroom sit before the sacred fire, while the former
repeat several Vedic riks. They are supposed to start for their home,
driving in a carriage, and the verses repeated have reference to the
chariot, horses, boats, etc. After ghi has been poured into the fire,
a child, who should be a male who has not lost brothers or sisters,
is seated in the lap of the bride, and the bridegroom says:--"May cows,
horses, men, and wealth, increase in this house. Let this child occupy
your lap, just as the Soma creeper which gives strength to the Devatas
occupies the regions of the stars." Giving some plantain fruit to the
child, the bridegroom says:--"Oh! fruits, ye bear seeds. May my wife
bear seeds likewise by your blessing." Then the pair are shown Druva
and Arundathi (the pole star and Ursa major), which are worshipped
with the words:--"The seven Rishis who have led to firmness, she,
Arundathi, who stands first among the six Krithikas (Pleiads), may
she the eighth one, who leads the conjunction of the (moon with the)
six Krithikas, the first (among conjunctions) shine upon us. Firm
dwelling, firm origin; the firm one art thou, standing on the side of
firmness. Thou art the pillar of the stars. Thus protect me against
my adversaries." They then proceed to perform the Sthalipaka ceremony,
in which the bride should cook some rice, which the bridegroom offers
as an oblation in the sacred fire. In practice, however, a little
food is brought, and placed in the fire without being cooked. The
purohit decorates a Ficus stick with dharbha grass, and gives it to the
bridegroom. It is placed in the roof, or somewhere within the house,
near the seed-pans. [According to the Grihya Sutras, the couple ought
to occupy the same mat, with the stick between them. This is not in
vogue amongst several sections of Brahmans. The Mysore Carnatakas,
Mandya Aiyangars, and Shivallis, observe a kindred ceremony. Amongst
the Mandyas, for example, on the fourth night of the marriage rites,
the bridal couple occupy the same mat for a short time, and a stick
is placed between them. The Pajamadme, or mat marriage, amongst the
Shivalli Brahmans, evidently refers to this custom.] On the second and
third days of the marriage ceremonies, homams are performed in the
morning and evening, and the nalagu ceremony is performed. In this,
the couple are seated on two planks covered with mats and cloth,
amidst a large number of women assembled within the pandal. In front
of them, betel leaves, areca nuts, fruits, flowers, and turmeric
paste are placed in a tray. The women sing songs which they have
learnt from childhood, and the bride also sings the praises of the
bridegroom. Taking a little of the turmeric paste rendered red by the
addition of chunam (lime), she makes marks by drawing lines over the
feet (nalangu idal). The ceremony closes with the waving of arathi
(water coloured red with turmeric and chunam), and the distribution
of pan-supari (betel leaves and areca nuts). The waving is done by
two women, who sing appropriate songs. On the fourth day, Brahmans
assemble, and the pair are seated in their midst. After the recitation
of Vedic verses, the contracting couple are blessed. A small quantity
of turmeric paste, reddened by the addition of chunam, is mixed with
ghi, and smeared over the shoulders of the pair, and a mark is made on
their foreheads. This is called Pachchai Kalyanam, and is peculiar to
Tamil Brahmans, both Smarthas and Vaishnavas. Amongst Tamil Brahmans,
prominence is given to the maternal uncles on the fourth day. The
bride and bridegroom are carried astride on the shoulders of their
uncles, who dance to the strains of a band. When they meet, the couple
exchange garlands (malaimaththal). Towards evening, a procession is
got up at the expense of the maternal uncle of the bride, and is hence
called Amman Kolam. The bride is dressed up as a boy, and another girl
is dressed up to represent the bride. They are taken in procession
through the streets, and, on their return, the pseudo-bridegroom is
made to speak to the real bridegroom in somewhat insolent tones, and
some mock play is indulged in. The real bridegroom is addressed as if
he was the syce (groom) or gumastha (clerk) of the pseudo-bridegroom,
and is sometimes treated as a thief, and judgment passed on him by the
latter. Among Sri Vaishnavas, after the Pachchai smearing ceremony,
the bridal couple roll a cocoanut to and fro across the dais, and the
assembled Brahmans chant stanzas in Tamil composed by a Vaishnava
lady named Andal, an avatar of Lakshmi, who dedicated herself to
Vishnu. In these stanzas, she narrates to her attendants the dream,
in which she went through the marriage ceremony after her dedication
to the god. Pan-supari, of which a little, together with some money,
is set apart for Andal, is then distributed to all present. A large
crowd generally assembles, as it is believed that the chanting of
Andal's srisukthi (praise of Lakshmi) brings a general blessing. The
family priest calls out the names and gotras of those who have become
related to the bride and bridegroom through their marriage. As each
person's name is called out, he or she is supposed to make a present
of cloths, money, etc., to the bridegroom or bride. [The Telugu
and Carnataka Brahmans, instead of the Pachchai Kalyanam, perform
a ceremony called Nagavali on the fourth or fifth day. Thirty-two
lights and two vessels, representing Siva and Parvathi, are arranged
in the form of a square. Unbleached thread, soaked in turmeric paste,
is passed round the square, and tied to the pandal. The bridal couple
sit in front of the square, and, after doing puja (worship), cut the
thread, and take their seats within the square. The bridegroom ties
a tali of black glass beads on the bride's neck, in the presence of
33 crores (330 millions) of gods, represented by a number of small
pots arranged round the square. Close to the pots are the figures of
two elephants, designed in rice grains and salt respectively. After
going round the pots, the couple separate, and the bridegroom stands
by the salt elephant, and the bride by the other. They then talk about
the money value of the two animals, and an altercation takes place,
during which they again go round the pots, and stand, the bridegroom
near the rice elephant, and the bride near the salt one. The bargaining
as to the price of the animals is renewed, and the couple go round the
pots once more. This ceremony is followed by a burlesque of domestic
life. The bride is presented with two wooden dolls from Tirupati, and
told to make a cradle out of the bridegroom's turmeric-coloured cloth,
which he wore on the tali-tying day. The couple converse on domestic
matters, and the bridegroom asks the bride to attend to her household
affairs, so that he may go to his duties. She pleads her inability to
do so because of the children, and asks him to take charge of them. She
then shows the babies (dolls) to all present, and a good deal of fun is
made out of the incident. The bride, with her mother standing by her
side near two empty chairs, is then introduced to her new relations
by marriage, who sit in pairs on the chairs, and make presents of
pan-supari and turmeric.] On the fifth day of the marriage ceremonies,
before dawn, the bridal couple are seated on the dais, and the
Gandharva stick is removed, with the words:--"Oh! Visvawasu Gandharva,
I pray to you to make this girl my wife. Unite her with me. Leave
her, and seek another." The bridegroom then performs homams. A coin
is placed on the bride's head, and a little ghi put thereon. Gazing
at the bridegroom, she says:--"With a loving heart I regard thee
who knowest my heart. Thou art radiant with tapas (penance). Fill me
with a child, and this house of ours with wealth. Thou art desirous
of a son. Thus shalt thou reproduce thyself." Looking at the bride,
the bridegroom then says:--"I see thee radiant and eager to be filled
with child by me. Thou art in thy youth now. Enjoy me, therefore,
while I am over you, and so reproduce thyself, being desirous of
a son." Touching the bride's breasts with his ring-finger, and
then touching his heart, he repeats the following:--"May the Viswe
gods unite our hearts; may the water unite our hearts; may Vayu and
Brahma unite our hearts; and may Sarasvati teach us both conversation
appropriate to this occasion of our intercourse." More Vedic riks
are then recited, as follows:--"Thou Prajapathi, enter my body that
I may have vigour during this act; so thou Thvastri, who fashionest
forms with Vishnu and other gods; so thou Indra, who grantest boons
with thy friends the Viswedevas, by thy blessing may we have many
sons. May Vishnu make thy womb ready; may Thvashtri frame the shape
(of the child); may Prajapathi pour forth (the sperm); may Dhatri
give thee conception. Give conception, Sinivali; give conception,
Sarasvati. May the two Asvins, wreathed with lotus, give conception
to thee. The embryo which the two Asvins produce with their golden
kindling sticks, that embryo we call into thy womb, that thou mayst
give birth to it after ten months. As the earth is pregnant with
Agni, as the heaven is pregnant with Indra, as Vayu dwells in the
womb of the regions (of the earth), thus I place an embryo in thy
womb. Open thy womb; take in the sperm. May a male child, an embryo,
be begotten in the womb. The mother bears him ten months, may he be
born, the most valiant of his kin. May a male embryo enter the womb,
as an arrow the quiver; may a man be born here, thy son, after ten
months. I do with thee (the work) that is sacred to Prajapathi; may
an embryo enter the womb. May a child be born without deficiency,
with all its limbs, not blind, not lame, not sucked out by Pisachas"
(devils). The marriage is brought to a close, after this recitation,
with the presentation of fruits, etc., to all the Brahmans assembled,
and to all relations, children included. The bridegroom chews betel
for the first time on this day. The wrist-threads are removed, and the
seed-pans containing the seedlings, which have been worshipped daily,
are taken in procession to a tank (pond), into which the seedlings
are thrown.

It will be noticed that prayers for male issue are of frequent
occurrence during the marriage ceremonial. In Sanskrit works,
Putra (son) is defined as one who delivers a parent from a hell
called put. It is generally believed that the welfare of a parent's
soul depends on the performance of sradh (memorial services) by his
son. It was laid down by Manu that a man is perfect, when he consists
of three--himself, his wife, and his son. In the Rig Veda it is
stated that "when a father sees the face of a living son, he pays
a debt in him, and gains immortality. The pleasure which a father
has in his son exceeds all other enjoyments. His wife is a friend,
his daughter an object of companion, his son shines as his light in
the highest world." The following story of a certain pious man of
ascetical temperament, who determined to shirk the religious duty of
taking a wife, is narrated by Monier Williams:--"Quietly skipping
over the second prescribed period of life, during which he ought
to have been a householder (grihastha), he entered at once upon the
third period--that is to say, he became an ascetic, abjured all female
society, and retired to the woods. Wandering about one day, absorbed
in meditation, he was startled by an extraordinary spectacle. He saw
before him a deep and apparently bottomless pit. Around its edge some
unhappy men were hanging suspended by ropes of grass, at which here
and there a rat was nibbling. On asking their history, he discovered
to his horror that they were his own ancestors compelled to hang in
this unpleasant manner, and doomed eventually to fall into the abyss,
unless he went back into the world, did his duty like a man, married
a suitable wife, and had a son, who would be able to release them
from their critical predicament." This legend is recorded in detail
in the Mahabharata.

A curious mock marriage ceremony is celebrated amongst Brahmans
when an individual marries a third wife. It is believed that a
third marriage is very inauspicious, and that the bride will become
a widow. To prevent this mishap, the man is made to marry the arka
plant (Calotropis gigantea), and the real marriage thus becomes the
fourth. If this ceremony is carried on in orthodox fashion, it is
generally celebrated on some Sunday or Monday, when the constellation
Astham is visible. The bridegroom and a Brahman priest, accompanied
by a third Brahman, repair to a spot where the arka plant (a very
common weed) is growing. The plant is decorated with a cloth and a
piece of string, and symbolised into the sun. The bridegroom then
invokes it thus:--"Oh! master of three loks, Oh! the seven-horsed,
Oh! Ravi, avert the evils of the third marriage." Next the plant
is addressed with the words:--"You are the oldest of the plants of
this world. Brahma created you to save such of us as have to marry
a third time, so please become my wife." The Brahman who accompanies
the bridegroom becomes his father-in-law for the moment, and says to
him:--"I give you in marriage Aditya's great grand-daughter, Savi's
grand-daughter, and my daughter Arkakanya." All the ceremonies, such as
making homam, tali-tying, etc., are performed as at a regular marriage,
and, after the recitation of a few sentences from the Vedas, the plant
is cut down. "The plant," Mr. A. Srinivasan writes, [159] "is named
arka after the sun. When the car of the sun turns towards the north,
every Hindu applies the leaves of this plant to his head before he
bathes, in honour of the event. The plant is, besides, believed to be
a willing scapegoat to others' ills. Oil and ghi applied to the head
of the victim of persistent illness has only to be transferred to
this plant, when it withers and saves the man, even as Baber is said
to have saved his son. The poet Kalidasa describes sweet Sakuntala,
born of a shaggy dweller of the forest, as a garland of jasmine
thrown on an arka plant. 'May the arka grow luxuriant in your house'
is the commonest form of curse. 'Be thou belaboured with arka leaves'
is familiar in the mouths of reprimanding mothers. Adulterers were,
half a century ago, seated on an ass, face to the tail, and marched
through the village. The public disgrace was enhanced by placing a
garland of the despised arka leaves on their head. [Uppiliyan women
convicted of immorality are said to be garlanded with arka flowers,
and made to carry a basket of mud round the village.] A Telugu proverb
asks 'Does the bee ever seek the arka flower?' The reasons for the
ill-repute that this plant suffers from are not at all clear. The
fact that it has a partiality for wastes has evidently brought on
its devoted head the dismal associations of desolation, but there
would seem to be more deep-seated hatred to the plant than has been
explained." A Tamil proverb has it that he who crushes the bud of the
arka earns merit. Some Telugu and Canarese Brahmans, who follow the
Yajur Veda or Rig Veda, consider the arka plant as sacred, and use
the leaves thereof during the nandhi (ancestor invoking) ceremony,
which is performed as one of the marriage rites. Two or three arka
leaves, with betel leaves and areca nuts, are tied to the cloth, which
is attached to a stick as representing the ancestors (pithrus). With
some the arka leaves are replaced by leaves of Pongamia glabra. On
rathasapthami day (the seventh day after the new moon in the month
Avani), an orthodox Hindu should bathe his head and shoulders with arka
leaves in propitiation of Surya (the sun). Brahmans who follow the Sama
Veda, during the annual upakarmam ceremony, make use of arka leaves
and flowers in worshipping the Rishis and Pithrus. On the upakarmam
day, the Sama Vedis invoke their sixty-two Rishis and the last three
ancestors, who are represented by sixty-five clay balls placed on
arka leaves. To them are offered arka flowers, fruits of karai-chedi
(Canthium parviflorum), and naval (Eugenia Jambolana). In addition to
this worship, they perform the Rishi and Pithru tharpanam by offering
water, gingelly (Sesamum indicum) seeds, and rice. The celebrant,
prior to dipping his hand into the water, places in his hands two arka
leaves, gingelly, and rice. The juice of the arka plant is a favourite
agent in the hands of suicides. Among the Tangalan Paraiyans, if a
young man dies before he is married, a ceremony called kannikazhithal
(removing bachelorhood) is performed. Before the corpse is laid on
the bier, a garland of arka flowers is placed round its neck, and
balls of mud from a gutter are laid on the head, knees, and other
parts of the body. In some places a variant of the ceremony consists
in the erection of a mimic marriage booth, which is covered with
leaves of the arka plant, flowers of which are also placed round the
neck as a garland. At a form of marriage called rambha or kathali
(plantain) marriage, the arka plant is replaced by a plantain tree
(Musa). It is performed by those who happen to be eldest brothers,
and who are incapable of getting married, so as to give a chance
to younger brothers, who are not allowed to marry unless the elder
brother or brothers are already married.

At the present day, many Hindus disregard certain ceremonies, in the
celebration of which their forefathers were most scrupulous. Even the
daily ceremonial ablutions, which are all important to a Brahman from
a shastraic point of view, are now neglected by a large majority,
and the prayers (mantrams), which should be chanted during their
performance, are forgotten. But no Brahman, orthodox or unorthodox,
dares to abandon the death ceremonial, and annual sradh (memorial
rites). A Brahman beggar, when soliciting alms, invariably pleads that
he has to perform his father or mother's sradh, or upanayanam (thread
ceremony) of his children, and he rarely goes away empty-handed. "The
constant periodical performance," Monier Williams writes, [160]
"of commemorative obsequies is regarded in the light of a positive
and peremptory obligation. It is the simple discharge of a solemn
debt to one's forefathers, a debt consisting not only in reverential
homage, but in the performance of acts necessary to their support,
happiness, and progress onwards in the spiritual world. A man's
deceased relatives, for at least three generations, are among his
cherished divinities, and must be honoured by daily offerings and
adoration, or a nemesis of some kind is certain to overtake his
living family. The object of a Hindu funeral is nothing less than
the investiture of the departed spirit with an intermediate gross
body--a peculiar frame interposed, as it were parenthetically, between
the terrestrial gross body, which has just been destroyed by fire,
and the new terrestrial body, which it is compelled to ultimately
assume. The creation of such an intervenient frame, composed of gross
elements, though less gross than those of earth, becomes necessary,
because the individualised spirit of man, after the cremation of the
terrestrial body, has nothing left to withhold it from re-absorption
into the universal soul, except its incombustible subtle body, which,
as composed of the subtle elements, is not only proof against the
fire of the funeral pile, but is incapable of any sensations in the
temporary heaven, or temporary hell, through one or other of which
every separate human spirit is forced to pass before returning to
earth, and becoming re-invested with a terrestrial gross body."

When a Brahman is on the point of death, he is removed from his
bed, and laid on the floor. If there is any fear of the day being a
danishtapanchami (inauspicious), the dying man is taken out of the
house, and placed in the court-yard or pial (raised verandah). Some
prayers are uttered, and a cow is presented (godhanam). These are
intended to render the passage of life through the various parts of the
body as easy as possible. The spirit is supposed to escape through one
of the nine orifices of the body, according to the character of the
individual concerned. That of a good man leaves the body through the
brahmarandhra (top of the skull), and that of a bad man through the
anus. Immediately after death, the body is washed, religious marks
are made on the forehead, and parched paddy and betel are scattered
over and around it by the son. As a Brahman is supposed always to have
his fire with him, the sacred fire is lighted. At this stage, certain
purificatory ceremonies are performed, if death has taken place on a
day or hour of evil omen, or at midnight. Next, a little cooked rice
is cooked in a new earthen pot, and a new cloth is thrown over the
corpse, which is roused by the recitation of mantrams. Four bearers,
to each of whom dharbha grass is given in token of his office, are
selected to carry the corpse to the burning-ground. The eldest son,
who is the funeral celebrant, and his brothers are shaved. On ordinary
occasions, brothers should not be shaved on the same day, as this would
be inauspicious. They are only shaved on the same day on the occasion
of the death of their father or mother. The widow of the deceased,
and female relations, go three times round the corpse, before it is
placed on the bier. Very often, at this stage, all the women present
set up a loud lamentation, and repeat the death songs. [161] If the
dead person was a respected elder, special professional women, trained
as mourners, are engaged. I am informed that, in the Coimbatore
district, and amongst the Sathyamangalam Brahacharanams, there
are certain widows who are professional mourners. As soon as they
hear of the death of an elder, they repair to the house, and worry
the bereaved family into engaging them for a small fee. The space,
which intervenes between the dead man's house and the burning-ground,
is divided into four parts. When the end of the first of these is
reached, the corpse is placed on the ground, and the sons and nephews
go round it, repeating mantrams. They untie their kudumis (hair knot),
leaving part thereof loose, tie up the rest into a small bunch, and
keep on slapping their thighs. [When children at play have their
kudumi partially tied, and slap their thighs, they are invariably
scolded, owing to the association with funerals.] A little cooked
rice is offered to the path as a pathi bali (wayside offering),
to propitiate evil spirits, or bhuthas. The same ceremonial should,
strictly speaking, be performed at two other spots, but now-a-days it
is the custom to place the corpse on the ground near the funeral pyre,
moving its position three times, while the circumambulation and pathi
bali are gone through only once. As soon as the corpse has reached the
spot where the pyre is, the celebrant of the rites sprinkles water
thereon, and throws a quarter of an anna on it as the equivalent of
purchase of the ground for cremation. The sacred fire is lighted,
and the right palm of the corpse is touched with a gold coin. The nine
orifices of the body are then smeared with ghi, and rice is thrown over
the corpse, and placed in its mouth. The son takes a burning brand
from the sacred fire, lights the pyre, and looks at the sun. He then
carries a pot filled with water, having a hole at the bottom through
which the water trickles out, on his shoulders three times round the
corpse, and, at the end of the third round, throws it down. Then he,
and all the relations of the deceased, squat on the ground, facing
east, take up some dharbha grass, and, cutting it into small fragments
with their nails, scatter them in the air, while repeating some Vedic
verses, which are chanted very loudly and slowly, especially at the
funeral of a respected elder. The celebrant then pours a little water
on a stone, and sprinkles himself with it. This is also done by the
other relations, and they pass beneath a bundle of dharbha grass and
twigs of Ficus glomerata held by the purohit (officiating priest),
and gaze for a moment at the sun. Once more they sprinkle themselves
with water, and proceed to a tank, where they bathe. When they return
home, two rites, called nagna (naked) sradh, and pashana sthapanam
(stone-fixing), are celebrated. The disembodied spirit is supposed to
be naked after the body has been cremated. To clothe it, offerings
of water, with balls of cooked rice, are made, and a cloth, lamp,
and money are given to a Brahman. Then two stones are set up, one
in the house and the other on the bank of a tank, to represent the
spirit of the deceased. For ten days, libations of water mixed with
gingelly seeds, called tilothakam, and a ball of cooked rice, must be
offered to the stones. The ball of rice is left for crows to eat. The
number of libations must be seventy-five, commencing with three on
the first day, and increasing the number daily by one. In addition,
three further libations are made daily by dipping a piece of cloth
from the winding-sheet, and rinsing it over the stone (vasothakam). On
the day after cremation, the relations assemble at the burning-ground,
and the son, after extinguishing the burning embers, removes the
fragments of bones from the ashes. The ceremony is called sanchyanam
(gathering). Cooked food is offered. The bones are thrown into some
sacred river, or buried in the ground. On the tenth day after death,
a large quantity of cooked rice (prabhuthabali) is offered to the
spirit of the dead person, which is believed to grow very hungry
on that day. The food is heaped up on plantain leaves, and all the
near relations go round them, crying and beating their breasts. It
is mostly females who perform this rite, males standing aloof. The
food is taken to a tank, and the widow, decorated and dressed up,
is conducted thither. The food is thrown into the water, and, if
the widow is an elderly orthodox woman, her tali is removed. On the
same day, her head is clean shaved. A widow is not allowed to adorn
herself with jewels and finery except on this day, when all her close
relations come and see her. If this is not done, pregnant women may
not see her for a year. All the agnates should be present on the tenth
day, and perform tharpana (oblations of water). Until this day they
are under pollution, and, after prabhuthabali, they bathe, and homam
is performed. Some ashes from the sacred fire are mixed with ghi,
and a mark is made on the foreheads of those who are under pollution,
to remove it. During the period of pollution, a Sri Vaishnava will have
only a white mark without the red streak on his forehead; a Madhva will
not have the black dot; and Smarthas avoid having marks altogether. The
tenth day ceremony is called Dasaham. On the eleventh day, a ceremony
called Ekodishtam (eleventh day ceremony) is performed. A Brahman is
seated to represent the pretha or dead person, and fed after going
through sradh rites. As a rule, the man is a close relation of the
deceased. But, amongst certain classes of Brahmans, an outsider is
engaged, and well remunerated. On the twelfth day, the Sapindikaranam
(sapinda, kinsman) ceremony, which is just like the ordinary sradh, is
performed. At the close thereof, six balls of cooked rice are offered
to three ancestors, male and female (three balls for males, and three
for females). These balls are arranged in two rows, with a space
between them. An elongated mass of food is placed between the rows,
and divided with blades of dharbha grass into three portions, which
are arranged close to the balls of rice. This is regarded as uniting
the dead man with the pitris (ancestors). A cow is usually presented
just before the union takes place, and the gift is believed to render
the crossing of the river Vaitarani (river of death) easy for the
departed soul. The Sapindikaranam is a very important ceremony. When
there is a dispute concerning division of property on the death of an
individual, the ceremony is not performed until the parties come to an
agreement. For instance, if a married man dies without issue, and his
widow's brothers-in-law cannot come to terms as regards the partition
of the property, the widow may refuse to allow the performance of
the ceremony. The Sapindikaranam should, according to the shastras,
be performed a year after death, i.e., on the completion of all the
Masikas (monthly sradhs). But, at the present day, a ceremony called
Shodasam (the sixteen) is performed just before the Sapindikaranam on
the twelfth day. In the course of the year, twelve monthly and four
quarterly sradhs should be performed. The Shodasam ceremony, which
is carried out in lieu thereof, consists in giving presents of money
and vessels to sixteen Brahmans. On the twelfth day, a feast is held,
and domestic worship is carried out on a large scale. At the close
thereof, a sloka called Charma sloka, in praise of the deceased, is
composed and repeated by some one versed in Sanskrit. Every month,
for a year after a death in a family, sradh should, as indicated,
be performed. This corresponds in detail with the annual sradh, which
is regularly performed, unless a visit is paid to Gaya, which renders
further performance of the rite not obligatory. For the performance
of this ceremony by the nearest agnate of the deceased (eldest son or
other), three Brahmans should be called in, to represent respectively
Vishnu, the Devatas, and the ancestors. Sometimes two Brahmans are
made to suffice, and Vishnu is represented by a salagrama stone. In
extreme cases, only one Brahman assists at the ceremony, the two
others being represented by dharbha grass. The sacred fire is lighted,
and ghi, a small quantity of raw and cooked rice, and vegetables
are offered up in the fire. The Brahmans then wash their feet, and
are fed. Before they enter the space set apart for the meal, water,
gingelly, and rice are sprinkled about it, to keep off evil spirits. As
soon as the meal is finished, a ball of rice, called vayasa pindam
(crow's food), is offered to the pithru devatas (ancestors of three
generations), and thrown to the crows. If they do not eat the rice,
the omens are considered to be unfavourable. The Brahmans receive
betel and money in payment for their services. On one occasion my
assistant was in camp at Kodaikanal on the Palni hills, the higher
altitudes of which are uninhabited by crows, and he had perforce to
march down to the plains, in order to perform the annual ceremony
for his deceased father. The recurring annual sradh (Pratyabdhika)
need not of necessity be performed. It is, however, regarded as an
important ceremony, and, should an individual neglect it, he would
run the risk of being excommunicated.

