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                    THE WINTER SOLSTICE ALTARS AT
                             HANO PUEBLO

                                  BY
                           J. WALTER FEWKES

    (From the American Anthropologist (N.S.), Vol. 1, April, 1899)

                               NEW YORK
                         G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS

                                 1899




              THE WINTER SOLSTICE ALTARS AT HANO PUEBLO

                         BY J. WALTER FEWKES




                             INTRODUCTION


The fetishes displayed in their kivas by different phratries during
the Winter Solstice ceremony at the Hopi pueblo of Walpi, in
northeastern Arizona, have been described in a previous article,[1] in
which the altar made in the _Moñkiva_, or "chief" ceremonial chamber,
by the _Patki_ and related people has been given special attention.
The author had hoped in 1898[2] to supplement this description by an
exhaustive study of the Winter Solstice ceremonies of all the families
of the East Mesa, but was prevented from so doing by the breaking out
of an epidemic. This study was begun with fair results, and before
withdrawing from the kivas he was able to make a few observations on
certain altars at Hano which had escaped him in the preceding year.

Walpi, commonly called by the natives _Hopiki_, "Hopi pueblo," began
its history as a settlement of Snake clans which had united with the
Bear phratry. From time to time this settlement grew in size by the
addition of the _Ala_, _Pakab_, _Patki_, and other phratries of lesser
importance. Among important increments in modern times may be
mentioned several clans of Tanoan ancestry, as the _Asa_, _Honani_,
and the like. These have all been assimilated, having lost their
identity as distinct peoples and become an integral part of the
population of Walpi, or of its colony, Sitcomovi.[3] Among the most
recent arrivals in Tusayan was another group of Tanoan clans which
will be considered in this article. The last mentioned are now
domiciled in a pueblo of their own called Hano; they have not yet, as
the others, lost their language nor been merged into the Hopi people,
but still preserve intact many of their ancient customs.

The present relations of Hano to Walpi are in some respects not unlike
those which have existed in the past between incoming clans and Walpi
as each new colony entered the Tusayan territory. Thus, after the
_Patki_ people settled at the pueblo called Pakatcomo,[4] within sight
of Old Walpi, they lived there for some time, observing their own
rites and possibly speaking a different language much as the people of
Hano do today. In the course of time, however, the population of the
_Patki_ pueblo was united with the preëpre Walpi families, Pakatcomo
was abandoned, and its speech and ritual merged into those of Walpi.
Could we have studied the _Patki_ people when they lived at their
former homes, Pakatcomo or Homolobi, we would be able to arrive at
more exact ideas of their peculiar rites and altars than is now
possible. Hano has never been absorbed by Walpi as the _Patki_ pueblos
were, and the altars herein described still preserve their true Tanoan
characteristics. These altars are interesting because made in a Tanoan
pueblo by Tewa clans which are intrusive in the Hopi country, and are
especially instructive because it is held by their priests that like
altars are or were made in midwinter rites by their kindred now
dwelling along the Rio Grande in New Mexico.

The midwinter rite in which the altars are employed is called _Tûñtai_
by the Tewa, who likewise designate it by the Hopi name _Soyaluña_.
This latter term may be regarded as a general one applied to the
assemblages of different families in all the kivas of the East Mesa at
that time. The name of the Tewa rite is a special one, and possibly
the other families who assemble at this time once had or still retain
their own names for their celebrations. The _Tûñtai_ altars were
brought by the ancestors of the present people of Hano from their old
eastern home, and the rites about them are distinctly Tewan, although
celebrated at the same time as the Winter Solstice ceremonies of the
Hopi families.


                       CLAN COMPOSITION OF HANO

The pueblo called Hano is one of three villages on the East Mesa of
Tusayan and contained, according to the writer's census of 1893, a
population of 163 persons. It was settled between the years 1700 and
1710 by people from Tcewadi, a pueblo situated near Peña Blanca on the
Rio Grande in New Mexico. Although only six persons of pure Tanoan
ancestry are now living at Hano, the inhabitants still speak the Tewa
dialect and claim as kindred the peoples of San Juan, Santa Clara, San
Ildefonso, Pojoaque, Nambe, and Tesuque.[5] The best traditionists
declare that their ancestors were invited to leave their old home,
Tcewadi, by the Snake chief of Walpi, who was then pueblo chief of
that village. They claim that they made their long journey to give aid
against the Ute Indians who were raiding the Hopi, and that they
responded after four consecutive invitations. The Walpi Snake chief
sent them an embassy bearing prayer-sticks as offerings, and although
they had refused three invitations they accepted the fourth.

According to traditions the following clans have lived in Hano, but it
is not stated that all went to the East Mesa together from Tcewadi:
_Okuwuñ_, Rain-cloud; _Sa_, Tobacco; _Kolon_, Corn; _Tenyük_, Pine;
_Katcina_, Katcina; _Nañ_, Sand; _Kopeeli_, Pink Shell; _Koyanwi_,
Turquoise; _Kapolo_, Crane; _Tuñ_, Sun; _Ke_, Bear; _Te_, Cottonwood;
_Tayek_ (?); _Pe_, Firewood; and _Tceta_, Bivalve shell.

The early chiefs whose names have been obtained are Mapibi of the
_Nañ-towa_, Potañ of the _Ke-towa_, and Talekweñ and Kepo of the
_Kolon-towa_. The present village chief is Anote of the _Sa-towa_ or
Tobacco clan.[6]

Of the original clans which at some time have been with the Hano
people, the following have now become extinct: _Kopeeli_, _Koyanwi_,
_Kapolo_, _Tuñ_, _Tayek_, _Pe_,[7] and _Tceta_. The last member of the
_Tuñ_ or Sun people was old chief Kalacai who died about four years
ago. It is quite probable that several of these extinct clans did not
start from Tcewadi with the others. There were several waves of Tanoan
emigrants from the Rio Grande region which went to Tusayan about the
same time, among which may be mentioned the _Asa_, which took a more
southerly route, via Zuñi. The route of the _Asa_ people will be
considered in another article, and the evidences that some of the
_Asa_ clans joined their kindred on their advent into Tusayan will be
developed later. Probably certain members of the _Katcina_ clan
accompanied the _Asa_ people as far as the Awatobi mesa and then
affiliated with the early Hano clans.[8]

       *       *       *       *       *

The census of Hano in December, 1898, was as follows:

  _Clans_       _Males_       _Females_      _Total_
  Okuwuñ          12              8            20
  Sa               8              5            13
  Kolon           11             12            23
  Tenyük          12             16            28
  Ke               5             10            15
  Katcina          8              9            17
  Te               5              4             9
  Nañ              4              7            11
                                             ----
    Total native to Hano domiciled at home    136

The above enumeration of Hano population does not include Walpi and
Sitcomovi men married to Hano women (23), nor Tewa men living in the
neighboring pueblos (15).[9] Adding these, the population is increased
to 174, which may be called the actual enumeration at the close of
1898. Subsequent mortality due to smallpox and whooping-cough will
reduce the number below 160.

