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TRANSCRIBER'S NOTES

The Third Part of The Greville Memoirs contains two volumes, of which
this is the second. The first volume is available from Project Gutenberg
at http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/40680

All spellings are as they appeared in the original text save for those
that were obviously printer's errors.

All phrases that are in languages other than English have been
italicised for consistency. The oe ligature is replaced by the separate
letters oe.

There are two styles of footnotes used in this work. Footnotes enclosed
in square brackets [ ] are by the editor. Footnotes not enclosed in
square brackets are by the author.

1 [This note is by the editor.]

2 This note is by the author.




  THE
  GREVILLE MEMOIRS

  (THIRD PART)

  VOL. II.


  PRINTED BY
  SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE
  LONDON




  _THE GREVILLE MEMOIRS_
  (_THIRD PART_)




  A JOURNAL OF THE REIGN
  OF
  QUEEN VICTORIA
  FROM 1852 TO 1860


  BY THE LATE
  CHARLES C. F. GREVILLE, ESQ.
  CLERK OF THE COUNCIL

  IN TWO VOLUMES--VOL. II.


  LONDON
  LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.
  1887

  _All rights reserved_




  CONTENTS
  OF
  THE SECOND VOLUME.


CHAPTER XI.

France and Prussia--The Emperor's Speech--Faint Hopes of
Peace--Favourable View of the Policy of Russia--Progress of the
Negotiations--Russia accepts the Terms of Peace--The Acceptance
explained--Popular Feeling in Favour of the War--Lord Stratford
and General Williams--Mr. Disraeli's Prospects--Meeting of
Parliament--Baron Parke's Life Peerage--The Debate on the
Address--Debate on Life Peerages--Report on the Sufferings of the
Army--Strained Relations with France--Lord Clarendon goes to the
Congress at Paris--Opening of the Conference--Sabbatarianism--Progress
of the Negotiations--Kars--Nicolaieff--The Life Peerage
Question--Blunders and Weakness of the Government--A Visit
to Paris--Count Orloff's View of the War--Lord Cowley on the
Negotiations--Princess Lieven on the War--An Evening at the
Tuileries--Opening of the Legislative Chamber--Lord Cowley's Desponding
Views--The Austrian Proposals--Bitterness in French Society--Necessity
of Peace to France--Conversation with M. Thiers--A Stag Hunt at St.
Germains--The Emperor yields to the Russians--Birth of the Prince
Imperial _page_ 1


CHAPTER XII.

Lord Clarendon's favourable View of the Peace--General Evans' Proposal
to embark after the Battle of Inkerman--Sir E. Lyons defends Lord
Raglan--Peace concluded--Sir J. Graham's gloomy View of Affairs--Edward
Ellice's Plan--Favourable Reception of the Peace--A Lull in Politics--A
Sabbatarian Question--The Trial of Palmer for Murder--Defeat of
the Opposition--Danger of War with the United States--Ristori as
an Actress--Defeat of the Appellate Jurisdiction Bill--Return
of the Guards--Baron Parke on the Life Peerage--Close of the
Session--O'Donnell and Espartero in Spain--Chances of War--Coronation
of the Czar--Apathy of the Nation--Expense of the Coronation at
Moscow--Interference at Naples--Foreign Relations--Progress of
Democracy in England--Russia, France, England, and Naples--Russian
Intrigues with France--The Bolgrad Question--The Quarrel with
Naples--The Formation of Lord Palmerston's Government in 1855--Death of
Sir John Jervis--Sir Alexander Cockburn's Appointment--James Wortley
Solicitor-General--Conference on the Treaty of Paris--Low Church
Bishops--Leadership of the Opposition--Coolness in Paris--Dictatorial
Policy to Brazil _page_ 35


CHAPTER XIII.

State of England after the War--Prussia and Neufchâtel--Sir Robert
Peel's Account of the Russian Coronation--An Historical Puzzle--The
Death of Princess Lieven--Mr. Spurgeon's Preaching--Mr. Gladstone
in Opposition--Tit for Tat--Difficult Relations with France--Lord
John in Opposition--The Liddell _v._ Westerton Case--Death of
Lord Ellesmere--Violent Opposition to the Government on the
China Question--Languid Defence of the Government--Impending
Dissolution--Popularity of Lord Palmerston--Despotism of
Ministers--Parliament dissolved--Judgement on Liddell v.
Westerton--Lord Palmerston's Address--The Elections--Defeat of the
Manchester Leaders--Fear of Radical Tendencies--The Country approves
the Chinese Policy--Death of Lady Keith _page_ 72


CHAPTER XIV.

Results of the Elections--Defeat of Cobden and Bright--The War with
China--Death of Lady Ashburton--Lord Palmerston's Success--The Handel
Concerts--M. Fould in London--The Queen and Lord Palmerston--The
Indian Mutiny--The Prince Consort--Death of General Anson--The State
of India--Royal Guests--The Government of India--Temper of the House
of Commons--Debates on India--Royal Visits--The Divorce Bill--The
Divorce Bill in the House of Lords--Close of the Session--A Dukedom
offered to Lord Lansdowne--Death of Mr. Croker--History of the Life
Peerages--The Indian Mutiny and the Russian War--The Struggle in
India--Reinforcements for India--The Queen's Attention to Public
Business--Attacks on Lord Canning--Big Ships and Big Bells--Lord
Canning defended--Courteous Behaviour of Foreign Nations--The Capture
of Delhi and Lucknow--Difficulties in India--Depression in the
City--Speculations on the Contingency of a Change of Government--The
East India Company and the Government--Exaggerated Reports from
India--A Queen's Speech--The Bank Charter Act _page_ 104


CHAPTER XV.

Opening of the Session--Prevailing Distress--Lord John
reconciled--Ministerial Speculations--Contemplated Transfer of
India to the Crown--Military Position in India--Conversation
with Mr. Disraeli--Bill for the Dissolution of the East India
Company--Difficulties of Parliamentary Reform--The Relief of
Lucknow--Lord Normanby's 'Year of Revolution'--Brougham's Jealousy of
Lord Cockburn--Refutation of Lord Normanby's Book--The Crown Jewels
of Hanover--Labour in the French Colonies--The Death of General
Havelock--Gloomy Prospects in India--Inadequate Measures for the Relief
of India--Lord John Russell hostile to Government--Death of the Duke
of Devonshire--Mr. Disraeli suggests a Fusion of Parties--Marriage of
the Princess Royal--Weakness of the Government--Excitement in France
against this Country--Petition of the East India Company--Drowsiness
of Ministers--Decline of Lord Palmerston's Popularity--Effect of the
Orsini Attempt on the Emperor Napoleon--Opposition to the Conspiracy
Bill--Review of the Crisis--Lord Derby sent for by the Queen--Refusal
of the Peelites--The Catastrophe unexpected--The Defeat might have been
avoided--Mismanagement of the Affair--Ministers determined to resign
_page_ 139


CHAPTER XVI.

The Second Derby Administration--Lord Derby's first Speech--Lord
Clanricarde defends himself--The New Ministry--Coincidences--Lord
Derby's favourable Position--Opinion of the Speaker--Lord Derby's
Liberal Declarations--Dinner to Mr. Buckle--Instability of the
Government--Mr. Disraeli's sanguine Views--India--Prospects of the
new Government--A Visit to the Duc d'Aumale--Delicate Relations
with France--Lord John Russell and Lord Palmerston--Irritation of
the Whigs--Marshal Pélissier Ambassador in London--The Peelites
and the Whigs--Failure of the India Bill--An Overture from Lord
John Russell--Dissensions of the Whigs--Lord Derby resolves to
remain in Office--Lord John Russell proposes to deal with the
India Bill by Resolutions--Mistake of the Whigs in resigning on
the Conspiracy Bill--Withdrawal of the India Bill--Policy of
the Whigs in Opposition--Lord Cowley on the Relations of France
and England--Strong Opposition to the Government--Lord Derby
on the State of Affairs--Disunion of the Whigs--Lord Canning's
Proclamation--Littlecote House--Vehemence of the Opposition--Lord
Lyndhurst displeased--Debates on the Indian Proclamation--Collapse of
the Debates--Triumph of the Ministry--Disraeli's violent Speech at
Slough--Lord Palmerston's Discomfiture--Prospects of a Fusion--Success
of the Government--Concessions to the Radicals--The Queen's Visit to
Birmingham--Progress of the India Bill--The Jew Bill--The Jew Bill
passed--Disturbed State of India--Baron Brunnow on the Russian War
_page_ 171


CHAPTER XVII.

Lord John Russell and Lord Stanley--Lord Palmerston's
Leadership--Dissensions in the Liberal Party--The Queen and her
Ministers--Lord Stanley at the India Office--The Queen's Letter to
the Prince of Wales--Reform Speeches and Projects--Lord Palmerston's
Confidence--Prosecution of Count Montalembert in France--Lord
Clarendon's Visit to Compiègne--The Emperor's Designs on Italy--The
Emperor and the Pope--Approach of War--Lord Palmerston's Prudent
Language--Lord Palmerston's Italian Sympathies--The Electric
Telegraph--Opposition in France to the War--The Emperor's
Prevarication--Opening of Parliament--Debates on Foreign Affairs--Lord
Cowley's Mission to Vienna--General Opposition to the War--A
Reform Bill--Mr. Walpole and Mr. Henley resign--Duplicity of the
Emperor--Mr. Disraeli's Reform Bill--The Emperor denies his Warlike
Preparations--The Whigs oppose the Reform Bill--Anxiety to defeat the
Government--Lord Cowley returns from Vienna--War impending--Dishonest
Conduct of both Parties--Lord Cowley's Account of Cavour's Policy--His
Mission to Vienna--A Congress proposed--Indifference to Reform--Debates
on the Reform Bill--Defeat of the Reform Bill--An Emissary from Cavour
_page_ 208


CHAPTER XVIII.

The Government determine to dissolve the Parliament--Apathy of the
Country--Hopes and Fears as to the War--The Congress a Trick--Disraeli
on the approaching Elections--War declared--Mr. Greville resigns the
Clerkship of the Council--Result of the Elections--Mistakes of the
Austrian Government--Policy of the Opposition--Reconciliation of Lord
Palmerston and Lord John Russell--The Reconciliation doubtful--Meeting
of the Liberal Party--Resolution of the Meeting--Debate on the
Resolution of Want of Confidence--Defeat of Ministers--Lord Derby
resigns--Lord Granville sent for by the Queen--Lord Granville does not
form a Government--Lord Palmerston sent for--Lord Palmerston's Second
Administration--The Queen confers the Garter on Lord Derby--Successful
Progress of the French in Italy--Causes of Lord Granville's
Failure--Lord John claims the Foreign Office--Lord Clarendon declines
to take Office--Lord Clarendon's Interview with the Queen--Mr.
Cobden declines to take Office--The Armistice of Villafranca--Peace
concluded--The Terms of Peace--Position of the Pope--Disappointment of
Italy--Conference of the Emperors--Alleged Sensitiveness of the Emperor
Napoleon--Details of the War--A Visit to Ireland--Irish National
Education--Dublin--Howth Castle--Waterford--Killarney--Return from
Ireland--Numerous Cabinets--A Dispute with China--Lord Palmerston and
Lord John Russell--Lord Clarendon at Osborne--Spain and Morocco--The
Duc d'Aumale--Perplexity of the Emperor Napoleon--The Emperor Napoleon
and the 'Times' _page_ 240


CHAPTER XIX.

Prospects of the Government and of the Opposition--Mr. Disraeli's
commanding Position--Preparation of a Reform Bill--A Congress--Death
of Macaulay--The Affairs of Italy--Policy of the Emperor Napoleon--The
Commercial Treaty with France--M. de Cavour resumes Office--Opening
of Parliament--Negotiation of the Commercial Treaty--The Emperor
a Free Trader--Perplexity of Italian Affairs--Moderation of Lord
Derby--Opposition to the Commercial Treaty--The Reform Bill of
1860--Tory Opposition to Reform--Mr. Gladstone's great Budget
Speech--Opposition to the Treaty and the Budget--Triumph of Mr.
Gladstone--The Italian Correspondence--Democratic Opinions of Mr.
Gladstone--Introduction of the Reform Bill--The Annexation of Savoy
and Nice--Annexation of Tuscany to Piedmont--The Dénouement of the
Plot--Complete Apathy of the Country as to Reform--Lord Derby declines
to interfere--Lord John's adverse Declaration to France--Consequences
of Lord John's Speech against France--Our Position in Europe--Anecdote
of the Crimean War--Designs of the Emperor Napoleon in 1858--Lord
Palmerston's Distrust of Napoleon III.--Lord John's Indifference
to his own Reform Bill--Mr. Gladstone's Ascendency--Designs of the
Emperor and Cavour--Unpopularity of the Reform Bill--Correspondence
of Lord Grey and Lord John Russell--Reaction against Mr. Gladstone's
Measures--Opposition to the Repeal of the Paper Duties--Coolness with
France--Garibaldi's Expedition--Lord Palmerston attacks the Neapolitan
Minister--The Paper Duties Bill rejected by the Lords--The Reform
Bill withdrawn--Lord Palmerston adjusts the Difference between the
two Houses--Mr. Gladstone supported by the Radicals--Mr. Senior's
Conversations in Paris--A Letter from the Speaker--Mr. Cobden's Faith
in the Emperor Napoleon--Conclusion of these Journals _page_ 275


INDEX _page_ 317




  A JOURNAL
  OF THE
  REIGN OF QUEEN VICTORIA
  FROM 1852 TO 1860.




CHAPTER XI.

France and Prussia--The Emperor's Speech--Faint Hopes of
Peace--Favourable View of the Policy of Russia--Progress of the
Negotiations--Russia accepts the Terms of Peace--The Acceptance
explained--Popular Feeling in Favour of the War--Lord Stratford
and General Williams--Mr. Disraeli's Prospects--Meeting of
Parliament--Baron Parke's Life Peerage--The Debate on the
Address--Debate on Life Peerages--Report on the Sufferings of the
Army--Strained Relations with France--Lord Clarendon goes to the
Congress at Paris--Opening of the Conference--Sabbatarianism--Progress
of the Negotiations--Kars--Nicolaieff--The Life Peerage
Question--Blunders and Weakness of the Government--A Visit
to Paris--Count Orloff's View of the War--Lord Cowley on the
Negotiations--Princess Lieven on the War--An Evening at the
Tuileries--Opening of the Legislative Chamber--Lord Cowley's Desponding
Views--The Austrian Proposals--Bitterness in French Society--Necessity
of Peace to France--Conversation with M. Thiers--A Stag Hunt at St.
Germains--The Emperor yields to the Russians--Birth of the Prince
Imperial.


_January 1st_, 1856.--Intelligence arrived yesterday that Esterhazy
had presented the Austrian proposal to Nesselrode on the 28th, who
had received it _in profound silence_. Yesterday morning the 'Morning
Post,' in communicating this fact, put forth an article indecently
violent and menacing against Prussia; and as it contained a statement
of what the Emperor Napoleon had said to Baron Seebach, which was
exactly what Persigny had told Clarendon, this alone would prove,
if any proof were required, that the article was inserted either
by Palmerston or by Persigny. The 'Morning Post' derives its only
importance from being the Gazette of Palmerston and of the French
Government, and it is not very easy to determine which of the two is
guilty of this article. These are the sort of manifestos which make us
so odious all over the world.


[Sidenote: MISCHIEVOUS RESULTS OF THE WAR.]

_Hatchford, January 2nd._--The speech which Louis Napoleon addressed
to the Imperial Guard the day before yesterday when they marched into
Paris in triumph, gives reason for suspecting that the manifesto
against Prussia in the 'Morning Post' was French, for there is no small
correspondence between the speech and the article. In the article
Prussia is openly threatened and told, if she will not join the allies
in making war on Russia, the allies will make war upon her; in the
speech the Guards are told to hold themselves in readiness and that a
great French army will be wanted. Nothing is more within the bounds of
probability than that the Emperor may determine, if he is obliged to
make war, to make it for a French object, and on some enemy from whom
a good spoil may be taken, a war which will gratify French vanity and
cupidity, and which will therefore not be unpopular. He may think,
and most probably not erroneously, that in the present temper of
this country the people would be quite willing to let him do what he
pleases with Prussia, Belgium, or any other part of the continent, if
he will only concur with us in making fierce war against Russia. But
though this I believe to be the feeling of the masses, and that their
resentment against Prussia is so strong that they would rejoice at
seeing another Jena followed by similar results, the minority who are
elevated enough in life to reason and reflect will by no means like to
see France beginning to run riot again, and while we have been making
such an uproar about the temporary occupation of the Principalities
and the crossing of the Pruth by Russia, that we should quietly
consent to, nay, become accomplices in the passage of the Rhine and an
aggression on Germany by France. The very possibility of this shows
the necessity of putting an end to a war which cannot continue without
so many and such perilous contingencies. Nothing in fact can exceed
the complications in which we can hardly help being plunged, and the
various antagonistic interests which will be brought into collision,
creating perplexities and difficulties which it would require the
genius of a Richelieu to unravel and compose. The earth under our feet
may be mined with plots; we know not what any of the Great Powers are
really designing; the only certainty for us is that we are going on
blindly and obstinately spending our wealth and our blood in a war in
which we have no interest, and in keeping Europe in a state of ferment
and uncertainty the ultimate consequences of which it is appalling to
contemplate. Clarendon showed me a letter from Francis Baring from
Paris the other day, which told him that the Emperor wished to make
peace, because he knew that France, with all her outward signs of
prosperity, was unable to go on with the war without extreme danger,
that she is in fact 'using herself up,' has been going on at a rate she
cannot afford.


[Sidenote: NEGOTIATIONS FOR PEACE.]

_Hatchford, January 4th._--I was in London yesterday, where I saw
George Lewis, who was very low, sees no chance of peace, and everybody
thinks it hopeless since the Russian Circular has appeared. It is
difficult to understand the motive of the Russians in publishing such a
proposal, when they must know it would not and could not be accepted,
and were also aware of the terms the Western Powers were going to offer
to her. Lewis says our financial prospect is very bad, a declining
revenue, rising prices, a large loan wanted which will be got on bad
terms, and more money to be lent to Sardinia and Turkey. He thinks, if
the Russians propose to negotiate, that Palmerston will never consent;
but though he will no doubt resist, if France presses it I have no
doubt he will give way and that the majority of the Cabinet will be
for doing so. Everything looks as black as possible, and the Emperor
Napoleon's speech to the Imperial Guard following Persigny's article in
the 'Morning Post' wears a very menacing aspect. It is possible indeed
that he may have held this language in order to frighten us into a more
pacific disposition, but so far from being alarming or unpalatable to
the majority here, they will hail with satisfaction any intimation
of his resolution to make war on Prussia; and if Louis Napoleon will
only go on fighting against Russia, they will be quite willing that
he should take whatever he pleases from any other power which will
not join us in our present crusade. I often wonder what the Duke of
Wellington would have said and thought if he could have lived to see
this day, and the madness of this nation.


_London, January 9th._--I came to town on Monday and found when I
arrived that there was a fresh glimmering of peace. Austria had sent
word she was inclined to believe that Russia intended to accept the
terms. I went to Lewis, who told me this was true, but he did not
know on what ground their opinion rested more than that ten days had
elapsed during which no symptoms of a flat refusal had appeared, and
Lewis himself thought there was no doubt they were considering whether
they should accept or what reply they should make. Colloredo called on
Clarendon the other day, and, after some unimportant talk, asked him
if he had ever heard, or had reason to believe, that Russia had made
a communication to France to the effect that if France had a mind to
take the Rhenish Provinces and make peace with her, she should not
oppose such a design. Clarendon replied that he knew nothing of it, but
thought it not at all improbable.

Bernstorff had a conversation with Reeve the other day in which he told
him that he was much put out at the isolated condition of Prussia,
and gave him to understand that he should like the King to join the
alliance, but he did not think anything would induce him to do so. It
might perhaps be prudent, but it would be enormously base if Prussia
were to come _au secours des vainqueurs_, and, now that Russia is in
exceeding distress, to join England and France, to whom she certainly
is under no obligations, in crushing her. But then it would only be
prudent for the moment and to remove an immediate and impending danger,
for in the more comprehensive view of the balance of power and with
referance to general policy, it would be far wiser to leave the power
of Russia undiminished. Germany has nothing to fear from Russia, for
the notion of her being eternally animated with designs of conquest in
every direction is a mere chimæra which the people who propagate it do
not themselves believe. The part she has played for many years past
has been that of a pacificator, and her only intervention has been to
appease quarrels, and resist the progress of democracy and revolution.
In 1848 it was the authority of the Emperor Nicholas which prevented a
great war between Austria and Prussia which would have made all Germany
a scene of havoc and bloodshed. Our Government now evidently expect a
proposal from Russia to negotiate, and are living in hopes that it may
be rejected _in limine_ by Esterhazy, and that they shall be able to
prevail on the Emperor Napoleon not to consent to any overture that may
be made to him through any other channel.


_January 15th._--I came to town yesterday morning and found on my
arrival the Russian answer, which was pretty much what I expected.
I suspect our Government will have been disappointed that so much
was conceded as to make a peremptory rejection so monstrous as to be
hardly safe. However, Esterhazy has been ordered to withdraw on the
18th, unless everything else is conceded. Granville fancies they are
not unlikely to do this, but I am persuaded they will not. It remains
to be seen what the French will do, for all depends on them. I asked
Granville what he thought would be the end of it; he said _on the
whole_ he was rather disposed to expect it would lead to peace; he said
Austria did not mean to go to war with Russia in any case, he thought
she had played her cards with considerable dexterity, and made herself
a sort of arbitress, and, what she most desired, had got a decided
lead of Prussia, the object of her hatred. I asked him if Prussia was
terrified at the menaces contained in the Emperor's speech and other
things against her, and he said he thought she was irritated but not
frightened, and he inveighed against the folly of such speeches, and
especially such articles as Persigny, if it was he, had put into the
'Morning Post.'


_January 16th._--So far as I can as yet discover of public opinion,
it is in favour of accepting, or at all events of negotiating on, the
Russian proposals. The 'Times' has an ambiguous article on the subject.
Nobody will approve of the continuation of the war merely to obtain an
Austrian object, which the cession of Bessarabia is, and the article
about Bomarsund, which has nothing to do with the avowed object of the
war. I have not the least doubt one half of the Cabinet, at least, are
in their hearts of this opinion, but I am afraid they will not have the
courage to stand forth, avow, and act upon it.


[Sidenote: TERMS OF PEACE ACCEPTED BY RUSSIA.]