The rites connected with the dead are based on the Garuda Purana,
according to which the libations of the ten days are said to help the
growth of the body of the soul. In this connection, Monier Williams
writes as follows:-- [162]"On the first day, the ball (pinda) of
rice offered by the eldest son or other near relative nourishes the
spirit of the deceased in such a way as to furnish it with a head;
on the second day, the offered pinda gives a neck and shoulders; on
the third day a heart; on the fourth a back; on the fifth a navel;
on the sixth a groin and the parts usually concealed; on the seventh
thighs; on the eighth and ninth knees and feet. On the tenth day,
the intermediate body is sufficiently formed to produce the sensation
of hunger and thirst. Other pindas are therefore put before it, and,
on the eleventh and twelfth days, the embodied spirit feeds voraciously
on the offerings thus supplied, and so gains strength for its journey
to its future abode. Then, on the thirteenth day after death, it is
conducted either to heaven or hell. If to the latter, it has need of
the most nourishing food, to enable it to bear up against the terrible
ordeal which awaits it."

To the Hindu mind, Yama (the god of death) is a hideous god,
whose servants are represented as being capable of tormenting the
soul of the dead. "No sooner," writes Monier Williams, "has death
occurred, and cremation of the terrestrial body taken place, than
Yama's two messengers (Yama Dutan), who are waiting near at hand,
make themselves visible to the released spirit, which retains its
subtle body composed of the subtle elements, and is said to be of
the size of a thumb (angustha-matra). Their aspect is terrific,
for they have glaring eyes, hair standing erect, gnashing teeth,
crow-black skin, and claw-like nails, and they hold in their hands
the awful rod and noose of Yama. Then, as if their appearance in
this form were not sufficiently alarming, they proceed to terrify
their victim by terrible visions of the torments (yatana) in store
for him. They then convey the bound spirit along the road to Yama's
abode. Being led before Yama's judgment seat, it is confronted with
his Registrar or Recorder named Chitra Gupta. This officer stands by
Yama's side, with an open book before him. It is his business to note
down all the good and evil deeds of every human being born into the
world, with the resulting merit (punya) and demerit (papa), and to
produce a debtor and creditor account properly made up and balanced
on the day when that being is brought before Yama. According to the
balance on the side of merit or demerit is judgment pronounced. The
road by which Yama's two officers force a wicked man to descend to
the regions of torment is described in the first two chapters of the
Garuda Purana. The length of the way is said to be 86,000 leagues
(yojanas). The condemned soul, invested with its sensitive body, and
made to travel at the rate of 200 leagues a day, finds no shady trees,
no resting place, no food, no water. At one time it is scorched by a
burning heat equal to that of twelve meridian suns, at another it is
pierced by icy cold winds; now its tender frame is rent by thorns;
now it is attacked by lions, tigers, savage dogs, venomous serpents,
and scorpions. In one place it has to traverse a dense forest, whose
leaves are swords; in another it falls into deep pits; in another it
is precipitated from precipices; in another it has to walk on the
edge of razors; in another on iron spikes. Here it stumbles about
helplessly in profound darkness; there it struggles through loathsome
mud swarming with leeches; here it toils through burning sand; there
its progress is arrested by heaps of red-hot charcoal and stifling
smoke. Compelled to pass through every obstacle, however formidable,
it next encounters a succession of terrific showers, not of rain, but
of live coals, stones, blood, boiling water and filth. Then it has
to descend into appalling fissures, or ascend to sickening heights,
or lose itself in vast caves, or wade through lakes seething with
foetid ordures. Then midway it has to pass the awful river Vaitarani,
one hundred leagues in breadth, of unfathomable depth; flowing with
irresistible impetuosity; filled with blood, matter, hair, and bones;
infested with huge sharks, crocodiles, and sea monsters; darkened
by clouds of hideous vultures and obscene birds of prey. Thousands
of condemned spirits stand trembling on the banks, horrified by the
prospect before them. Consumed by a raging thirst, they drink the blood
which flows at their feet; then, tumbling headlong into the torrent,
they are overwhelmed by the rushing waves. Finally, they are hurried
down to the lowest depths of hell, and yet not destroyed. Pursued
by Yama's officers, they are dragged away, and made to undergo
inconceivable tortures, the detail of which is given with the utmost
minuteness in the succeeding chapters of the Garuda Purana."

The Ahannikams, or daily observances, of a religious Brahman are
very many. Nowadays, Brahmans who lead a purely religious life
are comparatively few, and are mostly found in villages. The
daily observances of such are the bath, the performance of the
Sandhya service, Brahma yagna, Deva puja or Devatarchana, Tarpana
(oblations of water), Vaisvadeva ceremony, and the reading of Puranas
or Ithihasas. Every orthodox Brahman is expected to rise at the time
called Brahma Muhurtam in the hour and a half before sunrise. He
should then clean his teeth, using as a brush mango leaf, or twigs
of Acacia arabica or nim (Melia Azadirachta). He next bathes in a
river or tank (pond), standing knee-deep in the water, and repeating
the following:--"I am about to perform the morning ablution in this
sacred stream (Ganges, Sarasvati, Yamuna, Godavari, etc.), in the
presence of the gods and Brahmans, with a view to the removal of
guilt resulting from act, speech, and thought, from what has been
touched and untouched, known and unknown, eaten and not eaten,
drunk and not drunk." After the bath, he wipes his body with a damp
cloth, and puts on his cotton madi cloth, which has been washed and
dried. The cloth, washed, wrung, and hung up to dry, should not be
touched by anybody. If this should happen prior to the bath, the
cloth is polluted, and ceases to be madi. A silk cloth, which cannot
be polluted, is substituted for it. The madi or silk cloth should be
worn until the close of the morning ceremonies and meal. The man next
puts the marks which are characteristic of his sect on the forehead
and body, and performs the Sandhya service. This is very important,
and is binding on all Brahmans after the Upanayanam ceremony, though
a large number are not particular in observing it. According to the
shastras, the Sandhya should be done in the morning and evening; but
in practice there is an additional service at midday. Sandhyavandhanam
means the thanksgiving to God when day and night meet in the morning
and evening. The rite commences with the sipping of water (achamanam)
from the hollow of the right palm. This is done three times, while
the words Achyuthayanamaha, Anantayanamaha, and Govindayana are
repeated. Immediately after sipping, twelve parts of the body are
touched with the fingers of the right hand in the following order:--


    The two cheeks with the thumb, repeating the names Kesava and
    Narayana;

    The two eyes with the ring-finger, repeating Madhava and Govinda;

    The two sides of the nose with the forefinger, repeating Vishnu
    and Madhusudhana;

    The two ears with the little finger, repeating Trivkrama and
    Vamana;

    The shoulders with the middle finger, repeating Sridhara and
    Rishikesa;

    The navel and head with all the fingers, repeating Padmanabha
    and Damodar.


This Achamana is the usual preliminary to all Brahman religious
rites. The water sipped is believed to cleanse the internal parts of
the body, as bathing cleanses the external parts.

After Achamana comes Pranayama, or holding in of vital breath, which
consists in repeating the Gayatri (hymn) and holding the breath by
three distinct operations, viz:--

Puraka, or pressing the right nostril with the fingers, and drawing
in the breath through the left nostril, and vice versâ.

Kumbhaka, or pressing both nostrils with finger and thumb or with
all the fingers, and holding the breath as long as possible.

Rechaka, or pressing the right nostril with the thumb, and expelling
the breath through the left nostril, and vice versâ.

The suppression of the breath is said to be a preliminary yoga
practice, enabling a person to fix his mind on the Supreme Being who
is meditated on.

The celebrant next repeats the Sankalpa (determination), with the
hands brought together, the right palm over the left, and placed on
the right thigh. Every kind of ceremony commences with the Sankalpa,
which, for the Sandhya service, is as follows:--"I am worshipping
for the removal of all my sins that have adhered to me, and for
the purpose of acquiring the favour of Narayana or the Supreme
Being." The performer of the rite then sprinkles himself with water,
repeating:--"Oh! ye waters, the sources of all comforts, grant us
food, so that our senses may grow strong and give us joy. Make
us the recipients of your essence, which is the most blissful,
just as affectionate mothers (feed their children with milk from
their breasts). May we obtain enough of that essence of yours, the
existence of which within you makes you feel glad. Oh! waters, grant
us offspring." He then takes up the water in his palm, and drinks it,
repeating the following:--"May the sun and anger, may the lords of
anger, preserve me from my sins of pride and passion. Whate'er the
nightly sins of thought, word, deed, wrought by my mind, my speech,
my hands, my feet; wrought through my appetite and sensual organs;
may the departing night remove them all. In thy immortal light,
Oh! radiant sun, I offer up myself and this my guilt." At the evening
service, the same is repeated, with the word Agni instead of Surya
(sun). At the midday service the following is recited:--"May the waters
purify the earth by pouring down rain. May the earth thus purified
make us pure. May the waters purify my spiritual preceptor, and may
the Veda (as taught by the purified preceptor) purify me. Whatever
leavings of another's food, and whatever impure things I may have
eaten, whatever I may have received as gift from the unworthy, may
the waters destroy all that sin and purify me. For this purpose, I
pour this sanctified water as a libation down my mouth." Once more
the celebrant sprinkles himself with water, and says:--"I sing the
praise of the god Dadikravan, who is victorious, all-pervading, and
who moves with great speed. May he make our mouths (and the senses)
fragrant, and may he prolong our lives. Oh! ye waters, the sources
of all comforts, grant us food," etc.

The ceremonies performed so far are intended for both external and
internal purification. By their means, the individual is supposed to
have made himself worthy to salute the Lord who resides in the orb of
the rising luminary, and render him homage in true Brahman style by
what is called Arghya. This is an offering of water to any respected
guest. Repeating the Gayatri, the worshipper throws water in the air
from the palms of the hands joined together with the sacred thread
round the thumbs. The Gayatri is the hymn par excellence, and is said
to contain the sum and substance of all Vedic teaching.

After these items, the worshipper sits down, and does Japam (recitation
of prayers in an undertone). The Gayatri, as repeated, consists of the
Gayatri proper Vyahritis, and Gayatri Siromantra. It runs as follows:--


    Om, Bhuh; Om, Bhuvah;
    Om, Suvah; Om, Mahaha;
    Om, Janaha; Om, Thapaha;
    Om, Sathyam.
    Om, Thatsaviturvarenyam;
    Bhargodevasya dhimahi dhiyo-yonah prachodayat;
    Om, Jyotiraso amrutam
    Brahma, Bhur, Bhuvasvarum.


The Vyahritis are generally taken to refer to the seven worlds,
and the prefixing of the Pranava (Om) means that all these worlds
have sprung from the Supreme Being. The Pranava given above means
"All the seven worlds are (the visible manifestations of) Om, the
all-pervading Brahman. We think of the adorable light of the Lord,
who shines in our hearts, and guides us. May he guide our intellects
aright. Water, light, all things that have savour (such as trees,
herbs, and plants), the nectar of the gods, the three worlds, in fact
everything that is Brahman, the universal soul."

The mystic syllable Om is the most sacred of all Hindu
utterances. Concerning it, Monier Williams writes that it is "made
up of the three letters A, U, M, and symbolical of the threefold
manifestation of the one Supreme Being in the gods Brahma, Vishnu,
and Siva, and is constantly repeated during the Sandhya service. This
prayer is, as we have seen, the most sacred of all Vedic utterances,
and, like the Lord's Prayer among Christians, or like the Fatihah or
opening chapter of the Kuran among Muhammadans, must always, among
Hindus, take precedence of all other forms of supplication."

The celebrant next proceeds to invoke the Gayatri Devata thus:--"May
the goddess Gayatri Devata, who grants all our desires, come to us
to make known to us the eternal Lord, who is revealed to us only
through the scriptures. May the Gayatri, the mother of all the Vedas,
reveal to us the eternal truth. Oh! Gayatri, thou art the source of
all spiritual strength. Thou art the power that drivest away the evil
inclinations which are mine enemies. Thou, by conducing to a sound
mind, conducest to a sound body. Thou art the light of the gods,
that dispellest my intellectual darkness, and illuminest my heart
with divine wisdom. Thou art all. In the whole universe there is
naught but thee that is. Thou art the eternal truth that destroys all
sins. Thou art the Pranava that reveals to me the unknown. Come to
my succour, Oh! thou Gayatri, and make me wise." This invocation is
followed by the repetition of the Gayatri 108 or only 28 times. The
celebrant then says:--"The goddess Gayatri resides on a lofty peak
on the summit of mount Meru (whose base is deeply fixed) in the
earth. Oh! thou goddess, take leave from the Brahmans (who have
worshipped thee, and been blessed with thy grace), and go back to thy
abode as comfortably as possible." The Sandhya service is closed with
the following prayer to the rising sun:--"We sing the adorable glory
of the sun god, who sustains all men (by causing rain); which glory
is eternal, and most worthy of being adored with wonder. The sun,
well knowing the inclinations of men, directs them to their several
pursuits. The sun upholds both heaven and earth; the sun observes all
creatures (and their actions) without ever winking. To this eternal
being we offer the oblation mixed with ghi. Oh! sun, may that man
who through such sacrifice offers oblations to thee become endowed
with wealth and plenty. He who is under thy protection is not cut
off by untimely death; he is not vanquished by anybody, and sin has
no hold on this man either from near or from afar." In the evening,
the following prayer to Varuna is substituted:--"Hear, Oh! Varuna,
this prayer of mine. Be gracious unto me this day. Longing for thy
protection, I cry to thee. Adoring thee with prayer, I beg long life
of thee. The sacrificer does the same with the oblations he offers
thee. Therefore, Oh! Varuna, without indifference in this matter,
take my prayer into your kind consideration, and do not cut off our
life. Oh! Lord Varuna, whatever law of thine we, as men, violate day
after day, forgive us these trespasses. Oh! Lord Varuna, whatever
offence we, as men, have committed against divine beings, whatever
work of thine we have neglected through ignorance, do not destroy
us, Oh! Lord, for such sin. Whatever sin is attributed to us by our
enemies, as by gamblers at dice, whatever sins we may have really
committed, and what we may have done without knowing, do thou scatter
and destroy all these sins. Then, Oh! Lord, we shall become beloved of
thee." The Sandhya prayer closes with the Abhivadhana or salutation,
which has been given in the account of marriage. After the Sandhya
service in the morning, the Brahma yagna, or worship of the Supreme
Being as represented in the sacred books is gone through. The first
hymn of the Rig Veda is recited in detail, and then follow the first
words of the Yajur Veda, Sama Veda, Atharvana Veda, the Nirukta, etc.

The next item is the Tarpana ceremony, or offering of water to the
Devatas, Rishis, and Pitris. The sacred thread is placed over the
left shoulder and under the right arm (upavita), and water is taken
in the right hand, and poured as an offering to the Devatas. Then,
with the sacred thread round the neck like a necklace (niviti), the
worshipper pours water for the Rishis. Lastly, the sacred thread is
placed over the right shoulder (prachina vithi) and water is poured
for the Pitris (ancestors).

The various ceremonies described so far should be performed by all the
male members of a family, whereas the daily Devatarchana or Devata puja
is generally done by any one member of a family. The gods worshipped
by pious Brahmans are Siva and Vishnu, and their consorts Parvati and
Lakshmi. Homage is paid thereto through images, salagrama stones, or
stone lingams. In the house of a Brahman, a corner or special room
is set apart for the worship of the god. Some families keep their
gods in a small almirah (chest).

Smarthas use in their domestic worship five stones, viz.:--


    1. Salagrama, representing Vishnu.
    2. Bana linga, a white stone representing the essence of Siva.
    3. A red stone (jasper), representing Ganesha.
    4. A bit of metallic ore, representing Parvathi, or a lingam
       representing Siva and Parvathi.
    5. A piece of pebble or crystal, to represent the sun.