In the following lists there are arranged, under their respective
clans, the names of all the known inhabitants of Hano. There have been
several deaths since the lists were made (December 1, 1898), and
several births which also are not included. It will be noted that the
majority have Tanoan names, but there are several with names of Hopi
origin, for in these latter instances I was unable to obtain any
other.[10]


                      _Census of Hano by Clans_

_Okuwuñ-towa_, or Rain-cloud clan.--Men and boys: Kalakwai, Kala,
Tcüa, Wiwela, Kahe, Yane, Solo, Yunci, Pade, Klee, Kochayna, Këe (12).
Women and girls: Sikyumka, Kwentce, Talitsche, Yoyowaiolo,
Pobitcanwû, Yoanuche, Asou, Tawamana (8). Total, 20.

_Sa-towa_, or Tobacco clan.--Men and boys: Anote, Asena, Tem[)e],
Ipwantiwa, Howila, Nuci, Yauma, Satee (8). Women and girls: Okañ,
Heli, Kotu, Kwañ, Mota (5). Total, 13.

_Kolon-towa_, or Corn clan.--Men and boys: Polakka, Patuñtupi,
Akoñtcowu, Komaletiwa, Agaiyo, Tcid[)e], Oba, Toto, Peke, Kelo, Tasce
(11). Women and girls: Kotcaka, Talikwia, Nampio, Kweñtcowû, Heele,
Pelé, Kontce, Koompipi, Chaiwû, Kweckatcañwû, Awatcomwû, Antce (12).
Total, 23.

_Tenyük-towa_, or Pine clan.--Men and boys: Tawa, Nato, Wako, Paoba,
Topi, Yota, Pobinelli, Yeva, Tañe, Lelo, Sennele, Poctce (12). Women
and girls: Toñlo, Hokona, Kode(?), Sakpede, Nebenne, Tabowüqti,
Poh[ve], Saliko, Eye, Porkuñ, Pehta, Hekpobi, Setale, Naici, Katcine,
Tcenlapobi (16). Total, 28.

_Ke-towa_, or Bear clan.--Men and boys: Mepi, Tae, Tcakwaina,
Poliella, Tegi (5). Women and girls: Kauñ, Kalaie, Pene, Tcetcuñ,
Kala, Katcinmana, Selapi, Tolo, Pokona, Kode (10). Total 15. Tcaper
("Tom Sawyer") may be enrolled in this or the preceding family. He is
a Paiute, without kin in Hano, and was sold when a boy as a slave by
his father. His sisters were sold to the Navaho at the same time.
Tcaper became the property of an Oraibi, later of a Tewa man, now
dead, and so far as can be learned is the only Paiute now living at
Hano.

_Katcina-towa._--Men and boys: Kwevehoya, Taci, Avaiyo, Poya, Oyi,
Wehe, Sibentima, Tawahonima (8). Women and girls: Okotce, Kwenka, Awe,
Peñaiyo, Peñ, Poñ, Tcao, Poschauwû, Sawiyû (9). Total, 17.

_Te-towa_, or Cottonwood clan. Men and boys: Sania, Kuyapi, Okuapin,
Ponyin, Pebihoya (5). Women and girls: Yunne, Pobitche, Poitzuñ,
Kalazañ (4). Total, 9.

_Nañ-towa_, or Sand clan.--Men and boys: Puñsauwi, Pocine, Talumtiwa,
Cia (4). Women and girls: Pocilipobi, Talabensi, Humhebuima, Kae,
Avatca, "Nancy," Simana (7). Total, 11.

The present families in Hano are so distributed that the oldest part
of the pueblo is situated at the head of the trail east of the
_Moñkiva_. This is still owned and inhabited by the _Sa_, _Kolon_, and
_Ke_ clans, all of which probably came from Tcewadi. The _Katcina_ and
related _Tenyük_, as well as the _Okuwuñ_ and related _Nañ_ clans, are
said, by some traditions, to have joined the Tewa colonists after they
reached the Hopi mesas, and the position of their houses in respect to
the main house-cluster favors that theory. Other traditions say that
the first pueblo chief of the Tewa was chief of the _Nañ-towa_. Too
much faith should not be put in this statement, notwithstanding the
chief of the _Tewakiva_ belongs to the _Nañ-towa_. It seems more
probable that the _Ke_ or Bear clan was the leading one in early
times, and that its chief was also _kimoñwi_ or governor of the first
settlement at the foot of the mesa.


                             TEWA LEGENDS

According to one authority (Kalakwai) the route of migration of the
Hano clans from their ancient home, Tcewadi, led them first to Jemesi
(Jemez), where they rested a year. From Jemesi they went to Orpinpo or
Pawikpa ("Duck water"). Thence they proceeded to Kepo, or Bear spring,
the present Fort Wingate, and from this place they continued to the
site of Fort Defiance, thence to Wukopakabi or Pueblo Ganado.
Continuing their migration they entered Puñci, or Keam's canyon, and
traversing its entire length, arrived at Isba, or Coyote spring, near
the present trail of the East Mesa, where they built their pueblo.
This settlement (Kohti) was along the foot-hills to the left of the
spring, near a large yellow rock or cliff called Sikyaowatcomo
("Yellow-rock mound"). There they lived for some time, as the debris
and ground-plan of their building attest. Their pueblo was a large
one, and it was conveniently near a spring called Uñba, now filled up,
and Isba, still used by the Hano people.

Shortly after their arrival Ute warriors made a new foray on the Hopi
pueblos, and swarmed into the valley north of Wala,[11] capturing many
sheep which they drove to the hills north of the mesa.[12] The Tewa
attacked them at that place, and the Ute warriors killed all the sheep
which they had captured, making a protecting rampart of their
carcasses. On this account the place is now called Sikwitukwi ("Meat
pinnacle"). The Tewa killed all but two of their opponents who were
taken captives and sent home with the message that the Bears had come,
and if any of their tribe ever returned as hostiles they would all be
killed. From that time Ute invasions ceased.