_January 17th._--I saw Lewis yesterday and for the first time saw
something approaching to _a certainty_ of peace. His information was
curious: the 'Morning Post,' in the statement inserted by Persigny,
said that the Russians had rejected the conditions about Bessarabia,
and about Bomarsund and had accepted the rest. In the counter
proposition of Russia there was no mention of Bomarsund, and for this
very good reason, that no such proposal was made to them. When the
terms of Austria and France were sent here our Government objected
to that article which said the allies reserved to themselves to make
_other_ conditions, or some such words. They said it was not fair,
and that they should at once say what they wanted, and _all_ they
wanted, and the additions they proposed were that Bomarsund should not
be restored, that Consuls should be admitted to the Black Sea ports,
and that 'something' should be done about Georgia and Circassia.
This was their answer, and our allies agreed to these additions, but
for what reason has not as yet appeared. They sent the terms to St.
Petersburg in their original shape and without our articles, so that
in fact no condition about Bomarsund was made to them. The Cabinet
met yesterday to determine what answer should be sent to Paris, the
French having notified that they would make no reply to the counter
proposal till they were apprised of our sentiments thereupon. Lewis
said he had no doubt that both governments would be willing to enter
upon negotiation on these terms, France and Austria being anxious for
peace and our Government not averse, for they begin to perceive that
there is a rapidly increasing disposition to put an end to the war,
and particularly that nobody will desire to continue it merely to
obtain an exclusively Austrian object, which the cession of part of
Bessarabia would be, especially as Austria has no thought of going to
war. The Russian Government have written in a very conciliatory tone
to Paris, which is known, though the letter has not yet arrived. The
King of Prussia had written a private, but very pressing letter to the
Emperor of Russia entreating him to make peace. Though very private,
the French Government contrived to get a copy of it, and Cowley sent
this copy home. It is said to be a very able letter written in a most
confidential style. Such being the state of affairs and all parties
apparently being agreed in a disposition to put an end to the war, it
seemed to me quite certain that the negotiations would be established,
and that they would lead to peace. In the evening I asked Granville
if he did not think we should now certainly have peace, and he said
'I think so, but there are still a great many complications,' and
he said Cowley and Walewski were on such bad terms that they hardly
spoke. The fact is that Cowley is a gentleman and a man of honour and
veracity, but he is sensitive and prone to take offence; the other
is an adventurer, a needy speculator, without honour, conscience, or
truth, and utterly unfit both as to his character and his capacity
for such an office as he holds. Then it must be owned that it must be
intolerably provoking to Walewski or any man in his situation to see
Cowley established in such strange relations with the Emperor, being at
least for certain purposes more his Minister for Foreign Affairs than
Walewski himself.

[Sidenote: TERMS OF PEACE ACCEPTED BY RUSSIA.]

_12 o'clock._--Payne has just rushed in here, to say that a telegraphic
message, dated Vienna, ten o'clock last night, announces that 'Russia
accepts _unconditionally_ the proposals of the allies.' The consequence
of this astounding intelligence was such a state of confusion and
excitement on the Stock Exchange as was hardly ever seen before. The
newspapers had one and all gone on predicting that the negotiations
would lead to nothing, and that the war would go on, so that
innumerable people continued to be 'bears,' and they were all rushing
to get out as fast as they could. It remains yet to be seen whether it
is really true; if it is, the Russians will be prodigiously provoked
when they find that this concession was superfluous, and that the
allies would have accepted _their_ terms.


_January 18th._--Though the account in the 'Times' was not exactly
correct, it proved substantially so. The right message came from
Seymour soon after. There was such a scene in the Stock Exchange as
was hardly ever witnessed; the funds rose three per cent., making five
in the last two days. The Rothschilds, and all the French who were
in the secret with Walewski, must have made untold sums. I have been
endeavouring to account for what appears the extraordinary conduct of
Russia in accepting the Austrian terms purely and simply, and this
strikes me to be the solution of it, and if my idea is correct it
will account for the exceedingly bad terms which Cowley and Walewski
are on. The conditions offered to Russia contained none of the points
insisted on by our Government. I believe that the French and Austrians
believed, very likely were certain, that if they had been sent Russia
would have refused them, and, being bent on peace, they resolved to
leave them out, and excuse themselves to England as they best could;
they therefore simply presented their proposal as it originally stood.
Russia replied with a qualified acceptance, and then Esterhazy was
obliged by the compact to say that he could only take yes or no; then,
finding them not inclined to give any other answer, that he or somebody
else told them the true state of the case, viz., that he had kept back
the conditions _we_ had demanded, and that unless they accepted his
proposition, it must of necessity fall to the ground, and that nothing
would then prevent the English points being brought forward and made
absolute conditions of any fresh preliminaries. This was very likely to
determine them to accept the proposals as put before them, for although
by so doing they accepted the fifth condition, which exposes them to
further and not specified demands, the especial points on which we
insist can only be brought forward as points for negotiation, and will
not form part of those conditions to which by their acceptance they
stand completely and irrevocably pledged.


[Sidenote: POPULAR FEELING FOR WAR.]

_London, January 22nd._--I went to Trentham on Friday, and returned
yesterday. Granville is very confident of peace, fancying that Russia
will make no difficulties, and will agree to our additional demands,
which may be so, but seems to me far from certain. The intelligence of
peace being at hand, or probable, gives no satisfaction here, and the
whole press is violent against it, and thunders away against Russia
and Austria, warns the people not to expect peace, and incites them
to go on with the war. There seems little occasion for this, for the
press has succeeded in inoculating the public with such an eager desire
for war that there appears a general regret at the notion of making
peace. When I was at Trentham, I asked Mr. Fleming, the gardener, a
very intelligent man, what the general feeling was in that part of
the world, and he said the general inclination was to go on with the
war till we had made Russia, besides other concessions, pay all its
expenses. It appears to me impossible the _entente cordiale_ with
France can go on long if the war goes on, when the people here are
passionate for war, and in France they are equally passionate for
peace. If the Emperor goes on with the war he will be very popular
here, which does not signify much to him, but give deep offence to
his own countrymen, which will be of vital importance to him, and no
wonder, for their disgust will be intense at being compelled to carry
on a war at a ruinous expense, merely because it is the pleasure of
the English to do so. This seems so obvious that I do not believe,
after having gone so far, and excited such strong hopes of peace,
that he will dare to disappoint the expectations of the country. What
the people of England would really like would be to engage France to
continue, and to issue a joint declaration of war against Austria and
Prussia.


_January 23rd._--Telegraphic news yesterday that Austria positively
refuses to send our supplementary conditions to St. Petersburg.
France backed us up, or at least pretended to do so, for it is quite
impossible to know what she really does. Baudin is come over here,
supposed to be for the purpose of explaining and apologising for
Walewski's not having sent the conditions originally. I do not know
what excuse he makes. Lewis thinks as I do, that the real reason was
his fear lest they should endanger the acceptance by Russia of the
conditions. Our Government believe, or at least pretend to do so, that
the Emperor was innocent of this _ruse_ and that Walewski is alone
guilty; but I doubt it, for I cannot believe Walewski would dare to do
such a thing without his master's knowledge and consent, and should not
be surprised if the whole thing was the Emperor's doing.

There is a tremendous clamour got up by the press against Lord
Stratford on account of his neglect of General Williams at Kars and
leaving his appeals for aid unattended to. Stratford has sent home
a defence of himself, and, I hear, a skilful one. I do not think
they will remove him, because they say he is now acting _bonâ fide_
according to his instructions, and exerting all his influence to
smooth any difficulties that may arise at Constantinople in adjusting
the terms of peace. But it is likely that the Turks are now very
anxious for peace, as they are exceedingly sick of their protectors,
by whom their dignity and independence are quite as much compromised
as by their enemies, while the process of exhaustion is going on at a
constantly increasing ratio.


[Sidenote: LORD DERBY AND MR. DISRAELI.]

_January 26th._--Yesterday morning Disraeli called on me, and after we
had discussed some private affairs, he began talking politics. He is
very triumphant at his pacific views and expectations having turned
out so true, and at the 'Press' newspaper having proved to be right.
He said, he had never stood so well with the _best_ men of his party
as he did now, that he is to have forty-five men, the cream of the
Conservatives, to dine with him on Wednesday next. He then talked of
Derby and the blunders he had made in spite of all the advice he had
given and the remonstrances he had made to him, that he had written to
him and told him what he knew from undoubted authority must and would
happen about peace, and implored him not to commit himself to the
continuance of the war, but that Derby with all his great talents had
no discretion, and suffered himself to be led and influenced by some of
the weakest and least capable men of his party. So instead of listening
to what Disraeli said to him, he writes a long, reasoned reply to his
arguments in the same way he would have replied to a speech in the
House of Lords, and when he went to Scotland he had the folly to go
to some meeting got up for the purpose, and then to make a violent
war speech. I asked him how Derby and Stanley got on together, and he
said that they were so much attached to each other, and Stanley had so
profound a filial veneration for his father, that personal feelings
silenced all political differences, and nothing would induce Stanley
to take any public part adverse to his father's policy and opinions.
It was evident that there is little political cordiality between Derby
and Disraeli, and a considerable split in the party. If Disraeli is to
be believed, the best of the Conservatives are disposed to go with him
rather than with Derby, but I own I much doubt this. However, it will
soon be seen what the state of that party is.

No further advance has been made towards the arrangements, but it
is clear peace will be made. George Grey told me so yesterday, and
intimated as much as that small difficulties must and would be got
over. France, Austria, and Russia are resolved on peace, and England
cannot alone make herself an obstacle. I suppose it will end in some
compromise upon the points remaining in dispute.

Macaulay has retired from Parliament, where he had done nothing
since his last election; he hardly ever attended and never spoke, or
certainly not more than once. It is to be hoped his life will be spared
to bring down his history to the end of Queen Anne's reign, which is
all that can possibly be expected.


_January 31st._--Parliament meets to-day. Who would have thought a few
weeks ago that the Queen's Speech would announce the preliminaries of
peace? Who would ever have thought that tidings of peace would produce
a general sentiment of disappointment and dissatisfaction in this
nation? There are, however, sundry symptoms of an approaching change
in the public mind. The press is much perplexed; the newspapers do
not know what to say. They confidently predicted that there would be
no peace, and urged the people to go on clamouring for war as long as
they could; but since they have seen that their noise is ineffectual,
and that peace is inevitable, they have nearly left off inveighing
against it, because doing so without any result only exhibits their own
impotence, which is just what they most wish to avoid. They therefore
now confine themselves to a sort of undergrowl, muttering abuse against
Russia and Austria, calling out for more stringent terms, and still
indulging in a desperate hope that some unexpected difficulty may
occur to break off the negotiations and plunge us into war again. The
Opposition are as much perplexed as the press, and do not know what
course to take, or what is the most vulnerable part of the Government,
and they are not agreed among themselves.

So in the meantime they seem disposed to vent themselves in a fierce
attack on Baron Parke's Life Peerage. This peerage has excited great
wrath even in many who are friendly to the Government, and probably in
all who are unfriendly. Amongst those who most vehemently resent it are
Lord Campbell, Lord Lyndhurst, and, as I am told, Brougham. There is
much to be said about it either way, and it will probably give rise to
some good debates and not uninteresting.

As one of many other proofs of the difficulty of getting at truth, and
therefore of having history correctly written, I must record a fact
not very important in itself. Lewis distinctly told me that it was
_France_ (i.e. Walewski) who kept back our conditions when the Austrian
propositions were returned to Vienna; now Granville tells me it was not
France, but Austria, who is responsible for their not having been sent
to St. Petersburg, and that Walewski did send them to Vienna. The truth
probably is that he gave notice to Buol that we wanted these things,
but did not incorporate them with the propositions, and that Buol,
though apprised of them, did not choose to insert what France had not
chosen to insert herself. It is quite impossible to believe that they
can make any serious difficulty; it is time to make peace with Russia
when our relations with America are assuming a very unpleasant aspect.


[Sidenote: MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.]

_February 3rd._--Parliament opened very quietly, and there was no
disposition evinced to find fault with the Government, or to throw
obstacles in the way of making peace. A great change has certainly
come over the country within the last fortnight or three weeks, not
that people are not still sorry to see the end of the war, and rather
inclined to view the peace with suspicion as well as dislike, but they
have no grounds for complaint, they see that it is inevitable, and they
are disposed to acquiesce.

Derby came down full of opposition but rather puzzled how to vent
it, so he criticised the Speech, which was a very poor and bald
composition, made a great stir about Kars, and announced a fierce
attack on Baron Parke's Life Peerage.

In the House of Commons everything was very _piano_, and Disraeli quite
moderate. The Government are much puzzled about this unlucky Life
Peerage. The thing is done, and now they find themselves condemned by
a large majority which includes all the Law Peers. If any vote can be
taken on it in the House of Lords, they will be beaten.

The Conferences will begin in about three weeks, and probably be very
soon over, for it is the object of all parties to put an end to the
enormous expense which, every day that the war lasts, is increased, and
no doubt is entertained by the well-informed that Russia is in earnest,
and will go through with it firmly and sincerely. The most unpleasant
incident is the difference with America, which has a bad aspect, but
when they learn that we are going to make peace with Russia we flatter
ourselves the Americans will become reasonable.[1] If a war should
ensue it would be still more insane than the Russian war, for we should
be fighting absolutely for no object whatever, and merely from the
collision of the proud and angry feelings of the two nations. Neither
would gain anything if the other were to give way and concede all that
is in dispute as to the Central American question.

Footnote 1: [Differences had arisen between the British and the
American Governments in consequence of the enlistment of American
citizens in the British army during the war, and also with reference to
the British possessions in Central America.]


_February 7th._--Nothing can be more extraordinary than the lull here,
after so much sound and fury, while the negotiations and question of
peace or war are pending. There is evidently a complete acquiescence in
the coming peace, though if the terms are not as stringent as people
expect, there will be a great deal of grumbling and abuse of the
Government.

The case with America looks bad, but nobody can seriously believe that
war between the two countries can possibly arise out of such questions
as those now pending. It will probably end in the return of Crampton,
and the return of Buchanan, suspension of diplomatic relations for a
time, then fresh negotiations and a reconciliation, but no war.


[Sidenote: THE LIFE PEERAGE QUESTION.]

_February 9th._--The debate in the House of Lords on the Wensleydale
Peerage was interesting but inconclusive. Lyndhurst made, as usual,
a wonderful speech for his age. He contrived with much dexterity to
avoid the question of legality, which he evidently thought he could
not disprove; Campbell and St. Leonards boldly pronounced it illegal;
Brougham admitted the legality; all the lawyers but the Chancellor are
dead against the Life Peerage. Out of the House, Lushington is clear
for it; Pemberton Leigh against; both of them have been offered and
have refused peerages. The result appears to be that the patent is not
illegal, but that there was no sufficient cause, and therefore that it
was a great folly to deviate from the usual course in Parke's case. It
is awkward, and both the Opposition and the Government seem very much
puzzled what to do. The best course on the whole seems to be (and it
probably will so end) to confer on the Baron an hereditary peerage, and
let the question of life peers stand over for the present, to be better
considered and discussed hereafter when circumstances may require such
a measure.

Palmerston made a very good speech last night on the American
questions, judicious and becoming, and it was very well received.
According to present appearances the Government is in no danger of
being turned out, and if they make a peace which satisfies, and bring
in and pass some good measures, they may actually become strong.


_February 15th._--While the world is waiting with tolerable patience
for the opening of the negotiations, it has got two subjects to
occupy and interest it, and to give rise to plenty of discussion and
dispute. The first is the Life Peerage question, which is become very
embarrassing to its opponents and its advocates. There is a great
majority of the lawyers against it, but more on the score of its being
improper and inexpedient, _perhaps_ unconstitutional, than that it is
absolutely illegal. The highest authority in favour of it seems to
be Dr. Lushington, who refused to be made a peer when a peerage was
pressed upon him. The Government are determined to fight it out, and on
no account to give way. Nobody knows with whom the project originated,
but there is a very general idea that it was with the Prince. General
Grey, however, told his brother, the Earl, that the Prince had nothing
to do with it, and that His Royal Highness knew nothing of the matter
till after it had been settled. I cannot see how it can be _illegal_,
and neither the danger nor the inexpediency of making Life Peers is
quite apparent to me; but I think it has been a blunder, and that so
great a novelty ought not to have been suddenly sprung upon the world
without any attempt to ascertain how it would be regarded, and Derby's
argument it is very difficult to meet. He says that when a certain
prerogative has not been exercised for 400 years, such long disuse of
it, if it does not amount to an abrogation of it, at all events throws
such a doubt upon it as to make the exercise of it now exceedingly
questionable, and it appears by the precedents that in every case of
a Life Peerage it was done _consensu procerum_, or _consensu procerum
et communitatis_, that is, by consent of the Lords, or by Act of
Parliament. The whole question is so obscure and uncertain, that it is
impossible to come to any satisfactory conclusion drawn from precedents
and usage. In spite of the resolution of the Government, I doubt
whether they will not be compelled to give way in some manner, for the
Opposition appear to be equally resolved not to let Baron Parke take
his seat.

The other subject is Sir John McNeill's report,[1] which has already
elicited violent articles in the papers, and will occasion hot debates
in the House of Commons, perhaps in both Houses. The report furnishes
a strong _primâ facie_ case against Airey and Gordon, Q.M. and A.Q.M.
Generals, and _par ricochet_ against Hardinge himself, also against
Lucan and Cardigan. The accused parties vehemently complain, and
insist upon being allowed to vindicate themselves. Probably in the
course of the discussions a good deal of the truth, but not all,
will come out. It may be doubted whether there is any part of our
military administration, as well as of our military operations during
this war, on which it is possible to reveal and explain everything
without showing up the French, and this has been the reason why
all investigations and explanations have had such imperfect and
unsatisfactory results. If the charges of McNeill are true, it seems to
me that the man most to blame was Raglan, who was supreme, omnipotent,
and responsible, and who ought not to have allowed the evils, which
were notorious, to go on accumulating, without applying those effectual
remedies which, according to the report, were abundantly at his
disposal; but of course everybody will shrink from casting the blame
posthumously upon him. The 'Times' has now found that the losses and
sufferings of the army were erroneously and wrongfully attributed to
the Government at home. McNeill has brought back with him notes of
conversations with Raglan, in which Raglan told him that most if not
all of the things he had been so bitterly reproached for were all
owing to the opposition and contradiction he met with from the French,
Canrobert especially.

Cowley, who called on me the day before yesterday, said he should be
very glad to have peace concluded, in order that our intimate connexion
and dependence on each other might be at an end, for the difficulties
arising therefrom, and the impossibility of placing any reliance on the
French Ministers, were a perpetual source of annoyance. He thinks the
Emperor honest and true, but that he is surrounded by a parcel of men
every one of whom is dishonest and false. The Emperor knows this, and
knows what is thought of his ministers, but he says 'What am I to do?
and where can I find better men who will enter my service?'

[Sidenote: THE CONFERENCE IN PARIS.]

Clarendon came here to-day to take leave of me on going to the
Conference in Paris. He talks despondingly, but less about making peace
than about making one that will be acceptable here. He augurs well
from the choice of Russian Plenipotentiaries who are both personally
agreeable to him, for he knows Orloff very intimately. When he took
leave of Brunnow three years ago he said to him, 'If ever you see a
good chance of peace, let me know,' and now Brunnow has sent him a
message reminding him of what he had said, and telling him he now saw
it. It was Clarendon who fixed on Paris for the Conference, everybody
else being against it, especially the Emperor Napoleon and Palmerston,
but Clarendon thought the advantage of having personal communication
with the Emperor himself outweighed every other consideration, and he
is right. Louis Napoleon will be the arbiter, and the struggle will be
between England and Russia to get possession of him. Brunnow arrived at
Paris to-day, the first arrival of the Plenipotentiaries, and he was
received with great acclamations and manifestations of joy. Clarendon
is dissatisfied at Brunnow's having got there first as if to steal a
march on him, but this is unreasonable, as no particular day was fixed
for their coming at once, and Clarendon might have been the first if he
had chosen it, and Cavour is to be there to-day or to-morrow.

Footnote 1: [Sir John McNeill had been sent to the Crimea and
Constantinople to investigate the causes of the sufferings of the
troops in the winter 1854-55.]


_February 21st._--A week has passed since most of the Plenipotentiaries
arrived at Paris, and we hear nothing of what has been going on amongst
them; at least I hear nothing except that Clarendon writes word he
is quite satisfied with the Emperor--the Hollands, that all sorts of
intrigues are rife, Brunnow, Morny, and Madame de Lieven closeted
together for hours, and Madame de Lieven writes to me in melancholy
mood, saying she anticipates many difficulties, and complaining of
the _exigeances_ which she hears of as probable, and how ungenerous
as well as impolitic it is to make no allowance for the difficulty
of the Emperor's position _vis à vis_ of his own people, and to bear
so hard upon him. From all this I infer that the Russians have been
informed that the Emperor Napoleon has engaged to back us up in our
_exigeances_, the principal of which is probably the dismantling of
Nicolaieff; this may be inferred from what has appeared in the French
press. The 'Journal des Débats' published an article saying we had no
right to demand this, to which the 'Siècle' replied asserting we had a
right, and the article in the 'Siècle' was copied into the 'Moniteur,'
which was tantamount to a recognition and approval of it. There are
rumours afloat here that matters are not going on satisfactorily at
Paris, and, taking all these things together, it looks as if the
horizon was a little overcast, but as Orloff was only to arrive at
Paris last night nothing essential can as yet have passed. Meanwhile
this country remains in the same passive and expectant state, so far
behaving very well that there is not the least stir or any attempt to
make peace more difficult, not a word said in Parliament, no meetings
or petitions, the 'Times' nearly silent, and only an undergrowl from
time to time from the Radical or malignant journals. But all who have
had any opportunity of testing the state of public feeling agree that
the peace, be it what it may, will be taken with regret, and that if
Clarendon were to return having broken off the negotiations, and to
announce that the war would go on, he would be hailed with the greatest
enthusiasm, and the ardour for war would break out with redoubled force.

While this lull has been going on upon the great question, the world
has been less passionately moved and interested by the affair of the
Wensleydale Peerage, and nobody has talked of anything else for the
last ten days but this and the Crimean Report. The general feeling
amongst the lawyers and in society is against the Life Peerage, but the
Government are very reluctant to give way and to own themselves beaten
upon it. To-night is the great, and, it may be hoped, final struggle in
the House of Lords upon it, when nobody doubts that the Government will
be beaten.

Last night the Evangelical and Sabbatarian interest had a great victory
in the House of Commons, routing those who endeavoured to effect the
opening of the National Gallery and British Museum on Sunday. The only
man of importance who sustained this unequal and imprudent contest was
Lord Stanley. At this moment cant and Puritanism are in the ascendant,
and so far from effecting any anti-sabbatarian reform, it will be very
well if we escape some of the more stringent measures against Sunday
occupations and amusements with which Exeter Hall and the prevailing
spirit threaten us.


[Sidenote: LORD CLARENDON IN PARIS.]

_February 24th._--A letter from Lady Clarendon, who says 'the report
about things going ill is false, and as yet things have hardly begun.
The Emperor in feelings and opinions is everything that Clarendon could
desire.' Madame de Lieven received Clarendon _à bras ouverts_, but said
very little to him. This morning I called on George Lewis, and had a
long talk about the prospects of peace. He said Palmerston, according
to his ancient custom, was doing all he could to extort as much as
possible from Russia, writing to Clarendon in this strain constantly
and urging him to insist on more and more concessions; but Lewis thinks
notwithstanding this that Palmerston has quite made up his mind for
peace, and that he makes demands very often with the expectation of
being refused, and the intention of not insisting on them if he finds
a very determined resistance. One point of difference is Kars; the
Russians not unfairly wish to have some equivalent for surrendering
it, and Palmerston insists that they are not entitled to any. In the
preliminaries it was settled that we were to restore all our conquests,
and they were in return to give up part of Bessarabia. At that time
Kars was not taken, and now they say the relative positions of the
parties are altered, and 'if we are to restore Kars, that ought to
be set against the restoration of Kinburn, the part of the Crimea
you occupy, &c., and having got an equivalent in Kars, you ought to
relax your demand for Bessarabia.' To this Palmerston replies that
the Russians are to guarantee the integrity of the Turkish dominions,
of which Kars is a part, and therefore their restoration of it is a
matter of course for which no equivalent is necessary. This argument is
not logical, and no arbitrator would admit it. It is a good point to
wrangle upon, and if the Russians knock under it will be because they
are resolved to submit to any terms rather than not have peace.

It is much the same thing about Nicolaieff, as to which the Emperor
appears at present disposed to back us up. Lewis disapproves of our
_exigeances_ and Palmerston's tone. He thinks on both points the
Russians have good cases, and that Palmerston and Clarendon are only
fighting for them in order to have a more plausible and showy peace
to set before the country. He says we never thought of demanding
the destruction of the docks of Nicolaieff _at first_, and that our
demanding it now is a mere afterthought, and in pursuance of the plan
of starting as many demands as we can to take the chance of what we
can get. Lewis disapproves of this course, and urged me to encourage
Clarendon not to lend himself to exigencies unjust in themselves, but
to do what he really thinks right and necessary without fear of the
consequences.