Smarthas commence their worship by invoking the aid of Vigneswara
(Ganesha). Then, placing a vessel (kalasa) filled with water, they
utter the following prayer. "In the mouth of the water-vessel abideth
Vishnu, in its lower part is Brahma, while the whole company of the
mothers (matris) are congregated in its middle part. Oh! Ganges,
Yamuna, Godavari, Sarasvati, Narmada, Sindhu, and Kaveri, be present
in this water." The conch or chank shell (Turbinella rapa) is then
worshipped as follows:--"Oh! conch shell, thou wast produced in
the sea, and art held by Vishnu in his hand. Thou art worshipped by
all the gods. Receive my homage." The bell is then worshipped with
the prayer:--"Oh! bell, make a sound for the approach of the gods,
and for the departure of the demons. Homage to the goddess Ghanta
(bell). I offer perfumes, grains of rice, and flowers, in token of
rendering all due homage to the bell." The worshipper claps his hands,
and rings the bell. All the tulsi (sacred basil, Ocimum sanctum)
leaves, flowers, sandal paste, etc., used for worship on the previous
day, are removed. "The tulsi is the most sacred plant in the Hindu
religion; it is consequently found in or near almost every Hindu house
throughout India. Hindu poets say that it protects from misfortune,
and sanctifies and guides to heaven all who cultivate it. The Brahmins
hold it sacred to the gods Krishna and Vishnu. The story goes that
this plant is the transformed nymph Tulasi, beloved of Krishna,
and for this reason near every Hindu house it is cultivated in pots,
or in brick or earthen pillars with hollows at the top (brindavanam
or brinda forest), in which earth is deposited. It is daily watered,
and worshipped by all the members of the family. Under favourable
circumstances, it grows to a considerable size, and furnishes a woody
stem large enough to make beads for the rosaries used by Hindus,
on which they count the number of recitations of their deity's
name." [163] Writing in the seventeenth century, Vincenzo Maria
[164] observes that "almost all the Hindus ... adore a plant like our
Basilico gentile, but of a more pungent odour.... Every one before
his house has a little altar, girt with a wall half an ell high,
in the middle of which they erect certain pedestals like little
towers, and in these the shrub is grown. They recite their prayers
daily before it, with repeated prostrations, sprinklings of water,
etc. There are also many of these maintained at the bathing-places,
and in the courts of the pagodas." The legend, accounting for the
sanctity of the tulsi, is told in the Padma Purana. [165] From the
union of the lightning that flashed from the third eye of Siva with
the ocean, a boy was born, whom Brahmadev caught up, and to whom he
gave the name of Jalandhar. And to him Brahmadev gave the boon that
by no hand but Siva's could he perish. Jalandhar grew up strong and
tall, and conquered the kings of the earth, and, in due time, married
Vrinda (or Brinda), the daughter of the demon Kalnemi. Naradmuni,
the son of Brahmadev, stirred up hatred against Siva in Jalandhar,
and they fought each other on the slopes of Kailas. But even Siva
could not prevail against Jalandhar, so long as his wife Vrinda
remained chaste. So Vishnu, who had lived with her and Jalandhar,
and had learnt their secret, plotted her downfall. One day, when she,
sad at Jalandhar's absence, had left her garden to walk in the waste
beyond, two demons met her and pursued her. She ran, with the demons
following, until she saw a Rishi, at whose feet she fell, and asked
for shelter. The Rishi, with his magic, burnt up the demons into thin
ash. Vrinda then asked for news of her husband. At once, two apes laid
before her Jalandhar's head, feet, and hands. Vrinda, thinking that
he was dead, begged the Rishi to restore him to her. The Rishi said
that he would try, and in a moment he and the corpse had disappeared,
and Jalandhar stood by her. She threw herself into his arms, and they
embraced each other. But, some days later, she learnt that he with
whom she was living was not her husband, but Vishnu, who had taken
his shape. She cursed Vishnu, and foretold that, in a later Avatar,
the two demons who had frightened her would rob him of his wife; and
that, to recover her, he would have to ask the aid of the apes who had
brought Jalandhar's head, feet, and hands. Vrinda then threw herself
into a burning pit, and Jalandhar, once Vrinda's chastity had gone,
fell a prey to Siva's thunderbolts. Then the gods came forth from their
hiding place, and garlanded Siva. The demons were driven back to hell,
and men once more passed under the tyranny of the gods. But Vishnu came
not back from Vrinda's palace, and those who sought him found him mad
from grief, rolling in her ashes. Then Parvati, to break the charm
of Vrinda's beauty, planted in her ashes three seeds. And they grew
into three plants, the tulsi, the avali, and the malti. By the growth
of these seeds, Vishnu was released from Vrinda's charm. Therefore
he loved them all, but chiefly the tulsi plant, which, as he said,
was Vrinda's very self. In the seventh incarnation, the two demons,
who had frightened Vrinda, became Ravan and his brother Kumbhakarna,
and they bore away Sita to Lanka. To recover her, Ramchandra had
to implore the help of the two apes who had brought her Jalandhar's
head and hands, and in this incarnation they became Hanuman and his
warriors. But, in the eighth incarnation, which was that of Krishna,
the tulsi plant took the form of a woman Radha, and wedded the gay
and warlike lord of Dwarka.


The Shodasopachara, or sixteen acts of homage, are next performed in
due order, viz.--


     1. Avahana, or invocation of the gods.
     2. Asanam, or seat.
     3. Padhya, or water for washing the feet.
     4. Arghya, or oblation of rice or water.
     5. Achamanam, or water for sipping.
     6. Snanam, or the bath.
     7. Vastra, or clothing of tulsi leaves.
     8. Upavastra, or upper clothing of tulsi leaves.
     9. Gandha, or sandal paste.
    10. Pushpa, or flowers.
    11. 12. Dhupa and Dhipa, or incense and light.
    13. Naivedya, or offering of food.
    14. Pradakshina, or circumambulation.
    15. Mantrapushpa, or throwing flowers.
    16. Namaskara, or salutation by prostration.


While the five stones already referred to are bathed by pouring water
from a conch shell, the Purusha Suktha, or hymn of the Rig Veda, is
repeated. This runs as follows:--"Purusha has thousands of heads,
thousands of arms, thousands of eyes, and thousands of feet. On
every side enveloping the earth, he transcended this mere space of
ten fingers. Purusha himself is this whole (universe); whatever has
been, and whatever shall be. He is also the lord of immortality,
since through food he expands. Such is his greatness, and Purusha is
superior to this. All existing things are a quarter of him, and that
which is immortal in the sky is three quarters of him. With three
quarters Purusha mounted upwards. A quarter of him was again produced
below. He then became diffused everywhere among things, animate and
inanimate. From him Viraj was born, and from Viraj Purusha. As soon as
born, he extended beyond the earth, both behind and before. When the
gods offered up Purusha as a sacrifice, the spring was its clarified
butter (ghi), summer its fuel, and the autumn the oblation. This
victim, Purusha born in the beginning, they consecrated on the
sacrificial grass. With him as their offering, the Gods, Sadhyas,
and Rishis sacrificed. From that universal oblations were produced
curds and clarified butter. He, Purusha, formed the animals which are
subject to the power of the air (Vayavya), both wild and tame. From
that universal sacrifice sprang the hymns called Rik and Saman, the
Metres, and the Yajus. From it were produced horses, and all animals
with two rows of teeth, cows, goats, and sheep. When they divided
Purusha, into how many parts did they distribute him? What was his
mouth? What were his arms? What were called his thighs and feet? The
Brahman was his mouth; the Rajanya became his arms; the Vaisya was
his thighs; the Sudra sprang from his feet. The moon was produced
from his soul; the sun from his eye; Indra and Agni from his mouth;
Vayu from his breath. From his navel came the atmosphere; from his
head arose the sky; from his feet came the earth; from his ears the
four quarters; so they formed the worlds. When the gods, in performing
their sacrifice, bound Purusha as a victim, there were seven pieces
of wood laid for him round the fire, and thrice seven pieces of fuel
employed. With sacrifice the gods worshipped the sacrifice. These
were the primæval rites. These great beings attained to the heaven,
where the Gods, the ancient Sadhyas, reside."

Some Smarthas, e.g., the Brahacharnams, are more Saivite than other
sections of Tamil-speaking Brahmans. During worship, they wear round
the neck rudraksha (Elæocarpus Ganitrus) beads, and place on their head
a lingam made thereof. In connection with the rudraksha, the legend
runs that Siva or Kalagni Rudra, while engaged in Tripura Samhara,
opened his third eye, which led to the destruction of the three cities,
of which Rakshasas or Asuras had taken the form. From this eye liquid
is said to have trickled on the ground, and from this arose the
rudraksha tree. The mere mention of the word rudraksha is believed
to secure religious merit, which may be said to be equivalent to the
merit obtained by the gift of ten cows to Brahmans. Rudraksha beads are
valued according to the number of lobes (or faces, as they are called),
which are ordinarily five in number. A bead with six lobes is said to
be very good, and one with two lobes, called Gauri Sankara rudraksha,
is specially valued. Dikshitar Brahmans, and Pandaram priests of the
higher order, wear a two-lobed bead mounted in gold. In a manuscript
entitled Rudrakshopanishad, it is stated that a good rudraksha bead,
when rubbed with water, should colour the water yellow. The Madhvas
worship in the same way as Smarthas, but the objects of worship are
the salagrama stone, and images of Hanuman and Adi Sesha. Food offered
to Adi Sesha, Lakshmi, and Hanuman, is not eaten, but thrown away. The
Madhvas attach great importance to their spiritual guru, who is first
worshipped by a worshipper. Some keep a brindavanam, representing the
grave of their guru, along with a salagrama stone, which is worshipped
at the close of the Devata puja. Sri Vaishnavas keep for domestic
worship only salagrama stones. Like the Madhvas, they are scrupulous
as to the worship of their gurus (acharyas), without whose intervention
they believe that they cannot obtain beatitude. Hence Sri Vaishnavites
insist upon the Samasrayanam ceremony. After the Sandhya service and
Brahma yagna, the guru is worshipped. All orthodox Vaishnavas keep with
them a silk cloth bearing the impressions of the feet of their Acharya,
an abhayastha or impression of the hand of Vishnu in sandal paste,
a few necklaces of silk thread (pavitram), and a bit of the bark of
the tamarind tree growing at the temple at Alvartirunagiri in the
Tinnevelly district. The worshipper puts on his head the silk cloth,
and round his neck the silk necklaces, and, if available, a necklace
of Nelumbium (sacred lotus) seeds. After saluting the abhayastha
by pressing it to his eyes, he repeats the prayer of his Acharya,
and proceeds to the Devatarchana, which consists in the performance
of the sixteen upacharas already described. The salagrama stone is
bathed, and the Purusha Suktha repeated.

The daily observances are brought to a close by the performance of the
Vaisvadeva ceremony, or offering to Vaisvadevas (all the gods). This
consists in offering cooked rice, etc., to all the gods. Some regard
this as a sort of expiatory ceremony, to wipe out the sin which may
have accidentally been committed by killing small animals in the
process of cooking food.

The male members of a family take their meals apart from the
females. The food is served on platters made of the leaves
of the banyan (Ficus bengalensis), Butea frondosa, Bauhinia, or
plantain. Amongst Smarthas and Madhvas, various vegetable preparations
are served first, and rice last, whereas, amongst the Sri Vaishnavas,
especially Vadagalais, rice is served first. Before commencing
to eat, a little water (tirtham), in which a salagrama stone has
been bathed, is poured into the palms of those who are about to
partake of the meal. They drink the water simultaneously, saying
"Amartopastaranamasi." They then put a few handfuls of rice into
their mouths, repeating some mantras--"Pranayasvaha, Udanayasvaha,
Somanayasvaha," etc. At the end of the meal, all are served with a
little water, which they sip, saying "Amartapithanamasi." They then
rise together.

In connection with the salagrama stone, which has been referred
to several times, the following interesting account thereof [166]
may be quoted:--"Salagrams are fossil cephalopods (ammonites), and
are found chiefly in the bed of the Gandak river, a mountain torrent
which, rising in the lofty mountains of Nepal, flows into the Ganges
at Salagrami, a village from which they take their name, and which is
not far from the sacred city of Benares. In appearance they are small
black shiny pebbles of various shapes, usually round or oval, with a
peculiar natural hole in them. They have certain marks to be described
later, and are often flecked and inlaid with gold [or pyrites]. The
name salagram is of Sanskrit derivation, from sara chakra, the weapon
of Vishnu, and grava, a stone; the chakra or chakram being represented
on the stone by queer spiral lines, popularly believed to be engraved
thereon at the request of Vishnu by the creator Brahma, who, in
the form of a worm, bores the holes known as vadanas, and traces
the spiral coil that gives the stone its name. There is a curious
legend connected with their origin. In ancient times there lived a
certain dancing-girl, the most beautiful that had ever been created,
so beautiful indeed that it was impossible to find a suitable consort
for her. The girl, in despair at her loveliness, hid herself in the
mountains, in the far away Himalayas, and there spent several years in
prayer, till at last Vishnu appeared before her, and asked what she
wanted. She begged him to tell her how it was that the great creator
Brahma, who had made her so beautiful, had not created a male consort
for her of similar perfect form. Then she looked on Vishnu, and asked
the god to kiss her. Vishnu could not comply with her request as she
was a dancing-girl, and of low caste, but promised by his virtue that
she should be reincarnated in the Himalayas in the form of a river,
which should bear the name Gandaki, and that he would be in the river
as her eternal consort in the shape of a salagram. Thereupon the river
Gandaki rose from the Himalayas, and salagrams were found in it. How
the true virtue of the salagram was discovered is another strange
little fable. A poor boy of the Kshatriya or warrior class once found
one when playing by the river side. He soon discovered that when he
had it in his hand, or secreted in his mouth, or about his person,
his luck was so extraordinary at marbles or whatever game he played,
that he always won. At last he so excelled in all he undertook that
he rose to be a great king. Finally Vishnu himself came to fetch him,
and bore him away in a cloud. The mystic river Gandaki is within the
jurisdiction of the Maharaja of Nepal, and is zealously guarded on
both banks, while the four special places where the sacred stones are
mostly picked up are leased out under certain conditions, the most
important being that all true salagrams found are to be submitted to
the Maharaja. These are then tested, the selected ones retained, and
the others returned to the lessee. The first test of the salagrams
to prove if they are genuine is very simple, but later they are put
through other ordeals to try their supernatural powers. Each stone,
as it is discovered, is struck on all sides with a small hammer,
or, in some cases, is merely knocked with the finger. This causes
the soft powdery part, produced by the boring of the worm, to fall
in and disclose the vadana or hole, which may, in the more valuable
salagrams, contain gold or a precious gem. In addition to the real
stone with chakram and vadana formed by natural causes, there are
found in many mountain streams round black pebbles resembling the
true salagram in colour, shape, and size, but lacking the chakram and
vadana. These are collected by Bairagis, or holy mendicants, who bore
imitation vadanas in them, and, tracing false chakrams in balapa or
slate stone, paste them on the pebbles. So skilfully is this fraud
perpetrated that it is only after years of use and perpetual washing
at the daily puja that in time the tracery wears away, and detection
becomes possible. There are over eighteen known and different kinds
of true salagrams, the initial value of which varies according to
the shape and markings of the stone. The price of any one salagram
may be so enhanced after the further tests have been applied, that
even a lakh of rupees (Rs. 1,00,000) will fail to purchase it; and,
should experience prove the stone a lucky one, nothing will, as a
rule, induce the fortunate owner to part with it. The three shapes
of salagrams most highly prized are known as the Vishnu salagram,
the Lakshmi Narasimha salagram, and the Mutchya Murti salagram. The
first has a chakram on it the shape of a garland, and bears marks
known as the shenka (conch) gada padma, or the weapons of Vishnu,
and is peculiar to that god. The second has two chakrams on the left
of the vadana, and has dots or specks all over it. This stone, if
properly worshipped, is believed to ensure to its owner prosperity
and eternal life. The third, the Mutchya Murti, is a long-shaped
flat stone with a vadana that gives it a resemblance to the face of a
fish. It bears two chakrams, one inside and one outside the vadana,
and also has specks and dots on it in the shape of a shoe. There
are four or five varieties of this species, and it also, if duly
worshipped, will infallibly enrich its possessor. One salagram there
is which has no vadana, and is known as the ugra chakra salagram. It
is quite round with two chakrams, but it is not a particularly safe
one to possess, and is described as a 'furious salagrama,' for, if
not worshipped with sufficient ardour, it will resent the neglect,
and ruin the owner. The first thing to do on obtaining a salagram
is to find out whether or not it is a lucky stone, for a stone that
will bring luck to one owner may mean ruin for another. The tests
are various; a favourite one is to place the salagram with its exact
weight of rice together in one place for the night. If the rice has
increased in the morning (and, in some cases, my informant assures me,
it will be found to have doubled in quantity), then the stone is one
to be regarded by its lucky holder as priceless, and on no account to
be parted with. If, on the other hand, the rice measures the same,
or--dreadful omen--has even become less, then let the house be rid
of it as early as possible. If no purchaser can be found, make a
virtue of necessity, and send it as a present to the nearest temple
or mutt (religious institution), where the Gurus know how to appease
the wrath of the Deity with daily offerings of fruits and flowers. A
salagram will never bring any luck if its possession is acquired by
fraud or force. The story runs that once a Brahman, finding one with a
Mahomedan butcher, obtained it by theft. The luckless man speedily rued
the day of his time, for, from that time onwards, nothing prospered,
and he ended his days a destitute pauper. Again, possession of them
without worship is believed by all Hindus to be most unlucky, and,
as none but Brahmans can perform the worship, none but Brahmans will
retain the stones in their keeping. For an orthodox Brahman household,
the ownership of three or more stones is an absolute necessity. These
must be duly worshipped and washed with water, and the water drunk
as tirtha, and sacrifice of boiled rice and other food must be daily
performed. When this is done, speedy success in all the business of
life will fall to the lot of the inmates of the house, but otherwise
ruin and disgrace await them."

In some temples, the Mula Vigraha, or idol fixed in the inner
sanctuary, is decorated with a necklace of salagrama stones. For
example, at Tirupati the god is thus decorated.

The following incident in connection with a salagrama stone is
narrated by Yule and Burnell [167]:--"In May, 1883, a salagrama was
the ostensible cause of great popular excitement among the Hindus
of Calcutta. During the proceedings in a family suit before the
High Court, a question arose regarding the identity of a salagrama,
regarded as a household god. Counsel on both sides suggested that the
thing should be brought into court. Mr. Justice Morris hesitated to
give this order till he had taken advice. The attorneys on both sides,
Hindus, said there could be no objection; the Court interpreter, a
high-caste Brahman, said it could not be brought into Court because of
the coir matting, but it might with perfect propriety be brought into
the corridor for inspection; which was done. This took place during
the excitement about the 'Ilbert Bill,' giving natives magisterial
authority in the provinces over Europeans; and there followed most
violent and offensive articles in several native newspapers reviling
Mr. Justice Morris, who was believed to be hostile to the Bill. The
Editor of the Bengallee newspaper, an educated man, and formerly
a member of the Covenanted Civil Service, the author of one of the
most unscrupulous and violent articles, was summoned for contempt of
court. He made an apology and complete retraction, but was sentenced
to two months' imprisonment."

The sacred chank, conch, or sankhu, which has been referred to in
connection with ceremonial observance, is the shell of the gastropod
mollusc Turbinella rapa. This is secured, in Southern India, by
divers from Tuticorin in the vicinity of the pearl banks. The chank
shell, which one sees suspended on the forehead and round the neck
of bullocks, is not only used by Hindus for offering libations, and
as a musical instrument in temples, but is also cut into armlets,
bracelets, and other ornaments. Writing in the sixteenth century,
Garcia says:--"This chanco is a ware for the Bengal trade, and formerly
produced more profit than now ... and there was formerly a custom
in Bengal that no virgin in honour and esteem could be corrupted
unless it were by placing bracelets of chanco on her arms; but,
since the Patans came in, this usage has more or less ceased." "The
conch shell," Captain C. R. Day writes, [168] "is not in secular use
as a musical instrument, but is found in every temple, and is sounded
during religious ceremonials, in processions, and before the shrines
of Hindu deities. In Southern India, the sankhu is employed in the
ministration of a class of temple servers called Dasari. No tune,
so to speak, can of course be played upon it, but still the tone is
capable of much modulation by the lips, and its clear mellow notes are
not without a certain charm. A rather striking effect is produced when
it is used in the temple ritual as a sort of rhythmical accompaniment,
when it plays the part of kannagolu or talavinyasa." In a petition
from two natives of the city of Madras in 1734, in connection with the
expenses for erecting a town called Chintadrepettah, the following
occurs [169]:--"Expended towards digging a foundation, where chanks
was buried with accustomary ceremonies." A right-handed chank (i.e.,
one which has its spiral opening to the right), which was found off
the coast of Ceylon at Jaffna in 1887, was sold for Rs. 700. Such
a chank is said to have been sometimes priced at a lakh of rupees;
and, writing in 1813, Milburn says [169] that a chank opening to the
right hand is greatly valued, and always sells for its weight in
gold. Further, Baldæus narrates the legend that Garroude flew in
all haste to Brahma, and brought to Kistna the chianko or kinkhorn
twisted to the right. The chank appears as a symbol on coins of the
Chalukyan and Pandyan dynasties of Southern India, and on the modern
coins of the Maharajas of Travancore.

Temple worship is entirely based on Agamas. As Brahmans take part
only in the worship of Siva and Vishnu, temples dedicated to these
gods are largely frequented by them. The duties connected with
the actual worship of the idol are carried out by Gurukkals in
Siva temples, and by Pancharatra or Vaikhanasa Archakas in Vishnu
temples. The cooking of the food for the daily offering is done by
Brahmans called Parcharakas. At the time of worship, some Brahmans,
called Adhyapakas, recite the Vedas. Some stanzas from Thiruvaimozhi or
Thevaram are also repeated, the former by Brahmans at Vishnu temples,
and the latter by Pandarams (Oduvar) at Siva temples. In a typical
temple there are usually two idols, one of stone (mula vigraha) and
the other of metal (utsava vigraha). The mula vigraha is permanently
fixed within the inner shrine or garbagraha, and the utsava vigraha
is intended to be carried in procession. The mula vigrahas of Vishnu
temples are generally in human form, either in a standing posture, or,
as in the case of Ranganatha, Padmanabha, and Govindarajaswami, in a
reclining posture, on Adisesha. Ordinarily, three idols constitute
the mula vigraha. These are Vishnu, Sridevi (Lakshmi), and Bhudevi
(earth goddess). In temples dedicated to Sri Rama, Lakshmana is
found instead of Bhudevi. Sridevi and Bhudevi are also associated
with Vishnu in the utsava vigraha. In all the larger temples, there
is a separate building in the temple precincts dedicated to Lakshmi,
and within the garbagraha thereof, called thayar or nachiyar sannadhi,
is a mula vigraha of Lakshmi. There may also be one or more shrines
dedicated to the Alvars (Vaishnava saints) and the Acharyas--Desikar
and Manavala Mahamunigal. The sect mark is put on the faces of the
mula and utsava vigrahas. The mula vigraha in Siva temples is a lingam
(phallic emblem). In Siva temples, there is within the garbagraha
only one lamp burning, which emits a very feeble light. Hence arise
the common sayings "As dim as the light burning in Siva's temple,"
or "Like the lamp in Siva's temple." The utsava vigraha is in the
human forms of Siva and Parvathi. In all important Saivite temples,
Parvathi is housed in a separate building, as Lakshmi is in Vishnu
temples. Vigneswara, Subramanya, and the important Nayanmars also
have separate shrines in the temple precincts.

So far as ordinary daily worship is concerned, there is not much
difference in the mode of worship between temple and domestic
worship. Every item is done on a large scale, and certain special
Agamic or Tantric rites are added to the sixteen Upacharas already
mentioned. At the present time, there are, especially in the case
of Vishnu temples, two forms of temple worship, called Pancharatra
and Vaikhanasa. In the former, which is like domestic worship in all
essential points, any Brahman may officiate as temple priest. In the
latter, only Vaikhanasa Archakas may officiate.