According to another good authority in Tewa lore, the _Asa_ people
left "Kaëkibi," near Abiquiu, in northern New Mexico, about the time
the other Tewa left Tcewadi They traveled together rapidly for some
time, but separated at Laguna, the _Asa_ taking the southern route,
via Zuñi. The Tewa clans arrived first (?) at Tusayan and waited for
the _Asa_ in the sand-hills near Isba. Both groups, according to this
authority, took part in the Ute fight at Sikwitukwi, and when they
returned the village chief of Walpi gave the _Asa_ people for their
habitation that portion of the mesa top northeast of the _Tewakiva_,
while the present site of Hano was assigned to the Tewa clans. During
a famine the _Asa_ moved to Tübka (Canyon Tsegi, or "Chelly"), where
they planted the peach trees that are still to be seen. The ruined
walls east of Hano are a remnant of the pueblo abandoned by them. The
_Asa_ intermarried with the Navaho and lost their language. When they
returned to the East Mesa the Hopi assigned to them for their houses
that part of Walpi at the head of the stairway trail on condition that
they would defend it.[13]

In view of the tenacity with which the women of Hano have clung to
their language, even when married to Hopi men, it seems strange that
the _Asa_ lost their native dialect during the short time they lived
in Tsegi canyon; but the _Asa_ men may have married Navaho women, and
the Tanoan tongues become lost in that way, the _Asa_ women being in
the minority. There is such uniformity in all the legends that the
_Asa_ were Tanoan people, that we can hardly doubt their truth,
whatever explanation may be given of how the _Asa_ lost their former
idiom.

In 1782 Morfi described Hano,[14] under the name "Tanos," as a pueblo
of one hundred and ten families, with a central plaza and streets. He
noted the difference of idiom between it and Walpi. If Morfi's census
be correct, the pueblo has diminished in population since his time.
Since 1782 Hano has probably never been deserted, although its
population has several times been considerably reduced by epidemics.

In return for their aid in driving the Ute warriors from the country,
the Hopi chief gave the Tewa all the land in the two valleys on each
side of the mesa, north and east of a line drawn at right angles to
_Wala_, the Gap. This line of demarcation is recognized by the Tewa,
although some of them claim that the Hopi have land-holdings in their
territory. The line of division is carefully observed in the building
of new houses in the foot-hills, for the Hopi families build west of
the line, the Tewa people east of it.


                    DIFFERENCES IN SOCIAL CUSTOMS

A casual visitor to the East Mesa would not notice any difference
between the people of Hano and those of Walpi, and in fact many Walpi
men have married Tanoan women and live in their village. The
difference of idiom, however, is immediately noticeable, and seems
destined to persist. Almost every inhabitant of Hano speaks Hopi, but
no Hopi speaks or understands Tewa. While there are Tewa men from
Hano in several of the Hopi villages, where they have families, no
Tewa woman lives in Walpi. This is of course due to the fact that the
matriarchal system exists, and that a girl on marrying lives with her
mother or with her clan, while a newly married man goes to the home of
his wife's clan to live.

There are differences in marriage and mortuary customs, in the way the
women wear their hair,[15] and in other minor matters, but at present
the great difference between the Hopi and the Tewa is in their
religious ceremonials, which, next to language, are the most
persistent features of their tribal life. Hano has a very limited
ritual; it celebrates in August a peculiar rite known as _Sumykoli_,
or the sun prayer-stick making, as well as the _Tûñtai_ midwinter
ceremony, the altars of which are described herein. There are also
many _Katcina_ dances which are not different from those performed at
Walpi. One group of clown priests, called _Paiakyamû_, is
characteristic of Hano. Compared with the elaborate ritual of the Hopi
pueblo, that of Hano is poor; but Tewa men are members of most of the
religious societies of Walpi, and some of the women take part in the
basket dance (_Lalakoñti_) and _Mamzrauti_, in that village.

The following Tewa names for months are current at Hano:

     January, _Elo-p'o_, "Wooden-cup moon"; refers to the cups, made
     of wood, used by the _Tcukuwympkiyas_ in a ceremonial game.

     February, _Káuton-p'o_, "Singing moon."

     March, _Yopobi-p'o_, "Cactus-flower moon." The element
     _pobi_[16] which is so often used in proper names among the
     Tewa, means flower.

     April, _Púñka-p'o_, "Windbreak moon."

     May, _Señko-p'o_, "To-plant-secretly moon." This refers to the
     planting of sweet corn in nooks and crevices, where children
     may not see it, for the _Nimán-katcina_.

     June-October, nameless moons, or the same names as the five
     winter moons.

     November, _Céñi-p'o_,[17] "Horn moon," possibly referring to
     the _Aaltû_ of the New-Fire ceremony.

     December, _Tûñtai-p'o_, "Winter-solstice moon."


                       CONTEMPORARY CEREMONIES

The Winter Solstice ceremony is celebrated in Walpi, Sitcomovi, and
Hano, by clans, all the men gathering in the kivas of their respective
pueblos. The _Soyaluña_ is thus a synchronous gathering of all the
families who bring their fetishes to the places where they assemble.
The kivas or rooms in which they meet, and the clans which assemble
therein, are as follows:


                               _Walpi_

MOÑKIVA: _Patki_, Water-house; _Tabo_, rabbit; _Kükütce_, Lizard;
_Tuwa_, Sand; _Lenya_, Flute; _Piba_, Tobacco; and _Katcina_.

WIKWALIOBIKIVA: _Asa_.

NACABKIVA: _Kokop_, Firewood; _Tcüa_, Snake.

ALKIVA: _Ala_, Horn.

TCIVATOKIVA: _Pakab_, Reed; _Honau_, Bear.


                             _Sitcomovi_

FIRST KIVA: _Patki_, Water-house; Honani, Badger.

SECOND KIVA: _Asa_.


                                _Hano_

     MOÑKIVA: _Sa_, Tobacco; _Ke_, Bear; _Kolon_, Corn, etc.

     TEWAKIVA: _Nañ_, Sand; _Okuwuñ_, Rain-cloud, etc.

The altars or fetishes in the five Walpi kivas are as follows:

The altar described in a former publication[18] is the most elaborate
of all the Winter Solstice fetishes at Walpi, and belongs to the
_Patki_ and related clans.

The _Asa_ family in the _Wikwaliobikiva_ had no altar, but the
following fetishes: (1) An ancient mask resembling that of _Natacka_
and called _tcakwaina_,[19] attached to which is a wooden crook and a
rattle; (2) an ancient bandoleer (_tozriki_); and (3) several stone
images of animals. The shield which the _Asa_ carried before the
_Moñkiva_ altar had a star painted upon it.

The _Kokop_ and _Tcüa_ families, in the _Nacabkiva_, had no altar, but
on the floor of the kiva there was a stone image which was said to
have come from the ancient pueblo of Sikyatki, a former village of the
_Kokop_ people.