[Sidenote: DEBATE ON LIFE PEERAGES.]

When we had done talking of this matter he said he wanted to speak
to me about the Peerage question, which had assumed a shape which he
thought menaced great embarrassment, if not danger. The Government, he
said, would not give way, and he was himself opposed to their doing
so; but what was to be done? I said I did not see what the Government
could do, nor why they should not give way when they had resolved to
fight and had been fairly beaten; but he thought they should stultify
themselves by acknowledging they had been wrong, and that such a
course would oblige the Chancellor to resign. I controverted these
propositions and said they would stultify themselves much more, if from
motives of vanity and pride they chose to let the House of Lords remain
without that assistance to obtain which was the pretext for Parke's
creation. On the whole, Lewis seemed to think the least objectionable
course would be to pass a bill enabling the Crown to make a certain
number of Life Peers, but he overlooked the fact that this would be as
much a confession of error, and an acknowledgement that the Queen had
no such prerogative, as to make Lord Wensleydale an hereditary Peer. My
advice was to make him an hereditary Viscount. I was obliged to go away
and had not time to talk it out. In the afternoon, I spoke to Campbell
and Lyndhurst about it, and asked what they proposed, and how the
difficulty was to be got over. They naturally want the Government to
knock under and give up the hereditary peerage; they both scouted the
idea of Parke coming down to the House of Lords and insisting on being
admitted and making a scene. Lyndhurst to-night is to give notice of
motion for a Committee to consider the Appellate Jurisdiction.


_February 27th._--The debate in the Lords on Monday night affords
a prospect of an amicable termination of the Peerage case, but the
Government still have a lingering hope that by some management and
contrivance they may avoid the necessity of submitting to their defeat
and acting accordingly. There is to be a Committee on the Appellate
Jurisdiction, and they think they may obtain some report which may
enable them to get out of their scrape, but the only way I can make
out by which they think of doing this is to lay the foundation of a
bill to enable the Crown to make a limited number of Life Peers. This
would, however, be a more formal acknowledgement of error, and that the
Queen does not possess the prerogative, than any other course. I expect
they will at last be driven to adopt the course I recommended, that of
making Parke a Viscount, hereditary of course.

Last night, Disraeli made a bitter attack on the Government, to which
Labouchere replied with a spirit for which nobody gave him credit. The
Opposition displayed great warmth, and a disposition to show serious
fight on any occasion they could find. Certainly the Government cuts a
very poor figure, and it is difficult not to think that as soon as the
all absorbing question of peace or war is decided, they will be much
put to it to defend themselves, unless they conduct affairs much better
for the future than they have done up to the present time. Hitherto
they have presented a series of blunders, failures, and exposures.
First of all the Peerage question; then, much worse, in the House of
Commons, Lowe's Bill on Shipping Dues, which Palmerston was obliged
to withdraw last night, not at all creditably, and the failure of
which was in a great measure attributable to Lowe's very injudicious
speech, which, as he is the organ of the Board of Trade in the House of
Commons, was in itself a great evil and misfortune. George Grey's Bill
on County Police meets with such opposition that though it is a very
good measure he will probably not be able to carry it. But still worse
than these are the case of the Crimean Report with all its incidents,
one blunder after another, and the wretched exhibition of Monsell in
moving the Ordnance Estimates, amounting to a complete break-down.
All these things, one after another, place the Government in a very
weak and contemptible position, and show that in spite of Palmerston's
having recovered a good deal of his personal popularity in the House of
Commons, his Government has no strength, and his being able to go on at
all is only owing to the peculiar circumstances in which the country is
placed, and the extreme difficulty of any other Government being formed
which would be palateable to the country, more efficient, and therefore
stronger and more durable than the present.

To-morrow I purpose going to Paris to see and hear what is going on at
this interesting moment.


[Sidenote: A VISIT TO PARIS.]

_Paris, March 1st_, 1856.--I left London on Thursday with M. de
Flahault and my brother. We slept at Boulogne, and after a prosperous
journey in all its stages, found myself in my old quarters at the
Embassy yesterday evening at seven o'clock. I had hardly arrived
before a card came from Morny, who gave a great evening party with
two _petites pièces_ and music. I went there with Lady Cowley. The
crowd was so great that I saw nothing whatever of the spectacle, but
was pretty well amused, for I met some old acquaintance, made some
new ones, and was presented to some of the celebrities of the day.
I was much struck with the ugliness of the women, and the extreme
_recherche_ of their costumes. Nature has done nothing for them, their
_modistes_ all that is possible. The old friends I met were La Marre
and Bourqueney, whom I have not seen since he was Secretary of Embassy
to Guizot, when we had so much to do together about the affairs of the
East. I made acquaintance with Fleury, the Empress's _Grand Écuyer_,
renewed it with Bacciochi, and I was presented to Cavour and the Grand
Vizier, as little like the _beau idéal_ of a Grand Vizier as can well
be imagined, but by all accounts a Turk _comme il y en a peu_. He is a
very little, dark, spare, mild-looking man, speaks French perfectly,
and exceedingly clever, well-informed, enlightened, and honourable. He
was Grand Vizier once before, and owes his present elevation to his
great personal merit. He accepted the post with reluctance, feeling
sure Stratford would torment him to death and get him turned out again,
but it seems as if his high qualities, and the general respect with
which he is regarded, would enable him to maintain himself against all
intrigues, and even against Stratford's predominance. I met Clarendon,
but had hardly any opportunity of talking to him, as he was every
moment interrupted by people come up to do civilities to him. He had
just time to tell me that matters are going on very slowly, and that he
sees no reason why he should not be kept here for the next six months.
Orloff had met him _à bras ouverts_ and renewed their old Petersburg
friendship. Brunnow he is disgusted with, and says he has made a bad
impression here. He told me he had said to Brunnow: 'You were in
England long enough to know what a special pleader is; well, if all
other trades should fail you, take to that.'

Orloff spoke very frankly about the war, and the conduct of the late
Emperor, which he had always regarded as insane in sending Menschikoff
to Constantinople. If he had sent him, Orloff, instead, he would
answer for it, there would have been no war. Then marching into the
Principalities, and finally not accepting the modifications of the
Vienna Note. After this, Orloff said, he had declined to have anything
more to do with those affairs, and had retired in disgust. He thought
Nicholas's mind had undergone a change after he had reached sixty years
of age.

Clarendon said he was delighted with the Emperor and liked him
better and better every time he saw him. I met Walewski, who said he
wanted to talk to me, when he expressed great anxiety to know the
state of opinion in England, and talked of the chances of peace,
and particularly wished to know if I thought Palmerston really and
sincerely desired peace. I told him the exact truth as to opinion in
England, and said I believed Palmerston was now sincere in wishing
to make peace, but that it was in his nature to be _exigeant_, and
he thought it necessary to be so now because it was of great moment
to him to present to the country a peace with as many concessions as
possible from Russia. I said it depended on France after all, and then
I found that while they thought Bomarsund ought to be an indispensable
condition, Nicolaieff ought not; and so we parted, and I promised to
dine with him on Monday.

[Sidenote: LORD COWLEY ON THE NEGOTIATIONS.]

This morning after breakfast I had a long conversation with Cowley.
He did not speak despondingly of the peace, but he dilated on the
difficulty of coming to satisfactory terms, and such as Clarendon could
consent to, which he attributes principally to the French, who, having
gained all the glory they want for the satisfaction of their national
vanity, have no longer any desire to go on with the war, and we are
placed by them in a fix. 'If,' he said, 'our army was in Asia Minor
he should not care, because then we might say to them, do just what
you please, make peace if it suits you, we shall not resent it or have
any quarrel with you, but we will carry on the war on our own account.
As it is, if we insist on renewing the war, the French _cannot_, and
would not abandon us, and leave us to be attacked by superior Russian
armies; they would therefore very reluctantly go on with the war, but
it would be well known that we were dragging them on with us, and the
exasperation against us would be great and general, and, say what we
might, a quarrel between France and England would infallibly ensue.'
He said all the objections he had entertained against Paris being the
place of conference had been more than realised, and that the thing to
have done would have been to have it in some dull German town, where
there would have been no amusements and occupations, and no intrigues,
and where they would have applied themselves vigorously to their work
in order to get it done as quickly as possible. I have not, however, as
yet made out what intrigues there are, but there is of course a vast
deal of _commérage_ going on.

The conferences take place every other day, beginning at one, and they
generally last about four hours. Walewski presides, and, they say,
does it pretty well; M. Benedetti, the _Chef de Département in the
Foreign Office, is the _Protocollist and Rédacteur; the manner of it is
conversational, but they occasionally make speeches, Walewski told me.
I asked Clarendon in the evening how they were going on, and he said he
thought they were making a little progress, but that the French did all
they could to render it impossible.

I called on Madame de Lieven in the morning, who did not seem to know
much beyond what lies on the surface. She is craving for news and eager
for peace. Orloff has kept aloof from her, to her great mortification,
and rather to the malicious satisfaction of her enemies, but he went
to see her at last the day before yesterday, and, I suppose, accounted
for the delay, for she spoke of him as if they were friends, though
of course she would take care not to say a word of complaint or to
have it supposed, if she could help it, that he had neglected her.
She complained that in our _exigeance_ we did not make allowance
enough for the difficulties of the Emperor of Russia's position, for,
however necessary peace might be to Russia, there is a very great
party there who from pride and obstinacy would carry on the war at all
risks and hazards. She talked much of the enormous faults that had
been committed throughout the whole of the Eastern Question, and of
the severe retribution the pride of the late Emperor had drawn down
on his country, and remarked, which is quite true, that this would
be the first time in the history of Russia in which she had made a
disadvantageous peace; for even in her wars against Napoleon, when she
had suffered defeat after defeat, she had still concluded peace with
a gain of territory. I saw the Hollands, Guizot at Madame de Lieven's
door, called on Lady Clarendon, and then went to ride with Lady Cowley
in the Bois, and so the evening and the morning were the first day. The
weather is cold and gloomy, and I don't think I shall stay here long.


_March 3rd._--Went about visiting yesterday, and at night to the
Tuileries, an evening party and play, two small pieces; the Emperor
was very civil to me as usual, came up to me and shook hands; he
talked to Orloff and to Clarendon, then the Grande Maîtresse told him
the Empress was ready, when he went out and came back with her on his
arm, Mathilde, Princess Murat, and Plon Plon following. As the Emperor
passed before me, he stopped and presented me to the Empress. I was
introduced to Orloff, and in the course of the evening had a long talk
with Brunnow, who said _they_ had made all the advances and concessions
they could, and it was for us to move towards peace, and not to advance
one step and then retreat two.

This morning I went to see the opening of the legislative bodies, and
hear the Emperor's Speech. It was a gay and pretty sight, so full of
splendour and various colours, but rather theatrical. He read his
speech very well and the substance of it gave satisfaction; it was not
easy to compose it, but he did it exceedingly well, and steered clear
of the ticklish points with great adroitness and tact. It sounded odd
to English ears to hear a Royal Speech applauded at the end of each
paragraph, and the shouts of _'Vive l'Empereur'_ from the Senators and
Deputies.

After Cowley came home he began talking over the state of affairs,
and the peace we are going to make, about which his grief and
disappointment are overflowing. He says the Emperor had the best
intentions, but has been beset with men who were determined on peace
for their own ends, and whom he could not resist. What he blames him
for is not having at once said that he would go so far with us and no
further, and not have allowed us to delude ourselves with expectations
of support from him that were not to be realised. He says it is now all
over, the matter decided, it will proceed rapidly, and all be finished
by Easter.


[Sidenote: A DINNER AT COUNT WALEWSKI'S.]

_At night._--I have been dining with Walewski, a very handsome dinner
to the Sardinians, and a party afterwards. Knowing none of the people,
it was a bore; I found nobody to converse with but Cavour and Flahault;
talked over the state of affairs with the latter and our discontents.
He said the Emperor could not refuse, and when Clarendon came over
and found His Majesty's conversation so satisfactory, he was misled
by it and fancied he should obtain his support to all our demands;
he owned that it would have been better if the Emperor had been more
explicit. When I got home I found Cowley, who was engaged in drawing up
a statement of the comparative state of Russia, as to her aggressive
power against Turkey before the war and now, after peace has been
made. He is doing this for Clarendon and to assist him in making his
case good in Parliament when the peace is attacked, as he says it is
quite certain it will be. I asked him what were the points on which the
Russians made the most difficulty. He said on _all_ except Bomarsund.
He is quite convinced that Walewski has played false, and that he has
made known to Orloff exactly what he must give up, and when he may be
stout.


_March 5th._--Little to record; Cowley continues talking to me of the
state of affairs as it is and as it might have been, and is excessively
dejected and disgusted at the idea of the peace he is about to sign;
he thinks it neither creditable nor likely to be durable, but we start
from such different points of view that it is impossible for us to
agree. He harps upon the evil done by having the Conference here, and
certainly the advantage Clarendon promised himself from having it here
has proved null, for the Emperor does not send for him, having no
mind to talk to him, and he will not ask an audience of the Emperor,
though Cowley urges him very much to do it. He acknowledges, however,
that it would be now too late, and that nothing more can be done; he
thinks Clarendon will bring himself with great reluctance to sign such
a Treaty; but he must swallow the pill, however bitter. The bitterness
proceeds from having had such vast pretensions and having encouraged,
if not held, such lofty language.

It is no wonder that this Government want to get their army home when
typhus is raging there, and they have by their own account 22,000
men in hospital, while ours is quite healthy. We took all sorts of
precautions, and strongly advised the French to do the same, and to
adopt a sanitary plan we imparted to them; they held it cheap, did
nothing, and here are the consequences. It is said that while those who
have been in the Crimea and have distinguished themselves are eager for
peace, those who have not yet earned medals are averse to peace, and
that there will be a good deal of jealousy between the regiments.


_March 6th._--We talked yesterday morning about the origin of the
Austrian proposals, and Cowley said he had never been able exactly to
make out whether the scheme had originated at Vienna or here, but he
was inclined to believe that the first hint was given by Austria, and
that Walewski then put the thing on paper, which was sent to Vienna and
returned thence in the shape of a proposal. Bourqueney first brought it
from Vienna, Buol having obtained his Emperor's consent to it. Cowley
told me Buol had been all along willing to join us in the war, but the
Emperor never would consent to it. Cowley's notions are that we never
ought to have listened to any intervention, nor to any proposals for
peace but from Russia herself, that we should have made her sue for
peace. He would have had our demands from the first stated distinctly,
and have allowed of nothing but acceptance or refusal; he would never
have agreed to the article for the cession of Bessarabia, nor have
asked for territory at all. If it could have been managed he would have
preferred giving the Principalities to Austria, who should for them
give up Lombardy to Sardinia. Not a bad idea. By the by, it is much
noticed that in the Emperor's Speech he calls the King of Sardinia the
King of Piedmont, probably without any particular meaning or intention,
but they say he never does anything without a meaning. I rode to the
new racecourse yesterday, near the Bois de Boulogne, and went to the
Opera last night to see a beautiful new ballet, _'Le Corsaire.'_ Went
to Passy to see the Delesserts, who were out.

[Sidenote: BITTERNESS IN FRENCH SOCIETY.]

In this head quarter of gossip every trifle makes a noise, a little
scene in society excites interest and shows the continued violence of
party feeling. A party dined at Lord Holland's and more came in the
evening, mostly, as it happened, Orleanists, for the Hollands live
with all parties indiscriminately. There were Mesdames de Rémusat,
d'Haussonville, and several others of that colour, when the door opened
and MM. de Flahault and Morny were announced, on which the women all
jumped up like a covey of partridges and walked out of the room,
without taking any notice of the men. It is said that the Orleanist
party entertain a peculiar rancour against M. de Flahault for having
seen behind a door or a curtain the arrest of General Changarnier on
the 2nd of December, which he afterwards had the folly to avow.


_At night._--Just before dinner came an invitation to go to the
Tuileries to-night, which with much reluctance I was forced to do.
Two _petites pièces_ as on Sunday. I did not attempt to get into the
gallery, and sat in the next room, first with Brunnow, then with
the Grand Vizier, who is become a great friend of mine. The Emperor
did nothing but take off one Plenipotentiary after another: first
Clarendon, next Buol, then Orloff, and lastly Walewski, and probably
more was done there than at the Conference in the morning. Brunnow and
Walewski both told me the affair was progressing, and Cowley seemed
very low coming home. His dejection is extreme, and he said this
morning that he could not recover from his extreme disappointment at
the conduct of the Emperor, that he had always had a bad opinion of
Walewski, and no reliance on him or any of the ministers, but he would
have staked his life on the Emperor's remaining true to us, that he
had always assured our Government that they might depend implicitly on
him, and it was a bitter mortification to him to have been deceived
himself and to deceive them. I asked him how Clarendon felt all this,
and he said Clarendon had never spoken to him about it, and preserved
a calmness which astonished him. 'What,' I asked, 'did the Cabinet
at home say?' He said, 'They seemed to place entire confidence in
Clarendon, and to leave all power and responsibility to him.'


_March 8th._--Called on M. de Greffuhle yesterday, whom I had not
seen for years. He is eighty, enormously rich, full of activity and
intelligence, Orleanist by social habits, but well affected towards
this Government and not hostile to the Emperor, though despising his
Government. He said that he was _compelled_ to make peace, and that it
would cost him his Crown if he did not; that _something_ would happen
and then he would be upset, so great would be the consequences of
his running counter to the universal desire for peace here; that the
finances are in a very difficult state and there must be another loan,
but it would not be contracted like the last, which was a piece of
absurd _charlatanerie_.

I went in the afternoon to see the Imperial stables, a wonderful
establishment; and then the stallions, near Passy. In the evening to
Madame Baudon's, where I was presented to General Cavaignac, but had
no conversation with him. He is a tall, gentlemanlike man with a very
military air. I was surprised to see him there in the midst of the
Legitimists, he, a republican, but it seems he was once near marrying
Madame Baudon, who was _sous-gouvernante des Enfants de France_ when
Madame de Gontaut was Gouvernante.


_March 9th._--Went about visiting as usual. Called on Achille Fould,
who introduced me to Magne, Minister of Finance, said to be a great
rogue. Everything here is intrigue and jobbery, and I am told there is
a sort of gang, of which Morny is the chief, who all combine for their
own purpose and advantage: Morny, Tould, Magne, and Rouher, Minister of
Commerce. They now want to get out Billault, Minister of the Interior,
whom they cannot entirely manage, and that ministry is necessary to
them, on account of the railroads, which are under his management.
Fould was full of civilities and offers of services, and he told me
the Emperor has a mind to talk to me; whether anything will come of it
I know not. I went thence to Madame de Galliera's, where I met Thiers
and made a _rendez-vous_ with him for to-day; then to Madame de Lieven
who had had Orloff with her; lastly to Madame de Girardin and renewed
our old acquaintance, dined with Delmar, and came home to a great party
here.


[Sidenote: CONVERSATION WITH M. THIERS.]

_March 10th._--I called on Thiers yesterday, and had a long talk with
him; he declared he was happier unemployed and quite free than he
had ever been; he had been all for the war, and was now as much for
peace--like every other Frenchman he considered it a necessity; anxious
as ever for the English alliance, and ridiculed the idea that we had
not accomplished everything that our honour and glory required; bitter
against this Government, and maintained that the Emperor might very
safely relax the severity of it without giving up anything; indignant
with the peculation and corruption that prevailed, and the abominable
acts of injustice committed, one of which he mentioned towards his own
family. Very pleasant as usual.

The news of the day was the dangerous illness of King Jerome, whose
life hangs on a thread. This morning I went to St. Germains to see
a stag hunt in the forest--a curious sight, with the old-fashioned
_meute_; the officers, and those privileged to wear the uniform, in
embroidered coats, jackboots, and cocked hats; _piqueurs_ on horseback
and foot with vast horns wound round their bodies; the costume and the
sport exactly as in the time of Louis XIV., rather tiresome after a
time. The old chateau is a melancholy _délabré_ building, sad as the
finishing career of its last Royal inhabitant. These recollections
come thick upon one--Anne of Austria and the Fronde, Louis XIV. and
Mademoiselle de la Vallière--for here their lives began. When the Queen
was here she insisted on being taken up to see Mademoiselle de la
Vallière's apartment, to mark which some slight ornaments remain. Here
too James II. held his dismal Court and came to his unhappy and bigoted
end. After it ceased to be a palace, it became successively a prison,
a school, and a barrack, and now the Emperor has a fancy to restore
it. I went at night to a great concert at Walewski's, where I fell in
with Clarendon, and found he was quite prepared to make peace even on
such terms as he can get, in which I encouraged him, and to my surprise
he said he did not think it would be a bad peace, though it was not
so good as we might have got if the generals had done all they might,
or if we had had another campaign. He asked me how I thought people
would look on it in England, and I told him from all I heard I thought
_now_ the wish was for peace, and that the peace would be well enough
taken. This he now thinks himself, and he said peace would certainly be
concluded before the end of the month.


_March 15th._--From Cowley's account the Conferences appear to be
drawing to an end, as a committee has been formed to draw up the
Treaty. It consists of Cowley, Bourqueney, Brunnow, Cavour, Buol, and
the Grand Vizier. Cowley is still bemoaning the insufficiency of the
terms, and while he admits the necessity of peace here, maintains that
if the Emperor would only have joined us in insisting upon the terms we
wished to impose, it is certain the Russians would have consented to
everything, for he says they now know from unquestionable information
that the Russians expected much harder terms. The Emperor was, however,
so beset by his _entourage_, and so afraid of running the slightest
risk of the Russians breaking off the negotiations, that he would not
insist on anything which he was not certain the Russians would agree
to, and Cowley says he thinks Clarendon was not so firm as he might
have been, and if he had pressed the Emperor more strongly, that the
latter would have yielded and told Orloff that, though anxious to
make peace, he was still more anxious to continue on good terms with
us, and that if the Russian Government wanted peace, they would only
have it on such and such terms. All this may be true, and I am myself
inclined to think the Russians would have agreed to our terms, if those
terms had been heartily backed up by the Emperor; but except to give
something more of a triumph to the English public, I am not of opinion
that the difference between what we required and what we shall get is
worth much. When the _dénouement_ is before the world, it will appear
how insane it was to plunge into such a war, and that the confusion
and unsettled state of affairs which will be the result of it are more
dangerous to the stability of the Turkish Empire than the ambitious
designs of Russia ever were. Whether the Emperor Nicholas was premature
or not in his idea of 'the sick man,' it will soon appear how sick the
man will be left by the doctors who have stepped in to save him, and I
believe the _bouleversement_ of the old Turkish dominion will have been
greatly accelerated by the war and the consequences which will flow
from the successes of the allies.

[Sidenote: THE CIRCASSIANS.]

What Cowley particularly laments over is having failed to dismantle
Nicolaieff and to stop the outlet from the Bug to the Black Sea, and
having got no satisfactory arrangement with regard to the Circassian
coast and the contiguous provinces which were ceded to Russia by the
Treaty of Adrianople. We wanted that Russia should acknowledge the
independence of these provinces or of some part of them; but I cannot
see of what use this would have been, and it would have been a matter
of the greatest difficulty how to secure their independence and under
what Government. There is a sort of sympathy with the Circassians
in England, which would have made some stipulations with regard to
them popular; but the independence would be illusory, Russia would
soon reassert her authority, and our stipulations would become a dead
letter, or we should be involved in endless disputes without any
satisfactory results. As to forming another coalition for the sake of
semi-barbarous nationalities on the coasts of the Caspian, nothing
would be more impossible. England herself, who will soon recover from
her madness, would not hear of it, and France still less. The war
was founded in delusion and error, and carried on by a factitious
and ignorant enthusiasm, and we richly deserve to reap nothing but
mortification and disappointment in return for all the blood and
treasure we have spent.