All big temples are generally well endowed, and some temples receive
from Government annual grants of money, called tasdik. The management
of the temple affairs rests with the Dharmakarthas (trustees), who
practically have absolute control over the temple funds. All the
temple servants, such as Archakas, Parcharakas, and Adhyapakas, and
the non-Brahman servants (sweepers, flower-gatherers, musicians and
dancing-girls) are subject to the authority of the Dharmakartha. For
their services in the temple, these people are paid partly in money,
and partly in kind. The cooked food, which is offered daily to the
god, is distributed among the temple servants. On ordinary days, the
offerings of cooked food made by the Archakas, and the fruits brought
by those who come to worship, are offered only to the mula vigraha,
whereas, on festival days, they are offered to the utsava vigrahas.

For worship in Vishnu temples, flowers and tulsi (Ocimum sanctum)
are used. In Siva temples, bilva (bael: Ægle Marmelos) leaves are
substituted for tulsi. At the close of the worship, the Archaka
gives to those present thirtham (holy water), tulsi or bilva leaves,
and vibhuthi (sacred ashes) according to the nature of the temple. At
Vishnu temples, immediately after the giving of thirtham, an inverted
bowl, bearing on it the feet of Vishnu (satari or sadagopam), is placed
by the Archaka first on the head, and then on the right shoulder,
and again on the head, in the case of grown up and married males,
and only on the head in the case of females and young people. The
bowl is always kept near the mula vigraha, and, on festival days,
when the god is taken in procession through the streets, it is carried
along with the utsava vigraha. On festival days, such as Dhipavali,
Vaikunta Ekadasi, Dwadasi, etc., the god of the temple is taken in
procession through the main streets of the town or village. The idol,
thus borne in procession, is not the stone figure, but the portable
one made of metal (utsava vigraha), which is usually kept in the
temple in front of the Mula idol. At almost every important temple,
an annual festival called Brahmotsavam, which usually lasts ten days,
is celebrated. Every night during this festival, the god is seated on
the clay, wooden or metal figure of some animal as a vehicle, e.g.,
Garuda, horse, elephant, bull, Hanuman, peacock, yali, etc., and taken
in procession, accompanied by a crowd of Brahmans chanting the Vedas
and Tamil Nalayara Prapandhams, if the temple is an important one. Of
the vehicles or vahanams, Hanuman and Garuda are special to Vishnu,
and the bull (Nandi) and tiger to Siva. The others are common to both
deities. During the month of May, the festival of the god Varadaraja
takes place annually. On one of the ten days of this festival, the
idol, which has gone through a regular marriage ceremony, is placed
on an elaborately decorated car (ratha), and dragged through the main
streets. The car frequently bears a number of carved images of a very
obscene nature, the object of which, it is said, is to avert the evil
eye. Various castes, besides Brahmans, take part in temple worship,
at which the saints of both Siva and Vishnu--Nayanmar and Alvars--are
worshipped. The Brahmans do not entirely ignore the worship of the
lower deities, such as Mariamma, Muneswara, Kodamanitaya, etc. At
Udipi in South Canara, the centre of the Madhva cult, where Madhva
preached his Dvaitic philosophy, and where there are several mutts
presided over by celibate priests, the Brahmans often make a vow
to the Bhuthas (devils) of the Paravas and Nalkes. Quite recently,
we saw an orthodox Shivalli Brahman, employed under the priest of one
of the Udipi mutts, celebrating the nema (festival) of a bhutha named
Panjurli, in fulfilment of a vow made when his son was ill. The Nalke
devil-dancers were sent for, and the dance took place in the courtyard
of the Brahman's house. During the leaf festival at Periyapalayam near
Madras, Brahman males and females may be seen wearing leafy twigs of
margosa (Melia Azadirachta), and going round the Mariamma shrine.

I pass on to a detailed consideration of the various classes of
Brahmans met with in Southern India. Of these, the Tamil Brahmans,
or Dravidas proper, are most numerous in the southern districts. They
are divided into the following sections:--


I. Smartha.

    (a) Vadama.
    (b) Kesigal.
    (c) Brahacharnam.
    (d) Vathima or Madhema.
    (e) Ashtasahasram.
    (f) Dikshitar.
    (g) Sholiar.
    (h) Mukkani.
    (i) Kaniyalar.
    (j) Sankethi.
    (k) Prathamasaki.
    (l) Gurukkal.


II. Vaishnava.

    A. Vadagalai (northerners).

        (a) Sri Vaishnava.
        (b) Vaikhanasa.
        (c) Pancharatra.
        (d) Hebbar.


    B. Thengalai (southerners).

        (a) Sri Vaishnava.
        (b) Vaikhanasa.
        (c) Pancharatra.
        (d) Hebbar.
        (e) Mandya.


I. Smartha--(a) Vadama.--The Vadamas claim to be superior to
the other classes, but will dine with all the sections, except
Gurukkals and Prathamasakis, and, in some places, will even eat with
Prathamasakis. The sub-divisions among the Vadamas are:--


    1. Choladesa (Chola country).
    2. Vadadesa (north country).
    3. Savayar or Sabhayar.
    4. Inji.
    5. Thummagunta Dravida.


All these are Smarthas, who use as their sect mark either the
urdhvapundram (straight mark made with sandal paste) or the circular
mark, and rarely the cross lines. They worship both Siva and Vishnu,
and generally read Puranas about Vishnu. Some Vadamas use the Vaishnava
namam as their sect mark, and are called Kiththunamakkarar. They follow
the Smartha customs in every way. There is a common saying "Vadamam
muththi Vaishnavam," i.e., a Vadama ripens into a Vaishnava. This is
literally true. Some Vadama families, who put on the urdhvapundram
mark, and follow the Smartha customs, observe pollution whenever a
death occurs in certain Sri Vaishnava families. This is because the
Sri Vaishnavas are Vadamas recently converted into Vaishnava families.

(b) Kesigal.--The Kesigals, or Hiranyakesikal (men of the silvery
hair), as they are sometimes called, closely resemble the Vadamas,
but are an exclusive endogamous unit, and highly conservative and
orthodox. They are called Hiranyakesikal or Hiranyakesis because they
follow the Grihya Sutras of Hiranyakesi. It is noted, in the Gazetteer
of the Tanjore district, that they "are peculiar in all having one
common Sutram called the Sathyashada after a common ancestor."

(c) Brahacharnam (the great sect).--The Brahacharnams are more
Saivite, and more orthodox than the Vadamas. They put on vibhuti
(sacred ashes) and sandal paste horizontal lines as their sect
mark. The sub division Sathyamangalam Brahacharnam seems, however,
to be an exception, as some members thereof put on the Vaishnavite
sect mark at all times, or at least during the month of Purattasi,
which is considered sacred to the god Venkataramana of Tirupati. The
more orthodox Brahacharnams wear a single rudraksha bead, or a necklace
of beads, and some make lingams out of these beads, which they put on
the head during worship. They generally worship five gods, viz., Siva
in the form of a lingam, spatika (crystal) lingam, Vishnu, Ganesa,
and Iswara. It is said that Brahacharnam women can be distinguished
by the mode of tying the cloth, which is not worn so as to reach to
the feet, but reaches only to just below the knees. The Brahacharnams
are sub-divided into the following sections:--


    1. Kandramanicka.
    2. Milaganur.
    3. Mangudi.
    4. Palavaneri or Pazhamaneri.
    5. Musanadu.
    6. Kolaththur.
    7. Maruthancheri.
    8. Sathyamangalam.
    9. Puthur Dravida.


It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Tanjore district, that "one
ceremony peculiar to the Milaganur Brahacharnams is that, before the
principal marriage ceremonies of the first day, a feast is given to
four married women, a widow, and a bachelor. This is called the adrisya
pendugal (invisible women) ceremony. It is intended to propitiate
four wives belonging to this sub-division, who are said to have been
cruelly treated by their mother-in-law, and cursed the class. They
are represented to have feasted a widow, and to have then disappeared."

(d) Vathima.--The Vathimas, or Madhimas, are most numerous in the
Tanjore district, and are thus described in the Gazetteer:--"The
Vattimas are grouped into three smaller sub-sections, of which one
is called 'the eighteen village Vattimas,' from the fact that they
profess (apparently with truth) to have lived till recently in only
eighteen villages, all of them in this district. They have a marked
character of their own, which may be briefly described. They are
generally money-lenders, and consequently are unpopular with their
neighbours, who are often blind to their virtues and unkind to their
failings. [There is a proverb that the Vadamas are always economical,
and the Vathimas always unite together.] It is a common reproach
against them that they are severe to those who are in their debt,
and parsimonious in their household expenditure. To this latter
characteristic is attributed their general abstinence from dholl
(the usual accompaniment of a Brahman meal), and their preference for
a cold supper instead of a hot meal. The women work as hard as the
men, making mats, selling buttermilk, and lending money on their own
account, and are declared to be as keen in money-making and usury as
their brothers. They, however, possess many amiable traits. They are
well known for a generous hospitality on all great occasions, and no
poor guest or Brahman mendicant has ever had reason to complain in
their houses that he is being served worse than his richer or more
influential fellows. Indeed, if anything, he fares the better for his
poverty. Again, they are unusually lavish in their entertainments
at marriages; but their marriage feasts have the peculiarity that,
whatever the total amount expended, a fixed proportion is always paid
for the various items--so much per cent. for the pandal, so much per
cent. for food, and so on. Indeed it is asserted that a beggar who
sees the size of the marriage pandal will be able to guess to a nicety
the size of the present he will get. Nor, again, at their marriages,
do they haggle about the marriage settlement, since they have a scale,
more or less fixed and generally recognised, which determines these
matters. There is less keen competition for husbands among them,
since their young men marry at an earlier age more invariably than
among the other sub-divisions. The Vattimas are clannish. If a man
fails to pay his dues to one of them, the word is passed round, and no
other man of the sub-division will ever lend his money. They sometimes
unite to light their villages by private subscription, and to see to
its sanitation, and, in a number of ways, they exhibit a corporate
unity. Till quite recently they were little touched by English
education; but a notable exception to this general statement existed
in the late Sir A. Seshayya Sastri, who was of Vattima extraction."

The sub-divisions of the Vattimas are:--


    1. Pathinettu Gramaththu (eighteen villages).
    2. Udayalur.
    3. Nannilam.
    4. Rathamangalam. According to some, this is not a separate
       section, but comes under the eighteen village section.


(e) Ashtasahasram (eight thousand).--This class is considered to be
inferior to the Brahacharnams and Vadamas. The members thereof are,
like the Brahacharnams, more Saivite than the Vadamas. The females are
said to wear their cloth very elegantly, and with the lower border
reaching so low as to cover the ankles. The sub-divisions of the
Ashtasahasrams are:--


    1. Aththiyur.
    2. Arivarpade.
    3. Nandivadi.
    4. Shatkulam (six families).


As their numbers are few, though the sub-divisions are endogamous,
intermarriage is not entirely prohibited.

(f) Dikshitar.--Another name for this section is Thillai Muvayiravar,
i.e., the three thousand of Thillai (now Chidambaram). There is a
tradition that three thousand people started from Benares, and, when
they reached Chidambaram, they were one short. This confused them,
but they were pacified when Siva explained that he was the missing
individual. The Dikshitars form a limited community of only several
hundred families. The men, like Nayars and Nambutiri Brahmans of
the west coast, wear the hair tuft on the front of the head. They
do not give their girls in marriage to other sections of Brahmans,
and they do not allow their women to leave Chidambaram. Hence arises
the proverb "A Thillai girl never crosses the boundary line." The
Dikshitars are priests of the temple of Nataraja at Chidambaram,
whereat they serve by turns. Males marry very early in life, and
it is very difficult to secure a girl for marriage above the age of
five. The tendency to marry when very young is due to the fact that
only married persons have a voice in the management of the affairs of
the temple, and an individual must be married before he can get a share
of the temple income. The chief sources of income are the pavadam and
kattalai (heaps of cooked rice piled up or spread on a board), which
are offered to the god. Every Dikshitar will do his best to secure
clients, of whom the best are Nattukottai Chettis. The clients are
housed and looked after by the Dikshitars. Concerning the Dikshitars,
Mr. W. Francis writes as follows [170]:--"An interesting feature about
the Chidambaram temple is its system of management. It has no landed
or other endowments, nor any tasdik allowance, and is the property
of a class of Brahmans peculiar to the town, who are held in far more
respect than the generality of the temple-priest Brahmans, are called
Dikshitars (those who make oblations), marry only among themselves,
and in appearance somewhat resemble the Nayars or Tiyans of Malabar,
bringing their topknot round to the front of their foreheads. Their
ritual in the temple more resembles that of a domestic worship than
the forms commonly followed in other large shrines. Theoretically,
all the married males of the Dikshitars have a voice in the management
of the temple, and a share in its perquisites; and at present there
are some 250 of such shares. They go round the southern districts
soliciting alms and offerings for themselves. Each one has his own
particular clientèle, and, in return for the alms received, he makes,
on his return, offerings at the shrine in the name of his benefactors,
and sends them now and again some holy ashes, or an invitation to a
festival. Twenty of the Dikshitars are always on duty in the temple,
all the males of the community (except boys and widowers) doing the
work by turns lasting twenty days each, until each one has been the
round of all the different shrines. The twenty divide themselves into
five parties of four each, each of which is on duty for four days at
one of the five shrines at which daily puja is made, sleeps there at
night, and becomes the owner of the routine offerings of food made at
it. Large presents of food made to the temple as a whole are divided
among all the Dikshitars. The right to the other oblations is sold by
auction every twenty days to one of the Dikshitars at a meeting of the
community. These periodical meetings take place in the Deva Sabha. A
lamp from Nataraja's shrine is brought, and placed there by a Pandaram,
and (to avoid even the appearance of any deviation from the principle
of the absolute equality of all Dikshitars in the management of the
temple) this man acts as president of the meeting, and proposals are
made impersonally through him." As a class the Dikshitars are haughty,
and refuse to acknowledge any of the Sankarachariars as their priests,
because they are almost equal to the god Siva, who is one of them. If
a Sankarachariar comes to the temple, he is not allowed to take sacred
ashes direct from the cup, as is done at other temples to show respect
to the Sanyasi. The Dikshitars are mostly Yejur Vedis, though a few
are followers of the Rig Veda. When a girl attains puberty, she goes
in procession, after the purificatory bath, to every Dikshitar's house,
and receives presents.

(g) Sholiar.--The Sholiars are divided into the following sections:--


    (1) Thirukattiur.
    (2) Madalur.
    (3) Visalur.
    (4) Puthalur.
    (5) Senganur.
    (6) Avadayar Kovil.


Concerning the Sholiars, Mr. C. Ramachendrier writes as follows
[171]:--"The Sholiars of Thiruvanakaval (in the Tanjore district)
belong to the first sub-division, and they form a separate community,
devoting their time to service in the temple. Those who make puja to
the idol are Pradhamasakis, and are called Archakas. Those who serve as
cooks, and attend to other inferior services, are called Arya Nambi,
and those who decorate the idols taken in procession on festive
occasions are termed Therunabuttan. Archakas alone are entitled to
decorate stone images in the chief shrines of the temple, and they
are also called Pandits. According to custom, Sholia Brahmans should
wear front locks, but some of them have adopted the custom of other
Brahmans, while the orthodox section of the community, and the Archakas
of Thiruvanakaval, speak a very low Tamil with a peculiar intonation,
and they do not send their children to English schools. Young boys are
trained by their parents in the temple service, which entitles them,
even when young, to some emoluments. There are amongst them none who
have received either Sanskrit or Tamil education. The Archakas perform
pujas by turn, and, as the Archakaship is to be conferred at a certain
age by anointment by a guru, infant marriage does not obtain among
them to such an extent as among the Dikshitars of Chidambaram. They
eat with the other Smartha Brahmans, but do not intermarry. They
count about 300 in number, including women and children. There is no
intermarriage between them and the other Sholia Brahmans. Those of
Avadayarcovil are also engaged in the service of the temple of that
name. Sholiars of other classes are to be found in Vasishtakudy in the
taluk of Vriddachallam, Vemmaniathur in the taluk of Villupuram, and
Visalur in the taluk of Kumbaconam." In an article on the Sholiars,
[172] it is recorded that "they are a very intelligent people,
and at the same time very vindictive if disturbed. Chanakya, the
Indian Machiavelli and the Minister of Chandragupta, is supposed
to have belonged to this caste. His hatred of the Nanda family,
and the way in which he uprooted each and every member of that race,
has been depicted in the famous Sanskrit drama Mudrarakshasa, which
belongs to the 7th century A.D. Whether on account of his character,
and under the belief that he originated from this caste, or for some
reason which is unaccountable, the Soliyas of modern days are held as
very vindictive people, as the following proverb will show:--'We do
not want to meet with a Soliya even in a picture.'" Another proverb is
to the effect that "the kudumi (hair tuft) on the head of a Sholiar
does not shake without sufficient reason," i.e., it is a sign that
he is bent upon doing some mischief.

(h) Mukkani.--The Mukkanis are Smarthas confined to the Cochin and
Travancore States.

(i) Kaniyalar.--Concerning the Kaniyalars, Mr. Ramachendrier writes
as follows:--"Kanialars form a separate class of Smartha Brahmins,
and they live in the district of Tinnevelly and some parts of
Trichinopoly. They do not intermarry with any other class of Smartha
Brahmins, but eat with them. A large number of them, though Smarthas by
birth, wear a mark on their forehead like Vyshnava Brahmins, and serve
as cooks and menial servants in the big temple at Srirangam. Their
women adopt the Vyshnava women's style of wearing cloths, and to all
appearance they would pass for Vyshnava women. The Vyshnava Brahmins
would not allow them to mess in their houses, though they treat rice
and cakes prepared by them in temples and offered to god as pure and
holy, and partake of them."

(j) Sankethi.--The Sankethis are confined to the Mysore Province. They
speak a very corrupt form of Tamil, mixed with Canarese. The following
account of them is given in the Mysore Census Report, 1891. "They
are found chiefly in the Mysore and Hassan districts. Their colonies
are also found in Kadur and Shimoga. Their number seems to have been
somewhat understated; many of them have probably returned themselves as
Dravidas. So far as language is an indication of race, the Sanketis are
Tamilians, although their dialect is more diluted with Kanarese than
that of any other Kannada ridden Tamil body. Theirs seems to have been
among the earliest immigrations into Mysore from the neighbouring
Tamil country. It is said that some 700 years ago, about 1,000
families of Smartha Brahmans emigrated from the vicinity of Kanchi
(Conjeeveram), induced doubtless by contemporary politics. They set
out in two batches towards Mysore. They were attacked by robbers on
the road, but the larger party of about 700 families persevered in
the march notwithstanding, and settled near the village of Kausika
near Hassan, whence they are distinguished as Kausika Sanketis. Some
twelve years afterwards, the other party of 300 families found a
resting place at Bettadapura in the Hunsur taluk. This branch has
been called Bettadapura Sanketi. Their religious and social customs
are the same. The Kausika Sanketis occasionally take wives from the
Bettadapura section, but, when the married girl joins her husband,
her connection with her parents and relatives ceases altogether
even in regard to meals. During the Coorg disturbances about the end
of the last (eighteenth) century, many young women of the Sanketis
were captured by the Kodagas (Coorgs), and some of the captives were
subsequently recovered. Their descendants are to this day known as
Sanketis of the West, or Hiriangalas. But they, and another sub-class
called Patnagere Sanketis, do not in all exceed twenty families. The
Sanketis are proverbially a hardy, intensely conservative and
industrious Brahman community. They are referred to as models for
simultaneously securing the twofold object of preserving the study
of the Vedas, while securing a worldly competence by cultivating
their gardens; and, short of actually ploughing the land, they are
pre-eminently the only fraction of the Brahman brotherhood who turn
their hands to the best advantage."

(k) Prathamasaki.--These follow the white Yajur Veda, and are
hence called Sukla Yejur Vedis. The white Yajus forms the first
fifteen sakas of the Yejur Veda, and this is in consequence
sometimes called Prathamasaka. The Prathamasakis are sometimes
called Katyayana (followers of Katyayana Sutram), Vajusaneya,
and Madyandanas. The two last names occur among their Pravara and
Gotra Rishis. The Prathamasakis are found among all the linguistic
sections. Among Smarthas, Andhras, and Vaishnavas, they are regarded
as inferior. Carnataka Prathamasakis are, on the other hand, not
considered inferior by the other sections of Carnatakas. In the
Tanjore district, the Prathamasakis are said to be known as Madyana
Paraiyans. The following quaint legend is recorded in the Gazetteer
of that district:--"The god of the Tiruvalur temple was entreated by
a pujari of this place (Koiltirumulam) to be present in the village
at a sacrifice in his (the god's) honour. The deity consented at
length, but gave warning that he would come in a very unwelcome
shape. He appeared as a Paraiyan (Pariah) with beef on his back, and
followed by the four Vedas in the form of dogs, and took his part in
the sacrifice thus accoutred and attended. All the Brahmans who were
present ran away, and the god was so incensed that he condemned them
to be Paraiyans for one hour in the day, from noon till 1 P.M., ever
afterwards. There is a class of Brahmans called mid-day Paraiyans,
who are found in several districts, and a colony of whom reside at
Sedanipuram five miles from Nannilam. It is believed throughout the
Tanjore district that the mid-day Paraiyans are the descendants of the
Brahmans thus cursed by the god. They are supposed to expiate their
defilement by staying outside their houses for an hour and a half
every day at mid-day, and to bathe afterwards; and, if they do this,
they are much respected. Few of them, however, observe this rule, and
orthodox persons will not eat with them, because of their omission to
remove the defilement. They call themselves the Prathamasaka." Several
versions of stories accounting for their pollution are extant, and
the following is a version given by Mr. Ramachendrier. "Yagnavalkiar,
who was the chief disciple of Vysampayanar, having returned with his
students from pilgrimage, represented to his priest that Yajur Veda was
unrivalled, and that he and his students alone were qualified for its
propagation. Vysampayanar, feeling provoked by this assertion, which,
he remarked, implied insult to Brahmans, proposed certain penance for
the offence. Yagnavalkiar replied that he and his students had done
many good deeds and performed many religious rites, and that they
were still to do such, and that the insult imputed to them was worthy
of little notice. Vysampayanar required Yagnavalkiar to give back
the Vedas which he had taught him, which he threw out at once. The
matter thrown out having been like cinders, Vysampayanar's disciples
then present, assuming the shape of thithiri birds (fire-eating
birds), swallowed them, and hence the Veda is called Thithiriya Saka
and Ktishna Yajus. Soon after, Yagnavalkiar, without his priest's
knowledge, went to the Sun, and, offering prayers, entreated him to
teach him Vedas. The Sun, thereupon taking the shape of a horse, taught
him the Yajur Veda, which now forms the first fifteen sakas, and he
in turn taught it to his disciples Kanvar, Madhyandanar, Katyayanar,
and Vajasaneyar. It is to be gathered from Varaha Puranam that
Vysampayanar pronounced a curse that the Rig Veda taught by the Sun
should be considered degraded, and that the Brahmans reading it should
become Chandalas (outcastes)." Another version of the legend runs as
follows. Vaisampayanar used to visit the king almost every day, and
bless him by giving akshatha or sacred rice. One day, as Vaisampayanar
could not go, he gave the rice grains to his disciple Yagnavalkiar,
and told him to take them to the king. Accordingly, Yagnavalkiar went
to the king's palace, and found the throne empty. Being impatient by
nature, he left the rice grains on the throne, and returned to his
priest. The king, when he returned home, found his throne changed into
gold, and certain plants were growing round his seat. On enquiry,
he discovered that this marvellous effect was due to the sacred
akshatha. He sent word to Vaisampayanar to send the rice grains by
his disciple who had brought them. Yagnavalkiar refused, and was
told to vomit the Vedas. Readily he vomited, and, going to the Sun,
learnt the Veda from him. As the Sun is always in motion sitting in
his car, the Vedas could not be learnt without mistakes and peculiar
sounds. When he came to his Guru Vaisampayanar, Yagnavalkiar was
cursed to become a Chandala. The curse was subsequently modified,
as the Sun interceded on behalf of Yagnavalkiar.