There was no altar in the _Alkiva_, but the _Ala_ (Horn) clan which
met there had a stone image of Püükoñhoya, and on the shield which
they used in the _Moñkiva_ there was a picture of Alosaka.

The _Pakab_[20] (Reed or Arrow) people had an altar in the
_Tcivatokiva_ where Pautiwa presided with the _típoni_ or palladium of
that family.

The writer was unable to examine the fetishes of the _Honani_ and
_Asa_ clans, who met in the two Sitcomovi kivas. It was reported that
they have no altars in the _Soyaluña_, but a study of their fetishes
will shed important light on the nature of the rites introduced into
Tusayan by these clans. Tcoshoniwa is chief in one of these kivas.[21]

Pocine, chief of the _Tewakiva_, belongs to the _Nañ-towa_, or Sand
clan, and is the elder son of Pocilipobi. Puñsauwi, his uncle, is
Pocilipobi's brother. As the _kimoñwi_ or village chief of the Tewa
colonists, when they came into Tusayan, belonged to the Sand clan, we
may suppose this altar to be hereditary in this family.

Anote, the chief of the _Moñkiva_ of Hano, is the oldest man of the
_Sa-towa_ or Tobacco clan. Satele, who assisted him in making the
altar, is a member of the _Ke_ or Bear clan. Patuñtupi, who was
present when the altar was made at Hano, belongs to the _Kolon_ or
Corn clan.


                     THE WINTER SOLSTICE CEREMONY

The _Tûñtai_ or _Soyaluña_ ceremony of the East Mesa in 1898 extended
from December 9th to the 19th inclusive, and the days were designated
as follows:

     9th, _Tcotcoñyuñya_ (_Tcotcoñya_), Smoke assembly.

     10th, _Tceele tcalauûh_, Announcement.

     11th, _Cüs-tala_, First day.

     12th, _Lüc-tala_, Second day.

     13th, _Paic-tala_, Third day.

     14th, _Yuñya_, Assemblage.

     15th, _Sockahimû_.

     16th, _Komoktotokya_.

     17th, _Totokya_, _Totokpee_.

     18th, _Pegumnove_.

     19th, _Navotcine_.

The active secret ceremonies began on the 14th and extended to the
19th. _Yuñya_ was the day on which the Walpi chiefs entered their
kivas, and _Totokya_ that on which the most important secret rites
were performed.

_Tcotcoñyuñya_, Smoke assembly. The time of the Soyaluña is fixed by
Kwatcakwa, Sun-priest of the _Patki_ clan, who determines the winter
solstice by means of observations of sunset on the horizon, as
elsewhere described. The Smoke assemblage at Walpi occurred after
sunset on December 9th, in the house of Anwuci's wife, adjoining the
_Moñkiva_, and was attended by Supela, Kwatcakwa, Sakwistiwa, Kwaa,
and Anawita, all chiefs belonging to the _Patki_ clan. The Smoke
assemblage at Hano, preliminary to the _Tûñtai_, was also held after
sunset on December 9th, and was attended by the following chiefs:
Anote (Tem[)e]), _Sa-towa_; Satele, _Ke-towa_; Pocine (Koye),
_Nañ-towa_; Patuñtupi, _Kolon-towa_.

There was no formal notification of _Tûñtai_ from the housetops of
Hano on the following morning, the _Soyaluña_ announcement from Walpi
serving all three pueblos on the East Mesa.

The formal announcement was made by Kopeli at daybreak of December
10th. Hoñyi, the regular _tcakmoñwi_, or town-crier, was snowbound at
Keam's Canyon, and consequently was unable to perform this function.

The Smoke assemblage and its formal announcement at daybreak on the
following morning have been observed in the Snake dance, and in the
Flute, New-fire, and _Soyaluña_ ceremonies; it probably occurs also in
the _Lalakoñti_ and _Mamzrauti_. It takes place several days before
the Assembly day, when the chief enters the kiva and sets his _natci_
or standard on the kiva hatch to announce that he has begun the
ceremonies.

[Illustration: AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST No. 8., VOL. 1, PL. XVII
Drawn by MARY M. LEIGHTER
                ALTAR IN THE MOÑKIVA AT HANO]


                            KIVAS AT HANO

There are two kivas in Hano, one of which, called _Tewakiva_, is
situated at the head of the trail to the pueblo. The other, called the
_Moñkiva_, is built in the eastern part of the plaza, and, as its name
implies, is the "chief" Hano kiva. Both these semi-subterranean rooms
are rectangular[22] in shape, and in structural details resemble the
kivas of Walpi. Each has a hatchway entrance in the middle of the
roof, and is entered by means of a ladder which rests on the floor
near a central fireplace. Neither of the Hano kivas has a window, but
each has a raised platform for spectators east of the fireplace.[23]


                     ALTAR IN THE MOÑKIVA AT HANO

Anote,[24] the chief of the _Moñkiva_, constructed his altar (plate
XVIII) on the day above mentioned as _Paic-tala_. He anticipated the
others in making it, and began operations, about 10 A.M., by carefully
sweeping the floor. His fetishes and other altar paraphernalia were in
a bag on the floor at the western end of his kiva, but there was no
_típoni_, or chieftain's badge, even on the completed altar.

Shortly after Anote had finished sweeping the floor of the kiva,
Satele entered, followed a few minutes later by Patuñtupi.[25] These
three men, with Kalakwai, who was weaving a blanket, were the only
persons in the kiva while the altar was being made. Immediately after
the other chiefs came in, Anote began the making of prayer-sticks.
Four of these were made, each of characteristic Tewa form.

Each of these prayer-sticks was double the length of the middle
finger, and was painted black with green pigment at the blunt end. On
one of the two sticks which compose this prayer offering, there was
cut a facet which was painted green with black dots representing eyes
and mouth. The stick without the facet was called the male, and upon
it a ferrule was incised.

The two sticks were bound together with two cotton strings in two
places, but no packet of prayer-meal was appended as in Hopi
prayer-sticks (_pahos_).[26] A string with a terminal feather was
attached to that which bound the two sticks together. Anote likewise
made many feathered strings called _nakwakwocis_, and Satele fashioned
two prayer-sticks; all of these were laid in a basket-tray on the
floor.

After these prayer offerings had been completed, Anote placed on the
floor a blanketful of moist clay which he further moistened and
kneaded, fashioning a part of it into a cylinder about a foot and a
half long, and two inches in diameter. This object was made blunt at
one end and pointed at the other. The image represents _Avaiyo_, the
Tewa name of _Palülükoñ_, the Great Serpent. He added to the blunt
end, or head, a small clay horn,[27] and inserted a minute feather in
the tip of the tail. He fashioned into a ball the clay that remained
after making the effigy of the serpent, patting it into a spherical
compact mass about the size of a baseball. This, called the _natci_,
later served as the pedestal to hold two eagle-wing feathers, and was
placed at the kiva hatch each day to inform the uninitiated that
ceremonies were in progress.