_March 16th._--We passed the day in momentary expectation of hearing
of the Empress's confinement. No news arrived, but at six in the
morning we were awakened from our beds by the sound of the cannon
of the Invalides, which gave notice of a son. Will his fortune be
more prosperous than that of the other Royal and Imperial heirs to
the throne whom similar salvoes have proclaimed? It is a remarkable
coincidence that the confinement was as difficult and dangerous as that
of Marie Louise, with the same symptoms and circumstances, and that the
_doctor accoucheur_ (Dubois) in this instance was the son of the Dubois
who attended the other Empress. From all I hear the event was received
here with good will, but without the least enthusiasm, though with some
curiosity, and the Tuileries Gardens were crowded. People were invited
by the police to illuminate.




CHAPTER XII.

Lord Clarendon's favourable View of the Peace--General Evans' Proposal
to embark after the Battle of Inkerman--Sir E. Lyons defends Lord
Raglan--Peace concluded--Sir J. Graham's gloomy View of Affairs--Edward
Ellice's Plan--Favourable Reception of the Peace--A Lull in Politics--A
Sabbatarian Question--The Trial of Palmer for Murder--Defeat of
the Opposition--Danger of War with the United States--Ristori as
an Actress--Defeat of the Appellate Jurisdiction Bill--Return
of the Guards--Baron Parke on the Life Peerage--Close of the
Session--O'Donnell and Espartero in Spain--Chances of War--Coronation
of the Czar--Apathy of the Nation--Expense of the Coronation at
Moscow--Interference at Naples--Foreign Relations--Progress of
Democracy in England--Russia, France, England, and Naples--Russian
Intrigues with France--The Bolgrad Question--The Quarrel with
Naples--The Formation of Lord Palmerston's Government in 1855--Death of
Sir John Jervis--Sir Alexander Cockburn's Appointment--James Wortley
Solicitor-General--Conference on the Treaty of Paris--Low Church
Bishops--Leadership of the Opposition--Coolness in Paris--Dictatorial
Policy to Brazil.


[Sidenote: RETURN TO ENGLAND.]

_London, March 21st, Good Friday._--I left Paris on Wednesday morning
with Mr. and Mrs. Reeve, dined at Boulogne, crossed over in the
evening, and arrived in London yesterday morning at eleven o'clock.
When near Folkestone we were caught in a fog, lost our way, and were
very near having to anchor and pass the night at sea. After a vast deal
of whistling and bellowing, stopping and going on, the fog cleared a
little, lights became visible, and we entered the harbour with no other
inconvenience than having made a long _détour_, and being an hour later
than our proper time. I regretted leaving Paris, where I was treated
with so much affection and hospitality, and on the whole very well
amused. On Monday, I dined with the Duchesse de Mouchy; on Tuesday
night Clarendon came after dinner to see me before my departure, and we
had some talk about the peace and the terms. He spoke very cheerfully
about it and seems not at all dissatisfied, nor to feel any alarm about
its reception. As it is, without at all acknowledging that he has made
any sacrifices, he considers that the influence he has acquired for
England, particularly with Austria and Turkey, is far more valuable
than any items of concession from Russia would have been. Buol told him
that he was now quite convinced that England was the Power to which
Austria must really look with confidence and reliance on her honour and
friendship, and the Turk was still more warm and vehement in assurances
of the same kind. This was elicited from the Austrians by the fact of
England having supported the condition of the Bessarabian cession,
while France took part with Russia and threw Austria over. Moreover,
Clarendon does not, like Cowley, complain of the Emperor Napoleon, but
speaks with great satisfaction of His Majesty's conduct to him, and the
renewed cordiality with which he has recently expressed himself towards
England, and for the maintenance of his alliance with us. In short, he
evidently thinks, and not without reason, that he will return, having
obtained a sufficiently good peace, and having placed England in a very
fine position. He said that he had been able to accomplish his task
by being ready to incur responsibility at home, and by being able to
act unfettered, and taking on himself to disregard any instructions
or recommendations from home that he did not approve of. Yesterday I
saw George Lewis and had a talk with him and his wife about Clarendon
and the peace. He said he thought the peace quite sufficient, and he
did not understand what it was Cowley found fault with, nor why he is
dissatisfied. He denies that we have given up anything that it would
have been just and reasonable to stand out upon, and will not hear of
taking an apologetic tone, but that Clarendon should defend the peace
on its own merits. He thinks it will be well enough received in the
House of Commons and by the country, and he is in good spirits about
the Government. He says Palmerston has been moderate and reasonable,
and that he is not aware of Clarendon's having been harassed with any
instructions, but left entirely to his own discretion. They all think
he has done exceedingly well.


[Sidenote: SIR EDMUND LYONS' NARRATIVE.]

_March 29th._--I went to Hatchford on Saturday last; on Wednesday to
Althorp. I met Sir Edmund Lyons at Hatchford, who talked incessantly
about the incidents of the war and the conduct of the people concerned
in it, and very interesting his talk was, for besides having been one
of the most conspicuous and important actors in it, he was completely
in the confidence of the Commanders-in-Chief, and consulted by them on
every occasion and with regard to all operations. He told us what had
passed between Evans and Raglan and between Evans and himself on a most
important occasion, to this effect: Evans went to Raglan immediately
after the battle of Inkerman, and proposed to him to embark the army
immediately, leaving their guns, and (Lyons says he is almost certain)
their sick and wounded to the enemy. Raglan said, 'But you forget the
French: would you have us abandon them to their fate?' He replied,
'You are Commander-in-Chief of the _English_ army, and it is your
business to provide for _its_ safety....' Raglan would not hear of the
proposal. Almost immediately after Evans met Sir Edmund Lyons and told
him what had passed with Raglan, and urged him to suggest the same
course. Lyons made the same observation about the French that Raglan
had done, and said one of two things would happen: either the French
would take Sebastopol alone, when we should be covered with shame and
dishonour; or they would fail and probably suffer some great disaster.
The expression of _'perfide Albion'_ had long been current in France,
and then indeed it would be well deserved and would become a perpetual
term of reproach against us. These rebuffs did not prevent Evans going
on board ship and there giving out that the army would in a few days
be obliged to embark, and Captain Dacres came to Lyons and told him
he heard this was going to happen. Lyons asked him where he had heard
this, and he said Evans had announced it, and talked of it unreservedly
as certain to happen. Lyons said, 'It is false; the army will not go
away, and Sebastopol will be taken. It is very mischievous that such
reports should circulate, and I order you not to allow such a thing to
be said by anybody on board your ship, and to contradict it in the most
positive manner.'

Everything that Lyons said, and it may be added all one hears in
every way, tends to the honour and the credit of Raglan, and I am
glad to record this because I have always had an impression that much
of the difficulty and distress of the army in 1854 was owing to his
want of energy and management. He was not a Wellington certainly, and
probably he might have done more and better than he did, but he was
unquestionably, on the whole, the first man in the army, and if he had
not been continually thwarted by the French, would have done more.
While many here were crying out for placing our army under the command
of French generals, and recalling Raglan (and I must confess I had
myself a considerable leaning that way), he was struggling against the
shortcomings or the inactivity of Canrobert and Pélissier. Canrobert
acknowledged that he had not nerves sufficient for the duties of his
station, and he never could be got to agree to adopt the bold offensive
movements which Raglan was continually urging upon him, especially
after the battle of Inkerman, when Raglan entreated him to follow up
the discomfited Russians, his whole army being ready and not above
1,500 of them having been engaged. With Pélissier, Raglan had very
little to do, for his death occurred soon after Pélissier took the
command.

[Sidenote: LYONS DEFENDS LORD RAGLAN.]

Lyons gave us an interesting account of Raglan's last illness. He
seemed to have no idea that he was in serious danger, nor had the
people about him. At last, when he was so rapidly sinking that the
doctors saw his end was approaching, and it was deemed necessary to
apprise him thereof, he would not believe it, and he insisted to his
aide-de-camp who told him of his state that he was better, and he fell
into a state of insensibility without ever having been conscious of
his dying condition. One of the best authenticated charges against
Raglan was that of his not showing himself to his soldiers, and it was
said many believed that he had quitted the camp; at last this idea
became so prevalent that his own staff felt the necessity of something
being said to him about it, but none dared, for it seems they were all
exceedingly afraid of him. At last they asked Lyons if he would speak
to him and tell him what was said. Lyons said he had no scruple or
difficulty in so doing, and told him plainly the truth. Raglan not only
took it in good part, but thanked him very much, and said his reason
for not riding round all the divisions was that he could not prevent
the soldiers turning out to salute him, and he could not bear to see
this ceremony done by the men who had been all night in the trenches or
otherwise exposed to fatigue, and that this was the sole reason why he
had abstained, but henceforward he would make a point of riding round
every day, and so he ever after did; so that the main fact as reported
by 'correspondents' was not devoid of truth. I wish I could recollect
all the various anecdotes Lyons told us, but I neglected to put them
down at the time, and now they have faded from my memory. He discussed
the qualities of the English generals with reference to the command
of the army after Raglan's death. He never had well understood why it
was that Colin Campbell was always considered out of the question, and
his own opinion seemed to be that he was the fittest man. The French
thought so, and one of the alleged reasons against him, viz., that
he could not speak French, was certainly not true. Simpson was very
reluctant to take the command at first, and wrote home to say so, but
after he had received certain flattering encouragements his opposition
waxed fainter, and by the time it was taken from him he became anxious
to retain it. Raglan was not at all annoyed at Simpson's being sent
there, and did what he pleased with him. Simpson never attempted to
interfere with him or to control him in any way, but on the contrary
was entirely subservient to Raglan.


_April 1st._--News of peace reached London on Sunday evening, and was
received joyfully by the populace, not from any desire to see an end of
the war, but merely because it is a great event to make a noise about.
The newspapers have been reasonable enough, except the 'Sun,' which
appeared in deep mourning and with a violent tirade against peace.


[Sidenote: SIR JAMES GRAHAM ON THE STATE OF PARTIES.]

_April 3rd._--Yesterday I met Graham at the Council Office, where he
had come to attend a committee. Since the formation of Aberdeen's
Government three years ago I have hardly ever seen him, and have never
had any conversation with him. Yesterday he sat down and began talking
over the state of affairs generally, and the prospects of the country,
which he considers very gloomy and full of danger, more particularly
from the outrageous license of the press, which has now arrived at a
pitch perfectly intolerable, but which it is impossible to check or
control. Then the total destruction of parties and of party ties and
connexions, to say nothing of the antipathies and disagreements of such
public men as these are. He says there is not one man in the House
of Commons who has ten followers, neither Gladstone, nor Disraeli,
nor Palmerston. The Government goes on because there is no organized
opposition prepared and able to take its place, and the Government
receives a sufficiency of independent support, because all feel that
the business of the country must be carried on, and hitherto Palmerston
has been supported as a War Minister, and the best man to carry on the
war; but Graham is very doubtful what will happen when the discussions
on the peace and all matters relating to the war are over, and other
questions (principally of domestic policy) come into play. Palmerston,
always sanguine, fancies he can stand, but it is very doubtful, for
he is not backed by a party constituting a majority; the Treasury
Bench is very weak, and Palmerston himself a poor and inefficient
conductor of the Government in the House. John Russell has taken up the
question of education, which he hopes to render popular, and through
it means again to recover his former influence and authority. He said
that John Russell is (in spite of all that happened last year) more
looked up to by the Whig party than Palmerston, and that they would
rather have him for their leader, as, notwithstanding the faults he
has committed, he is by far the ablest man, has a much greater grasp
of intellect, more foresight, and is much more of a statesman, and has
fixed principles. Palmerston (Graham thinks) has a passionate love of
office and power, and will cling to it with tenacity to the last, and
never resign it but on compulsion, not caring with whom he acts, nor
on what principles. This, I think, is partly true and partly false. I
do not think he cares whom he acts with, but I do not believe he is
quite indifferent as to the principles. He says Lewis has done well,
and is liked in the House of Commons, and Gladstone likes him and
gives him a cordial support; that Baines is a good man, and those two
are the most respected and considered of all the men on the Treasury
Bench, the House accepting their sterling qualities in place of greater
brilliancy such as Gladstone can command; that Gladstone is certainly
the ablest man there, though it is still doubtful whether his talents
are equal to such an emergency as the present to master public opinion,
enlist it on his side, and to administer the Government on certain
principles of administrative reform, which Graham himself considers
necessary. His religious opinions, in which he is zealous and sincere,
enter so largely into his political conduct as to form a very serious
obstacle to his success, for they are abhorrent to the majority of this
Protestant country, and (I was rather surprised to hear him say) Graham
thinks approach very nearly to Rome. Gladstone would have nothing to
do with any Government unless he were leader in the House of Commons,
and when that Government is formed, there should be previously a clear
and distinct understanding on what principles it was founded and what
their course of action should be. His tone is now that of disclaiming
party connexions, and being ready to join with any men who are able and
willing to combine in carrying out such measures as are indispensably
necessary for the good government of the country, such a system as
he briefly shadowed out in his speech at the Mansion House the other
day. Graham's idea is, that in the event of this Government breaking
down, the best chance of another being formed would be by Clarendon
undertaking it, whom on the whole he regards as the man best fitted by
his experience and ability to be at the head of affairs; that he and
Gladstone might be brought together, but would Lord John consent to go
to the Lords, and to serve under Clarendon as President of the Council
and Head of the Education Department? This opens questions full of
doubt and difficulty. Derby, he thinks, has no desire to form another
Government, and would prefer to go on as he is now, leader of a large
party of Peers who are willing to follow him and to make the House of
Lords one of the scenes and instruments of his amusements as usual,
provided it supplies him with occupation and excitement, indifferent
to the consequences and to the mischief he may do. Disraeli appears to
be endeavouring to approach Gladstone, and a confederacy between those
two and young Stanley by no means an improbability. What Stanley is
disposed to do and capable of doing is still an enigma, and although
his speeches are not devoid of matter, they are without a particle of
the spirit and stirring eloquence of his father.

The change which has taken place in the country presents to Graham a
most alarming prospect. Hitherto it has been governed by parties, and
patronage has been the great instrument of keeping parties together;
whereas Sir Robert Peel has destroyed party, which had now entirely
ceased to exist; and between the press, the public opinion which the
press had made, and the views of certain people in Parliament, of whom
Gladstone is the most eminent and strenuous, patronage was either
destroyed or going rapidly to destruction. The only hope of escaping
from great perils was in that broad stratum of good sense and firmness
which still existed in the country, and of which manifestations had
been recently given. He admires the resolute and unflinching spirit
with which the war had been entered into, carried on, and the country
was quite willing to persist in; and not less the sensible and
reasonable manner in which the peace, by which they were mortified and
disappointed, had been acquiesced in, for he says that it is beyond
all question that there is throughout the country a strong feeling of
mortification and regret that we have not played a more brilliant part,
and that our share of glory has been less than that of our ally, and
there would have been a general feeling of exultation and satisfaction
if we had fought another campaign in order to end the war with greater
_éclat_. But this sentiment has been sufficiently mastered by prudent
considerations and a just appreciation of the circumstances of Europe
generally, and of our relations with other Powers, to check all
ebullitions of mortified pride, and to induce a prudent reserve and
acquiesce in the management of the Government, and in a spirit like
this there appears some hope for the future. We had a very long talk
about these and other matters, the substance of which I record as it
recurs to my mind.

[Sidenote: EDWARD ELLICE ON THE STATE OF PARTIES.]

A day or two before I met Ellice at Hillingdon, where we interchanged
our thoughts, and a good deal that he said was much in Graham's sense:
that this Government could not stand but by being remodelled, and his
notion is that half of it should be got rid of, the Peelites taken in,
and Lord John to go to the House of Lords as President of the Council,
Granville taking Cowley's place as ambassador at Paris, and Cowley
replacing Stratford Canning at Constantinople. _À propos_ of Stratford
Canning, Graham thinks the Opposition will attack the Government and
not the ambassador on the case of Kars, and that it is not impossible
they may carry a vote of censure against them, which I told him I
did not believe was possible, or that they could be able to carry
any resolution affecting the Government so much as to compel their
resignation, and I suggested to him how fatal this would be to his
scheme of reorganizing a Government under Clarendon, as such censure
would more especially touch him, and this would make it impossible for
the Queen to entrust the formation of another Government to his hands.


_April 7th._--Since my conversation with Graham, I have learnt from
the Duke of Bedford that Lord John is not very much disinclined to
go to the House of Lords, particularly as his position in reference
to his seat for the City is so embarrassing. The Dissenters, always
unreasonable and ungrateful, will not forgive his speech upon Church
Rates the other night, and his general popularity is gone. Then it
is probably a consideration with him to secure to his family the
settlement his brother will make on him if he takes the peerage.


_London, May 4th._--For nearly a month I have let this journal fall
into arrear, during which period the most interesting occurrences have
been the return of Clarendon, the publication of the conditions of
peace with the accompanying protocols, and the debate upon Kars. With
regard to the peace, Clarendon comes very well out of his mission, and
no fault is found with the peace. The Kars debate was a great error
on the part of the Opposition, and ended with a great triumph for
the Government. Just before it, Palmerston called a meeting of his
supporters, where he harangued them with great success, and managed
to rally them round him with more of zeal and cordiality than they
have hitherto shown. His position is certainly improved, and according
to present appearances he will get through the session without much
difficulty. All agree that he has been doing well in the House of
Commons; his assiduity, his punctual attendance, and his popular
manners make him agreeable to the House, and he has exhibited greater
facility and resource in dealing with all sorts of miscellaneous
subjects than anybody gave him credit for. There is not the smallest
danger of the peace proving dangerous to him, and it is evident that
the House of Commons, however independent and undisciplined it may be,
will not allow him to be placed in any danger, and is determined not to
have any change of Government at present. The Peelites and John Russell
supported him and had nothing else to do, for they are neither of them
in a condition to attempt to play a game of their own.


_May 14th._--Every day my disinclination to continue this work (which
is neither a journal nor anything else) increases, but I have at the
same time a reluctance to discontinue entirely an occupation which has
engaged me for forty years, and in which I may still find from time to
time something to record which may hereafter be deemed worth reading,
and so at long intervals, and for short periods, I resume my reluctant
pen.

We are now in the Whitsuntide holidays, in a profound political and
parliamentary calm, the Government perfectly secure, Palmerston very
popular, the Opposition disheartened and disunited, and having managed
their matters as awkwardly and stupidly as possible, attacking the
Government on questions and points on which the assailants were sure to
be beaten, and strengthening instead of weakening it by their abortive
attempts. There was great difference of opinion amongst them about
fighting battles, on Kars, and on the peace; Lyndhurst and Derby were
against, Disraeli was for. Roebuck, whom I fell in with on Sunday in
a railway train, told me that if they had laid hold of the one point
of the protocol in the Belgian press, and worked this well, they might
have put the Government in a minority, but they missed this obvious
opportunity.[1] I called on Lyndhurst yesterday, who said they had
unaccountably overlooked this plausible topic. He is going to make a
speech on Italy when Parliament meets, and we agreed entirely that
either too much or too little was done at Paris on this question, and
that either it ought not to have been entertained and discussed at all,
or some more decided measures ought to have been adopted with regard to
it. To stir up such delicate questions, and leave them in their present
unhappy condition, is an egregious error.

[Sidenote: A SABBATARIAN QUESTION.]

The questions of war and of peace having now ceased to interest and
excite the public mind, a religious question has sprung up to take
their place for the moment, which though not at present of much
importance, will in all probability lead to more serious consequences
hereafter. Sir Benjamin Hall having bethought himself of providing
innocent amusement for the Londoners on Sunday, established a Sunday
playing of military bands in Kensington Gardens and in the other parks
and gardens about the metropolis, which has been carried on, with the
sanction of the Government, with great success for several Sundays.
Some murmurs were heard from the puritanical and Sabbatarian party,
but Palmerston having declared himself favourable to the practice in
the House of Commons, the opposition appeared to cease. The puritans,
however, continued to agitate against it in meetings and in the press,
though the best part of the latter was favourable to the bands, and
at last, when a motion in Parliament was threatened to insist on the
discontinuance of the music, the Cabinet thought it necessary to
reconsider the subject. They were informed that if the Government
resisted the motion they would be beaten, and moreover that no man
could support them in opposition to it without great danger of losing
his seat at the next election. It is stated that the Sabbatarians are
so united and numerous, and their organisation so complete, that all
over the country they would be able to influence and probably carry
any election, and that this influence would be brought to bear against
every man who maintained by his vote this 'desecration of the Sabbath.'
Accordingly it was resolved by the Cabinet to give way, and the only
question was how to do so with anything like consistency and dignity.
The Archbishop of Canterbury was made the '_Deus ex machinâ_' to effect
this object. He was made to write a letter to the Premier representing
the feelings of the people and begging the bands might be silenced. To
this Palmerston wrote a reply in which he repeated his own opinion in
favour of the music, but that in deference to the public sentiment he
would put an end to their playing. All this has excited a good deal of
interest and discussion. For the present, the only question is whether
the angry public will not vent its indignation and resentment to-morrow
in acts of uproar and violence; but though these acts will not be
serious or lasting if they do take place, it may be expected that the
Sabbatarians will not rest satisfied with their triumph, but will
endeavour to make fresh encroachments on our free will and our habits
and pursuits, and that fresh and more serious contests will arise out
of this beginning.

Footnote 1: [An attempt had been made at the Congress of Paris by
Count Walewski to bring forward some measure or resolution reflecting
on the independence of the press in Belgium. It led to nothing, but
Lord Clarendon was accused of not having protested against it with
sufficient energy.]


_May 28th (day of the Derby)._--Yesterday on Epsom racecourse arrived
the news of Palmer's being found guilty of the murder of Cook. This
case and the trial have excited an interest almost unprecedented,
unlike anything since the case of Thurtell about twenty years ago or
more. People who never heard of either of the men took the deepest
interest in it, the women particularly, though there was nothing
peculiar in it or of a nature to excite them particularly. The
trial lasted a fortnight, all the details of it were read with the
greatest avidity, half the town went one day or other to hear it,
and the anxiety that the man should be convicted was passionate.
Cockburn gained great applause by the manner in which he conducted the
prosecution.

[Sidenote: DEFEAT OF THE OPPOSITION.]

This trial has proved more attractive and interesting than anything
in the political world, though there has been a pitched battle in the
Lords on the question of Maritime Law and Right of Search given up in
the recent Treaty. Derby made a violent onslaught on the Government,
and was at first very confident of a majority. He soon found these
hopes were fallacious, when he got angry and was more violent than
he has ever been before this session. The Government got a majority
of above fifty, which puts an end to any further contest there.
The Government have now nothing to fear, the Opposition are routed
and dispirited, and one can see nothing to alter the present state
of affairs. The minor questions which have occupied attention are
settling quietly. The Chelsea Commission is over, and the result will
be harmless, on the whole rather good than bad, because it will prove
that the violent attacks on the military authorities during the war
have been exaggerated and in many cases unfounded. A sort of compromise
has been made about the Wensleydale peerage, not a very happy one, and
it remains to be seen whether the House of Commons is sufficiently
acquiescent as to sanction it by agreeing to the 12,000_l._ a year
to be paid to two new judges and peers for life. The Government have
virtually abandoned the principle they contended for, and have yielded
to the adverse vote and Committee. When they appeal to Parliament and
limit the number of life peerages, they abandon the prerogative of the
Crown.