(l) Gurukkal.--The Gurukkals are all followers of the Bodhayana
Sutras. They are temple priests, and other Brahmans regard them as
inferior, and will not eat with them. Even in temples, the Gurukkals
sprinkle water over the food when it is offered to the god, but do
not touch the food. They may not live in the same quarters with other
Brahmans. No agraharam (Brahman quarter) will ever contain a Gurukkal's
house. There should, strictly speaking, be at least a lane separating
the houses of the Gurukkals from those of other Brahmans. This is,
however, not rigidly observed at the present day. For example, at
Shiyali, Gurukkals and other Brahmans live in the same street. There
are among the Gurukkals the following sub-divisions:--


    1. Tiruvalangad.
    2. Conjeeveram.
    3. Tirukkazhukunram.


The Tiruvalangad Gurukkals mark their bodies with vibhuti (sacred
ashes) in sixteen places, viz., head, face, neck, chest, navel,
knees, two sides of the abdomen, back and hands (three places on each
hand). The other two sub-divisions mark themselves in eight places,
viz., head, face, neck, chest, knees and hands. Gurukkals who wish
to become priests have to go through several stages of initiation
called Dikshai (see Pandaram). Gurukkals are Saivites to a greater
extent than the Smarthas, and do not regard themselves as disciples of
Sankaracharya. Those who are orthodox, and are temple priests, should
not see the corpses of Pandarams and other non-Brahman castes. The
sight of such a corpse is supposed to heap sin on them, and pollute
them, so that they are unfit for temple worship.

II. Vaishnava.--The Vaishnavas, or Sri Vaishnavas, as they are
sometimes called to distinguish them from the Madhvas, who are also
called Vaishnavas, are all converts from Smarthas, though they
profess to constitute a distinct section. Some are converts from
Telugu Smarthas, and are called Andhra Vaishnavas. These do not
mix with other Tamil-speaking Vaishnavas, and retain some of the
Telugu customs. There are two distinct groups of Sri Vaishnavas--the
Vadagalais (northerners) and Thengalais (southerners), who are easily
distinguished by the marks on their foreheads. The Vadagalais put
on a U-shaped mark, and the Thengalais a Y-shaped mark. The white
mark is made with a kind of kaolin called tiruman, and turmeric
rendered red by means of alkali is used for the central streak. The
turmeric, as applied by the more orthodox, is of a yellow instead of
red colour. Orthodox Sri Vaishnavas are very exclusive, and hold that
they co-existed as a separate caste of Brahmans with the Smarthas. But
it was only after Ramanuja's teaching that the Vaishnavas seceded
from the Smarthas, and the ranks were swollen by frequent additions
from amongst the Vadamas. There are some families of Vaishnavas which
observe pollution when there is a death in certain Smartha families,
which belong to the same gotra. Vaishnavas of some places, e.g.,
Valavanur, Savalai, and Perangiyur, in the South Arcot district,
are considered low by the orthodox sections of Vaishnavas, because
they are recent converts to Vaishnavism. A good example of Smarthas
becoming Vaishnavas is afforded by the Thummagunta Dravidas, some
of whom have become Vaishnavas, but still take girls in marriage
from Smartha families, but do not give their daughters in marriage
to Smarthas. All Vaishnavas are expected to undergo a ceremony of
initiation into Vaishnavism after the Upanayanam ceremony. At the
time of initiation, they are branded with the marks of the chakram
and sankha (chank) on the right and left shoulders respectively. The
Vaikhanasas and Pancharatras regard the branding as unnecessary. The
ceremony of initiation (samasrayanam) is usually performed by the
head of a mutt. Sometimes, however, it is carried out by an elderly
member of the family of the candidate. Such families go by the name
of Swayam Acharya Purushas (those who have their own men as Acharyas).

For Vadagalais there are two mutts. Of these, the Ahobila mutt was
formerly at Tiruvallur, but its head-quarters has been transferred
to Narasimhapuram near Kumbakonam. The Parakalaswami mutt is in the
Mysore Province. For Thengalais there are three mutts, at Vanamamalai
and Sriperumbudur in Chingleput, and Tirukoilur in South Arcot. These
are called respectively the Tothadri, Ethirajajhir, and Emberumanar
mutts. There are various points of difference between Vadagalais and
Thengalais, which sometimes lead to bitter quarrels in connection with
temple worship. During the procession of the god at temple festivals,
both Vadagalais and Thengalais go before and after the god, repeating
Sanskrit Vedas and Tamil Prapandhams respectively. Before commencing
these, certain slokas are recited, in one of which the Vadagalais use
the expression Ramanuja daya patram, and the Thengalais the expression
Srisailesa daya patram, and a quarrel ensues in consequence. The main
differences between the two sections are summarised as follows in
the Mysore Census Report, 1891:--"The tenets which form the bone of
contention between the Tengales and Vadagales are stated to number 18,
and seem to cluster round a few cardinal items of controversy:--

1. Whether Lakshmi, the consort of Vishnu, is (Vibhu) co-omnipresent
and co-illimitable with Vishnu;

2. Whether Lakshmi is only the mediatrix for, or the co-bestower of
moksham or final beatitude;

3. Whether there is any graduated moksham attainable by the good and
blessed, according to their multifarious merits;

4. Whether prapatti, or unconditional surrender of the soul to god,
should be performed once for all, or after every act of spiritual
rebellion;

5. Whether it (prapatti) is open to all, or is prescribed only for
those specially prepared and apprenticed;

6. Whether the indivisibly atomic human soul is entered into, and
permeated or not by the omnipresent creator;

7. Whether god's mercy is exerted with or without cause;

8. Whether the same (the divine mercy) means the overlooking (dhosha
darsanam) or enjoyment (dhosha bogyatvam) of the soul's delinquencies;

9. Whether works (karma) and knowledge (jnana) are in themselves
salvation giving, or only lead to faith (bhakthi) by which final
emancipation is attained;

10. Whether the good of other (unregenerate) castes should be tolerated
according to their graduated social statuses, or should be venerated
without reference to caste inequalities;

11. Whether karma (works, rituals, etc.) should or not be bodily and
wholly abandoned by those who have adopted prapatti."

The points of difference between Vadagalais and Thengalais are
thus described by Mr. V. N. Narasimmiyengar [173]:--"The Tengale
schismatists deny to Lakshmi, the consort of Vishnu, any participation
in creation, and reduce her to the position of a creature; omit to
ring the bell when worshipping their idols; salute each other and
their gods only once; make use of highly abstruse Tamil verses in
room of Sanskrit mantras and prayers; modify the sraddha ceremony
materially, and do not shave their widows. The principal texts cited
by the Tengale Sri Vaishnavas in support of the immunity of their
widows from the rite of tonsure are the following:--

Widows should avoid, even when in affliction and danger, shaving,
eating of sweets, betel nut, flowers, sexual intercourse, conversation
with men, and jewels (Sandilyah).

A woman, whether unmarried or widowed, who shaves her hair, will go
to the hell called Rauravam. When the husband dies, the widow should
perform his due obsequies without shaving. She should never shave on
any occasion, or for any purpose whatever (Sambhuh).

If any woman, whether unmarried or widowed, shave (her head), she
will dwell in the hell called Rauravam for one thousand karors of
kalpas. If a widow shave (her head) by ignorance, she will cause hair
to grow in the mouths of her ancestors' ghosts on both sides. If she
perform any ceremonies inculcated by the Srutis and Smritis with her
head shaved, she will be born a Chandali (Manuh).

There is no sin in a devout widow, whose object is eternal salvation,
wearing her hair. If she should shave, she will assuredly go to
hell. A Vaishnava widow should never shave her head. If she do so
through ignorance, her face should not be looked at (Vridd'ha Manuh
in Khagesvara Samhita).

If any one observe a Brahmachari beggar with his kachche (cloth passed
between the legs, and tucked in behind), a householder without it,
and a widow without hair on her head, he should at once plunge into
water with his clothes (Ananta Samhita).

It is considered highly meritorious for Vaishnava widows to wear
their hair, as long as they remain in this world (Hayagriva Samhita)."

In a note on the two sects of the Vaishnavas in the Madras Presidency,
the Rev. C. E. Kennet writes as follows [174]:--"While both the sects
acknowledge the Sanskrit books to be authoritative, the Vadagalai uses
them to a greater extent than the Thengalai. The former also recognises
and acknowledges the female energy as well as the male, though not in
the gross and sensual form in which it is worshipped among the Saivas,
but as being the feminine aspect of deity, and representing the grace
and merciful care of Providence; while the Tenkalai excludes its
agency in general, and, inconsistently enough, allows it co-operation
in the final salvation of a human soul. But the most curious difference
between the two schools is that relating to human salvation itself, and
is a reproduction in Indian minds of the European controversy between
Calvinists and Arminians. For the adherents of the Vadakalais strongly
insist on the concomitancy of the human will for securing salvation,
whereas those of the Tenkalai maintain the irresistability of divine
grace in human salvation. The arguments from analogy used by the two
parties respectively are, however, peculiarly Indian in character. The
former adopt what is called the monkey argument, the Markata Nyaya,
for the young monkey holds on to or grasps its mother to be conveyed
to safety, and represents the hold of the soul on God. The latter use
the cat argument, the Marjala Nyaya, which is expressive of the hold
of God on the soul; for the kitten is helpless until the mother-cat
seizes it nolens volens, and secures it from danger. The late Major
M. W. Carr inserts in his large collection of Telugu and Sanskrit
proverbs the following:--

"The monkey and its cub. As the cub clings to its mother, so man seeks
divine aid, and clings to his God. The doctrine of the Vadakalais.

"Like the cat and her kitten. The stronger carrying and protecting
the weaker; used to illustrate the free grace of God. The doctrine
of the Tenkalais.

"Leaving the speculative differences between these two sects, I
have now to mention the practical one which divides them, and which
has been, and continues to be, the principal cause of the fierce
contentions and long-drawn law suits between them. And this relates
to the exact mode of making the sectarian mark on the forehead. While
both sects wear a representation of Vishnu's trident, composed of
red or yellow for the middle line or prong of the trident, and of
white earth for those on each side, the followers of the Vadakalai
draw the middle line only down to the bridge of the nose, but those
of the Tenkalai draw it over the bridge a little way down the nose
itself. Each party maintain that their mode of making the mark is the
right one, and the only means of effecting a settlement of the dispute
is to ascertain how the idol itself is marked, whether as favouring the
Vadakalai or Tenkalai. But this has been found hitherto impossible,
I am told, for instance at Conjeveram itself, the head-quarters of
these disputes, owing to the unreliable and contradictory character
of the evidence produced in the Courts."

The Hebbar and Mandya sections belong to the Mysore Province, in
which the former are very numerous. The latter are few in number,
and confined to Mandya and Melkote. Some families have settled in the
city of Madras, where they are employed as merchants, bank clerks,
attorneys, etc.

The Mandyas say that they migrated to Mysore from some place near
Tirupati. Though both the Hebbar and Mandya Brahmans speak Tamil, some
details peculiar to Carnatakas are included in the marriage ceremonial.

The Vaishnava Sholiars are considered somewhat low in the social
scale. Intermarriage takes place between Smartha and Vaishnavite
Sholiars. The Vaikhanasas and Pancharatras are temple priests
(archakas). Both use as their title Dikshitar. Sometimes they are
called Nambi, but this term is more used to denote Satani temple
servants.

Reference may here be made to the Pattar Brahmans, who are Tamil
Brahmans, who have settled in Malabar. The name is said to be derived
from the Sanskrit bhatta. It is noted, in the Gazetteer of Malabar,
that "the Pattars present no peculiarities distinguishing them from
the ordinary East Coast Brahmans. Like the latter, they engage in
trade and business, and form a large proportion of the official,
legal, and scholastic classes. With the exception of one class known
as Chozhiya or Arya Pattars, they wear their kudumi (top-knot) on
the back of the head in the east coast fashion, and not on the top
and hanging over the forehead, as is done by the genuine Malayali
castes. They also live as a general rule in regular streets or
gramams on the east coast plan. Few Pattars, except in the Palghat
taluk, are large land-owners. As a class, they have embraced modern
educational facilities eagerly, so far as they subserve their material
prospects. Both Pattars and Embrandiris, but especially the latter,
have adopted the custom of contracting sambandham (alliance) with Nayar
women, but sambandham with the foreign Brahmans is not considered to
be so respectable as with Nambudiris, and, except in the Palghat taluk
(where the Nambudiri is rare), they are not allowed to consort with
the women of aristocratic families."

In connection with the Arya Pattars, it is recorded, in the
Travancore Census Report, 1901, that "the term Aryapattar means
superior Brahmins. But the actual position in society is not quite
that. At Ramesvaram, which may be considered the seat of Aryapattars,
their present status seems to be actually inferior, due probably, it
is believed, to their unhesitating acceptance of gifts from Sudras,
and to their open assumption of their priestly charge. Though at
present a small body in Malabar, they seem to have once flourished in
considerable numbers. In the case of large exogamous but high-caste
communities like the Kshatriyas of Malabar, Brahmin husbands were
naturally in great requisition, and when, owing to their high
spiritual ideals, the Brahmins of Malabar were either Grihasthas
or Snatakas (bachelor Sanyasins dedicating their life to study,
and to the performance of orthodox rites), the supply was probably
unequal to the demand. The scarcity was presumably added to when the
differences between the Kolattunat Royal Family and the Brahmins of
the Perinchellur gramam became so pronounced as to necessitate the
importing of Canarese and Tulu Brahmins for priestly services at their
homes and temples. The first immigration of Brahmins from the east
coast, called Aryapattars, into Malabar appears to have been under
the circumstances above detailed, and at the instance of the Rajas
of Cranganore. With the gradual lowering of the Brahminical ideal
throughout the Indian Peninsula, and with the increasing struggle for
physical existence, the Nambutiris entered or re-entered the field, and
ousted the Aryapattars first from consortship, and latterly even from
the ceremony of tali-tying in families that could pay a Nambutiri. The
Aryapattar has, in his turn, trespassed into the ranks of the Nayars,
and has begun to undertake the religious rite of marriage, i.e.,
tali-tying, in aristocratic families among them. There are only two
families now in all Travancore, and they live in the Karunagapalli
taluk. Malayalam is their household tongue; in dress and personal
habits, they are indistinguishable from Malayala Brahmins. The males
marry into as high a class of Brahmins as they could get in Malabar,
which is not generally higher than that of the Potti. The Potti woman
thus married gets rather low in rank on account of this alliance. The
daughter of an Aryapattar cannot be disposed of to a Brahminical
caste in Malabar. She is taken to the Tinnevelly or Madura district,
and married into the regular Aryapattar family according to the rites
of the latter. The girl's dress is changed into the Tamil form on
the eve of her marriage."

III. Andhra.--The Telugu-speaking Brahmans are all Andhras, who differ
from Tamil Brahmans in some of their marriage and death ceremonies,
female attire, and sectarian marks. Telugu Brahman women wear their
cloth without passing it between the legs, and the free end of the
skirt is brought over the left shoulder. The sect mark consists of
three horizontal streaks of sacred ashes on the forehead, or a single
streak of sandal paste (gandham). In the middle of the streak is a
circular black spot (akshintalu or akshintalu bottu). The marriage
badge is a circular plate of gold, called bottu, attached to a thread,
on which black glass beads are frequently strung. A second bottu,
called nagavali bottu, is tied on the bride's neck on the nagavali
day. During the time when the bridegroom is performing the vrata
ceremony, the bride is engaged in the worship of Gauri. She sits in a
new basket filled with paddy (unhusked rice) or cholam (Andropogon
Sorghum). On the return from the mock pilgrimage (kasiyatra),
the bride and bridegroom sit facing each other on the dais, with
a screen interposed between them. Just before the bottu is tied on
the bride's neck by the bridegroom, the screen is lowered. During
the marriage ceremony, both the bride and bridegroom wear clothes
dyed with turmeric, until the nagavali day. Among Tamil Brahmans,
the bridegroom wears a turmeric-dyed cloth, and the bride may wear a
silk cloth. Immediately after the tying of the bottu, the contracting
couple throw rice over each other, and those assembled pour rice over
their heads. This is called Talambralu.

Taken as a class, the Telugu Brahmans are very superstitious, and
the females perform a very large number of vratams. Of the vratams
performed by Telugu and Canarese females, both Brahman and non-Brahman,
the following account is given in the Manual of the Nellore district. A
very favourite deity is Gauri, in honour of whom many of the rites
hereafter noticed are performed. These ceremonies give a vivid idea of
the hopes and fears, the aspirations, and the forebodings of Hindu
womanhood. The following ceremonies are practised by girls after
betrothal, and before union with their husbands:--

Atlataddi.--On the third day after the full moon, an early meal before
sunrise, the worship of Gauri in the afternoon, and the presentation of
ten cakes to ten matrons upon the dismissal of the deity invoked. The
object is to secure a young agreeable husband.

Uppu (salt).--This consists in making a present to any matron of a
pot of salt, full to the brim, at the end of the year, with the view
to secure a long enjoyment of the married state.

Akshayabandar.--This consists in making a present of a pot full of
turmeric to any matron at the end of the year, with a view to avert
the calamity of widowhood.

Udayakunkuma.--Putting the red kunkuma mark on the foreheads of five
matrons before sunrise, with the object of being always able to wear
the same mark on her own forehead, i.e., never to become a widow.

Padiharukudumulu.--The presentation of sixteen cakes once a year for
sixteen years to a matron. This is for the attaining of wealth.

Kartika Gauri Devi.--Exhibiting to a matron the antimony box, with
a preparation of which the eyes are trimmed to give the brilliancy,
and wearing on the head turmeric rice (akshatalu). The object of this
is said to be to give sight to blind relatives.

Kandanomi.--Abstaining for a year from the use of arum (Amorphophallus
Campanulatus), of which the corms are an article of food), and
presenting a matron with a silver and gold representation of a kanda
to be worn on the neck. The object to be attained is that she who
performs the rite may never have to shed tears.

Gummadi Gauri Devi.--The presentation at the end of the year to a
matron of a pumpkin in the morning, and another in the afternoon,
with a silver one at food time, and a gold one to be worn round the
neck. This is for the prolongation of married life.

Gandala Gauri Devi.--The distribution of twenty-five different sorts of
things, twenty-five to be distributed to matrons at the rate of five
of each sort to each. The object of this is to avert evil accidents
of all kinds, which may threaten the husband.

Chittibottu.--Making the kunkuma marks on the foreheads of five
matrons in the morning, for the attainment of wealth.

Isalla Chukka.--Rubbing butter-milk, turmeric, kunkuma, and sandalwood
paste on the threshold of the door. The object is the same as in
the last.

Tavita Navomi.--To avoid touching bran for any purpose, for the
prolongation of married life.

Nitya Srungaram.--Offering betel nut, and putting the kunkuma mark
on the face of a matron, for the purpose of securing perpetual beauty.

Nallapusala Gauri Devi.--The presentation to a matron of a hundred
black beads with one gold one, the object being again to avert
widowhood.

Mocheti Padmam.--The worship of some deity, and the making of the
forehead mark (bottlu) for four matrons in the first year, eight
in the second, and so on, increasing the number by four each year
for twenty-seven years, being the number of certain stars. This
presentation has to be made in silence. The object is the attainment
of enduring wealth.

Mogamudo sellu.--The performer washes her face thirteen times daily
in a brass vessel, and offers to some matron some rice, a pearl,
and a coral.

Undrallatadde.--On the thirteenth day after the full moon, taking food
before sunrise, the girl worships the goddess Gauri in the afternoon,
and, at the time of dismissing the deity invoked (udyapana), she
presents five round cakes to as many matrons. The object of this is
to secure her future husband's affections.

Vara Lakshmi.--The worship of the goddess Lakshmi for the attainment
of wealth and salvation, or to make the best of both worlds.

Vavila Gauri Devi.--In order to avert the risk of all accidents
for her future lord, the devotee, on each of the four Tuesdays of
the month Sravana, worships the goddess Gauri Devi, and distributes
Bengal gram to married women.

Savitri Gauri Devi.--The offering of nine different articles on nine
different days after the sun has entered the solstice, the sign of
Capricorn. This is also practised to secure a husband's affection.

Tsaddikutimangalavaram.--This is a piece of self-mortification, and
consists in eating on every Tuesday for one year nothing but cold
rice boiled the previous day, and feeding a matron with the same.