Having finished the effigy of the Great Serpent and formed the clay
cylinder to his liking, Anote made on the western side of the floor of
the kiva a ridge of sand, a few inches high and about two feet long,
parallel with the western wall. While making this ridge he sat between
it and the kiva wall. Having patted this sand ridge to the proper
height, he removed from their wrapping of coarse cloth, four sticks,
each about two feet long. These sticks, dingy with age, were tied in
pairs, and were called _poñya-saka_, "altar ladders." They were
inserted in the ridge in pairs, one on each side, and between them was
placed in the sand a row of eagle feathers. As these were being put in
position by Satele, Anote sang in a low tone, the song continuing as
the other parts of the altar were arranged.[28] Anote was frequently
obliged to prompt his associate regarding the proper arrangement of
the objects on the altar.

Satele next drew a line of prayer-meal before the ridge of sand, and
from it, as a base line, made three deep semicircles representing
rain-clouds. These were drawn as simple, elongated outlines, but
immediately the chief sprinkled meal on the floor over the space
enclosed by them. The curved edges of the three rain-cloud symbols
were then rimmed with black sand or powdered coal. About twenty short,
parallel lines, representing falling rain, were next drawn on the
floor with cornmeal, and alternating with them the same number of
black lines. Satele then placed upon the rain-cloud symbols, skeleton
puma paws, two for each rain-cloud. At the apex of each symbolic cloud
a stone fetish of a bear was deposited, and by the side of each an
arrow-point or other stone object was laid.

The clay effigy of the Great Snake was next placed back of the
rain-cloud symbols, with the head pointing southward. As this effigy
lay on the floor, Anote made on it, with meal, representations of eyes
and teeth, then drew two lines of meal about the neck for a necklace,
and two other parallel lines about the tail. Black powder was then
evenly sprinkled along the back of the effigy.

Both Anote and Satele procured a few ears of differently colored corn
and shelled them upon the rain-cloud picture, sprinkling the grains
evenly over the meal design, and adding a few to the back of the Great
Snake. Squash and melon seeds were likewise distributed in the same
way. The vase from which the stone effigies and other images were
taken was then placed near the base of the middle rain-cloud picture,
and a large quartz crystal was added on the left. A conch, which the
author presented to the chief, was placed on the right of this vase.
Anote then swept the floor north of the fireplace, and as he sang in a
low tone Satele drew a straight line of meal from near the right pole
of the ladder across the floor to the middle of the altar. He placed
along this line, at intervals, four feathers, and near where it joined
the altar he stretched a string, with an attached feather, called the
_pütabi_.[29] He then sprinkled a line of pollen along this trail of
meal.

Anote's medicine-bowl was set just in front of the middle rain-cloud
figure; the clay pedestal with inserted upright feathers stood before
the left, and a basket-tray with prayer-meal before the right
rain-cloud figure.


                    ALTAR IN THE TEWAKIVA AT HANO

The altar (plate XIX) in the _Tewakiva_ was begun about 10 A.M. on the
Assembly day, and was made by Pocine,[30] assisted by his uncle,
Puñsauwi, both members of the _Nañ-towa_, or Sand clan.

The preparations began with the manufacture of a clay effigy of the
Great Snake similar to but larger than that made by Anote in the
_Moñkiva_. The clay was moistened and kneaded on the floor, and then
rolled into a cylinder about three feet long, blunt at one end and
pointed at the other.

[Illustration: AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST No. 8., Vol. 1, PL. XIX
Drawn by MARY M. LEIGHTER
                ALTAR IN THE TEWAKIVA AT HANO]

Four clay balls were made at the same time. One of these later served
as the base of a standard (_natci_) which was subsequently placed each
morning on the kiva hatch to warn the uninitiated not to enter. The
other three were placed back of the altar and supported the sticks
called the altar-ladders, which will be considered later.

Pocine outlined with meal on the floor a square figure which he
divided into two rectangular parts by a line parallel with the
northern side. He used meal of two colors--white for one rectangle,
and light brown or pinkish for the other. Having made the outlines of
the rectangle with great care, he carelessly sprinkled the enclosed
spaces with the meal, hardly covering the sand base upon which the
figures were drawn. He then added four triangular figures in meal on
the south or front side of the rectangular symbols. These images
represented rain-clouds, and were alternately white and brown.[31] To
the tips of these triangular rain-cloud figures he appended zigzag
continuations with lozenge-shaped tips representing the lightning of
the four cardinal points. A stone spearpoint or arrowhead was laid on
each lozenge-like tip of the zigzag lightning.[32]

The two men, Pocine and Puñsauwi, next raised the snake effigy and
bore it to a position back of the rectangular meal figures on the
floor. They deposited it in such a way that its head pointed
southward. Having set the snake effigy in the position which it was to
retain throughout the ceremony, Pocine sprinkled a black powder along
the back of the image, while his uncle inserted several kernels of
corn in the blunt end to represent sent the teeth of an upper jaw.
Two kernels of corn were then stuck into the head to indicate eyes,
and an imitation necklace, also of grains of corn, was made around the
neck of the idol. A double encircling row of corn grains was inserted
in the tail or pointed end of the effigy, and Pocine added a small
feather at the tip.

After the effigy had been put in position and adorned in the manner
described, both Pocine and his uncle again shelled ears of corn on the
rectangles of meal,[33] to which were added squash, melon, and other
seeds. These were regularly distributed, some being dropped along the
back of the image.

A row of eagle feathers was now inserted along the back of the effigy,
instead of in a ridge of sand as in the _Moñkiva_ altar. There were
twelve of these feathers, and they were placed at equal intervals from
the neck to the tail of the effigy. Puñsauwi then placed the three
balls of clay, previously mentioned, back of the image, and in each of
these balls he inserted two sticks, called _pahos_, similar to those
used on the altar of the _Moñkiva_. These are ancient objects, being
reputed to have descended from a remote past. One stick in each pair
was called the male, the other the female, as is true of all double
prayer-sticks used by the Hopi Indians. They are called _poñya-saka_,
"altar-ladders," and imitations[34] of them in miniature are made and
placed in shrines on the final day of the ceremony.