_June 1st._--The state of affairs with America becomes more and more
alarming.[1] Grey told me the other night that he had had a long
conversation with Dallas, whose tone was anything but reassuring as
to the prospect of peace; and yesterday I met Thackeray, who is just
returned from the United States. He thinks there is every probability
of the quarrel leading to war, for there is a very hostile spirit,
constantly increasing, throughout the States, and an evident desire
to quarrel with us. He says he has never met with a single man who
is not persuaded that they are entirely in the right and we in the
wrong, and they are equally persuaded if war ensues that they will
give us a great thrashing; they don't care for the consequences, their
riches are immense, and 200,000 men would appear in arms at a moment's
notice. Here, however, though there is a great deal of anxiety, there
is still a very general belief that war cannot take place on grounds
so trifling between two countries which have so great and so equal
an interest in remaining at peace with each other. But in a country
where the statesmen, if there are any, have so little influence, and
where the national policy is subject to the passions and caprices of
an ignorant and unreasoning mob, there is no security that good sense
and moderation will prevail. Many imagine that matters will proceed to
the length of a diplomatic rupture, that Crampton will be sent away and
Dallas retire in consequence, and that then by degrees the present heat
will cool down, and matters be amicably arranged without a shot being
fired. I feel no such confidence, for if diplomatic intercourse ceases
numerous causes of complaint will arise, and as there will be no means
left for mutual and friendly explanation and adjustment, such causes
will be constantly exaggerated and inflamed into an irreconcileable
quarrel. Matters cannot long go on as they now are without the public
here becoming excited and angry, and the press on both sides insolent,
violent, and provoking, and at last, going on from one step to another,
we shall find ourselves drifted into this odious and on both parts
suicidal contest, for there is not a blow we can strike at America and
her interests that will not recoil on us and our own. It has often been
remarked that civil wars are of all wars the most furious, and a war
between America and England would have all the characteristics of a
civil and an international contest; nor, though I have no doubt that
America is in the wrong, can I persuade myself that we are entirely in
the right on either of the principal points in dispute. We have reason
to congratulate ourselves that the Russian war is over, for if it had
gone on and all our ships had been in the Baltic, and all our soldiers
in the Crimea, nothing would have prevented the Americans from seizing
the opportunity of our hands being full to bring their dispute with us
to a crisis.

Footnote 1: [In consequence of the dispute with the American Government
on the subject of Foreign Enlistment, Mr. Crampton, the British
Minister, was ordered to leave Washington on May 28th. He arrived
in England on June 15th; but Lord Palmerston stated in the House of
Commons that the dismissal of Mr. Crampton did not break off diplomatic
relations with the United States, as Mr. Dallas remained in this
country. It is remarkable that within a few months or even weeks two
British Ministers received their passports from foreign governments and
were sent away--a very uncommon occurrence!]


[Sidenote: MADAME RISTORI.]

_June 7th._--I went last night to see the celebrated Ristori in a very
bad play called 'Medea,' being a translation into Italian from a French
tragedy by a M. Legouvé. This play was written for Madame Rachel, who
refused to act the part, which refusal led to a lawsuit, in which the
actress was (I think) defeated. Ristori is certainly a fine actress,
but she did not appear to me equal to Pasta in the same part, or to
other great actresses I have seen. However, my inability to hear well
and want of familiarity with Italian acting and imperfect knowledge of
the language disqualify me from being a competent judge.

The American horizon is rather less dark. Nothing is yet known as
to Crampton's dismissal, and Dallas does not believe it. The Danish
Minister at Washington writes over here that he thinks the clouds will
disperse and there will be no serious quarrel.


_London, July 12th._--After the lapse of a month and more, during
which I could not bring myself to record anything, or to comment upon
passing events, I am at last roused from my apathy, and am induced
to take up my pen and say a word upon the defeat of the Appellate
Jurisdiction Bill in the House of Commons the other night, which gave
me the greatest satisfaction, because I regard it as a just punishment
for the stupid obstinacy with which the Government have blundered on
from one fault to another throughout this whole business. It has been
a complete comedy of errors, and every one who has taken a part in it
has been in the wrong. I told Granville how it would be in the first
instance, and urged him, after the House of Lords had refused to let
in Parke as a life peer, to accept the defeat quietly by making him
an hereditary peer and thus give the go-by to the main question. This
nothing would induce them to do, and they fancied that they could
avoid the mortification of appearing to knock under, and save their
own consistency, by the contrivance of this bill. Every mischief that
it was possible to do they have managed to accomplish, and the leaders
of the opposite parties, who all felt themselves in a scrape, came to
a sort of compromise in the Lords' Committee, the result of which was
this unpopular bill. Amongst them they have assailed the prerogative
of the Crown, they have damaged the judicial authority of the House of
Lords, they have deeply offended many of their own friends by tendering
to them such a measure, and they have behaved most unkindly and
unhandsomely to Baron Parke, who thinks he has great reason to complain.

I have been at Knowsley for the last three days, and so missed the
march of the Guards into London on Wednesday. Lord Hardinge was struck
down by paralysis as he was speaking to the Queen at Aldershot on
Tuesday last. It is supposed that the Duke of Cambridge will succeed
him, and that Jim Macdonald will be his Military Secretary. The
American question is still undecided, but everybody appears to be very
easy about it.


[Sidenote: BARON PARKE ON THE LIFE PEERAGE.]

_July 20th._--I met Baron Parke the other day, who talked over
his affair, complained of the treatment he had received from the
Government, but said he gathered from what the Chancellor had said to
him that they meant now to make him an hereditary peer, declared there
was not a shadow of doubt about the legality, and that Campbell had as
little doubt as he himself had, but finding the measure was unpopular
with certain lawyers, he had suddenly turned against his own recorded
opinion and opposed it. The Baron said the Government were greatly
to blame for not having ventilated the question, and ascertained
whether they could carry it or not, and if he had had an idea of all
the bother it had made, he never would have had anything to do with
it. George Lewis told me that the life peerage had never been brought
before the Cabinet, and he knew nothing of it till he saw it in the
Gazette, nor did Clarendon; in fact it was confined to the Chancellor,
Granville, and Palmerston. They none of them, however, know with whom
it originated. Now that the measure turns out to be so unpopular and
is so scouted, and the transaction has been attended with so many
blunders and defeats, no one is willing to accept the responsibility of
it, or to acknowledge having had anything to do with it. It is strange
that Palmerston should ever have consented to it, but he knew nothing
and cared nothing about it; he was probably assured it would go down
without any difficulty, and in this _poco curante_ way he suffered
himself to be committed to it, not seeing the storm it would cause.
He allowed Granville to manage it all his own way, and at last he had
the good luck to be beaten upon it in the House of Commons, for the
scrape would have been more serious if he had earned it there. These
last days of the session have been as usual marked by the withdrawal
and abandonment of various bills that were for the most part introduced
at the beginning of it, and which were found to be quite worthless,
especially the Law Reform Bill.


_London, July 27th._--Parliament has finished its debates, and will
be prorogued on Tuesday. Dizzy wound up by a 'review of the session,'
a species of entertainment which used to be given annually some years
ago by Lord Lyndhurst with great skill and effect, but which on the
present occasion, and in Disraeli's hands, was singularly inopportune
and ineffective. Lord Wensleydale has at last taken his seat as an
hereditary Peer; the Government, after various abortive attempts to
wriggle out of their absurd position, having done at last what they
ought to have done at first--knocked under and endured what could not
be cured. The Government go into summer and winter quarters in a very
healthy and prosperous state, with nothing apparently to apprehend,
and with every probability of meeting Parliament next year in the
same condition, and, barring accidents, going through next session as
successfully as they have gone through this.


_August 4th._--I was at Goodwood all last week; the Prince of Prussia
came there. Not a word of news; the Queen still engaged in reviewing
the troops, and complimentary _fêtes_ are still going on to Sir
W. Williams of Kars, and Charles Wyndham 'the hero of the Redan.'
The disturbances in Spain seem to be over, and O'Donnell remains
victorious. My first impression was (the common one) that Espartero
had been ousted by an intrigue, and that it was a reactionary _coup
d'état_, but I now hear that it is no such thing, and that we ought to
desire the success of the present Government. Espartero and O'Donnell
could not agree, as was not unlikely in a coalition Government the two
chiefs of which were men of such different opinions and antecedents.
After many abortive attempts to reconcile their differences, it was
agreed that a Council of Ministers should be held which the Queen
herself should preside over, and when a final attempt should be made.
A long discussion took place, and the Queen did all she could to
reconcile the two generals, and to enable the Government to go on
unchanged. Finding it impossible to effect this, she ended by saying,
'Well, gentlemen, since I cannot prevail on you to go on together,
I must needs choose between you, and as I think Marshal O'Donnell
will be the best able to carry on the Government, I appoint him.'
Then the National Guards began an insurrection which was put down,
but no violent measures seem to have been adopted, and O'Donnell has
declared that Spain can only be successfully governed on constitutional
principles, and that he means to retain the Cortes in its integrity.
How far his acts will correspond with his professions remains to be
seen. Narvaez was recommended to go to France, and Queen Christina
appears not to have been allowed to return to Spain, which are good
signs. It is a good thing for Spain that Espartero should have retired,
for though probably the honestest Spaniard, he is at the same time the
weakest and the most wanting in moral courage and decision.

[Sidenote: CHANCES OF WAR.]

History is full of examples of the slight and accidental causes on
which the greatest events turn, and of such examples the last war seems
very full. Charles Wyndham told me that nothing but a very thick fog
which happened on the morning of Inkerman prevented the English army
being swept from their position and totally discomfited. The Russians
could see nothing, lost their own way, and mistook the position of
the British troops. Had the weather been clear so that they had been
able to execute their plans, we could not have resisted them; a defeat
instead of the victory we gained would have changed the destiny of the
world, and have produced effects which it is impossible to contemplate
or calculate.

On the other hand, nothing but miscalculation and bad management
prevented the capture of Sebastopol immediately after Alma. My nephew
is just returned from a voyage with Lord Lyons to the Crimea, where
he went all over the scenes of the late contest, all the positions,
and the ruins of Sebastopol as well as the northern forts. He was
well treated by the Russians, who showed him everything, and talked
over the events of the war with great frankness. They told him that
if the allies had marched at once after the battle on the north side,
no resistance could have been made, and the other side must have
fallen. We had long known that the north side would have fallen if
we had attacked it at once. Frank asked the Russian officer whether
there was any bad feeling on the part of the Russian army towards
the French or English, and he said none whatever, but a great deal
towards the Austrians, and that they desired nothing more than an
opportunity of fighting them. He also said that they had been misled
by our newspapers, from which they obtained all their information, and
thinking that the announcements there of an intended invasion of the
Crimea were made for the purpose of deceiving them, they had withdrawn
a great many troops from the Crimea, so that while Sebastopol had
been emptied of the garrison to increase the army of Menschikoff, the
Russians had not more than 30,000 or 35,000 men at the Alma.


_Hillingdon, August 17th._--It is impossible to find anything of the
least interest to write about, and my journal is in danger of dying of
starvation or of atrophy. The causes of discontent we have had with
Russia are disappearing, and the Emperor's coronation will not be
clouded by fresh _doléances_ on our part. Bulwer is just gone to the
Principalities, where the commissioners are to endeavour to ascertain
what are the wishes of the people as to the union. France and England
are in favour of it, Turkey and Austria against it, while Russia
professes to be indifferent and neutral. Spain is settling down into
submission to the Government of O'Donnell. Naples is relieved from her
fears of English intervention, and there seems some chance that she
may relax the rigour of her Government now that she may do so _salvo
honore_ and not under compulsion. This country is profoundly tranquil
and generally prosperous; everybody seems satisfied with Palmerston
and his administration. I myself, who for so many years regarded him
politically with the greatest aversion and distrust, have come to think
him the best minister we can have, and to wish him well.


[Sidenote: THE CORONATION AT MOSCOW.]

_September 15th._--Another month has passed away, and still I have
had nothing to record. The coronation at Moscow appears to have gone
off with great _éclat_, and to have been a spectacle of extraordinary
magnificence, the prodigious cost of which betrays no sign of
exhaustion or impoverishment by the late war.[1] We were probably
mistaken, as we were in so many other things, in fancying that the
power and resources of Russia were very greatly impaired, but during
the war, whatever we wished we were ready to believe.

The state of affairs at home and abroad is curious: abroad there is
uneasiness and uncertainty as to the future, the elements of future
disturbances being in a sort of abeyance; at home the fever and
excitement which prevailed during the war having been succeeded by a
torpor and an apathy such as I never remember to have seen before. All
party politics seem to be extinct, the country cares about nobody,
desires no changes, and only wishes to go on and prosper. There is not
a public man to whom public opinion turns, and no great questions are
afloat to agitate and divide the country, or around the standards of
which different opinions, principles, or passions can flock. Palmerston
may remain minister as long as he lives, if he does not commit any
gross faults either of commission or of omission, or unless something
may occur, which nobody can foresee or imagine, to rouse the nation
from its apathy.

Footnote 1: [The Emperor Alexander II. of Russia was crowned with great
pomp in Moscow on September 7; the ceremony was attended by special
ambassadors from all the great Powers; Lord Granville, accompanied by
Lady Granville and a brilliant suite, was the representative of Great
Britain on this occasion.]


_September 21st._--The old Crimean correspondent of the 'Times' has
despatched a very interesting and graphic account of the coronation
at Moscow, and Granville writes word that whereas he had estimated
the cost of it at a million sterling, he was now led to believe it
would be not much less than three. The coronation of George IV. cost
240,000_l._, which was considered an enormous sum and a monstrous
extravagance. Our two last coronations cost from 30,000_l._ to
50,000_l._

The quarrel with the King of Naples appears to be coming to a crisis,
and though it will not produce any serious consequences now, the
precedent of interference we are establishing may have very important
ones at some future time, and though philanthropy may make us rejoice
at some coercion being applied to put an end to such a cruel and
oppressive government as that of King Bomba (as they call Ferdinand),
it may be doubted whether it would not be sounder policy to abstain
from interference with what only indirectly and remotely concerns us,
and from enforcing a better and more humane system of government in a
country where the people do not seem to care much about its tyranny and
inhumanity. And then there is the great objection of dictating to and
interfering with weak governments while we do not venture to deal in
the same way with the equally flagrant abominations of stronger ones,
to say nothing of a host of difficulties and objections which suggest
themselves as possible, if not probable, results of our interference.
It will afford to other Powers an excuse if not a right to interfere
in like manner, whenever they require a pretext, and they consider it
their interest to do so; and if such cases occur, the peace of the
world will be largely endangered. As it is, I strongly suspect (for I
know nothing) that the agreement on the Neapolitan question between
France and ourselves is by no means cordial and complete. Mrs. Craven
writes me word she has been in a house in the country with Walewski,
who talked very openly (and no doubt imprudently) to her, telling her
that Palmerston was very difficult to go on with. I know not what
Palmerston has been doing, nor what his present policy may be, but I
thought he had either abandoned or greatly modified that old policy
of meddling and bullying to which he used to be so addicted, and at
all events that while the foreign policy of England is directed by
Clarendon, we should abstain from anything very arbitrary and violent.
It is, however, whispered that Walewski is no longer in the good graces
of the Emperor, and what I heard long ago about Her Majesty's opinion
of him renders it not unlikely.


_September 23rd._--All the little I hear tends to confirm the notion
that there is an antagonism growing up between French and English
policy, and that France and Russia are becoming more and more intimate
every day. The points of the Treaty on which there are still some
differences, and on which we appear to be making a great fuss, the
French seem to care very little about, perhaps being rather disposed
to side with Russia. These differences are very inconsiderable in
themselves, but if they lead to coolness and estrangement between us
and the French, and to an alliance between France and Russia, they may
hereafter be very important.

Nothing can be more perplexed and unintelligible (at least to those who
are not behind the curtain) than the international relations of the
Great Powers and of their dispositions towards the smaller ones, and in
such a chaos no little tact, discretion, and firmness are required to
shape our foreign policy.


[Sidenote: M. GUIZOT ON DEMOCRACY IN ENGLAND.]

_September 25th._--The void which the march of events fails to fill up
cannot be better occupied than by the following extract from Guizot's
notice on Sir Robert Peel in the _'Revue des Deux-Mondes'_ (1856). He
is speaking of democracy in England:--_'M. de Talleyrand disait dans la
Chambre des Pairs, il y a quelqu'un qui a plus d'esprit que Napoléon
ou que Voltaire, c'est tout le monde. On peut dire aujourd'hui même à
propos de L'Angleterre il y a quelqu'un qui a plus de pouvoir que la
couronne, plus de pouvoir que l'aristocratie, c'est tout le monde, et
tout le monde c'est la démocratie. Où commence-t-elle? où finit-elle?
à quels signes visibles se distingue-t-elle des autres éléments de la
société? Personne ne pourrait le dire, mais peu importe: pour être
difficile à définir, le fait n'en est ni moins certain, ni moins
puissant, les éléments les plus divers entrent dans la composition
de la démocratie moderne, des classes riches et des classes pauvres,
des classes savantes et des classes ignorantes, des maîtres et des
ouvriers, des conservateurs et des novateurs, des amis du pouvoir et
des enthousiastes de liberté, bien des aristocrates mêmes, détachés
de leur origine par leurs moeurs, par leur aversion des gênes et des
devoirs que l'aristocratie impose. Et la position de la démocratie
anglaise n'est pas moins changée que sa composition; elle ne se borne
pas comme jadis à défendre au besoin ses libertés, elle regarde les
affaires publiques comme les siennes, surveille assidûment ceux qui les
font, et si elle ne gouverne pas l'état, elle domine le gouvernement.'_
All this seems to me perfectly true, and the best definition of the
English democracy, its nature, and its position that could possibly
be given, and that the nature of things admits of. Guizot evidently
saw clearly a truth which might be elaborated into a very interesting
essay, and which has often suggested itself to me, namely, that without
any violence or ostensible disturbances or any change in external
forms, this country has undergone as great a revolution as France
itself, or any of the continental nations which have been torn to
pieces by civil discords and contests. If we compare the condition of
England at any two not very distant periods, and the manner in which
power and influence have been distributed at one and at the other, this
will be very apparent, and nobody can doubt that this process is still
going on. We are, as Guizot says, _'dans une époque de transition ...
sous l'empire des principes et des sentiments encore confus, perplexes
et obscurs, mais essentiellement démocratiques, qui fermentent en
Europe depuis quinze siècles et y remportent de nos jours des victoires
dont personne ne saurait dire encore quel sera le vrai et dernier
résultat.'_


[Sidenote: THE QUARREL WITH NAPLES.]

_October 3rd._--There appears to be a general feeling of uneasiness,
almost of alarm, as if something was impending to disturb the peace of
the world and interrupt the prosperity of nations, though nobody can
very well tell what it is they dread. The apprehension is vague, but
it is general. The only political question of any consequence in which
we are concerned is that of Naples, and some fancy that the Russian
manifesto prognosticates a renewal of the contest with that Empire. I
have no such idea, but I am quite unable to comprehend what it is the
different Powers are about; there is a general impression, probably
not unfounded, that France and Russia are meditating a close alliance,
and if this be the truth, it is not likely that Russia should have put
forth a State paper offensive to France. It is by no means impossible
that Gortschakoff may have ascertained that the declaration of his
Emperor's opinion would not be distasteful to the Emperor Napoleon, who
probably does not enter _con amore_ into this contest with Naples and
merely does it to please us.[1]

When Baudin took leave of him at Paris the other day on his going
to Russia, he said to him, 'Is it your Majesty's wish that I should
cultivate the most friendly relations with the English Ministers at
Moscow and Petersburg?' to which the Emperor replied 'Certainly,' and
_'L'Angleterre avant tout.'_ In this there can be little doubt of his
personal sincerity, but probably his personal disposition and the
policy of his Government and the sentiments of the French people do not
altogether coincide, and this places him in a somewhat false position,
and will most likely lead to apparent vacillation and inconsistency in
his conduct.

Madame de Lieven writes to me that the Neapolitan Minister at Paris
affirms that his King will not give way at the dictation of the allied
Powers. We do not, however, as yet know what it is that is required of
him. If it be true that he should govern his people more mildly and
liberally, nothing can be more vague, and our greatest difficulties
would begin when we had extorted from him promises and engagements to
act according to _our_ notions of justice and humanity. He would be
more than mortal if he was disposed honestly to act up to engagements
and promises extorted from him by fear, and it would be impossible
for us to superintend and secure their due performance without taking
upon ourselves virtually the government of his kingdom and superseding
the King's authority. We never should get France to concur in this,
and on the whole it appears more probable that differences will arise
in the course of this joint action between us and France than that we
should succeed in ameliorating the condition of Naples. I fear the
rage for interfering in the internal affairs of other countries will
never be extinguished here. I see in the papers to-day an address to
Clarendon from the Protestant Society, requesting he will interpose
with the Spanish Government in favour of some Spanish subject who has
got into trouble in consequence of having turned Protestant, and being
engaged in diffusing the Scriptures, and trying to convert others to
Protestantism, which is an offence against the laws of Spain.

Footnote 1: [The British and French Governments had on more than
one occasion remonstrated with the King of Naples on the cruel and
arbitrary policy of his Government, which led eventually to his own
destruction; but the King received these remonstrances very ill, and on
October 28 the differences between these Courts had become so serious
that the British and French Ministers were withdrawn from Naples, and
a naval squadron appeared off the city. The Russian Government at this
time issued a circular despatch complaining of these proceedings of the
Western Powers, and denying their right to interfere for the purpose of
extorting concessions from the King of Naples to his own subjects.]


_October 7th._--I have seen Clarendon and asked him about the affair
of Naples. He was not very communicative, and I suspect he is not very
easy about the course we are pursuing and the part he has to play. He
first said that it was impossible for us to tolerate the conduct of the
King to us, and the impertinence of his note. I asked what it was he
said; Clarendon replied it amounted to this, 'Mind your own business.'
Then he alluded to the atrocities of the Government, which ought not to
be endured; that no man was safe for a minute, or could tell when he
went to bed at night that he might not be arrested in the morning, all
which was done by the King's personal orders; that there was continual
danger of an outbreak or insurrection, particularly of a Muratist
revolution. I told him my opinion of the very questionable policy
of interference, either as a matter of right or of expediency, and
nothing could be more lame than the case he made out. He said the ships
were not to act any hostile part, or to coerce the King, which makes
the case worse in my opinion. It is doing neither one thing nor the
other, violating a sound principle, and incurring great future risks
without any present object, or effecting any good, or benefiting the
people in whom we take an interest. He says the Emperor Napoleon has
a great horror of a Muratist movement, the Prince Murat, his cousin,
being a most worthless blackguard; but his son, who married Berthier's
granddaughter and heiress, is a young man full of merit of every sort.


[Sidenote: RUSSIAN INTRIGUE WITH FRANCE.]

_London, October 10th._--I met Clarendon again at the Travellers', and
had some conversation with him, but was interrupted by Azeglio, or I
might probably have learnt more about the present state of affairs. He
told me that we had been squabbling with the French Government, and
that the persevering attempts of Russia to disturb the harmony between
us and them had not been unsuccessful. Nothing in the way of cajolery
had been omitted at Moscow to captivate the French, while on one
occasion the Emperor had been so uncivil that Granville felt himself
obliged to go to Gortschakoff and make a formal complaint, which was
met by all sorts of assurances and protestations in order to mollify
him, and after this everything went on smoothly. It is a curious state
of things, for as far as I can make it out, the policy of the French
Government appears to be to become intimate with Russia and to be cool
with us; but all the time the Emperor (who is the Government) shrinks
from anything like a breach with England, and clings to the intimacy
established between the two Courts, and has a profound respect for the
Queen and value for her good opinion. I asked him how he reconciled the
offensive Circular of Gortschakoff with the anxiety of Russia to please
France, when he said that he had no doubt they had told the French that
it was aimed exclusively at _us_, and had come to an understanding with
Morny about it, so that France was not to take offence at it. We are
now, he said, on the best terms with Austria, and Austria on the worst
with Russia. Russia knows that the article of the treaty compelling
her to surrender a part of Bessarabia was the work of Austria, and
this was an injury and an insult (for she had never before disgorged
territory) which she never would forgive. The Russian Circular would
have the effect of complicating the Neapolitan question, as it made the
King more resolved not to yield to the demands of the two Powers. He
told me that Palmerston had resolved to take up in earnest the question
of Law Reform next year, and that he (Clarendon) had strongly urged
him to do so as the best way of procuring both strength and credit
for his Government; that Palmerston had readily come into it, and was
resolved to carry out those measures which have so long been under
discussion, and which for various reasons have hitherto failed of their
accomplishment.