The following are some of the ceremonies practised by young women
after attaining a marriageable age:--

Prabatcha Adivaram.--Offering worship to a married couple, and limiting
the taking of food to a single meal on Sunday. This is done with the
object of having children.

Apadaleni Adivaram.--Taking but one meal every Sunday, and making a
presentation to five matrons of five cakes with a flat basket of rice,
body jackets, and other things. This is for the procuring of wealth.

Adivaram (Sunday).--Total abstinence from some one article of food for
one year, another article the next year, and so on for five years;
also limitation to a single meal every Sunday, and the presentation
of cloths to Brahmans upon the dismissal of the deity invoked for
worship. The object of this seems to be to secure re-union with the
husband after death.

Chappitti Adivaram.--Abstinence from salt on every Sunday for a year,
with a view to secure the longevity of children.

Udayapadmam.--To take for one year a daily bath, and to draw the
representation of a lotus with rice-flour every morning near the sacred
tulasi plant (Ocimum sanctum), which is kept in many Hindu households,
growing on an altar of masonry. The object of this is to restore a
dead husband to life again, i.e., to secure re-union in another life.

Krishna Tulasi.--To avert widowhood, those who perform this rite
present thirteen pairs of cakes in a gold cup to a Brahman.

Kartika Chalimidi.--The distribution of chalimidi, which is flour
mixed with sugar water, for three years; in the first year one and
a half seer of rice, in the second year two and a half seers, and in
the third year twenty-six seers, the object sought being to restore
life to children that may die, i.e., restoration in another world.

Kailasa Gauri Devi.--To grind one and a half viss (a measure) of
turmeric without assistance in perfect silence, and then distribute
it among 101 matrons, the object being to avert widowhood.

Dhairya Lakshmi.--As a charm against tears, matrons light a magic
light, which must have a cotton wick of the weight of one pagoda (a
gold coin), and, instead of a quarter of a viss of ghee, clarified
butter.

Dhanapalalu.--Giving four different sorts of grain for five years to
a Brahman, to atone for the sin of the catamenial discharge.

Nadikesudu.--The distribution of five seers each of nine different
sorts of grain, which must be dressed and eaten in the house. This
is done for the procuring of wealth.

Nityadhanyamu.--Daily giving a handful of grain to any Brahmin with
the object of averting widowhood.

Phalala Gauri Devi.--This is performed by the presentation of sixteen
fruits of sixteen different species to any married woman, with the
view of securing healthy offspring.

Pamidipuvulu.--With the view to avert widowhood and secure influence
with their husbands, young wives practise the daily worship of
thirteen flowers for a time, and afterwards present to a Brahmin the
representations of thirteen flowers in gold, together with a lingam
and panavattam (the seat of the lingam).

Muppadimudupurnamulu.--To avert widowhood, cakes are offered on the
occasion of thirty-three full-moons; on the first one cake is eaten,
on the second two, and so on up to thirty-three.

Mudukartelu.--For the attainment of wealth, women light seven
hundred cotton wicks steeped in oil at the three festivals of full
moon, Sankuratri (the time when the sun enters the zodiacal sign of
Capricorn), and Sivaratri.

Magha Gauri Devi.--The worship of the goddess Gauri in the month of
Magham, with a view to avert widowhood.

Vishnukanta.--For the same purpose, thirteen pairs of cakes are
offered in a new pot to some married woman.

Vishnuvidia.--To atone for the sin of the catamenial discharge,
food is eaten without salt on the second day after every new moon.

Sokamuleni Somavaram.--The taking of food without salt every Monday,
for the restoration of children removed by death.

Chitraguptulu.--Burning twelve wicks daily in oil, for the attainment
of happiness in a future state.

Sukravaram.--For the acquisition of wealth, women sometimes limit
themselves to one meal on Fridays, and feed five married women on
each occasion of dismissing the deity invoked for worship.

Saubhagyatadde.--To avert widowhood, another practice is on the third
day after every new moon to distribute, unassisted and in silence,
one and a quarter viss of turmeric among thirteen matrons.

Kshirabdhi Dvadasi.--Keeping a fast day specially devoted to the
worship of Vishnu, with a view to secure happiness in a future state.

Chinuku.--A woman takes a stalk of Indian corn fresh pulled up,
and with it pounds rice-flour mixed with milk in a mortar. This is
to avert widowhood in this world, and to secure happiness in the next.

Women who have lost children frequently perform the following two
ceremonies for restoration to life or restoration in a future state:--

Kundella Amavasya (hare's new moon).--To give thirteen different
things to some married woman every new moon for thirteen months.

Kadupukadalani Gauri Devi.--The presentation of thirteen pairs of
cakes to thirteen matrons.

The following ceremonies are often performed after the cessation of
the catamenial discharge, to atone for the sin contracted by their
occurrence:--

Annamumuttani Adivaram.--The eating of yams and other roots every
Sunday for three years, or, under certain conditions, a longer period.

Rushipanchami.--On the fifth day of Bhadrapada month to eat five balusu
(Canthium parviflorum) leaves, and to drink a handful of ghee.

Gomayani.--To eat three balls of cow-dung every morning for a year.

Lakshvattulu.--To burn one lac (100,000) of wick lights.

Lakshmivarapu Ekadasi.--From the time when the eleventh day after
new moon falls on a Thursday, to observe a fast, and to worship the
tulasi plant for eleven days.

Margasira Lakshmivaram.--The mistress of a family will often devote
herself to the worship of Lakshmi on every Thursday of the month of
Margasira, in order to propitiate the goddess of wealth.

Somisomavaram.--A special worship performed on every new moon that
falls on Monday, with the giving away of 360 articles, two or three on
each occasion. This is performed with the view of attaining atonement
for sins, and happiness in a future state.

There are many ceremonies performed by women to whom nature has denied
the much-coveted joys of maternity. Among these may be noted:--

Asvadhapradakshinam.--In villages is often to be seen a margosa
(Melia Azadirachta)tree, round which a pipul tree (Ficus religiosa)
has twined itself. The ceremony consists in a woman walking round
and round this tree several times daily for a long period.

The sub-divisions of the Telugu Brahmans are as follows:--


A.--Vaidiki.

     1. Murikinadu.
     2. Telaganyam.
     3. Velnadu.
     4. Kasalnadu.
     5. Karnakammalu.
     6. Veginadu.
     7. Konesime.
     8. Arama Dravida.
     9. Aradhya.
    10. Prathamasaki.


B.--Niyogi.

    1. Aruvela.
    2. Nandavarikulu.
    3. Kammalu.
    4. Pesalavayalu.
    5. Pranganadu.


C.--Tambala.


D.--Immigrants.

    1. Pudur Dravida.
    2. Thummagunta Dravida.


All these sections are endogamous, and will eat together, except
the Tambalas, who correspond to the Gurukkals among the Tamil
Brahmans. Vaidikis are supposed to be superior to Niyogis. The former
do not generally grow moustaches, while the latter do. For sradh
ceremonies, Niyogis do not generally sit as Brahmans representing the
ancestors, Vaidikis being engaged for this purpose. In some places,
e.g., the Nandigama taluk of the Kistna district, the Niyogis are
not referred to by the name Brahman, Vaidikis being so called. Even
Niyogis themselves point to Vaidikis when asked about Brahmans.

Velnadu, Murikinadu, and Veginadu seem to be territorial names, and
they occur also among some of the non-Brahman castes. The Aradhyas are
dealt with in a special article (see Aradhya). Among the Karnakammas
are certain sub-sections, such as Ogoti and Koljedu. They all belong
to Rig Saka. Of the Telaganyams, some follow the Rig Veda, and others
the Yejur Veda (both black and white Yajus). The Nandavarikulu are
all Rig Vedis, and regard Chaudeswari, the goddess of the Devangas,
as their tutelary deity. When a Nandavariki Brahman goes to a Devanga
temple, he is treated with much respect, and the Devanga priest gives
up his place to the Nandavariki for the time being. The Nandavariki
Brahmans are, in fact, gurus or priests to the Devengas.

A special feature of the Telugu Brahmans is that, like the Telugu
non-Brahman classes, they have house names or intiperulu, of which
the following are examples:--Kota (fort), Lanka (island), Puchcha
(Citrullus Colocynthis), Chintha (tamarind), Kaki (crow). Niyogi
house-names sometimes terminate with the word razu.

IV. Carnataka.--The sub-divisions of the Carnatakas or
Canarese-speaking Brahmans are as follows:--


A.--Smartha.

    1. Aruvaththuvokkalu.
    2. Badaganadu.
    3. Hosalnadu.
    4. Hoisanige or Vaishanige.
    5. Kamme (Bobburu, Karna, and Ulcha).
    6. Sirnadu.
    7. Maraka.


B.--Madhva.

    1. Aruvela.
    2. Aruvaththuvokkalu.
    3. Badaganadu.
    4. Pennaththurar.
    5. Prathamasaki.
    6. Hyderabadi.


The Carnatakas very closely resemble the Andhras in their ceremonial
observances, and, like them, attach much importance to vratams. The
Madhva Carnatakas are recent converts from Carnataka or Andhra
Smarthas. The Pennaththurars are supposed to be Tamil Brahmans
converted into Madhvas. They retain some of the customs peculiar to
the Tamil Brahmans. The marriage badge, for example, is the Tamil
tali and not the bottu. Intermarriages between Smarthas and Madhvas
of the same section are common. Madhvas, excepting the very orthodox,
will take food with both Carnataka and Andhra Smarthas.

The Marakas are thus described by Mr. Lewis Rice. [175] "A caste
claiming to be Brahmans, but not recognised as such. They worship the
Hindu triad, but are chiefly Vishnuvites, and wear the trident mark on
their foreheads. They call themselves Hale Kannadiga or Hale Karnataka,
the name Marka [176] being considered as one of reproach, on which
account also many have doubtless returned themselves as Brahmans of
one or other sect. They are said to be descendants of some disciples
of Sankaracharya, the original guru of Sringeri, and the following
legend is related of the cause of their expulsion from the Brahman
caste to which their ancestors belonged. One day Sankaracharya,
wishing to test his disciples, drank some toddy in their presence,
and the latter, thinking it could be no sin to follow their master's
example, indulged freely in the same beverage. Soon after, when passing
a butcher's shop, Sankaracharya asked for alms; the butcher had nothing
but meat to give, which the guru and his disciples ate. According to
the Hindu shastras, red-hot iron alone can purify a person who has
eaten flesh and drunk toddy. Sankaracharya went to a blacksmith's
furnace, and begged from him some red-hot iron, which he swallowed
and was purified. The disciples were unable to imitate their master
in the matter of the red-hot iron, and besought him to forgive their
presumption in having dared to imitate him in partaking of forbidden
food. Sankaracharya refused to give absolution, and cursed them
as unfit to associate with the six sects of Brahmans. The caste is
making a strong effort to be readmitted among Brahmans, and some have
recently become disciples of Parakalaswami. Their chief occupations
are agriculture, and Government service as shanbogs or village
accountants." It is recorded, in the Mysore Census Report, 1891,
that "some of the more intelligent and leading men in the clan give
another explanation (of the legend). It is said that either in Dewan
Purnaiya's time, or some time before, a member of this micro-caste
rose to power, and persecuted the people so mercilessly that, with
characteristic inaptitude, they gave him the nickname Maraka or the
slaughterer or destroyer, likening him to the planet Mars, which,
in certain constellations, is astrologically dreaded as wielding
a fatal influence on the fortunes of mortals. There is, however,
no doubt that, in their habits, customs, religion and ceremonials,
these people are wholly Brahmanical, but still they remain entirely
detached from the main body of the Brahmans. Since the census of 1871,
the Hale Kannadigas have been strenuously struggling to get themselves
classified among the Brahmans. About 25 years ago, the Sringeri Math
issued on behalf of the Smarta portion of the people a Srimukh (papal
bull) acknowledging them to be Brahmans. A similar pronouncement was
also obtained from the Parakal Math at Mysore about three years later
on behalf of the Srivaishnavas among them. And the Local Government
directed, a little after the census of 1881, that they should be
entered as Brahmans in the Government accounts."

The Madhva Brahmans commence the marriage ceremony by asking the
ancestors of the bridal couple to bless them, and be present throughout
the performance of the rites. To represent the ancestors, a ravike
(bodice) and dhotra (man's cloth) are tied to a stick, which is placed
near the box containing the salagrama stone and household gods. In
consequence of these ancestors being represented, orthodox Vaidiki
Brahmans refuse to take food in the marriage house. When the bridegroom
is conducted to the marriage booth by his future father-in-law, all
those who have taken part in the Kasiyatra ceremony, throw rice over
him. A quaint ceremony, called rangavriksha (drawing), is performed
on the morning of the second day. After the usual playing with balls
of flowers (nalagu or nalangu), the bridegroom takes hold of the
right hand of the bride, and, after dipping her right forefinger
in turmeric and chunam (lime) paste, traces on a white wall the
outline of a plantain tree, of which a sketch has previously been
made by a married woman. The tracing goes on for three days. First
the base of the plant is drawn, and, on the evening of the third day,
it is completed by putting in the flower spikes. On the third night
the bridegroom is served with sweets and other refreshments by his
mother-in-law, from whose hands he snatches the vessels containing
them. He picks out what he likes best, and scatters the remainder
about the room. The pollution caused thereby is removed by sprinkling
water and cow-dung, which is done by the cook engaged for the marriage
by the bridegroom's family. After washing his hands, the bridegroom
goes home, taking with him a silver vessel, which he surreptitiously
removes from near the gods. Along with this vessel he is supposed
to steal a rope for drawing water, and a rice-pounding stone. But
in practice he only steals the vessel, and the other articles are
claimed by his people on their return home.

Branding for religious purposes is confined to Sri Vaishnavas and
Madhvas. Sri Vaishnava Brahmans are expected to undergo this ordeal
at least once during their life-time, whereas Madhva Brahmans have to
submit to it as often as they visit their guru (head of a mutt). Of
men of other castes, those who become followers of a Vaishnava or
Madhva Acharya (guru) or mutt, are expected to present themselves
before the guru for the purpose of being branded. But the ceremony
is optional, and not compulsory as in the case of the Brahmans. Among
Sri Vaishnavites, the privilege of branding is confined to the elder
members of a family, Sanyasis (ascetics), and the heads of the various
mutts. All individuals, male and female, must be branded, after the
Upanayanam ceremony in the case of males, and after marriage in the
case of females. The disciples, after a purificatory bath and worship
of their gods, proceed to the residence of the Acharya or to the mutt,
where they are initiated into their religion, and branded with the
chakra on the right shoulder and chank on the left. The initiation
consists in imparting to the disciple, in a very low tone, the Mula
Mantram, the word Namonarayanaya, the sacred syllable Om, and a few
mantrams from the Brahma Rahasyam (secrets about god). A person who
has not been initiated thus is regarded as unfit to take part in
the ceremonies which have to be performed by Brahmans. Even close
relations, if orthodox, will refuse to take food prepared or touched
by the uninitiated. Concerning Madhvas, Monier Williams writes as
follows [177]: "They firmly believe that it is a duty of Vaishnavas
to carry throughout life a memorial of their god on their persons,
and that such a lasting outward and visible sign of his presence helps
them to obtain salvation through him. 'On his right armlet the Brahman
wears the discus, on his left the conch shell.' When I was at Tanjore,
I found that one of the successors of Madhva had recently arrived on
his branding visitation. He was engaged throughout the entire day in
stamping his disciples, and receiving fees from all according to their
means." Madhvas have four mutts to which they repair for the branding
ceremony, viz., Vayasaraya, Sumathendra and Mulabagal in Mysore,
and Uttaraja in South Canara. The followers of the Uttaraja mutt are
branded in five places in the case of adult males, and boys after the
thread investiture. The situations and emblems selected are the chakra
on the right upper arm, right side of the chest, and above the navel;
the chank on the left shoulder and left side of the chest. Women,
and girls after marriage, are branded with the chakra on the right
forearm, and the chank on the left. In the case of widows, the marks
are impressed on the shoulders as in the case of males. The disciples
of the three other mutts are generally branded with the chakra on the
right upper arm, and chank on the left. As the branding is supposed
to remove sins committed during the interval, they get it done every
time they see their guru. There is with Madhvas no restriction as to
the age at which the ceremony should be performed. Even a new-born
babe, after the pollution period of ten days, must receive the mark
of the chakra, if the guru should turn up. Boys before the upanayanam,
and girls before marriage, are branded with the chakra on the abdomen
just above the navel. The copper or brass branding instruments (mudras)
are not heated to a very high temperature, but sufficient to singe the
skin, and leave a deep black mark in the case of adults, and a light
mark in that of young people and babies. In some cases, disciples, who
are afraid of being hurt, bribe the person who heats the instruments;
but, as a rule, the guru regulates the temperature so as to suit the
individual. If, for example, the disciple is a strong, well-built
man, the instruments are well heated, and, if he is a weakling,
they are allowed to cool somewhat before their application. If the
operator has to deal with babies, he presses the instrument against
a wet rag before applying it to the infant's skin. Some Matathipathis
(head priests of the mutt) are, it is said, inclined to be vindictive,
and to make a very hot application of the instruments, if the disciple
has not paid the fee (gurukanika) to his satisfaction. The fee is not
fixed in the case of Sri Vaishnavas, whereas Madhvas are expected to
pay from one to three months' income for being branded. Failure to
pay is punished with excommunication on some pretext or other. The
area of skin branded generally peels off within a week, leaving a
pale mark of the mudra, which either disappears in a few months, or
persists throughout life. Madhvas should stamp mudras with gopi paste
(white kaolin) daily on various parts of the body. The names of these
mudras are chakra, chank or sankha, gatha (the weapon of war used by
Bhima, one of the Pandavas), padma (lotus), and Narayana. The chakra
is stamped thrice on the abdomen above the navel, twice on the right
flank, twice on the right side of the chest above the nipple, twice
on the right arm, once on the right temple, once on the left side
of the chest, and once on the left arm. The chank is stamped twice
on the right side of the chest, in two places on the left arm, and
once on the left temple. The gatha is stamped in two places on the
right arm, twice on the chest, and in one spot on the forehead. The
padma is stamped twice on the left arm, and twice on the left side of
the chest. Narayana is stamped on all places where other mudra marks
have been made. Sometimes it is difficult to put on all the marks
after the daily morning bath. In such cases, a single mudra mark,
containing all the five mudras, is made to suffice. Some regard the
chakra mudra as sufficient on occasions of emergency.

The god Hanuman (the monkey god) is specially reverenced by Madhvas,
who call him Mukyapranadevaru (the chief god).

V. Tulu.--The Tulu-speaking Brahmans are, in their manners and customs,
closely allied to the Carnatakas. Their sub-divisions are--


    1. Shivalli.
    2. Kota.
    3. Kandavara.
    4. Havik or Haiga.
    5. Panchagrami.
    6. Koteswar.


The following interesting account of the Tulu Brahmans is given by
Mr. H. A. Stuart [178]:--

"All Tulu Brahmin chronicles agree in ascribing the creation of
Malabar and Canara, or Kerala, Tuluva, and Haiga, to Parasu Rama,
who reclaimed from the sea as much land as he could cover by hurling
his battle-axe from the top of the Western Ghauts. According to Tulu
traditions, after a quarrel with Brahmins who used to come to him
periodically from Ahi-Kshetra, Parasu Rama procured new Brahmins for
the reclaimed tract by taking the nets of some fishermen, and making a
number of Brahminical threads, with which he invested the fishermen,
and thus turned them into Brahmins, and retired to the mountains to
meditate, after informing them that, if they were in distress and
called on him, he would come to their aid. After the lapse of some
time, during which they suffered no distress, they were curious to
know if Parasu Rama would remember them, and called upon him in order
to find out. He promptly appeared, but punished their thus mocking
him by cursing them, and causing them to revert to their old status
of Sudras. After this, there were no Brahmins in the land till Tulu
Brahmins were brought from Ahi-Kshetra by Mayur Varma of the Kadamba
dynasty. A modified form of the tradition states that Parasu Rama
gave the newly reclaimed land to Naga and Machi Brahmins, who were
not true Brahmins, and were turned out or destroyed by fishermen and
Holeyas (Pariahs), who held the country till the Tulu Brahmins were
introduced by Mayur Varma. All traditions unite in attributing the
introduction of the Tulu Brahmins of the present day to Mayur Varma,
but they vary in details connected with the manner in which they
obtained a firm footing in the land. One account says that Habashika,
chief of the Koragas (Pariahs), drove out Mayur Varma, but was in turn
expelled by Mayur Varma's son, or son-in-law, Lokaditya of Gokarnam,
who brought Brahmins from Ahi-Kshetra and settled them in thirty-two
villages. Another makes Mayur Varma himself the invader of the country,
which till then had remained in the possession of the Holeyas (Pariahs)
and fishermen who had turned out Parasu Rama's Brahmins. Mayur Varma
and the Brahmins whom he had brought from Ahi-Kshetra were again
driven out by Nanda, a Holeya chief, whose son Chandra Sayana had,
however, learned respect for Brahmins from his mother, who had been
a dancing-girl in a temple. His admiration for them became so great
that he not only brought back the Brahmins, but actually made over
all his authority to them, and reduced his people to the position
of slaves. A third account makes Chandra Sayana, not a son of a
Holeya king, but a descendant of Mayur Varma and a conqueror of
the Holeya king. Nothing is known from other sources of Lokaditya,
Habashika, or Chandra Sayana, but inscriptions speak to Mayur Varma
being the founder of the dynasty of the Kadambas of Banavasi in North
Canara. His date is usually put down at about 750 A.D. The correctness
of the traditions, which prevail in Malabar as well as in Canara,
assigning the introduction of Brahmins to the West Coast to Mayur
Varma who was in power about 750 A.D., is to some extent corroborated
by the fact that Brahmins attested the Malabar Perumal's grant to the
Christians in 774 A.D., but not that to the Jews about 700 A.D. The
Brahmins are said to have been brought from Ahi-Kshetra, on the banks
of the Godavari, but it is not clear what connection a Kadamba of
Banavasi could have with the banks of the Godavari, and there may be
something in the suggestion made in the North Kanara Gazetteer that
Ahi-Kshetra is merely a sanskritised form of Haiga or the land of
snakes. The tradition speaks of the Brahmins having been brought by
Lokaditya from Gokarnam, which is in the extreme north of Haiga, and
in the local history of the Honalli Matha in Sunda in North Canara,
Gokarnam is spoken of as being Ahi-Kshetra. Gokarnam is believed to
have been a Brahmin settlement in very early times, and there was
probably a further influx of Brahmins there as Muhammadan conquest
advanced in the north.