The insertion of the row of eagle-feathers along the back of the clay
effigy of the serpent recalls an instructive reptilian figure on one
of the bowls from Sikyatki.[35] In this ancient pictograph we find a
row of triangles drawn along the medial line from the head to the tail
of a lizard-like figure. The use of the triangle in ancient Pueblo
pictography as a symbol of a wing-feather, has been pointed out in an
article on the feather as a decorative design in ancient Hopi
pottery.[36] The medial line of triangles, representing feathers, on
the Sikyatki food-bowl, is paralleled in the Hano kiva by eagle-wing
feathers inserted along the middle of the image of a snake.

A small vase was next placed just in advance of the effigy of the
Great Snake, and into this vase Pocine poured water from an
earthenware canteen, making a pass as he did so to the four Pueblo
cardinal points--north, west, south, and east--in sinistral ceremonial
circuit.[37] A stone arrow-point was then laid on the lozenge-shaped
extremity of each lightning figure.

Pocine now scraped into the vase some powder from a soft white stone,
saying, as he did so, that the process was called _sowiyauma_,
"rabbits emerge,"[38] and that he wished he had stones of other
colors, corresponding to the cardinal points, for the same purpose.
After this was finished he emptied on the floor, from a cloth bag, a
miscellaneous collection of botryoidal stones (many of which were
waterworn), a few fetishes, and other objects, one of the most
conspicuous among the latter being a large green stone. All were at
first distributed on the meal picture without any special order, but
later were given a definite arrangement.

Pocine next went up the kiva ladder, and standing on the upper rung in
the sunlight, sought, by means of an angular piece of glass, to
reflect a ray of sunlight on the altar, but more especially into the
vase of medicine. Four turkey-feathers were then inserted at equal
intervals along the base of the serpent effigy, as shown in plate
XIX.

After the stone objects had been arranged on the meal picture, a line
of meal was drawn along the floor, from the right pole of the ladder
to the altar. This line was drawn with great care, particular pains
being taken to make it as straight as possible. There was no singing
while this occurred, thus differing from the ceremony performed in the
other Hano kiva. Four small feathers were placed at intervals along
the line of meal. These, in sequence, beginning with the one nearest
the ladder, were _sikyatci_, yellow-bird; _kwahu_, eagle or hawk;
_koyoña_, turkey; and _pociwû_. Pocine sprinkled pollen along this
line or meal trail.

There was then emptied from a canvas bag upon the rectangular meal
figures a heterogeneous collection of objects, among which may be
mentioned a bundle of gaming reeds, the humerus of a turkey, a whistle
made of a turkey bone, and a zigzag wooden framework such as is used
by the Hopi to represent lightning.[39]

Back of the altar, leaning against the wall of the kiva, was set
upright a wooden slat, notched on both edges and called _tawa-saka_,
"sun-ladder." Miniature imitations (plate XX) of this are made in this
kiva on the last day of the _Tûñtai_ and deposited in a shrine near
Sikyaowatcomo, the site of the early settlement of the Tewa. The
_poñya-saka_ or _tawa-saka_ mentioned has not before been seen in any
Hopi ceremony, and it may be characteristic of Tewa altars. A notched
prayer-stick, called the rain-cloud ladder, is placed in the same
shrine at this time. This is characteristic of the Tewa of Tusayan,
but is not found in the Hopi _pahos_, with which I am familiar.[40]

[Illustration: AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST No. 8., Vol. 1, PL. XIX
Drawn by J. L. RIDGWAY
     MINIATURE IMITATION OF THE TAWA-SAKA OR SUN-LADDER
                    (About one-half size)]

The reason these prayer-sticks are termed "ladders" is because they
have the form of an ancient type of ladder made by notching a log of
wood. They are symbols of the ladders by which the Sun is supposed to
emerge from his house at sunrise. In the Hopi and Tewa conception the
Sun is weary as he withdraws to the south in winter and these ladders
are made to aid him in rising, and thus in returning to bless them.
More light will doubtless be shed on the significance of the
sun-ladder prayer-offerings when we know more of the ceremonies about
the _Tûñtai_ altars.

No _típoni_ or badge of office was placed on this altar on the day it
was made, and my abrupt departure from the East Mesa made it
impossible for me to see the rites which are later performed about it.

It is evident, from the preceding description, that the priests of
Hano have a knowledge of the Great Serpent cult corresponding to the
worship of Palülükoñ. Among the Hopi the _Patki_ people claim to have
introduced this cult[41] in comparatively recent times. There is a
Tewa clan called _Okuwuñ_ (Cloud) which corresponds, so far as meaning
goes, with the _Patki_ clan of the Hopi. Whether this clan brought
with it a knowledge of the Great Snake is not clear, as traditions are
silent on that point.

There is a tradition in the _Okuwuñ_ clan that their ancestors, like
those of the _Patki_, came from the south, and that the _Nañ-towa_
bears a like relationship to the _Okuwuñ_ that the Hopi _Tuwa_ clan
does to the _Patki_.[42] If this tradition is well founded, a
knowledge of the Great Snake fetish of the two Hano kivas may have
been brought by the _Okuwuñ_ and _Nañ-towa_ into Tusayan from the same
place as that of Palülükoñ.

The Kwakwantu society of the _Patki_ clans among the Hopi are
intimately connected with this Great Plumed or Horned Snake cult. In
some parts of the New-fire ceremony, in which this society takes a
prominent part, each member of the society carries in his hand a small
wooden image of a horned snake. These images are called _moñkohus_,
some of the typical forms of which are figured in an article on the
_Naacnaiya_.[43] The head of the snake and its horn are well
represented in several of these wooden effigies.


                             CONCLUSIONS

The special interest attached to the Winter Solstice altars at Hano is
in the fact that they are made by Tewa priests whose ancestors came to
Tusayan about the beginning of the eighteenth century. The makers
claim that their forefathers brought a knowledge of them from Tcewadi,
in the upper valley of the Rio Grande in New Mexico, and that their
relatives in the Tewa pueblos in the east still use like altars in
their celebration at the _Tûñtai_.

Nothing, so far as known, has yet been published on the _Tûñtai_
altars of the eastern Tanoan people, but ethnographers may yet find in
the kivas of those villages material which will render the above
descriptions of comparative interest. The resemblance of the _Tûñtai_
altars to that of the _Patki_ and related families in the Walpi
_Moñkiva_ at the Winter Solstice, is a very distant one. Both have
snake effigies, but there is practically little else in common between
them, or with the altar erected at the same time by the _Pakab_ people
in the _Tcivatokiva_. The _Tûñtai_ altars are characteristically
Tewan, and, while homologous with each other, are different from any
yet known from the Hopi pueblos.