_November 10th._--I went to The Grove on Saturday and had a good deal
of comfortable talk with Clarendon about foreign affairs, especially
the Bolgrad question and Naples. He described the former very clearly,
and satisfied me that we are entirely in the right. It was settled,
he said, at Paris mainly between him and Orloff. He drew the line on
the map as the boundary had been agreed upon, and as he was doing so,
Orloff said, 'I wish you would draw it a little more to the south; it
will make no sort of difference to you, and by this means it includes
within our line a strip of territory which the Emperor wishes to retain
because it forms a part of a military colony which he is anxious to
keep intact;' and Clarendon agreed to draw the line accordingly and to
accomplish the Emperor's wishes. They have since attempted to quibble
about another Bolgrad which was not even marked at all on their map,
and it turns out that the story of the military colony was a mere
pretence, as they have themselves given that up without making any
difficulty. The state of the case and the difference which has since
arisen with Russia and with France is this: the Emperor Napoleon, who
is very indolent and abhors the trouble of examining details, and
consequently remains often ignorant of what it behoves him to know,
suffered himself to be bamboozled by Brunnow and misled by Walewski
into giving his assent to the Russian interpretation of the boundary
line, and to giving a promise of his support in the controversy.
Recently at Compiègne Cowley, in a long audience, went through the
whole question with him and minutely explained the case against Russia.
The Emperor said he had never really understood it before, acknowledged
that our case was good, regretted that he had committed himself, but
said that having pledged his word he did not know how to break that
pledge and to withdraw the support he had promised to give to Russia in
the dispute, and this is the fix in which the question now is. While
the foolish and ignorant newspapers here (except the 'Times') are
endeavouring to separate the Emperor from his ministers, and to make
out that he is one with our Government, and that the difficulties and
obstructions proceed from other parties, the truth is that they now
proceed entirely from himself, worked upon and deceived certainly by
Russian agents and pro-Russian ministers; but if he really was in the
disposition which our press attributes to him, he might break through
such obligations as he suffered himself to be entangled in and settle
the question at once; nor is it very easy to see why he does not, for
there is good reason to believe he is sincerely desirous of remaining
on good terms with us. I asked Clarendon why the question could not be
again referred to a Conference of the Powers parties to the Treaty,
and he said we could not consent to this, because we should be in
a minority, for Sardinia, partly cajoled by Russia and partly from
antipathy to Austria, would go against us.

[Sidenote: DISMISSAL OF NEAPOLITAN MINISTER.]

I asked him about Naples, of which affair he could give but a very
unsatisfactory account and a lame story. He said France had acted
with us very steadily, but that it was she who had started this hare,
and he had engaged in it in the belief that the Emperor would never
have mooted the question unless he had been assured that the King
of Naples would yield to the remonstrances of the two Courts, and
but for that conviction he would never have meddled in it, which he
now very much regretted. He had given Carini notice to quit, and at
their parting interview he had entreated him to persuade the King if
possible to change his system, and, now that he was relieved from all
interference, menace, or coercion, and his dignity could not suffer,
to give satisfaction to all Europe by putting an end to the inhuman
and impolitic system, which had occasioned our interference and had
drawn upon him remonstrances and advice from every Sovereign in Europe.
Very good advice, and I hope it may be followed, but it is a lame and
impotent conclusion to the menacing demonstrations with which we began
to quarrel. Clarendon talked of the various atrocities of the King of
Naples, but with an evident consciousness that the fact, even if it be
true, and not, as is probable, exaggerated, affords no excuse for our
policy in the matter. As the subject could not be agreeable I did not
press it, and abstained from telling him how general the opinion is
that he has committed a great blunder. He will probably hear enough of
it before the chapter is closed; even Granville, who never says much,
said to me yesterday that 'it was a very foolish affair.'

Clarendon talked to me of Palmerston, and told me (what I think I had
heard, and have very likely noted before) that on Aberdeen's fall
Palmerston was quite ready to join Derby when Derby tried to form a
Government, and that it was Clarendon's refusal which frustrated that
attempt. Palmerston endeavoured to persuade Clarendon to join, but when
Clarendon put to him all the reasons why they had both of them better
refuse, Palmerston saw them all very clearly, and rather imprudently
said on leaving him, 'We are _both_ agreed that it will not do to have
anything to do with Derby and his Government.' When Clarendon went to
the Queen and explained his own conduct to her, and she expressed to
him the embarrassment which she felt, and asked him what she could do,
he at once said, 'Send for Lord Palmerston, who is the only man, in
the present temper of the people and state of affairs, who can form a
Government that has a chance of standing. Send for him at once, place
yourself entirely in his hands, give him your entire confidence, and I
will answer for his conduct being all that you can desire.' The Queen
took the advice, and has had no reason to repent of it, and Clarendon
told me he had done everything in his power, and seized every available
opportunity to reconcile them to each other, to promote a good feeling
and understanding, and to soften any little asperities which might
have made their intercourse less smooth, and the consequence is that
Palmerston gets on with her very well, and his good sense as well as
Clarendon's exhortations make him see of what importance it is to him
for the easy working of his Government and his own ease to be on good
and cordial terms with the Queen. It is therefore really to Clarendon
that Palmerston is indebted in great measure, if not entirely, for
being in his present position, but Clarendon has too much tact ever to
remind him of it, or of what he was himself inclined to do in 1855.


[Sidenote: LEGAL APPOINTMENTS.]

_November 19th._--The death of Jervis made the office of Chief Justice
of Common Pleas vacant.[1] According to established (but as I think
bad) usage, the Attorney-General, Cockburn, had a right to take the
place, and for the last fortnight nothing occupied public attention
more than the question whether he would take it or not. He was much
averse to take it, but everybody pressed him to accept it, and after
much hesitation and consultation he agreed to be Chief Justice, and
now it is said he regrets his determination and thinks he has made a
mistake. He gives up Parliament, for which he is well adapted, where
he acts a conspicuous part, being a capital speaker, and which he
likes, and feels that it is his element. He gives up the highest place
at the bar, where he is a successful advocate, and makes 15,000_l._
or 16,000_l._ a year, and he sees that he shall be obliged to give up
in great measure his loose habits and assume more decorous behaviour,
which will be a great sacrifice to him, and he becomes a judge with
6,000_l._ a year for life, not being a good lawyer, and conscious
that he will be inferior to his colleagues and to the Puisne Judge in
his own court. As soon as he had consented to the promotion a fresh
difficulty presented itself as to the office of Solicitor-General, for
such is the penury of legal ability at this time that Westminster Hall
cannot furnish any men of unquestionable fitness for the office, and
the difficulty is increased by the choice being necessarily restricted
to men holding the opinions of the present Government, and being able
to command a seat in Parliament. They have offered the place to the
Recorder, James Wortley, but up to this moment I know not if it has
been accepted.[2]

Footnote 1: [Right Hon. Sir John Jervis, Chief Justice of the Common
Pleas, died on November 1, 1856, at the age of fifty-four.]

Footnote 2: [Right Hon. James Stuart Wortley, a younger son of Lord
Wharncliffe, who then filled the office of Recorder of London, which he
surrendered for that of Solicitor-General.]


_November 23rd._--After long delay and apparently much hesitation James
Wortley has accepted the Solicitor-Generalship. He consulted Gladstone
and Sidney Herbert, neither of them very eligible advisers on such a
question. Gladstone is said to have replied that he would run a great
risk as to his pecuniary interests, but if he could support the foreign
policy of the Government, there was no reason why he should not accept.
He retains his rank of Privy Councillor, of which I doubt the fitness,
as it places him at all events in a very anomalous position, for the
law officers are the official advisers of the Privy Council and are
often called upon to sit there as assessors. However, the Judges are
said to have pronounced an opinion that there is no reason why he
should not plead in any of the courts. It is said, and I believe truly,
that now Cockburn has taken the irretrievable step he is very sorry for
it, and is more struck by the necessary consequences of his promotion
than he was at first. He has all his life been a very debauched fellow,
but he is clever, good-natured, and of a liberal disposition and much
liked by his friends. A story is told of him that he was in the habit
of going down on Sundays to Richmond or elsewhere with a woman, and
generally with a different one, and the landlady of the inn he went to
remembered that Sir A. Cockburn always brought Lady Cockburn with him,
but that she never saw any woman who looked so different on different
days, and this gave rise to another story. When Lord Campbell went
to some such place with Lady Stratheden (who had been raised to the
peerage before her husband), the mistress of the house said that Sir A.
Cockburn always brought _Lady Cockburn_ with him, but that the Chief
Justice brought another lady and not _Lady Campbell_.

While we have meetings perpetually held and innumerable writings put
forth to promote education and raise the moral standard of the people,
we are horrified and alarmed day after day by accounts of the most
frightful murders, colossal frauds, and crimes of every description.
War has ceased, though the Temple of Janus seems only to be ajar; but
the world is still in commotion, in alarm, and visited by every sort of
calamity, moral and material, in the midst of which it is difficult to
discover any signs of the improvement of the human race, even of those
portions of it which are supposed to be the most civilised and the most
progressive.


[Sidenote: A DIPLOMATIC IMBROGLIO.]

_December 7th._--At Wrotham and at Ossington last week. The news of the
day is that we are to have another 'Conference' at Paris, to settle the
Bolgrad affair, our Government having given way to what Clarendon told
me he certainly would not consent; but we had managed to get matters
into such a fix, and it was so necessary to extricate all the several
parties from the embarrassed positions in which they were placed by
their own or by each other's faults, that no alternative remained.
This arrangement, which is not very consistent with Palmerston's
recent declarations at Manchester and in London, is proclaimed by the
Government papers, and generally understood to be a means of enabling
Russia to concede our demands with as little loss of dignity and credit
as possible, and to terminate the difference between us and France by
our making an apparent concession to France, while she makes a real
one to us. Everything has evidently been carefully arranged for the
playing out of this diplomatic farce, and Cowley, who is to be our
sole representative, is to be accommodating and not quarrelsome; but
_reste à savoir_ whether the manoeuvres of some of the others may not
provoke his temper and bring about angry collisions. Between this
matter and the _bévue_ we have made of our Neapolitan interference,
never was there such a deplorable exhibition as our foreign policy
displays; but nobody seems to care much about it, and though there
will in all probability be a good deal of sparring, and taunts and
sneers in Parliament, Palmerston's Government will incur no danger
of any adverse vote, for everybody is conscious that in the actual
state of parties and the dearth of parliamentary leaders, every man of
sufficient ability being disqualified for one reason or another, no
man but Palmerston can conduct a Government or command a majority in
Parliament; nor does there appear in the distance any man likely to
be able to fill his place in the event of his death or his breaking
down, events which must be contemplated as not very remote when he
is seventy-three years old, although his wonderful constitution and
superhuman vigour of mind and body make everybody forget his age and
regard the possibility of his demise with the sort of incredulity which
made the courtier of Louis XIV. exclaim on the death of that monarch,
_'Après la mort du Roi on peut tout croire.'_

Great astonishment has been excited by the appointment of a Mr.
Bickersteth as Bishop of Ripon, against whom nothing can be said, nor
anything for him, except that he is a very Low Churchman. All the
vacant sees have now been filled with clergymen of this colour, which
is not very fair or prudent, as it will exasperate the moderate High
Churchmen and set them strongly against a Government which appears
determined to shut the door of ecclesiastical preferment against all
but the Lowest Churchmen, and such a policy will most likely have the
effect of encouraging the advocates of those extreme measures of an
anti-Catholic or a puritanical character which always give so much
trouble and embarrassment when they are brought forward in Parliament.


_December 12th._--The Conference to which Clarendon told me he would
not agree is going to take place after all, but everybody is ridiculing
what is notoriously a got-up comedy with a foregone conclusion, devised
to solve the difficulty into which all the great actors had got
themselves, but it is not yet quite clear what the _modus operandi_ is
to be. From what I have picked up here and there I gather that Sardinia
is to be induced to give a casting vote against Russia, leaving France
still at liberty to fulfil her original engagement and vote with her,
while we obtain the object for which we have stood out, and by such a
_dodge_ to bring the dispute to an end. When Parliament meets there
will be plenty to be said about this affair and about Naples, and no
doubt the Opposition or the malcontents will be able to bombard the
Government and vent their spleen, but that will be all, for Palmerston
is perfectly invulnerable and may commit any blunders with impunity.

[Sidenote: LEADERSHIP OF THE OPPOSITION.]

A report has been lately current that Gladstone will become the leader
of the Opposition _vice_ Disraeli, a report I thought quite wild and
improbable, but I heard the other day something which looks as if it
was not so much out of the question as I had imagined. George Byng told
me he had met Sir William Jolliffe, who is the Derbyite whipper-in, at
Wrotham, and having asked him whether there was any foundation for the
above report, he replied that it certainly was not true at present,
that he could not say what might or might not happen hereafter, but
that he could not at once be accepted as _leader_, and must in any
case first serve in the ranks. I do not know what may be the value of
Jolliffe's opinions, or what he knows of the intentions of his chief,
but he may probably be more or less acquainted with the sentiments of
his party, and may be aware that their necessities have modified their
extreme repugnance to Gladstone, and that they may now be willing
to accept him as leader (eventually), though two years ago they so
peremptorily insisted on his entire exclusion from their political
society. Meanwhile there is no combination amongst them. Derby is at
Knowsley amusing himself, and Disraeli at Paris, doing nobody knows
what.

There is talk of Lord Granville's resigning the lead and his office
and going to Ireland instead of Carlisle, or to Paris instead of
Cowley, but he has never intimated the least intention of doing either.
Ireland he certainly will not go to; Paris is not so impossible.
There seems some doubt whether his health will admit of his going on
in the House of Lords, and if they knew how to get Cowley away from
Paris without doing him an injustice or an unkindness, I think they
would not be sorry, for his position there is unsatisfactory. It is
a serious inconvenience to be on such terms with Walewski that they
never converse at all except when business obliges them to meet, and
the consequence of their relations is that all affairs between the two
countries are carried on between Clarendon and Persigny in London,
and as little as possible at Paris, because the Emperor now fights
rather shy of Cowley, and is by no means on the same terms with him
as heretofore, though always very civil and cordial enough when they
meet; and His Majesty will not part with Walewski, who, although of
a moderate capacity, is clever enough to know how to deal with his
master, and make himself agreeable to him, and the Emperor knows
that if he were to change his Minister for Foreign Affairs, it would
be attributed to the influence of England and be on that account
unpopular. The English press has rendered Walewski the incalculable
service of making him popular in France, and rendering it impossible
for the Emperor to dismiss him, even if he had a mind to do so, which
he has not.


[Sidenote: DICTATORIAL POLICY TO BRAZIL.]

_December 17th._--There was an article in the 'Times' the day before
yesterday commenting in severe terms upon a transaction of our Foreign
Office, as set forth in a Blue Book, in relation to Brazil. It was
the old subject of the slave trade, and the old method of arrogant
overbearing meddling and dictation, a case as odious and unjust as any
one of those by which Palmerston's foreign administration has ever been
disgraced. I really no longer recognise my old friend Clarendon, in
whose good sense and moderation I used to place implicit confidence,
and believed that he would inaugurate a system at the Foreign Office
very different from that of Palmerston, and which would tend to relieve
us from the excessive odium and universal unpopularity which Palmerston
had drawn upon us. It appears that I was mistaken. I told Granville
yesterday morning what I thought of this case, and asked him if it was
correctly stated. He said he regarded it just as I did, and that it was
quite true, every word of it. I then expressed my astonishment that
Clarendon should have acted in this way, and he replied, 'The fault of
Clarendon is that he is always thinking of the effect to be produced
by Blue Books, and he looks after popularity, and is influenced by
those he acts with. Under Aberdeen he was very moderate, but he saw
that the moderation of Aberdeen made him unpopular, while Palmerston's
popularity in great measure arose from his very different manner
towards other Powers, so when Palmerston became Prime Minister instead
of Aberdeen, he fell readily into the Palmerstonian method.' I dare say
this is the truth, and besides the contagion of Palmerston himself, he
is surrounded by men at the Foreign Office who are prodigious admirers
of Palmerston and of his slashing ways, and who no doubt constantly
urge Clarendon to adopt a similar style. All this is to me matter of
great regret personally, and it is revolting as to good taste, and, as
I believe, to our national interests. It is, however, a consolation
to see that the most powerful and influential of our journals has the
courage, independence, and good sense to protest publicly against such
violent and unjustifiable proceedings.




CHAPTER XIII.

State of England after the War--Prussia and Neufchâtel--Sir Robert
Peel's Account of the Russian Coronation--An Historical Puzzle--The
Death of Princess Lieven--Mr. Spurgeon's Preaching--Mr. Gladstone
in Opposition--Tit for Tat--Difficult Relations with France--Lord
John in Opposition--The Liddell _v._ Westerton Case--Death of
Lord Ellesmere--Violent Opposition to the Government on the
China Question--Languid Defence of the Government--Impending
Dissolution--Popularity of Lord Palmerston--Despotism of
Ministers--Parliament dissolved--Judgement on Liddell _v._
Westerton--Lord Palmerston's Address--The Elections--Defeat of the
Manchester Leaders--Fear of Radical Tendencies--The Country approves
the Chinese Policy--Death of Lady Keith.


_January 9th, 1857._--The old year ended and the new year began
strangely. After three years of expensive war the balance-sheet
exhibited such a state of wealth and prosperity as may well make us
'the envy of surrounding nations;' but while we have recovered the
great blessing of peace, we have to look back upon a year stained
beyond all precedent with frightful crimes of every sort and kind:
horrible murders, enormous frauds, and scandalous robberies and
defalcations. The whole attention of the country is now drawn to the
social questions which press upon us with appalling urgency, and
the next session of Parliament, which is rapidly advancing, must be
principally engaged in the endeavour to find remedies for the evils
and dangers incident to our corrupted population, and our erroneous
and inadequate penal system, the evils and dangers of which threaten
to become greater and more difficult to remedy every day. From this
question it is impossible to dissever that of education, for at least
we ought to make the experiment whether the diffusion of education will
or will not be conducive to the diminution of crime, and we shall see
whether the sectarian prejudices, the strength and obstinacy of which
have hitherto erected impassable barriers to the progress of educating
the people, will retain all their obstinacy in the face of the existing
evil, or whether the bodily fear and the universal persuasion of the
magnitude and imminence of the danger will not operate upon bigotry
itself and render the masses more reasonable. Besides these important
questions the new year opens with a most unpleasant prospect abroad,
where everything seems to go wrong and our foreign relations, be the
cause what, or the fault whose it may, to be in a very unhappy state.

[Sidenote: PRUSSIA AND NEUFCHATEL.]

The quarrel between Prussia and Switzerland[1] is one in which we
appear to have no immediate interest, except that it is always our
interest to prevent any infraction of the general peace, but of course
we could not think of not interfering in some way or other in the
matter. The King of Prussia has behaved as ill and as foolishly as
possible, and our Government entirely disapprove of his conduct and
have given the Swiss to understand that all our sympathies are with
them, and that we think they have right on their side. If France
and England were now on really good terms, and would act together
with cordiality and authority, nothing would be so easy as to put a
prompt extinguisher on the Swiss affair; but as we cannot agree upon
a common course of action, there is danger of the dispute drifting
into a war, though it is evidently so much the interest and the desire
of the Emperor Napoleon to allow no shots to be fired, that I still
expect, even at this almost the eleventh hour, to be in a complete
fix. The Swiss will not release the prisoners unless the King will at
the same time abandon his claims on Neufchâtel, or unless England and
France will guarantee that he will do so. The King will do nothing and
agree to nothing unless the Swiss will previously and unconditionally
release the prisoners, and moreover he repudiates our intervention,
as he thinks us unfairly disposed to himself. The simplest course
would be for England and France to declare that a Prussian invasion of
Switzerland should be a _casus belli_, and I think we should have no
objection to this, but France won't go along with us. Then if the Swiss
should deliver over the prisoners to France, and she would accept the
_depôt_, all might be settled. As it is, we have backed up Switzerland
to resist, and if war ensues we shall leave her to her fate--a very
inglorious course to pursue; and although I have a horror of war, and
am alive to the policy of keeping well with France, I am inclined to
think that having encouraged the Swiss to a certain point it would
better become us to take our own independent line and to threaten
Prussia with war if she does not leave Switzerland alone, than to sit
tamely by and see her, unimpeded, execute her threats. The Government
are evidently much embarrassed by this question, which is still further
complicated by the matrimonial engagement between the two Royal
families.

Footnote 1: [The Prussian Crown retained, by the Treaty of Vienna,
rights of sovereignty over the Swiss Canton of Neufchâtel, and
appointed a Governor there. In other respects the Neufchâtelese enjoyed
all the rights and liberties of Swiss citizens. This anomalous state
of things naturally gave rise to friction. The King of Prussia derived
no sort of advantage from his nominal sovereignty; but as a matter of
dignity he declined to renounce it, and even threatened a military
occupation of the Canton, which the Swiss Confederation would have
resisted.]


_January 13th._--The Swiss affair seems settled, so far at least that
there will be no war. The prisoners will be released, but I dare
say the King of Prussia will _chicaner_ about the abdication of his
rights over Neufchâtel. All the world is occupied with Sir Robert
Peel's speech, or lecture as he terms it, at Birmingham, where he
gave an account, meant to be witty, of his _séjour_ in Russia and its
incidents. It was received with shouts of applause by a congenial
Brummagem audience, and by deep disapprobation in every decent society
and by all reasonable people.


_January 14th._--I met Clarendon last night, who told me the Swiss
question was still in doubt, for the King was shuffling and would
probably play them a trick, and though he knew the prisoners were going
to be liberated, he would not engage positively to give up his claim.
The Emperor Napoleon has behaved very ill and ungratefully to the
Swiss, who in consequence were more irritated against him than against
the King of Prussia himself. Nothing could equal the fawning flattery
and servility of the King to the Emperor, who was at the same time
tickled by it and disgusted.


[Sidenote: LORD ABERDEEN AND LORD JOHN RUSSELL.]

_January 20th._--At Woburn for two days. I found the Duke entirely
occupied with a question (on which he had of course a various
correspondence), whether when Aberdeen's Government was formed,
Aberdeen had _at the time_ imparted to John Russell his wish and
intention to retire as soon as possible, so that John might take his
place as Premier. To ascertain this fact, he had applied to Lord John
and Aberdeen, to Lansdowne and to Clarendon, all of whom he invited
to send him their recollections and impressions, which they did. The
matter now is not of much importance, but is worth noticing from
the evidence it affords of the difficulty of arriving at truth, and
therefore of the fallibility of all history. Though this circumstance
is so recent, and at the time was so important, not one of the parties,
neither Lord John nor Aberdeen nor the other two, can recollect what
did pass, but as they all concur in their impressions that no such
engagement was given when the Government was formed, it may safely be
concluded that this is the truth. I know I heard all that passed, and
certainly I never heard of any such intention, though I did hear some
time afterwards that such had been Aberdeen's expressed wish and Lord
John's expectation. I read Aberdeen's letters, in which he entered
into other matters connected with his Government, and I must say more
creditable, gentlemanlike, and amiable letters I never read.