"The class usually styled Tulu Brahmins at the present day are the
Shivalli Brahmins, whose head-quarters are at Udipi, and who are
most numerous in the southern part of the district, but the Kota,
Koteshwar, and Haiga or Havika Brahmins are all branches of the same,
the differences between them having arisen since their settlement in
Canara; and, though they now talk Canarese in common with the people
of other parts to the north of the Sitanadi river, their religious
works are still written in the old Tulu-Malayalam character. Tulu
Brahmins, who have settled in Malabar in comparatively late years, are
known as Embrantris, and treated as closely allied to the Nambutiris,
whose traditions go back to Mayur Varma. Some families of Shivalli and
Havika Brahmins in the southern or Malayalam portion of the district
talk Malayalam, and follow many of the customs of the Malabar or
Nambutiri Brahmins. Many of the thirty-two villages in which the
Brahmins are said to have been settled by Mayur Varma are still
the most important centres of Brahminism. Notably may be mentioned
Shivalli or Udipi, Kota and Koteshwar, which have given names to the
divisions of Tulu Brahmins of which these villages are respectively the
head-quarters. When the Brahmins were introduced by Mayur Varma they
are said to have been followers of Bhattacharya, but they soon adopted
the tenets of the great Malayalam Vedantic teacher Sankaracharya,
who is ordinarily believed to have been born at Cranganore in Malabar
in the last quarter of the eighth century, that is, soon after the
arrival of the Brahmins on the west coast. Sankaracharya is known
as the preacher of the Advaita (non-dual) philosophy, which, stated
briefly, is that all living beings are one with the supreme spirit,
and absorption may finally be obtained by the constant renunciation
of material in favour of spiritual pleasure. This philosophy, however,
was not sufficient for the common multitude, and his system included,
for weaker minds, the contemplation of the first cause through a
multitude of inferior deities, and, as various manifestations of Siva
and his consort Parvati, he found a place for all the most important
of the demons worshipped by the early Dravidians whom the Brahmins
found on the West Coast, thus facilitating the spread of Hinduism
throughout all classes. That the conversion of the Bants and Billavas,
and other classes, took place at a very early date may be inferred
from the fact that, though the great bulk of the Tulu Brahmins of South
Canara adopted the teaching of the Vaishnavite reformer Madhavacharya,
who lived in the thirteenth century, most of the non-Brahmin Hindus in
the district class themselves as Shaivites to this day. Sankaracharya
founded the Sringeri Matha in Mysore near the borders of the Udipi
taluk, the guru of which is the spiritual head of such of the Tulu
Brahmins of South Canara as have remained Smarthas or adherents of the
teaching of Sankaracharya. Madhavacharya is believed to have been born
about 1199 A.D. at Kalianpur, a few miles from Udipi. He propounded
the Dvaita or dual philosophy, repudiating the doctrine of oneness
and final absorption held by ordinary Vaishnavites as well as by the
followers of Sankaracharya. The attainment of a place in the highest
heaven is to be secured, according to Madhavacharya's teaching, not
only by the renunciation of material pleasure, but by the practice of
virtue in thought, word and deed. The moral code of Madhavacharya is
a high one, and his teaching is held by some--not ordinary Hindus of
course--to have been affected by the existence of the community of
Christians at Kalianpur mentioned by Cosmos Indico Pleustes in the
seventh century. Madhavacharya placed the worship of Vishnu above
that of Siva, but there is little bitterness between Vaishnavites
and Shaivites in South Canara, and there are temples in which both
are worshipped under the name of Shankara Narayana. He denied that
the spirits worshipped by the early Dravidians were manifestations
of Siva's consort, but he accorded sanction to their worship as
supernatural beings of a lower order.

"Shivalli Brahmins. The Tulu-speaking Brahmins of the present day are
almost all followers of Madhavacharya, though a few remain Smarthas,
and a certain number follow what is known as the Bhagavat Sampradayam,
and hold that equal honour is due to both Vishnu and Siva. They are
now generally called Shivalli Brahmins, their head-quarters being at
Udipi or Shivalli, a few miles from Madhavacharya's birth-place. Here
Madhavacharya is said to have resided for some time, and composed
thirty-seven controversial works, after which he set out on a
tour. The temple of Krishna at Udipi is said to have been founded by
Madhavacharya himself, who set up in it the image of Krishna originally
made by Arjuna, and miraculously obtained by him from a vessel wrecked
on the coast of Tuluva. In it he also placed one of the three salagrams
presented to him by the sage Veda Vyasa. Besides the temple at Udipi,
he established eight Mathas or sacred houses, each presided over by
a sanyasi or swami. [Their names are Sodhe, Krishnapur, Sirur, Kanur,
Pejavar, Adamar, Palamar, and Puththige.] These exist to this day, and
each swami in turn presides over the temple of Krishna for a period of
two years, and spends the intervening fourteen years touring through
Canara and the adjacent parts of Mysore, levying contributions from the
faithful for his next two years of office, which are very heavy, as he
has to defray not only the expenses of public worship and of the temple
and Matha establishments, but must also feed every Brahmin who comes to
the place. The following description of a Matha visited by Mr. Walhouse
[179] gives a very good idea of what one of these buildings is like:
'The building was two-storeyed, enclosing a spacious quadrangle round
which ran a covered verandah or cloister; the wide porched entrance
opened into a fine hall supported by massive pillars with expanding
capitals handsomely carved; the ceiling was also wooden, panelled
and ornamented with rosettes and pendants as in baronial halls,
and so were the solid doors. Within these was an infinity of rooms,
long corridors lined with windowless cells, apartments for meditation
and study, store-rooms overflowing with all manner of necessaries,
granaries, upper rooms with wide projecting windows latticed instead
of glass with pierced wood-work in countless tasteful patterns,
and in the quadrangle there was a draw-well and small temple, while
a large yard behind contained cattle of all kinds from a goat to an
elephant. All things needful were here gathered together. Outside
sat pilgrims, poor devotees, and beggars waiting for the daily dole,
and villagers were continually arriving with grain, vegetables,
etc.' The periodical change of the swami presiding over the temple
of Krishna is the occasion of a great festival known as the Pariyaya,
when Udipi is filled to overflowing by a large concourse of Madhvas,
not only from the district but from more distant parts, especially
from the Mysore territory. [A very imposing object in the temple
grounds, at the time of my visit in 1907, was an enormous stack of
fire-wood for temple purposes.] The following is a description [180]
of a festival at the Udipi Krishna temple witnessed by Mr. Walhouse:
'Near midnight, when the moon rode high in a cloudless heaven, his
(Krishna's) image--not the very sacred one, which may not be handled,
but a smaller duplicate--was brought forth by four Brahmins and
placed under a splendid canopy on a platform laid across two large
canoes. The whole square of the tank (pond) was lit up by a triple
line of lights. Small oil cressets at close intervals, rockets and
fireworks ascended incessantly, and the barge, also brilliantly lit
up, and carrying a band of discordant music, and Brahmins fanning
the image with silver fans, was punted round and round the tank amid
loud acclamations. After this, the image was placed in a gorgeous
silver-plated beaked palanquin, and borne solemnly outside the temple
to the great idol car that stood dressed up and adorned with an
infinity of tinsel, flags, streamers and flower wreaths. On this it
was lifted, and placed in a jewel shrine amidst a storm of applause
and clapping of hands--these seem the only occasions when Hindus do
clap hands--and then, with all the company of Brahmins headed by the
swamis marching in front, followed by flambeaus and wild music, the
car was slowly hauled by thousands of votaries round the square which
was illuminated by three lines of lights, ascending at intervals into
pyramids. A pause was made half-way, when there was a grand display
of rockets, fire fountains and wheels, and two lines of camphor
and oiled cotton laid along the middle of the road were kindled
and flamed up brilliantly. Then the car moved on to the entrance of
the temple, and the god's outing was accomplished.' Another famous
temple of the Shivallis is Subramanya at the foot of the ghauts on
the Coorg border, and here also Madhavacharya deposited one of Veda
Vyasa's salagrams. It existed before his time, however, and, as the
name indicates, it is dedicated to the worship of Siva. In addition
to this, it is the principal centre of serpent worship in the district.

"Many of the Shivalli Brahmins are fair complexioned with well-cut
intelligent features. A number of them own land which they cultivate by
tenants or by hired labourers, and there are several wealthy families
with large landed properties, but the great bulk of them are either
astronomers, astrologers, tantris, purohitas, worshippers in temples,
or professional beggars. They have been backward in availing themselves
of English education, and consequently not many of them are to be
found holding important posts under Government or in the professions,
but a few have come to the front in late years. A good many of them
are village accountants and teachers in village schools. The women, as
is usually the case among all classes, are fairer than the men. Their
education is even more limited, but they are said to be well trained
for the discharge of household and religious duties. They wear the
cloth falling as low as the feet in front, but not usually so low
behind, especially on festive occasions, the end being passed between
the legs and tucked into the fold of the cloth round the waist. Like
all Brahmin women in Canara, they are fond of wearing sweet-scented
flowers in their hair. The language of the Shivalli Brahmins is Tulu,
except to the north of the Sitanadi river, where close intercourse with
the ruling Canarese classes above the ghauts for several centuries has
led to the adoption of that language by all classes. Their religious
books are in Sanskrit, and, even north of the Sitanadi river, they
are written in the old Tulu-Malayalam character. Their houses are
all neat, clean, and provided with verandahs, and a yard in front,
in which stands, in a raised pot, a plant of the tulasi or sacred
basil. Some of the houses of the old families are really large and
substantial buildings, with an open courtyard in the centre. Men and
widows bathe the whole body every day before breakfast, but married
women bathe only up to the neck, it being considered inauspicious for
them to bathe the head also. In temples and religious houses, males
bathe in the evening also. An oil bath is taken once a week. They
are, of course, abstainers from animal food and spirituous liquors,
and a prohibition extends to some other articles, such as onions,
garlic, mushrooms, etc. At times of marriages, deaths or initiations,
it is usual to give feasts, which may be attended by all Dravida
Brahmins. The Shivallis have 252 gotras, and the names of the following
seem to be of totemistic origin:--


    Kudrettaya, from kudre, a horse, taya, belonging to.
    Talitaya, palmyra palm.
    Manolitaya, name of a vegetable.
    Shunnataya, chunam, lime.
    Kalambitaya, a kind of box.
    Nellitaya, the Indian gooseberry.
    Goli, banyan tree.
    Ane, elephant.


"These names were obtained from one of the eight swamis or gurus of the
Udipi math, and according to him they have no totemistic force at the
present day. Girls must be married before maturity, and the ordinary
age now-a-days is between five and eleven. The age of the bridegroom
is usually between fifteen and five and twenty. A maternal uncle's
daughter can be married without consulting any horoscope, and during
the marriage ceremonies it is customary for a bridegroom's sister to
obtain from him a formal promise that, if he has a daughter, he will
give her in marriage to her son. Widows take off all their ornaments,
and wear a red or white cloth. They ought not to attend any auspicious
ceremonies or festivals, but of late years there has been a tendency
to relax the severity of the restrictions on a widow's freedom, and
a young widow is allowed to keep her head unshaven, and to wear a
few ornaments. A few Shivallis in the Malayalam-speaking portion of
the Kasaragod taluk follow the customs and manners of the Malayalam
Brahmins, and amongst these a girl does not lose caste by remaining
unmarried until she comes of age.

"Koteshwar Brahmins are a small body, who take their name from
Koteshwar in the Coondapoor taluk. They are practically the same as
the Shivalli Brahmins, except that, like all classes in that taluk,
they talk Canarese.

"Havika, Haviga, or Haiga Brahmins are the descendants of the section
of the Brahmins brought in by Mayur Varma, who settled within the
tract known as Haiga, which comprised the southern part of North Canara
and the extreme northern part of South Canara. They did not, like the
Shivallis, adopt the teaching of Madhavacharya, but remained followers
of Sankaracharya, and they now speak Canarese, though their religious
and family records are written in old Tulu-Malayalam character. Though
originally of the same stock, a distinction has arisen between them
and the Shivalli Brahmins, and they do not intermarry, though they may
eat together. A number of Havika Brahmins are to be found scattered
throughout South Canara, engaged for the most part in the cultivation
of areca palm gardens, in which they are very expert. A very well-to-do
colony of them is to be found in the neighbourhood of Vittal in the
Kasaragod taluk, where they grow areca nuts which are valued only
second to those grown in the magane of the Coondapoor taluk above the
ghauts. The Havika Brahmins, perhaps owing to their residing for many
generations in the comparatively cool shade of the areca nut gardens,
are specially fair even for west coast Brahmins. This fairness of
complexion is particularly noticeable in the women, who do not differ
much in their manners and customs from the Shivalli Brahmin women,
except that they take a prominent part in the work of the gardens, and
never on any occasion wear the end of their cloth passed through the
legs and tucked up behind. The Havik widows are allowed more freedom
than in most other classes. Some Havik Brahmins in the Malayalam
portion of the Kasaragod taluk have, like the Shivallis in the same
locality, adopted the language and customs of the Malayali Brahmins.

"Kota Brahmins, so called from a village in the northern part of
the Udipi taluk, are, like the Haviks, Smarthas or followers of
Sankaracharya, and now speak Canarese, but the breach between them
and the Shivallis is not so wide, as intermarriages occasionally take
place. In the Coondapoor taluk and the northern part of the Udipi
taluk, the Kotas occupy a place in the community corresponding to
that taken by the Shivallis throughout the rest of the district.

"Saklapuris, of whom there are a few in the district, are what may be
called a dissenting sect of Havikas who, a few years ago, renounced
their allegiance to the Ramchandrapura matha in favour of one at
Saklapuri near the boundary between North and South Canara. Like the
Havikas, they speak Canarese.

"Kandavaras obtain their name from the village of Kandavar in the
Coondapoor taluk. They are commonly known as Udapas, and they all
belong to one gotram, that of Visvamitra. They are, therefore,
precluded from marrying within the caste, and take their wives and
husbands from the ranks of the Shivalli Brahmins. They are, indeed,
said to be the descendants of a Shivalli Brahmin who settled in
Kandavar about seven or eight centuries ago. The head of the Annu Udapa
family, which is called after this ancestor, is the hereditary head
of the caste, and presides over all panchayats or caste councils. They
speak Canarese. Their title is Udapa or Udpa."

In a note on the Brahmans of South Canara, Mr. T. Raghaviah writes as
follows [181]:--"The sentimental objection to manual labour, which is
so predominant in the East Coast Brahmin, and the odium attached to
it in this country, which has crystallised into the religious belief
that, if a Brahmin cultivates with his own hand, the fire of his
hand would burn down all that he touches, have entirely disappeared
in South Canara. In the rural parts of the district, and especially
at the foot of the Western Ghauts, it is an exceedingly common
sight to see Brahmins engaging themselves in digging, ploughing
or levelling their lands, trimming their water-courses or ledges,
raising anicuts across streams, and doing a hundred other items of
manual work connected with agriculture. Brahmin women busy themselves
with cutting green leaves for manure, making and storing manure and
carrying it to their lands or trees, and Brahmin boys are employed in
tending and grazing their own cattle. This is so much the case with
a class of Brahmins called Haviks that there is a proverb that none
but a Havik can raise an areca garden. You find, as a matter of fact,
that nearly all the extensive areca plantations in the district are in
the hands of either the Havik Brahmins or the Chitpavans allied much
to the Mahratta Brahmins of Bombay. These plantations are managed by
these Brahmins, and new ones are raised with the aid of a handful of
Holeyas, or often without even such aid."

VI. Oriya.--The Oriya Brahmans of the Ganjam district belong to the
Utkala section of the Pancha Gaudas. Between them and the Pancha
Dravidas there is very considerable difference. None of the sections
of the Pancha Dravidas adopt the gosha system as regards their females,
whereas Oriya Brahman women are kept gosha (in seclusion). Occasionally
they go out to bring water, and, if on their way they come across any
males, they go to the side of the road, and turn their backs to the
passers-by. It is noted, in the Manual of the Vizagapatam district,
that Oriya Brahmans "eat many kinds of meat, as pea fowl, sambur
(deer), barking deer, pigeons, wild pig, and fish." Fish must be one
of the dishes prepared on festive occasions. As a rule, Oriya Brahmans
will accept water from a Gaudo (especially a Sullokondia Gaudo), and
sometimes from Gudiyas and Odiyas. Water touched by Dravida Brahmans
is considered by them to be polluted. They call the Dravidas Komma (a
corruption of Karma) Brahmans. The Oriya Brahmans are more particular
than the Dravidas as regards the madi cloth, which has already been
referred to. A cloth intended for use as a madi cloth is never given
to a washerman to be washed, and it is not worn by the Oriya Brahmans
when they answer the calls of nature, but removed, and replaced after
bathing. Marriage with a maternal uncle's daughter, which is common
among the Dravida Brahmans, would be considered an act of sacrilege
by Oriyas. When an Oriya Brahman is charged with being a meat eater,
he retorts that it is not nearly so bad as marrying a mathulakanya
(maternal uncle's daughter). The marriage tali or bottu is dispensed
with by Oriya Brahmans, who, at marriages, attach great importance
to the panigrahanam (grasping the bride's hand) and saptapadi (seven
steps). The Oriya Brahmans are both Smarthas and Vaishnavas who are
generally Paramarthos or followers of Chaitanya. The god Jagannatha
of Puri is reverenced by them, and they usually carry about with them
some of the prasadham (food offered to the god) from Puri. They are
divided into the following twelve sections:--


     (1) Santo (samanta, a chief).
     (2) Danua (gift-taking).
     (3) Padhiya (one who learns the Vedas).
     (4) Sarua (saru, tubers of the arum Colocasia antiqitorum).
     (5) Holua (holo, yoke of a plough).
     (6) Bhodri (Bhadriya, an agraharam on the Ganges).
     (7) Barua (a small sea-port town).
     (8) Deuliya (one who serves in temples).
     (9) Kotokiya (kotaka, palace. Those who live in palaces as
         servants to zamindars).
    (10) Sahu (creditor).
    (11) Jhadua (jungle).
    (12) Sodeibalya (those who follow an ungodly life).


It is recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, that "the Santos
regard themselves as superior to the others, and will not do purohit's
work for them, though they will for zamindars. They are also very
scrupulous about the behaviour of their womenkind. The Danuas live
much by begging, especially at the funerals of wealthy persons, but
both they and the Padhiyas know the Vedas, and are priests to the
zamindars and the higher classes of Sudras. The Saruas cultivate the
'yam' (Colocasia), and the Holuas go a step further, and engage in
ordinary cultivation--actual participation in which is forbidden
to Brahmans by Manu, as it involves taking the lives of worms and
insects. A few of the Saruas are qualified to act as purohits, but
the Holuas hardly ever are, and they were shown in the 1891 census to
be the most illiterate of all the Brahmans of the Presidency. Few of
them even perform the Sandhya and Tarpana, which every Brahman should
scrupulously observe. Yet they are regarded as ceremonially pure,
and are often cooks to the zamindars. Regarding the sixth class,
the Bhodris, a curious legend is related. Bhodri means a barber,
and the ancestor of the sub-division is said to have been the son
of a barber who was brought up at Puri with some Santo boys, and so
learned much of the Vedas and Shastras. He left Puri and went into
Jeypore, wearing the thread and passing himself off as a Brahman, and
eventually married a Brahman girl, by whom he got children who also
married Brahmans. At last, however, he was found out, and taken back to
Puri, where he committed suicide. The Brahmans said they would treat
his children as Brahmans if a plant of the sacred tulsi grew on his
grave, but, instead of tulsi, a plant of tobacco appeared there, and
so his descendants are Bhodris or barber Brahmans, and even Karnams,
Gaudos, and Mahantis decline to accept water at their hands. They
cultivate tobacco and 'yams,' but nevertheless officiate in temples,
and are purohits to the lower non-polluting castes. Of the remaining
six divisions, the Baruas are the only ones who do purohit's work
for other castes, and they only officiate for the lower classes of
Sudras. Except the Sodeibalyas, the others all perform the Sandhya
and Tarpana. Their occupations, however, differ considerably. The
Baruas are pujaris in the temples, and physicians. The Deuliyas are
pujaris and menials in zamindars' houses, growers of 'yams,' and even
day labourers. The Kotokiyas are household servants to zamindars. The
Sahus trade in silk cloths, grain, etc., and are money-lenders. The
Jhaduas are hill cultivators, and traders with pack-bullocks. The
last of the divisions, the Sodeibalyas, are menial servants to the
zamindars, and work for daily hire."