The purport of the _Tûñtai_ rites at Hano seems to be similar to that
of the Hopi _Soyaluña_, namely, to draw back the sun in its southern
declination, and to fertilize the corn and other seeds and increase
all worldly possessions. As at Walpi, strings with attached feathers
are made and given to men and women with wishes that the gods may
bring them blessings. These strings are also attached to beams of
houses, placed in springs of water, tied to the tails of horses,
burros, sheep, dogs, chickens, and indeed every possession which the
Indian has and wishes to increase. The presence of the idol of the
snake means snake worship.

The survival of the Tanoan _Tûñtai_ altars at Hano is typical of the
way in which the Tusayan ritual has grown to its present complicated
form. They are instances of an intrusive element which has not yet
been amalgamated, as the knowledge of them is still limited to
unassimilated people and clans.

Similar conditions have existed from time to time during the history
of the Hopi, when new clans were added to those already existing. For
many years incoming clans maintained a strict taboo, and each family
held the secrets of its own religion; but as time went on and
assimilation resulted by intermarriage, the religious society arose,
composed of men and women of different clans. The family to which a
majority of the membership belonged continued to hold the chieftaincy,
and owned the altar and its paraphernalia, cherishing the legends of
the society. But when men of other clans were admitted to membership,
a mutual reaction of one society on another naturally resulted. This
tended to modifications which have obscured the original character of
distinctive family worship.

The problem of the Hopi ritual, by which is meant the sum of all great
ceremonies in the Hopi calendar, deals largely with a composite
system. It implies, as elsewhere pointed out, an investigation of the
characteristic religious observances of several large families which
formerly lived apart in different pueblos. It necessitates a
knowledge of the social composition of Walpi and of the history of the
different phratries which make up the population of the village.

There is a corollary to the above conclusions. No pueblo in the
southwest, outside of Tusayan, has the same ceremonial calendar as
Walpi, because the population of none is made up of the same clans
united in the same relative proportions. Hence the old remark that
what is true of one pueblo is true of all, does not apply to their
ritual. Some ceremonies at Jemez, Acoma, Sia, and Zuñi, for instance,
are like some ceremonies at Walpi; but the old ceremonial calendar in
any one of these pueblos was different from that of the other, because
the component families were not the same. In the same way the
ceremonies at Hano and Walpi have certain things in common, due no
doubt to the assimilation in the latter of certain Tanoan clans, but
their calendars are very different. The _Tûñtai_ at Hano differs more
widely from the Winter Solstice ceremony at Walpi, a gunshot away,
than the Walpi observance differs from that at Oraibi, twenty miles
distant. So we might also predict that if we knew the character of
Winter Solstice altars in the Rio Grande Tewa villages, they would be
found to resemble those of Hano more closely than the altars of Hano
resemble those of Walpi.


                  The Knickerbocker Press, New York




                              FOOTNOTES:


[1] _The Winter Solstice Ceremony at Walpi_ (_American
Anthropologist_, vol. XI).

[2] These studies were made under the auspices of the Bureau of
American Ethnology.

[3] Most of the people of Sitcomovi are of the _Asa_ and _Honani_
clans, of Tanoan ancestry, but they long ago lost the Tewa language
and their Tanoan identity.

[4] The site of this last settlement of the _Patki_ people, before
they joined those of Walpi, is in the plain about four miles south of
the East Mesa. The ruins of the pueblo are still visible, and the
foundation walls can readily be traced.

[5] The Hano names of these pueblos are--San Juan, ----; Santa Clara,
_Kap'a_; San Ildefonso, _Pocuñwe_; Pojoaque, _P'okwode_; Nambe,
_Nûme_; Tesuque, _Tetsogi_. They also claim Taos (_Tawile_) and
Picuris (_Ohke_), but say that another speech is mixed with theirs in
these pueblos.

[6] The Tewa of Hano call the Hopi _Koso_, and the Hopi speak of the
Hano people as the _Towa_ or the _Hanum-nyûmû_. The word "Moki," so
constantly used by white people to designate the Hopi, is never
applied by the Hopi to themselves, and they strongly object to it. The
dead are said to be _moki_, which enters into the formation of verbs,
as _tconmoki_, to starve; _tcinmoki_, to be very lonesome, etc. The
name _Hano_ or _Hanoki_ is, I believe, simply a combination of the
words _Hano_ and _ki_, "eastern pueblo." The element _hano_ appears
also in the designation for American, _Pahano_, "eastern water";
_pahanoki_, "American house." Both the Asa and the Tewa peoples are
called _Hanum_ clans.

[7] Remains of old reservoirs, elaborately walled, from which water
was drawn by means of a gourd tied to a long pole, are still pointed
out near Tukinovi and are said to have belonged to the _Pe-towa_. Old
Tcasra claims that they were in use in his mother's grandmother's
time.

[8] The troubles following the great rebellion of 1680 drove many Tewa
from the Rio Grande valley to Tusayan.

[9] It is impossible to make this enumeration accurate, hence these
numbers must be regarded as approximations.

[10] It is not unusual to find several names applied to the same
person. Thus, Hani, the chief of the _Piba_ clans at Walpi, is called
Lesma in the Snake kiva. The Walpi call the author Nakwipi, but the
Flute chief at Cipaulovi insists that his name is Yoyowaiamû, which
appellation was given when the author was inducted into the Flute
rites at that pueblo in 1891.

[11] The gap in the East Mesa just at the head of the trail before one
enters Hano. The pueblo of Walpi derived its name from this gap.

[12] Their nomadic enemies raided so near the pueblo of the East Mesa
that the priests were unable to visit their shrines without danger.
The idol of _Talatumsi_, used in the New-fire ceremony, was removed
from its shrine north of Wala on that account.

[13] Later, as the outcome of a petty quarrel near the middle of the
eighteenth century, the _Asa_ women moved to Sitcomovi which they
founded. At present there is only one woman of this clan in Walpi, and
no women of the _Honani_, both of which clans are strong in Sitcomovi.

[14] Ten Broeck in 1852 seems to have been the first writer to adopt
the true name, Hano, of the Tewa pueblo on the East Mesa.

[15] One of the differences in custom between Hopi and Tewa women is
the method of making their coiffures. Unmarried girls of Walpi and
Hano dress their hair in the same manner, with whorls above the ears.
Married women have different ways of wearing their hair in the two
pueblos. During the wedding ceremonies at Hano the mother of the
bride, in the presence of guests, combs her daughter's hair, or that
part of it on the front of the scalp, over the face, so that it hangs
down like a veil. She ties the hair on the back of the head in two
coils, one of which hangs on either side, but the hair before the face
she cuts on a level with the chin, beginning at the top of the ears.
The hair which remains is too short to be done up in coils, and is
simply brushed to one side or the other. Among Hopi married women all
the hair is included in the two coils, and the "bang" is absent.