_January 28th._--At Stoke from Saturday to Monday. On returning to
town, we heard that the Persian war was over, Palmerston's usual luck
bringing a settlement of the only question that could be embarrassing
on the eve of the meeting of Parliament. But the news only comes
telegraphically, so unless confirmed must be doubtful, and cannot be
named in the Speech.[1]

[Sidenote: DEATH OF PRINCESS LIEVEN.]

Two remarkable deaths have occurred, one of which touches me nearly,
that of Madame de Lieven; the other is that of the Duke of Rutland.
Madame de Lieven died, after a short illness, of a severe attack of
bronchitis, the Duke having lingered for many months. Very different
characters. Madame de Lieven came to this country at the end of 1812 or
beginning of 1813 on the war breaking out between Russia and France.
Pozzo di Borgo had preceded the Lievens to renew diplomatic relations
and make arrangements with us. She was at that time young, at least
in the prime of life, and though without any pretensions to beauty,
and indeed with some personal defects, she had so fine an air and
manner, and a countenance so pretty and so full of intelligence, as to
be on the whole a very striking and attractive person, quite enough
so to have lovers, several of whom she engaged in succession without
seriously attaching herself to any. Those who were most notoriously her
slaves at different times were the present Lord Willoughby, the Duke of
Sutherland (then Lord Gower), the Duke of Cannizzaro (then Count St.
Antonio), and the Duke of Palmella, who was particularly clever and
agreeable. Madame de Lieven was a _très grande dame_, with abilities
of a very fine order, great tact and _finesse_, and taking a boundless
pleasure in the society of the great world and in political affairs of
every sort. People here were not slow to acknowledge her merits and
social excellence, and she almost immediately took her place in the
cream of the cream of English society, forming close intimacies with
the most conspicuous women in it, and assiduously cultivating relations
with the most remarkable men of all parties. These personal _liaisons_
sometimes led her into political partisanship not always prudent and
rather inconsistent with her position, character, and functions here.
But I do not believe she was ever mixed up in any intrigues, nor even,
at a later period, that she was justly obnoxious to the charge of
caballing and mischief-making which has been so lavishly cast upon her.
She had an insatiable curiosity for political information, and a not
unnatural desire to make herself useful and agreeable to her own Court
by imparting to her Imperial masters and mistresses all the information
she acquired and the anecdotes she picked up. Accordingly while she
was in England, which was from 1812 to 1834, she devoted herself to
society, not without selection, but without exclusion, except that
she sought and habitually confined herself to the highest and best.
The Regent, afterwards George IV., delighted in her company, and she
was a frequent guest at the Pavilion, and on very intimate terms with
Lady Conyngham, for although Madame de Lieven was not very tolerant
of mediocrity, and social and colloquial superiority was necessary to
her existence, she always made great allowances for Royalty and those
immediately connected with it. She used to be a great deal at Oatlands,
and was one of the few intimate friends of the Duchess of York,
herself very intelligent, and who therefore had in the eyes of Madame
de Lieven the double charm of her position and her agreeableness. It
was her duty as well as her inclination to cultivate the members of
all the successive Cabinets which passed before her, and she became
the friend of Lord Castlereagh, of Canning, the Duke of Wellington,
Lord Grey, Lord Palmerston, John Russell, Aberdeen, and many others of
inferior note, and she was likewise one of the _habitués_ of Holland
House, which was always more or less neutral ground, even when Lord
Holland was himself a member of the government. When Talleyrand came
over here as Ambassador, there was for some time a sort of antagonism
between the two embassies, and particularly between the ladies of
each, but Madame de Dino (now Duchesse de Sagan) was so clever, and
old Talleyrand himself so remarkable and so agreeable, that Madame de
Lieven was irresistibly drawn towards them, and for the last year or
two of their being in England they became extremely intimate; but her
greatest friend in England was Lady Cowper, afterwards Lady Palmerston,
and through her she was also the friend of Palmerston, who was also
well affected towards Russia, till his jealous and suspicious mind was
inflamed by his absurd notion of her intention to attack us in India,
a crotchet which led us into the folly and disaster of the Afghan war.
In 1834 the Lievens were recalled, and she was established at St.
Petersburg in high favour about the Empress, but her _séjour_ there was
odious to her, and she was inconsolable at leaving England, where after
a residence of above twenty years she had become rooted in habits and
affections, although she never really and completely understood the
country. She remained at St. Petersburg for several months, until her
two youngest children were taken ill, and died almost at the same time.
This dreadful blow, and the danger of the severe climate to her own
health, gave her a valid excuse for desiring leave of absence, and she
left Russia never to return. She went to Italy, where M. de Lieven died
about the year 1836 or 1837, after which she established herself in
Paris, where her salon became the rendezvous of the best society, and
particularly the neutral ground on which eminent men and politicians
of all colours could meet, and where her tact and adroitness made them
congregate in a sort of social truce.

I do not know at what exact period it was that she made the
acquaintance of M. Guizot, but their intimacy no doubt was established
after he had begun to play a great political part, for his literary and
philosophical celebrity would not alone have had much charm for her.
They were, however, already great friends at the time of his embassy to
England, and she took that opportunity of coming here to pay a visit to
her old friends. The fall of Thiers' Government and Guizot's becoming
Minister for Foreign Affairs of course drew Madame de Lieven still
more closely to him, and during the whole of his administration their
alliance continued to be of the closest and most intimate character. It
was an immense object to her to possess the entire confidence of the
French Minister for Foreign Affairs, who kept her _au courant_ of all
that was going on in the political world, while it is not surprising
that he should be irresistibly attracted by a woman immensely superior
to any other of his acquaintance, who was fully able to comprehend and
willing to interest herself about all the grand and important subjects
which he had to handle and manage, and who associated herself with a
complete sympathy in all his political interests. Their _liaison_,
which some people consider mysterious, but which I believe to have been
entirely social and political, grew constantly more close, and every
moment that Guizot could snatch from the Foreign Office and the Chamber
he devoted to Madame de Lieven. He used to go there regularly three
times a day on his way to and his way from the Chamber, when it was
sitting, and in the evening; but while he was by far her first object,
she cultivated the society of all the most conspicuous and remarkable
people whom she could collect about her, and she was at one time very
intimate with Thiers, though his rivalry with Guizot and their intense
hatred of each other eventually produced a complete estrangement
between her and Thiers.

[Sidenote: CHARACTER OF PRINCESS LIEVEN.]

The revolution of 1848 dispersed her friends, broke up her salon,
and terrified her into making a rather ludicrous, but as it turned
out wholly unnecessary, escape. She came to England, where she
remained till affairs appeared to be settled in France and all danger
of disturbance at an end. She then returned to Paris, where she
remained, not without fear and trembling, during the period of peril
and vicissitude which at length ended, much to her satisfaction,
with the _coup d'état_ and the Empire. Guizot had returned to Paris,
but constantly refused to take any part in political affairs, either
under the Republic or with the new government of Louis Napoleon. This,
however, did not prevent Madame de Lieven (though their friendship
continued the same) from showing her sympathy and goodwill to the
Imperial _régime_, and her salon, which had been decimated by previous
events, was soon replenished by some of the ministers or adherents
of the Empire, who, though they did not amalgamate very well with
her old _habitués_, supplied her with interesting information, and
subsequently, when the war broke out, rendered her very essential
service. When the rupture took place all the Russian subjects were
ordered to quit Paris. She was advised by some of her friends to
disobey the order, for as she was equally precluded from going to
England, the circumstances in which this order placed her were
indescribably painful and even dangerous, but she said that however
great the sacrifice, and though she was entirely independent, she was
under so many obligations and felt so much attachment to the Imperial
family that, cost her what it might, she would obey the order, and
accordingly she repaired to Brussels, where for a year and a half or
two years she took up her melancholy and uncomfortable abode. At last
this banishment from her home and her friends, with all the privations
it entailed, became insupportable, and she endeavoured, through the
intervention of some of her Imperialist friends, to obtain leave of the
French Government to return to Paris, either with or without (for it
is not clear which) the consent of her own Court. The Emperor Napoleon
seems to have been easily moved to compassion, and signified his
consent to her return. No sooner did this become known to Cowley and
the English Government than they resolved to interpose for the purpose
of preventing her return to Paris, and Cowley went to Walewski and
insisted that the Emperor's permission should be revoked. The _entente
cordiale_ was then in full force, nothing could be refused to the
English Ambassador, and Madame de Lieven was informed that she must not
come back to Paris. She bore this sad disappointment with resignation,
made no complaints, and resolved to bide her time. Some months later
she caused a representation to be made to the French Government that
the state of her health made it impossible for her to pass another
winter at Brussels, and that she was going to Nice, but as it was of
vital importance to her to consult her medical adviser at Paris, she
craved permission to proceed to Nice _viâ_ Paris, where she would only
stay long enough for that purpose. The permission was granted. She
wrote me word that she was going to Paris to remain there a few days. I
replied that I was much mistaken in her if once there she ever quitted
it again. She arrived and was told by her doctor that it would be
dangerous in her state to continue her journey. She never did proceed
further, and never did quit Paris again. The Government winked at her
stay, and never molested or interfered with her. She resumed her social
habits, but with great caution and reserve, and did all she could to
avoid giving umbrage or exciting suspicion. It was a proof of the
greatness of her mind, as well as of her prudence and good temper, that
she not only testified no resentment at the conduct of Cowley towards
her, but did all she could to renew amicable relations with him, and
few things annoyed her more than his perseverance in keeping aloof
from her. From the time of her last departure from England up to the
death of Frederic Lamb (Lord Beauvale and Melbourne) she maintained a
constant correspondence with him. After his death she proposed to me to
succeed him as her correspondent, and for the last two or three years
our epistolary commerce was intimate and unbroken. She knew a vast deal
of the world and its history during the half century she had lived
and played a part in it, but she was not a woman of much reading, and
probably at no time had been very highly or extremely educated, but her
excessive cleverness and her _finesse d'esprit_ supplied the want of
education, and there was one book with which her mind was perpetually
nourished by reading it over and over again. This was the 'Letters
of Madame de Sévigné,' and to the constant study of those unrivalled
letters she was no doubt considerably indebted for her own epistolary
eminence, and for her admirable style of writing, not, however, that
her style and Madame de Sévigné's were at all alike. She had not (in
her letters at least) the variety, the abundance, or the _abandon_ of
the great Frenchwoman, but she was more terse and epigrammatic, and she
had the same graphic power and faculty of conveying much matter in few
words.

[Sidenote: PRINCESS LIEVEN.]

Nothing could exceed the charm of her conversation or her grace, ease,
and tact in society. She had a nice and accurate judgement, and an
exquisite taste in the choice of her associates and friends; but though
taking an ardent pleasure in agreeableness, and peculiarly susceptible
of being bored, she was not fastidious, full of politeness and good
breeding, and possessed the faculty of turning every one to account,
and eliciting something either of entertainment or information from
the least important of her acquaintance. It has been the fashion here,
and the habit of the vulgar and ignorant press, to stigmatise Madame
de Lieven as a mischievous intriguer, who was constantly occupied in
schemes and designs hostile to the interests of our country. I firmly
believe such charges to be utterly unfounded. She had resided for
above twenty years, the happiest of her life, in England, and had
imbibed a deep attachment to the country, where she had formed many
more intimacies and friendships than she possessed anywhere else, and
to the last day of her life she continued to cherish the remembrance
of her past connexion, to cultivate the society of English people,
and to evince without disguise her predilection for their country.
She had never lived much in Russia, her connexion with it had been
completely dissolved, and all she retained of it was a respectful
attachment to the Imperial family, together with certain sympathies
and feelings of loyalty for her native country and her Sovereign
which it would have been unnatural and discreditable to disavow. Her
well-known correspondence with the Imperial Court was only caused by
the natural anxiety of those great persons to be kept _au courant_ of
social and political affairs by such an accomplished correspondent,
but I do not believe she was ever employed by them in any business or
any political design; on the contrary, she was rather distrusted and
out of favour with them, on account of her being so denaturalised and
for her ardent affection for England and the English. Russia was the
country of her birth, France the country of her adopted abode, but
England was the country of her predilection. With this cosmopolite
character she dreaded everything which might produce hostile collision
between any two of these countries. She was greatly annoyed when the
question of the Spanish marriages embittered the relations between
France and England, but infinitely more so at the Turkish quarrel, and
the war which it produced. Those who fulminated against her intrigues
were, as I believe, provoked at the efforts she made, so far as she
had any power or influence, to bring about the restoration of peace,
an unpardonable offence in the eyes of all who were bent on the
continuation of the war. She lived to see peace restored, and closed
her eyes almost at the moment that the last seal was put to it by the
Conference of Paris. Her last illness was sudden and short. Her health
had always been delicate, and she was very nervous about herself; an
attack of bronchitis brought on fever, which rapidly consumed her
strength, and brought her, fully conscious, within sight of death;
that consummation, which at a distance she had always dreaded, she saw
arrive with perfect calmness and resignation, and all the virtues and
qualities for which the smallest credit was given her seem to have
shone forth with unexpected lustre on her deathbed. Her faculties were
bright and unclouded to the last, her courage and presence of mind were
unshaken, she evinced a tender consideration for the feelings of those
who were lamenting around her bed, and she complied with the religious
obligations prescribed by the Church of which she was a member with
a devotion the sincerity of which we have no right to question. She
made her son Paul and Guizot leave her room a few hours before she
died, that they might be spared the agony of witnessing her actual
dissolution, and only three or four hours before the supreme moment,
she mustered strength to write a note in pencil to Guizot with these
words: _'Merci pour vingt années d'amitié et de bonheur. Ne m'oubliez
pas, adieu, adieu!'_ It was given to him after her death.

Footnote 1: [Differences had arisen in the spring of 1856 between
Great Britain and the Court of Persia, in consequence of which the
British Minister was withdrawn from Teheran. In October 1856 Herat was
attacked and taken by the Persians, which led to war. A detachment of
British troops under General Outram landed at Bushire on January 27,
1857, and the Persians were defeated at Kooshab on February 8. Peace
was signed in Paris between Her Majesty and the Shah on March 4, the
Persians engaging to abstain from all interference in the internal
affairs of Afghanistan, and to respect the independence of Herat. If
these dates are correct, as given in Irving's _Annals of our Time_, the
intelligence of the peace cannot have reached London so soon as Mr.
Greville supposed, and rumour anticipated the event.]


[Sidenote: A SERMON BY MR. SPURGEON.]

_February 8th._--I am just come from hearing the celebrated Mr.
Spurgeon preach in the Music Hall of the Surrey Gardens. It was quite
full; he told us from the pulpit that 9,000 people were present. The
service was like the Presbyterian: Psalms, prayers, expounding a Psalm,
and a sermon. He is certainly very remarkable, and undeniably a very
fine character; not remarkable in person, in face rather resembling
a smaller Macaulay, a very clear and powerful voice, which was heard
through the whole hall; a manner natural, impassioned, and without
affectation or extravagance; wonderful fluency and command of language,
abounding in illustration, and very often of a very familiar kind,
but without anything either ridiculous or irreverent. He gave me an
impression of his earnestness and his sincerity; speaking without book
or notes, yet his discourse was evidently very carefully prepared.
The text was 'Cleanse me from my secret sins,' and he divided it into
heads, the misery, the folly, the danger (and a fourth which I have
forgotten) of secret sins, on all of which he was very eloquent and
impressive. He preached for about three-quarters of an hour, and, to
judge of the handkerchiefs and the audible sobs, with great effect.

We have had a week of Parliament, and though nothing important has
occurred, the discussions do not seem to have raised the reputation
of the Government or to promise them an easy session, though nobody
seems to expect that their stability is likely to be shaken. Disraeli
and Gladstone seem verging towards each other in opposition, but there
is no appearance of a coalition between them; the only striking fact
is that the Opposition, of whose disunion we have heard so much, and
of the internal repulsion supposed to prevail among them, seems to
be as united as ever it has been, and the usual people appeared at
Derby's and Disraeli's gatherings. I take it that any appearance of
vulnerability of the Government silences all manifestations of their
mutual antipathies, and puts them on the _qui vive_ to turn out their
opponents.

Gladstone seems bent on leading Sir George Lewis a weary life, but
Lewis is just the man to encounter and baffle such an opponent,
for he is cold-blooded as a fish, totally devoid of sensibility or
nervousness, of an imperturbable temper, calm and resolute, laborious
and indefatigable, and exceedingly popular in the House of Commons from
his general good humour and civility, and the credit given him for
honour, sincerity, plain dealing, and good intentions.


_February 11th._--The Duke of Bedford told me yesterday that Clarendon
had complained to him bitterly of John Russell's speech the first night
of the session, of the hostility it manifested, and particularly of
what he said about Naples. On looking at the report of the speech, the
Neapolitan part was certainly strong, but it was not stronger than was
warranted by the circumstances of the case, and there seems no reason
why Lord John should abstain from speaking out his opinions fairly on
any important point of foreign policy. His speech, on the whole, was
not regarded as hostile or acrimonious. Disraeli has got into a scrape
by blurting out an accusation which he has entirely failed in making
good, and he has afforded Palmerston an occasion for a triumph over him
not a little damaging. I am told the effect in the House was very bad
for Disraeli. Palmerston is said to be beginning to show some symptoms
of physical weakness, which if it be so, is very serious at the
beginning of a long and arduous session. He is rising seventy-three,
and at that age, and loaded with the weight of public affairs, it is
not wonderful if the beginning of the end should be discernible.


[Sidenote: TREATY BETWEEN FRANCE AND AUSTRIA.]

_February 14th._--The defeat which Disraeli sustained the other night
was turned the night before last into something like a triumph, and
Palmerston found himself in a disagreeable position. Disraeli had
asserted that a Treaty had been concluded between France and Austria
for certain ends and at a certain time. Palmerston flatly contradicted
him, and with great insolence of manner, especially insisting that it
was nothing but a Convention, and that conditional, which _never had
been signed_. Two nights after Palmerston came down to the House, and
in a very jaunty way said he must correct his former statement, and
inform the House he had just discovered that the Convention _had been
signed_. Great triumph naturally on the part of Disraeli, who poured
forth a rather violent invective. Then Palmerston lost his temper and
retorted that Disraeli was trying to cover an ignominious retreat by
vapouring. This language, under the circumstances of the case, was very
imprudent and very improper, and (unlike what he had ever experienced
before) he sat down without a single cheer, his own people even not
venturing to challenge the approbation of the House in a matter in
which, though Disraeli was not right, Palmerston was so clearly wrong.
What business had he to make such a mistake? for he ought to have
been perfectly and accurately informed of every detail connected with
foreign affairs. He certainly is not _qualis erat_, and I am disposed
to believe that he is about to begin breaking, and that he will not be
able to go through a long and arduous session with the same vigour and
success which he has hitherto manifested. Every sign and symptom of
weakness and failing strength which he may show will raise the hopes
and stimulate the exertions of the Opposition, and we may expect to see
not a coalition, but such a concurrence between Gladstone, Disraeli,
and Lord Stanley as will prevent the possibility of an alternative
Government. Gladstone and Disraeli are already on friendly terms, and
Gladstone and Stanley seem to be still more intimate. The present
Government only exists by Palmerston's personal popularity, and it
would not require much to pull that down.


_February 17th._--I called on Lyndhurst on Sunday. He was in high
force, with the Blue Book before him, getting up the China case, on
which he means to have a day in the House of Lords. He told me that
Gladstone says the Budget is the worst that was ever produced, and he
stakes his credit on proving that it is full of errors from beginning
to end, that, instead of a present surplus of nearly a million, there
is a present deficit of four millions, and that there will be one of
nine millions in 1860. I don't believe he will make his words good.

[Sidenote: DIFFICULT RELATIONS WITH FRANCE.]

I saw Clarendon yesterday morning, and found him low, worn, and out
of sorts; said he wished to Heaven he could be delivered from office;
everything went wrong, the labour, anxiety, and responsibility were
overwhelming, and the difficult state of our relations with France more
than could be endured. He could not depend on the French Government,
and never knew from one day to another what the consequences of their
conduct might be. He believed the Emperor sincerely desired to keep
well with us, but his Government were constantly doing things which
rendered our acting together and cordially almost impossible; that his
excessive levity and carelessness perpetually made him the dupe of
other people, and led him into saying things and committing himself,
and then he did not know how to get out of the engagements to which he
stood committed. Clarendon added that it was impossible such a state
of things should not produce first coolness and then quarrels, and
then God knows what consequences, and he was obliged to pick his way
through the embarrassments that spring up around him with the utmost
care and circumspection. Palmerston, who never saw difficulties, took
it with his usual easy way, and said we were not tied to France like
Siamese Twins, and why should we care so much what she did, and why
might she not take her way, and we ours; but Clarendon feels that it
is impossible for him, on whom the responsibility is more immediately
thrown, to take a matter fraught with such consequences in so easy
a style; that if any serious dispute arose, France and Russia would
probably become allied against us, and that America would join them.
Russia pays the most unceasing and the most abject court to Louis
Napoleon, and not without success. He (Clarendon) said nothing could
be worse than the conduct of the French Government about the affair
of the Principalities, which was of vital importance to Austria, who
threatened (though she would not keep her resolution) to make it a
_casus belli_ if it is insisted on. He said Austria had behaved very
well about the amnesty in Italy, and was going to do the same thing in
Hungary. We were interrupted as usual in our conversation, and I had
not time to ask him about many things I wanted to hear of. I told him I
thought the China case was a very bad one.

John Russell seems to me to be drifting into hostility to the
Government more and more. He made a strong, but very just, speech on
Naples the first night, which irritated Clarendon very much. A few
nights ago he said something in the House about China, and backed up
the Government against Roebuck, at which Clarendon expressed great
satisfaction, and evinced a disposition to seize that pretext to put
himself on good terms with Lord John, but Lord John showed no readiness
to meet the overture, and when the Duke of Bedford wrote to him what
Clarendon had said, he replied that Clarendon owed him nothing, for
he had said what he thought right and not what he thought would be
agreeable to him, and that it was very probable he should say something
he would not at all like before long.

Yesterday morning the Judicial Committee finished the case of Liddell
and Westerton, after eight days of elaborate argument, and a powerful
case was made in appeal against Lushington's judgement, which I expect
to see reversed, and I hope it will, for I detest the proceedings of
the people who back up Mr. Westerton, who would drag down the Church to
a puritanical level, and strip it of its splendour.


[Sidenote: DEATH OF LORD ELLESMERE.]

_February 19th._--Yesterday morning, at half-past twelve o'clock, my
brother-in-law Lord Ellesmere, expired at Bridgewater House, after
an illness of three months. He was surrounded by all his family, and
died most peacefully, and without any suffering, and in possession of
his mental powers till within a few hours of his death. Few men have
quitted this world more beloved, respected, and lamented than this
excellent person. He had just completed the fifty-seventh year of his
age, so might naturally have been expected to live many years, and
till he was taken ill, little more than three months ago, he appeared
to be in his usual state of health and likely to have a long and
enjoyable existence before him. It is no exaggeration to say that he
was most estimable in every relation of life, and as such he enjoyed
universal respect and regard. He never at any time played a conspicuous
part in politics, for which he had neither ambition nor the necessary
qualifications, but in such part as he was occasionally called upon
to take, he acted with propriety and general approbation. But he had
no taste for the turmoil of political life, and his temper was too
serene and his love of repose too great to allow him to plunge deeply
in political warfare. His abilities were not of a very high order, but
he had a good understanding, a cultivated mind, and an inquisitive
disposition, and though not profound in any branch of literature or
science, he loved to wander over the vast fields of knowledge, so that
he was stored with much superficial information on a great variety of
subjects. His taste was good both in literature and art; he was an
elegant poet, and a fair writer of his own tongue; he was naturally
kind-hearted and charitable, more particularly to meritorious artists
who stood in need of assistance, by whom his loss will be severely
felt. All his tastes and pursuits were of the most refined character,
and he delighted in the society of all who were remarkable for ability
in any walk of life, and from whom he could derive information of any
description. In political opinions he was the very type and model of
a Liberal Conservative, and the statesman to whom he gave all his
allegiance, together with a boundless admiration, was the Duke of
Wellington. But he was always much more of a patriot than a political
partisan, and he was oftener to be found giving an independent support
to different Governments than fighting in the ranks of Opposition.