VII. Sarasvat and Konkani.--Both these classes belong to the Gauda
branch, and speak the Konkani language. The original habitation of
the Konkanis is said to have been the bank of the Sarasvati, a river
well known in early Sanskrit works, but said to have subsequently
lost itself in the sands of the desert, north of Rajputana. As they
do not abstain from fish, the other Brahmans among whom they have
settled regard them as low. The full name as given by the Konkanis
is Gauda Sarasvata Konkanastha. All the Konkani Brahmans found
in South Canara are Rig Vedis. Like the Shivalli Brahmans, they
have numerous exogamous septs, which are used as titles after their
names. For example, Prabhu is a sept, and Krishna Prabhu the name of
an individual. A large majority of the Konkani Brahmans are Madhvas,
and their god is Venkataramana of Tirupati, to whom their temples in
South Canara are dedicated. Other Brahmans do not go to the Konkani
temples, though non-Brahmans do so. A very striking feature of the
Konkani temples is that the god Venkataramana is not represented by
an idol, but by a silver plate with the image of the god embossed
on it. There are three important temples, at Manjeshwar, Mulki,
and Karkal. To these are attached Konkani Brahmans called Darsanas,
or men who get inspired. The Darsana attached to the Mulki temple
comes there daily about 11 A.M. After worship, he is given thirtham
(holy water), which he drinks. Taking in his hands the prasadam
(offering made to the god), he comes out, and commences to shiver
all over his body for about ten minutes. The shivering then abates,
and a cane and long strip of deer skin are placed in his hands,
with which he lashes himself on the back, sides, and head. Holy
water is given to him, and the shivering ceases. Those who have
come to the temple put questions to the Darsana, which are answered
in Konkani, and translated. He understands his business thoroughly,
and usually recommends the people to make presents of money or jewels
to Venkataramana, according to their means. In 1907, a rich Guzerati
merchant, who was doing business at Mangalore, visited the temple,
and consulted the Darsana concerning the condition of his wife,
who was pregnant. The Darsana assured him that she would be safely
delivered of a male child, and made him promise to present to the
temple silver equal in weight to that of his wife, should the prophecy
be realised. The prediction proving true, the merchant gave silver,
sugar-candy, and date fruits, to the required weight at a cost,
it is said, of five thousand rupees. At the Manjeshwar temple, the
Darsana is called the dumb Darsana, as he gives signs instead of
speaking. At a marriage among the Konkanis, for the Nagavali ceremony
eight snakes are made out of rice or wheat flour by women and the
bridal couple. By the side of the pot representing Siva and Parvati,
a mirror is placed. Close to the Nagavali square, it is customary to
draw on the ground the figures of eight elephants and eight Bairavas
in flour.

The following account of the Konkanis is given in the Cochin Census
Report, 1901:--"The Konkanis are a branch of the Sarasvat sub-division
of the Pancha Gaudas. Judged from their well-built physique, handsome
features and fair complexion, they appear to belong ethnically
to the Aryan stock. The community take their name from their Guru
Sarasvata. Trihotrapura, the modern Tirhut in Behar, is claimed as the
original home of the community. According to their tradition, Parasu
Rama brought ten families, and settled them in villages in and around
Gomantaka, the modern Goa, Panchrakosi, and Kusasthali. When Goa was
conquered by Vijayanagar, they placed themselves under the protection
of the kings of that country. For nearly a quarter of a century after
the conquest of Goa by the Portuguese, they continued unmolested under
the Portuguese Governors. During this period, they took to a lucrative
trade in European goods. With the establishment of the Inquisition
at Goa, and the religious persecution set on foot by the Portuguese,
the community left Goa in voluntary exile. While some submitted to
conversion, others fled to the north and south. Those that fled to the
south settled themselves in Canara and at Calicut. Receiving a cold
reception at the hands of the Zamorin, they proceeded further south,
and placed themselves under the protection of the Rulers of Cochin
and Travancore, where they flourish at the present day. The Christian
converts, who followed in the wake of the first batch of exiles,
have now settled themselves at the important centres of trade in the
State as copper-smiths, and they are driving a very profitable trade
in copper-wares. The Brahman emigrants are called Konkanis from the
fact of their having emigrated from Konkan. In the earliest times,
they are supposed to have been Saivites, but at present they are
staunch Vaishnavites, being followers of Madhavacharya. They are never
regarded as on a par with the other Brahmans of Southern India. There
is no intermarriage or interdining between them and other Brahmans. In
Cochin they are mostly traders. Their occupation seems to have been
at the bottom of their being regarded as degraded. They have their
own temples, called Tirumala Devaswams. They are not allowed access to
the inner structure surrounding the chief shrine of the Malayali Hindu
temples; nor do they in turn allow the Hindus of this coast to enter
corresponding portions of their religious edifices. The Nambudris are,
however, allowed access even to the interior of the sacred shrine. All
caste disputes are referred to their high priest, the Swamiyar of Kasi
Mutt, who resides at Mancheswaram or Basroor. He is held in great
veneration by the community, and his decisions in matters religious
and social are final. Some of their temples possess extensive landed
estates. Their temple at Cochin is one of the richest in the whole
State. The affairs of the temple are managed by Konkani Yogakkars,
or an elected committee. Nayars and castes above them do not touch
them. Though their women use coloured cloths for their dress like the
women of the East Coast, their mode of dress and ornaments at once
distinguish them from other Brahman women. Amongst them there are
rich merchants and landholders. Prabhu, Pai, Shenai, Kini, Mallan,
and Vadhyar, are some of the more common titles borne by them."

In conclusion, brief mention may be made of several other immigrant
classes. Of these, the Desasthas are Marathi-speaking Brahmans, who
have adopted some of the customs of the Smartha and Madhva Carnatakas,
with whom intermarriage is permitted. A special feature of the
marriage ceremonies of the Desasthas is the worship of Ambabhavani
or Tuljabhavani, with the assistance of Gondala musicians, who sing
songs in praise of the deity. The Chitpavan Brahmans speak Marathi
and Konkani. In South Canara they are, like the Haviks, owners of
areca palm plantations. Karadi Brahmans, who are also found in South
Canara, are said to have come southward from Karhad in the Bombay
Presidency. There is a tradition that Parasu Rama created them from
camel bones.

Brahmani.--A class of Ambalavasis. (See Unni.)

Brihaspati Varada.--The name, indicating those who worship their god
on Thursday, of a sub-division of Kurubas.

Brinjari.--A synonym of Lambadi.

Budubudike.--The Budubudike or Budubudukala are described in the
Mysore Census Report as being "gipsy beggars and fortune-tellers
from the Marata country, who pretend to consult birds and reptiles to
predict future events. They are found in every district of Mysore, but
only in small numbers. They use a small kind of double-headed drum,
which is sounded by means of the knotted ends of strings attached
to each side of it. The operator turns it deftly and quickly from
side to side, when a sharp and weird sound is emitted, having a rude
resemblance to the warbling of birds. This is done in the mornings,
when the charlatan soothsayer pretends to have divined the future fate
of the householder by means of the chirping of birds, etc., in the
early dawn. They are generally worshippers of Hanumantha." The name
Budubudike is derived from the hour-glass shaped drum, or budbudki.

For the following account of the Budubudukalas, I am indebted to a
recent article [182]:--"A huge parti-coloured turban, surmounted by
a bunch of feathers, a pair of ragged trousers, a loose long coat,
which is very often out at elbows, and a capacious wallet underneath
his arm, ordinarily constitute the Budubudukala's dress. Occasionally,
if he can afford it, he indulges in the luxury of wearing a tiger or
cheetah (leopard) skin, which hangs down his back, and contributes to
the dignity of his calling. Add to this an odd assortment of clothes
suspended on his left forearm, and the picture is as grotesque as it
can be. He is regarded as able to predict the future of human beings by
the flight and notes of birds. His predictions are couched in the chant
which he recites. The burden of the chant is invariably stereotyped,
and purports to have been gleaned from the warble of the feathered
songsters of the forest. It prognosticates peace, plenty and prosperity
to the house, the birth of a son to the fair, lotus-eyed house-wife,
and worldly advancement to the master, whose virtues are as countless
as the stars, and have the power to annihilate his enemies. It also
holds out a tempting prospect of coming joy in an unknown shape from
an unknown quarter, and concludes with an appeal for a cloth. If the
appeal is successful, well and good. If not, the Budubudukala has
the patience and perseverance to repeat his visit the next day, the
day after that, and so on until, in sheer disgust, the householder
parts with a cloth. The drum, which has been referred to above as
having given the Budubudukala his name, is not devoid of interest. In
appearance it is an instrument of diminutive size, and is shaped like
an hour-glass, to the middle of which is attached a string with a knot
at the end, which serves as the percutient. Its origin is enveloped in
a myth of which the Budubudukala is naturally very proud, for it tells
him of his divine descent, and invests his vocation with the halo of
sanctity. According to the legend, the primitive Budubudukala who first
adorned the face of the earth was a belated product of the world's
creation. When he was born or rather evolved, the rest of humankind
was already in the field, struggling for existence. Practically
the whole scheme was complete, and, in the economy of the universe,
the Budubudukala found himself one too many. In this quandary, he
appealed to his goddess mother Amba Bhavani, who took pity upon him,
and presented him with her husband the god Parameswara's drum with
the blessing 'My son, there is nothing else for you but this. Take
it and beg, and you will prosper.' Among beggars, the Budubudukala
has constituted himself a superior beggar, to whom the handful of
rice usually doled out is not acceptable. His demand, in which more
often than not he succeeds, is for clothes of any description, good,
bad or indifferent, new or old, torn or hole. For, in the plenitude of
his wisdom, he has realised that a cloth is a marketable commodity,
which, when exchanged for money, fetches more than the handful of
rice. The Budubudukala is continually on the tramp, and regulates
his movements according to the seasons of the year. As a rule, he
pays his visit to the rural parts after the harvest is gathered, for
it is then that the villagers are at their best, and in a position
to handsomely remunerate him for his pains. But, in whatever corner
of the province he may be, as the Dusserah approaches, he turns his
face towards Vellore in the North Arcot district, where the annual
festival in honour of the tribal deity Amba Bhavani is celebrated."

The insigne of the Budubudike, as recorded at Conjeeveram, is said
[183] to be a pearl-oyster. The Oriya equivalent of Budubudike is
stated [184] to be Dubaduba.

Bujjinigiyoru (jewel-box).--A sub-division of Gangadikara Vakkaliga.

Bukka.--Described, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a "sub-caste
of Balija. They are sellers of saffron (turmeric), red powder, combs,
etc., and are supposed to have been originally Komatis." They are
described by the Rev. J. Cain as travelling about selling turmeric,
opium, and other goods. According to the legend, when Kanyakamma threw
herself into the fire-pit (see Komati), they, instead of following her
example, presented to her bukka powder, turmeric, and kunkuma. She
directed that they should live apart from the faithful Komatis,
and live by the sale of the articles which they offered to her.

Buragam.--A sub-division of Kalingi.

Burgher.--A name commonly applied to the Badagas of the Nilgiri
hills. In Ceylon, Burgher is used in the same sense as Eurasian
in India.

Burmese.--A few Burmese are trained as medical students at Madras for
subsequent employment in the Burmese Medical service. At the Mysore
census, 1901, a single Burman was recorded as being engaged at the
Kolar gold fields. Since Burma became part of the British dominions
in 1886, there has been emigration to that developing country from
the Madras Presidency on a large scale. The following figures show
the numbers of passengers conveyed thence to Burma during the five
years, 1901-05:--


                1901          84,329
                1902          80,916
                1903         100,645
                1904         127,622
                1905         124,365


Busam (grain).--An exogamous sept of Devanga.

Busi (dirt).--An exogamous sept of Mutracha.

Byagara.--Byagara and Begara are synonyms of Holeya.







NOTES


[1] "Deccan, Hind, Dakhin, Dakhan; dakkina, the Prakr. form of
Sskt. dakshina, 'the south.' The southern part of India, the
Peninsula, and especially the table-land between the Eastern and
Western Ghauts." Yule and Burnell, Hobson-Jobson.

[2] History of Creation.

[3] Malay Archipelago, 1890.

[4] See article Kadir.

[5] Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula, 1906.

[6] Globus, 1899.

[7] Madras Museum Bull., II, 3, 1899.

[8] Op. cit.

[9] Yule and Burnell, Hobson-Jobson.

[10] Mem. Asiat. Soc., Bengal, Miscellanea Ethnographica, 1, 1906.

[11] Manual of the Geology of India, 2nd edition, 1893.

[12] Anatomy of Vertebrated Animals, 1871.

[13] See Annual Report, Archæological Survey of India, 1902-03.

[14] Bull, Museum d'Histoire Naturelle, 1905.

[15] Introduction to the Study of Mammals, living and extinct, 1891.

[16] Anthropology. Translation, 1894.

[17] I have only seen one individual with woolly hair in Southern
India, and he was of mixed Tamil and African parentage.

[18] See article Maravan.

[19] Op. cit.

[20] Ethnology, 1896.

[21] Proc. R. Soc. N. S. Wales, XXIII, part III.

[22] "It is evident that, during much of the tertiary period, Ceylon
and South India were bounded on the north by a considerable extent of
sea, and probably formed part of an extensive southern continent or
great island. The very numerous and remarkable cases of affinity with
Malaya require, however, some closer approximation to these islands,
which probably occurred at a later period." Wallace. Geographical
Distribution of Animals, 1876.

[23] See Breeks, Primitive Tribes and Monuments of the Nilgiris;
Phillips, Tumuli of the Salem district; Rea, Prehistoric Burial Places
in Southern India; R. Bruce Foote, Catalogues of the Prehistoric
Antiquities in the Madras Museum, etc.

[24] Contributions to the Craniology of the People of the Empire of
India, Part II. The aborigines of Chuta Nagpur, and of the Central
Provinces, the People of Orissa, Veddahs and Negritos, 1900.

[25] Other cranial characters are compared by Sir William Turner,
for which I would refer the reader to the original article.

[26] The People of India, 1908.

[27] Contemporary Science Series.

[28] Madras Museum Bull., II, 3, 1899.

[29] The cephalic indices of various Brahman classes in the Bombay
Presidency, supplied by Sir H. Risley, are as follows:--Desastha,
76.9; Kokanasth, 77.3; Sheni or Saraswat, 79; Nagar, 79.7.

[30] Measured by Mr. F. Fawcett.

[31] The Pattar Brahmans are Tamil Brahmans, settled in Malabar.

[32] According to the Brahman chronology, Mayura Varma reigned from
455 to 445 B.C., but his probable date was about 750 A.D. See Fleet,
Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts of the Bombay Presidency, 1882-86.

[33] Histoire générale des Races Humaines, 1889.

[34] Les Nègres d'Asie, et la race Nègre en général. Revue
Scientifique, VI July, 1906.

[35] Tribes and Castes of Bengal, 1891.

[36] Linguistic Survey of India, IV, 1906.

[37] Manual of the South Canara district.

[38] The Todas, 1906.

[39] Madras Journ., Lit. and Sci., V., 1837.

[40] Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Languages. 2nd Ed., 1875.

[41] Outlines of the Toda Grammar appended to Marshall's Phrenologist
among the Todas.

[42] Madras Census Report, 1901.

[43] Malabar Law and Custom.

[44] F. Fawcett. Journ. Anth. Soc., Bombay, 1, 1888.

[45] Malabar Law and Custom.

[46] Wigram, Malabar Law and Custom.

[47] Madras Census Report, 1891.

[48] Madras Census Report, 1901.

[49] Manual of the North Arcot district.

[50] Manual of the Madura district.

[51] Description of the Character, Manners and Customs of the People
of India.

[52] Madras Census Report, 1891.

[53] Mysore Census Report, 1891, 1901; Rice, Mysore and Coorg
Gazetteer.

[54] Hindu Manners and Customs. Ed. 1897.

[55] Mysore Census Report, 1901.

[56] Ambalam is an open space or building, where affairs connected
with justice are transacted. Ambalakkaran denotes the president of
an assembly, or one who proclaims the decision of those assembled in
an ambalam.

[57] Anuloma, the product of the connection of a man with a woman of
a lower caste; Pratiloma, of the connection of a man with a woman of
a higher caste.

[58] Madras Mail, 1906.

[59] A. P. Smith, Madras Review, 1902.

[60] Cochin Census Report, 1901.

[61] Houses where pilgrims and travellers are entertained, and fed
gratuitously.

[62] C. Hayavadana Rao. Tales of Komati Wit and Wisdom, 1907.

[63] Wigram, Malabar Law and Custom.

[64] Madras Journ. Lit. and Science, XI, 176, 1840.

[65] Historical Sketches of the South of India.

[66] Ellis. Kural.

[67] Mysore and Coorg Gazetteer, 1876-78.

[68] Madras Census Report, 1891.

[69] Manual of the South Canara district.

[70] Folk-songs of Southern India.

[71] Manual of the Nilagiri district.

[72] The Todas, 1906.

[73] Account of the Primitive Tribes and Monuments of the Nilagiris,
1873.

[74] Gazetteer of the Nilgiris.

[75] Madras Christian College Magazine, 1892.

[76] Gazetteer of the Nilgiris.

[77] Manual of Coorg.

[78] Pioneer, 4th October 1907.

[79] Description of a singular Aboriginal Race inhabiting the summit
of the Neilgherry Hills.

[80] The Todas, 1906.

[81] Op. cit.

[82] Op. cit.

[83] Madras Mail, 1907.

[84] The bridge spanning the river of death, which the blessed cross
in safety.

[85] Report, Government Botanic Gardens, Nilgiris, 1903.

[86] E. Schmidt. Reise nach Sudindien, 1894.

[87] The World's Peoples, 1908.

[88] H. H. Wilson, Essays and Lectures, chiefly on the Religion of
the Hindus, 1862.

[89] Hindu Castes and Sects.

[90] The Mystics, Ascetics, and Saints of India, 1903.

[91] Madras Census Report, 1901.

[92] Madras Census Report, 1901.

[93] Madras Census Report, 1891.

[94] A Native: Pen and Ink Sketches of South India.

[95] Madras Census Report, 1891.

[96] Manual of the S. Canara district.

[97] Yule and Burnell. Hobson-Jobson.

[98] Calcutta Review.

[99] Indian Review, VII, 1906.

[100] See G. Krishna Rao. Treatise on Aliya Santana Law and Usage,
Mangalore, 1898.

[101] Calcutta Review.

[102] Malabar Law and Custom, 3rd ed., 1905.

[103] The Law of Partition and Succession, from the text of
Varadaraja's Vyavaharaniranya by A. C. Burnell (1872).

[104] Calcutta Review.

[105] Report of the Malabar Marriage Commission, 1891.

[106] Mysore and Coorg Gazetteer.

[107] Rev. J. Cain, Ind. Ant., V, 1876.

[108] M. Paupa Rao Naidu. The Criminal Tribes of India. No. III,
Madras, 1907.

[109] Op. cit.

[110] Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh,
Bawariya, 1906.

[111] Tribes and Castes of Bengal, 1891.

[112] Journey through Mysore, Canara and Malabar, 1807.

[113] Gentu or Gentoo is "a corruption of the Portuguese
Gentio, gentile or heathen, which they applied to the Hindus in
contradistinction to the Moros or Moors, i.e., Mahommedans. It
is applied to the Telugu-speaking Hindus specially, and to their
language." Yule and Burnell, Hobson-Jobson.

[114] Historical Sketches of the South of India: Mysore, 1810-17.

[115] By law, to constitute dacoity, there must be five or more in
the gang committing the crime. Yule and Burnell, op. cit.

[116] Circumcision is practised by some Kallans of the Tamil country.

[117] Madras Mail, 1902.

[118] Mysore Census Report, 1901.

[119] Madras Mail, 1905.

[120] Op. cit.

[121] Manual of the South Canara district.

[122] Agricultural Ledger Series, Calcutta, No. 7, 1904.

[123] Jeypore. Breklum, 1901.

[124] Manual of the North Arcot district.

[125] Madras Census Report, 1891.

[126] Op. cit.

[127] Taylor. Catalogue Raisonné of Oriental Manuscripts.

[128] Madras Census Report, 1901.

[129] Journey from Madras through Mysore, Canara and Malabar.

[130] Ind. Ant. XVIII, 1889.

[131] Hobson-Jobson.

[132] Decadas de Asia.

[133] J. S. F. Mackenzie, Ind. Ant. IV, 1875.

[134] Madras Census Report, 1901.

[135] Sanskrit hymn repeated a number of times during daily ablutions.

[136] Manual of the North Arcot district.

[137] J. S. F. Mackenzie, Ind. Ant. IV, 1875.

[138] See F. S. Mullaly. Notes on Criminal Classes of the Madras
Presidency.

[139] History of Railway Thieves, Madras, 1904.

[140] Manual of the North Arcot district.

[141] Occasional Essays on Native South Indian Life.

[142] Gazetteer of the Central Provinces, 1870.

[143] Report of the Ethnological Committee of the Central Provinces.

[144] Wilson. Glossary of Judicial and Revenue Terms.

[145] Manual of Malabar.

[146] Devil worship of the Tuluvas, Ind. Ant. XXIII, XXIV, and XXV,
1894-96.

[147] Occasional Essays on Native South Indian Life.

[148] Madras Mail, 1905.

[149] Madras Census Report, 1901.

[150] Manual of the Vizagapatam district.

[151] Manual of the North Arcot district.

[152] Manual of the Ganjam district.

[153] Madras Census Report, 1891.

[154] Manual of the North Arcot district.

[155] Religious Thought and Life in India.

[156] Christianity and Caste, 1893.

[157] In the Vedic verse the word used for my brothers literally
means your husbands.

[158] A hotri is one who presides at the time of sacrifices.

[159] Madras Christian College Magazine, March, 1903.

[160] Religious Thought and Life in India.

[161] See Thurston, Ethnographic Notes in Southern India, 1906,
pp. 229-37.

[162] Op. cit.

[163] Watt, Dict. Economic Products of India.

[164] Viaggio all' Indie orientali, 1672.

[165] See Note on the Tulsi Plant. Journ. Anthrop. Soc., Bombay,
VIII, I, 1907.

[166] Madras Mail, 1906.

[167] Hobson-Jobson.

[168] Music and Musical Instruments of Southern India and the Deccan,
1891.

[169] Oriental Commerce.

[170] Gazetteer of the South Arcot district.

[171] Collection of the Decisions of High Courts and the Privy
Council on the Hindu Law of Marriage and the Effect of Apostacy after
marriage. Madras, 1891.

[172] Madras Mail, 1904.

[173] Ind. Ant. III, 1874.

[174] Ind. Ant. III, 1874.

[175] Mysore and Coorg Gazetteer, 1877.

[176] Said to be derived from ma, a negation, and arka, sun, in
allusion to their not performing the adoration of that luminary which
is customary among Brahmans.

[177] Brahmanism and Hinduism.

[178] Manual of the South Canara district.

[179] Fraser's Magazine, May 1875.

[180] Loc. cit.

[181] Indian Review, VII, 1906.

[182] Madras Mail, 1907.

[183] J. S. F. Mackenzie, Ind. Ant., IV, 1875.

[184] Madras Census Report, 1901.