[16] The names of many Tewa women end in _pobi_, corresponding with
the Hopi _si_, a contracted form of _sihû_, in women's names, as
Hoñsi, Nasiumsi, etc.

[17] Among the Hopi the moon (Tewa _p'o_) is called _müiyaûh_; new
moon, _müiyakatci_; first quarter, _müiyachaunacapti_; full moon,
_müiyanacapti_. An eclipse of the moon is spoken of as _müiyaûh moki_,
"dead moon." There was a total eclipse of the moon visible at Walpi
near the end of December, 1898, when the full moon arose partially
obscured. This, said Sikyatala, was bad for the Americans who dwell in
the far east, but not for the Hopi. A "dead moon," when in the
meridian of the Hopi pueblos, is considered _kalolamai_, "bad."

[18] _The Winter Solstice Ceremony at Walpi_, op. cit.

[19] The _Asa_ people are also called the _Tcakwaina_ clans. The ruins
of their old village, near the western point of Awatobi mesa, are
called Tcakwaina-ki. Its walls do not appear above the surface.

[20] The particular ceremony of the _Pakab_ peoples is the _Momtcita_,
a single day's rite which occurs just after the _Soyaluña_, under
direction of Pautiwa. Connected with this ceremony are the
performances of the "stick swallowers" or _Nocoto_ priests who were
thought to be extinct at Walpi, but Eewa is chief of the _Nocotana_
priests, and the society includes Wikyatiwa, Talahoya, Sikyaventima,
and others. They still practice stick-swallowing. Pautiwa is chief of
the _Kalektaka_, a warrior priesthood. He belongs to the Eagle clan of
the _Pakab_ phratry, which may be related to the _Awata_ or Bow clan
of the former pueblo of Awatobi.

[21] Tcoshoniwa is generally called by a nickname, Tcino, "Bald-head,"
or "Curly-hair," a sobriquet to which he strongly objects. He is one
of the oldest men of Sitcomovi, belongs to the _Patki_ clan, and was
formerly the _kimoñwi_ or governor of Sitcomovi. Hani, of the _Piba_
(Tobacco) clan, is political chief of Walpi; and Anote, also of the
_Piba_ clan, is chief of Hano. All the pueblos have _kimoñwis_ or
governors, and the office dates from early times; but these pueblo
chiefs have no authority over pueblos other than their own.

[22] The orientation of the Hano kivas is not far from that of the
other East Mesa kivas, or about north 44º west.

[23] The chief kiva had a small stove, an innovation which was greatly
appreciated by the writer.

[24] So named by the Hopi; the Tewa call him Tem[)e], At Hano almost
everyone has a Hopi and a Tewa name.

[25] Son of Kutcve and Kotcampa of the _Kolon-towa_, or Corn clan;
commonly called "Esquash" by Americans.

[26] The corn-husk packet of meal seems to be wanting in Zuñian,
Keresan, and Tanoan prayer-sticks, but it is almost universally
present in those of the Hopi. The Tanoan prayer-stick is called
_o'dope_.

[27] A cephalic horn is an essential organ of the Great Snake, and is
always represented in pictography and on graven or other images of
this being. Note the similarity of his Tewa name to the Spanish word
_abajo_, "below."

[28] This is the first time songs have been noted while an altar was
being put in place.

[29] This was a four-stranded string of cotton, as long as the
outstretched arm, measured from over the heart to the tip of the
longest finger. It is supposed to be a roadway of blessings, and the
trail of meal is the pathway along which, in their belief, the benign
influences of the altar pass from it to the kiva entrance and to the
pueblo.

[30] Pocine is a youth not far from seventeen years of age. His
marriage ceremony was studied by the writer a week before the
_Tûñtai_.

[31] The triangle among the Hopi is almost as common a symbol of the
rain-cloud as the semicircle. It is a very old symbol, and is
frequently found with the same meaning in cliff-houses and in ancient
pictography.

[32] It was found in studying the four lightning symbols on this Tewa
altar that sex is associated with cardinal points as in the Walpi
Antelope altar. The lightning of the north is male, that of the west
female, the south male, and the east female. The same holds with many
objects in Hopi altars; thus the stone objects, _tcamahia_, of the
Antelope altar follow this rule. In the same way plants and herbs have
sex (not in the Linnean meaning), and are likewise associated with the
cardinal points.

[33] This sprinkling of corn seeds upon the meal picture of a Hopi
altar is mentioned in an account of the Oraibi Flute ceremony. The
evident purpose of this act is to vitalize the seeds by the
accompanying rites about the altar.

[34] Called _omowûh-saka_, "rain-cloud ladders."

[35] _Smithsonian Report_, 1895, pl. lvii.

[36] _The American Anthropologist_, vol. XI, page 1.

[37] The Tewa, like the Hopi, recognize six ceremonial
directions--north, west, south, east, above, and below. The sinistral
circuit is one in which the center is on the left hand, while the
dextral circuit has its center to the right. The older term,
"sunwise," for the latter circuit, etymologically means one ceremonial
circuit in the northern hemisphere and an opposite in the southern. On
this and other accounts the author has ceased to use it in designating
circuits.

[38] For the increase of rabbits.

[39] This zigzag framework had appended to one end a carved imitation
of a snake's head, and as it represents the lightning this association
was not incongruous. Similar frameworks are carried in the dance by a
man impersonating Püükoñ, the War god, and at certain other times when
lightning is symbolized.

[40] In asking why albino Hopi are found at the Middle Mesa and not on
the East Mesa, it was unexpectedly learned that in some ceremonies a
white prayer-stick is made at the former mesa, and that albinism was
due to want of care by the father in making these offerings while his
wife was pregnant. The author has never seen the white _paho_ of the
Middle Mesa, and does not know when it is made nor its shape and use.

[41] All Hopi priests are very solicitous that sketches of the _Patki_
altar in the _Soyaluña_ should not be shown to Tewa men or women, and
the Tewa men begged me to keep silent regarding their altars while
conversing with the Walpi chiefs. There is a very strict taboo between
the two peoples at the time of the Winter Solstice ceremony, which is
more rigid than at other times.

[42] The _Tuwa_ (Sand) or _Kükütce_ (Lizard) clan lived at Pakatcomo
with the _Patki_ people, according to their legends.

[43] _Journal of American Folk-lore_, 1892, pl. II, figs. 1-4. These
_moñkohus_ of the Kwakwantu society, representing horned snakes,
should not be confounded with those carried by other societies,
typical forms of which are shown in figures 5-8. In the article quoted
it was not stated that the effigies with heads represent _Palülükoñs_.
The effigy on the massive club borne by the chief of the Kwakwantu
also represents the Great Snake.