He will, I have no doubt, be regarded as a loss to the country, even
a greater loss than if he had been more actively and conspicuously
engaged in politics, for he stood nearly alone in the station he
occupied, with vast wealth, unblemished character, esteemed by people
of all parties, without an enemy in the world, and having no personal
objects to pursue; and though never thrusting himself forward, alike
fitted for either active or contemplative life, he was at all times
ready to exert his best energies in the public service or to promote
the benefit and happiness of his fellow creatures. He was sincerely
religious, without intolerance and austerity, or the slightest particle
of ostentatious or spiritual pride. It was not, however, in the annals
of political history or in the modest and unambitious incidents of his
public career that his best panegyric is to be found, but in the more
placid walk of private life, in the strict and conscientious discharge
of his domestic and social duties, which was at the same time congenial
to his sense of moral obligation, and to the benevolent impulses of his
heart.

[Sidenote: CHARACTER OF LORD ELLESMERE.]

Lord Francis Leveson Gower, upon the death of his father the late
Duke of Sutherland, succeeded to the immense fortune entailed upon
him by his great-uncle, the Duke of Bridgewater, in the shape of the
Bridgewater Canal, and found himself the possessor of vast wealth,
and surrounded by a population sunk in ignorance and vice. From the
first moment of his succession he considered himself in the light
of a trustee for working out the moral and spiritual improvement of
the people who were in a great measure committed to his charge. He
accepted the obligation in a spirit of cheerfulness and resolution,
and the due discharge of it continued to be the principal object of
his interest and care for the remainder of his life. He employed his
wealth liberally in promoting the material comfort and raising the
moral condition of those by whose labour that wealth was produced.
Churches, schools, and reading-rooms rose around Worsley Hall. His
benevolent efforts were crowned with success, and he reaped his reward
in the blessings of the surrounding multitudes and in the contemplation
of their enjoyment of all the good which his active bounty had bestowed
upon them. Such qualities as were here displayed, and a life thus
devoted to works of duty and beneficence, made Lord Ellesmere an object
of general veneration and attachment; but those alone who belonged
to his family, or who had familiar access to the sanctuary of his
domestic life, could appreciate fully the excellence and the charm of
his character, and comprehend the immensity of the loss which those
who were nearest and dearest to him have sustained by his death. He
regarded with indifference the ordinary objects of worldly ambition;
he lived in and for his family, and he was their joy, their delight,
and their pride, fulfilling in the most exemplary manner all the duties
of his station, political, social, literary, and artistic; unsurpassed
as a husband, father, brother, or friend. He cultivated unremittingly
the society of the best and wisest of his fellow-creatures, and it
may be as truly said of him as it was of certain sages of antiquity,
that 'his excellent understanding was adorned by study, ... and his
days were spent in the pursuit of truth and the practice of virtue.'
The length of these precious days was not permitted by the Divine Will
to be extended to the ordinary duration of human life. In the three
last months, while death was gradually but surely, and with his full
consciousness, advancing, his courage was never shaken and the serenity
of his temper was never disturbed; he always seemed to have more
consideration for others than himself, and he met his approaching end
with the firmness of a philosopher and the resignation of a Christian.
To witness such an end free from bodily pain, with the mental faculties
remaining unclouded till the last, full of peace and charity and
love, was the best consolation that was possible to the family which
surrounded his deathbed; to them he has left a memory which will be
long reverenced by all who honour virtue and patriotism, and which they
will cherish with never-ending sentiments of duty and affection. He has
left them an example how to live and how to die, and the world in which
he had no enemy will ungrudgingly acknowledge


  That to the realms of bliss was ne'er conveyed
  A purer spirit or more welcome shade.


_February 27th._--The political war is raging furiously, and personal
animosities are becoming bitterer than ever. Confusion, disorder, and
doubt rage in both the great camps. Derby made a grand onslaught in
the beginning of last week on the China question, and there was (an
unusual thing in the Lords) an adjourned debate. Granville was very
apprehensive of being beaten, but Bessborough, his able whipper-in,
made such exertions that they ended by getting a very good majority.
All the speaking was on the side of the Opposition, but it is quite
curious how afraid people are of seriously shaking the Government. The
day the debate in the Lords ended, that in the Commons began on the
same question, _duce_ Cobden.[1] The great event of the first night
was John Russell's speech and powerful attack on the Government. It
was one of his very best efforts and extremely successful with the
House, but it was exceedingly bitter and displayed without stint or
reason his hostile _animus_. It did all the mischief he wished to
do, and everybody admits that if a division had then taken place
Government would have been beaten by a great majority; but they have
since adjourned twice, and the debate stands over till Monday, and the
aspect of affairs appears to be very much altered. Whether it be that
the effect of Lord John's speech has evaporated, that a rally has taken
place among the Liberals, or that the aversion of the stiff Tories
to the union between Gladstone and their leaders, the approaching
consummation of which seems not to be denied, the general opinion
has veered round, and now it is expected that Government will have
a majority. Here again, as in the Lords, the speaking was all with
the Opposition. Palmerston's speech is looked for with interest and
curiosity. The remarkable incidents connected with these transactions
have been the parliamentary conduct of Gladstone and John Russell and
their respective positions. Gladstone seems to have been so inflamed
by spite and ill humour that all prudence and discretion forsook him;
he appears ready to say and do anything and to act with everybody if
he can only contribute to upset the Government, though it is not easy
to discover the cause of his bitterness, or what scheme of future
conduct he has devised for himself. Lord John came over in a state of
ill-humour which at first he appears to have kept under to a certain
degree, and to have wished to have the appearance of acting with
perfect independence, but still fairly and impartially speaking out
what he thought the truth without caring whom he offended or whom he
pleased by so doing. Thus he shocked Clarendon by what he said on the
affair of Naples, and then pleased him very much by his next speech on
foreign affairs. Then on the Budget he came to the aid of Lewis with
great effect and bowled over Gladstone and Disraeli, yet even then
evincing a certain spirit of hostility about the tea duties; but on the
China question he gave way to all the bitter feeling that is in him,
and cast all moderation to the winds. It is impossible to conjecture
what he promises to himself, and what purpose he has in view by this
conduct, for it is quite extraordinary to what absolute nothingness
his political power has fallen. Here is a man who has been leader with
occasional intervals of Whig Governments and of the Whig party since
1834, and with great and admitted abilities, and yet he is so entirely
without following in the House of Commons that three insignificant
votes are the most he can command. His speech the other night was very
well received because it was a very good one, and because he spoke the
opinions of the greater number of his hearers.

[Sidenote: DISPUTE WITH CHINA.]

There is, in fact, a strong feeling, both in Parliament and the
country, against all that has been done at Canton, and this is the more
remarkable because the press has, upon the whole, taken the opposite
side. I never could understand why Palmerston and Clarendon were in
such a hurry to identify themselves with Bowring's proceedings, and
to send out without delay a full approbation of all he had done, till
Granville told me that both of them had been under the extraordinary
delusion that the Canton affair had been very well done and would be
received with great applause and satisfaction here; in point of fact,
that it was a great _hit_, from which the Government would derive
considerable advantage, he (Granville) himself showing his good sense
by taking exactly the opposite view. He tells me that George Lewis
does so likewise, and I dare say, if the truth were known, that the
majority of the Cabinet coincide with them. It is remarkable that the
defence of the Government in the Lords should have fallen on a man
who was speaking all the time against his own opinion, and I should
think Labouchere, who took up the defence in the House of Commons, was
the most unlikely man in the world to approve of such proceedings.
Political necessities which compel men to act thus insincerely, and
to strive to make the worse appear the better cause, with the full
consciousness that they are fighting against truth, appear to me
frightfully demoralising, a sad sealing of the political conscience,
the spectacle of which is enough to scare honourable minds from
entering into an arena where the contest is to be carried on in such a
manner.

If the Government should be beaten on the pending question, they
will dissolve, at least if the state of their financial affairs will
allow them; but at all events they will not resign without an appeal
to the country, and this appeal they will make not on this or that
question, but on the great one of all, whether the country desires
that Palmerston should continue to be its minister, and on this it
is impossible to doubt what will be the reply. His popularity is a
fact beyond all doubt or cavil, and it is the more decisive, because
not only is there no rival popularity, but every one of the other
public men who have been, are, or might be his rivals are absolutely
unpopular. Nobody cares any longer for John Russell; everybody detests
Gladstone; Disraeli has no influence in the country, and a very
doubtful position with his own party. He and Derby have made up their
minds to coalesce with Gladstone on the first good opportunity, but
it seems not unlikely that they will make such a split among their
own followers by so doing as to lose more than they will gain by the
junction. Palmerston's popularity does not extend to his colleagues,
for not one of whom does anybody care a straw. It is purely personal,
and I do not think he would strengthen himself by any other alliance he
could form. This fact of his popularity just at the end of his strange
and chequered career is most remarkable and not a little unaccountable;
but innumerable circumstances prove this to be the undoubted truth,
and that it is manifested more decidedly out of the House than in it,
for in the House of Commons it does not amount to a certainty of his
having always a majority. It is curious that a session which not long
ago looked like being a very quiet one, in which there would be ample
leisure for consideration of legal and other practical reforms, should
in the first weeks be a scene of tremendous conflict, in which the very
existence of the Government is trembling in the balance.

Footnote 1: [A motion was made by Mr. Cobden condemning the violent
measures resorted to by the British authorities in the Canton river in
consequence of the seizure of the lorcha 'Arrow' by the Chinese when
she had hoisted the British flag. The debate was carried on with great
acrimony, and ended by the adoption of Mr. Cobden's motion by 263 to
247, a majority of 16 against the Government.]


_March 2nd._--Derby has announced to his assembled party that he is
ready to join with Gladstone, though he has not done so yet, and
that as they are a minority in the House of Commons, they ought to
form any junction that would make them strong enough to oust the
present Government and form a Conservative one. He finds it, however,
a difficult matter to reconcile them all to any alliance with the
detested Gladstone. Great exertions have been made to secure a majority
to the Government, and John Russell's friends (the Duke of Bedford
especially) are bestirring themselves to take away some of the odium
that attaches to Lord John by securing his two or three followers for
the division.


_March 3rd._--Nothing can equal the excitement and curiosity here about
the division. All sorts of efforts have been made all ways to influence
votes. George Byng and others who meant to vote with John Russell have
been obliged to promise to vote with the Government. Palmerston has
had a meeting and harangued them cheerily, but in spite of everything
Hayter does not think he will have a majority, but everybody expects it
to be so near that there are as many opinions as men. Much is expected
to depend on Palmerston's speech, and unluckily for him he is ill with
both gout and cold. If they are beaten they will dissolve as speedily
as possible.


[Sidenote: DEFEAT OF THE GOVERNMENT.]

_March 4th._--A majority of 16 against Government, more than any of
them expected. A magnificent speech of Gladstone; Palmerston's speech
is said to have been very dull in the first part, and very bow-wow in
the second; not very judicious, on the whole bad, and it certainly
failed to decide any doubtful votes in his favour. I rejoice that the
House of Commons has condemned this iniquitous case for the honour of
the country. I do not believe it will make any difference as to the
Government. When Palmerston appeals to the country it will not be on
the merits of the Canton case, but on his own political existence,
whether they will have him for minister or no. It is not, however, yet
by any means clear what the real opinion of the country is upon the
question itself, and whether they will be for the right or for the
expedient, or that which the Government thinks to be the expedient.


[Sidenote: DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT.]

_Hatchford, March 10th._--The intention of Government to dissolve
Parliament was announced on Friday last, and as far as one can judge at
present, Palmerston seems likely to have it all his own way. The press
generally espouses his cause, and the 'Times' particularly takes up
the cudgels for him vehemently, and cries out 'Coalition,' and abuses
the majority and all who voted in it. At present, public opinion seems
to be running in his favour, and there is every appearance of his
having a triumphant election. But the cry of 'coalition and faction'
is perfectly absurd, and nothing more than the mere jargon which
all parties employ as their battle cry. There has been no coalition
whatever, and that those who clamour against it very well know. The
only coalition of which there has been any question has been one
between Gladstone (with or without the other Peelites) and Disraeli and
Derby, but that has hitherto been _in posse_ rather than _in esse_, and
it would have been much more plausible to raise the cry on the Budget
than on the Canton question. Nobody can read the list of the division
without seeing that the majority comprised the names of people who have
never dreamt of any coalition with anybody, and who voted entirely
with reference to the merits of the particular case, and though some
(including Disraeli and Gladstone) wished to damage the Government,
many others were either friendly to them generally, or at least
neutral. To say that the majority was made up of a factious coalition
of men who sought to turn the Government out and to take their places,
is a wilful and deliberate lie, but it suits the Government to raise
the cry, and they find plenty of people to re-echo and to believe it.
As to the question itself, I am sure that some of the Cabinet, and
probably more than I know of, were in their hearts and consciences
as much against the question as any of their opponents. Palmerston's
popularity, and the manner in which he is encouraged and supported by
the country, and the sympathy he finds are really most extraordinary.
It provokes me, because I think his great success unmerited, but I
have no wish to see him defeated at the election, because I see no
prospect of any better Government being formed. The pretension of the
Government and of their noisy supporters to find fault with the House
of Commons for expressing its independent opinion upon the conduct of
the officials in China is most preposterous and arrogant. Everybody
admits that the Government was not morally responsible for what was
done, but because they chose, without any necessity, to approve
those acts and to accept the political responsibility of them, it is
pretended that the House of Commons ought not to have taken the liberty
to express any adverse opinion on the matter, and that it was factious
to do so. The scrape, if it was one, the Government got themselves
into by their precipitate approval of Bowring, and there was nothing
in the resolution and the vote which ought to have been considered as
implying any general want of confidence on the part of the House of
Commons, more particularly when the Government had just before carried
their Budget by large majorities, and had not met with any difficulty
or rebuff on any point. If, indeed, matters are come to such a pass,
and such divinity hedges in the Palmerston Government that the House
of Commons is to be precluded from censuring any transaction, wherever
and by whomsoever done, which the Government thinks fit to sanction and
approve of, and if the fact of many men of very different opinions and
opposite parties concurring in such a vote is to expose the majority
by which the vote is carried to a charge of faction, coalition, and
all sorts of base motives, then indeed, instead of asking the Duke of
Wellington's celebrated question, 'How is the King's Government to be
carried on?' it will be time to ask whether the Queen's Government is
to be considered despotic and infallible, and the functions of the
House of Commons reduced to the very humble ones of registering their
acts and re-echoing their approbation.

It seems to be entirely forgotten that in times when the Royal and
ministerial authority were much stronger than they are supposed to be
now, and before the Reform Bill had effected a sort of revolution in
favour of the democratic principle, all governments, however powerful
or popular, sustained occasional defeats and were obliged to submit
to them, it being of course perfectly understood that defeats which
conveyed want of confidence and the withdrawal of the general support
of the House of Commons were to be deemed fatal and conclusive.
Every case of this kind must be determined according to the especial
circumstances of it, but it is a mere pretence to treat the Canton
question as one of this description, and the truth is that it is
a dodge on their part, and a pretext for going to the country and
obtaining a majority, as they think they have an opportunity of doing,
on false pretences and by means of a vast deal of humbug. The worst is,
that after the immediate purpose has been answered, there is certain
to be some dangerous reaction, and as the cry of 'Palmerston' will be
the only one got up for the occasion, and everybody will be acceptable
who will declare for him, whatever crotchets or cries he may join to
his partisanship, we shall probably have a House of Commons full of
all sorts of mischievous people stirring every variety of mischievous
question.


_March 14th._--I returned yesterday from Hatchford and find the current
still running strong, but some think a reaction in favour of John
Russell has already begun. He stands for the City and is in very good
spirits, though his chances of success do not look bright; but he is
a gallant little fellow, likes to face danger, and comes out well in
times of difficulty.


_March 24th._--The dissolution took place on Saturday, and all the
world is busy about the elections; many places are without candidates,
or with very bad ones, and unable to find good ones. The dinner at the
Mansion House the other day to the Ministers was a sort of triumph to
Palmerston, who was rapturously received and cheered. He made a very
bad speech, but which did very well for such an audience. It was full
of claptraps and reiterations of the exploded charges of coalitions,
&c., which he is not ashamed to harp upon, and in his address to
Tiverton he talks of the 'combination only formed last session' to turn
him out. I find myself, _malgré moi_, thrown back into my old state of
antagonism towards Palmerston, and what is very paradoxical, I am so
without any hostility to his Government or any desire for its being
overthrown, for I cannot descry any chance of a better, or, indeed,
any possibility of forming another able to carry on affairs at all;
but I am inexpressibly disgusted at the egregious folly of the country
at his being made such an idol in this ridiculous way, and at the
false and hypocritical pretences upon which this dissolution has been
founded, and the enormous and shameful lying with which the country is
deluged. I long to write, print, and publish the truth, and to expose
this miserable delusion; but I repress the desire, because I cannot do
so without exciting bitter personal animosities, probably quarrels,
and I can see no reasonable hope of producing any effects which would
sufficiently repay me for such consequences.

[Sidenote: THE LIDDELL _v._ WESTERTON CASE.]

The day before yesterday Pemberton Leigh gave judgement in the Privy
Council in the case of Liddell and Westerton; the Judicial Committee
reversed in great measure the judgements in the Courts below of Dr.
Lushington and Sir John Dodson, but not entirely. It was a very able
judgement, and prepared with great care and research, and so moderately
and fairly framed that it was accepted unanimously by the Committee,
and even by the Bishops of Canterbury and London, both Low Churchmen.
It was drawn up by Pemberton Leigh himself, and its publication will
give the world in general some idea of his great ability, with the
extent of which few are acquainted. It is a very singular thing that in
such times as these, and when there is such a dearth of able men and
so great a demand for them, that he should voluntarily condemn himself
to a state of comparative obscurity, and refuse to take the station in
public life which it would be difficult to find any other man so well
qualified to fill.


_March 28th._--At Althorp the last two days. Palmerston's address to
Tiverton, following his speech, at the Mansion House, has excited great
indignation in all who are not thorough Palmerstonians. Both were full
of deception and falsehood. John Russell is particularly incensed,
and said these two productions were unworthy of a gentleman, and so
they were. Malmesbury has addressed to Palmerston a letter in the
newspapers on the subject, which though not well written is true, and
fully justified by what Palmerston said; but all this signifies very
little, the current is too strong to be opposed, and it is provoking to
see the Conservatives endeavouring to bolster up their pretensions by
saying they would have supported Palmerston on the China question, if
they had been in Parliament, or promising to support him if they are
elected. Yesterday, which was the first day of returns, does not give
much difference; to-day is the polling for the City, and nobody has an
idea how the election will go, whether Lord John will come in, and if
he does which of the four will go to the wall. He was enthusiastically
received yesterday, and the show of hands was unanimous in his favour,
but this proves very little, and his organisation is miserably
defective; had it been better and begun earlier, it is probable that
his success would have been certain; he is the favourite as it is.
Palmerston's speech at Tiverton yesterday was less objectionable than
his address and speech at the Mansion House, and he left himself
entirely unfettered on the subject of Reform, and rightly. The
Parliament promises to be a Radical one, and I fully expect that the
result of all this great commotion will be to give a stimulus to
organize Reform; nor will it surprise me if Palmerston should find it
conducive to his interest as minister to appear in the character of a
Reformer, if he were to fling overboard all his old opinions, and to
pay this price for a renewed lease of his own power. Wilkes used to say
he had never been a _Wilkite_, but Palmerston has never been anything
but a Palmerstonian, and I firmly believe that at seventy-three years
of age his single thought is how to secure for himself power for his
life, and that he will not scruple to accept measures which, so far
as he thinks about it, he believes to be constitutionally dangerous
and mischievous if by so doing he can maintain himself on the Treasury
Bench.


[Sidenote: RESULTS OF THE ELECTION.]

_March 29th._--Great excitement yesterday in the town, particularly at
Brooks's. The most interesting event was the City election, and the
return, which under the circumstances may be called triumphant, of John
Russell, which was made more agreeable to himself and his friends by
the defeat of Raikes Currie, who came from Northampton on purpose to
turn him out. Up to the last hour John Russell continued to lead at the
head of the poll, after which he fell off and only ended third, but
still he had 7,000 votes after having been assured by his old adherents
(J. Abel Smith in particular) that his success was hopeless, that he
would be beaten 'disgracefully,' and probably would have hardly any
votes at all.

After this the most interesting events were the defeats of the
Manchester men, and generally, though not universally, of the voters
for Cobden's motion, Bright and Milner Gibson, Cobden, Ricardo, Layard,
all defeated. It seems that Manchester and the other great towns had
got tired of their leaders, who had made themselves unpopular by
their opposition to the war. I am sorry for the loss of Bright and
Cobden, because such able men ought not to be ousted and replaced by
mediocrities.

Palmerston's speech at Tiverton was in the same style, but far less
offensive and objectionable than his address and his Mansion House
harangue. The most remarkable part of it was the total silence which
he observed as to his intention upon reforms and domestic questions
generally, or rather his positive refusal to say a word on the subject
or to pledge himself in any way; he evidently means to meet his
Parliament free to take any course his interests may dictate. There
was one remarkable speech yesterday, considering what the man is who
uttered it. Vernon Smith at Northampton spoke as follows: 'Mr. Disraeli
said Lord Palmerston was the Tory chief of a Radical Cabinet. I do not
admit the description as regards Lord Palmerston, but I accept the
designation as to the Cabinet of which I am a member. A great statesman
once said that parties were like fishes (it was snakes, I believe), and
their heads were propelled by their tails, and it will very likely be
found that the head of the Government will in like manner be propelled
by his tail.' The words are not exact, but the meaning is, and it
must be owned a remarkable declaration for a Cabinet Minister to make
as to his chief, and such a chief. I believe that it will turn out
to be the truth. The returns so far as they have gone are frightful,
and a deluge of Radicalism and violence will burst out in the House
of Commons. There will be a Radical majority prepared to support Lord
Palmerston and to keep him in power, but on the condition of his doing
their bidding, and consenting to their demands, nor will he be able to
help himself. He will no doubt try to do as little as possible, but
there will be no strong Conservative party to which he can appeal from
and against his own Radical supporters; the Conservatives will be too
weak to help him, and probably will not be inclined to help him out of
his difficulty if they could. At his age his only object will be to
grasp power while he lives. _Après moi le déluge_ will be his motto,
and my expectation is that he will never consent to sacrifice power
from scruples or upon principles, and will consent to anything that may
be necessary rather than allow himself to be outbid and to see power
torn from his hands. The prospect seems to me tremendous. The cry of
Palmerston, and nothing but Palmerston, has done very well to go to the
hustings on, but having accomplished its purpose, other cries much more
serious will soon take its place, and we shall see, as the Prince said,
Constitutional Government on its trial with a vengeance.


_March 31st._--The elections continue to be unfavourable to the
Conservatives, but the people at Brooks's, and the Government
generally, are too sanguine when they call everything gain to them
where a Conservative is replaced by a Liberal, for in many cases the
so-called Liberal is a violent Radical, very likely to give much more
trouble to the Government than the Conservative who was turned out. The
gains to Government up to this time (and the borough elections are all
over) are calculated at 20, making a difference of 40 votes; but the
Conservatives do not admit this, and will make other calculations with
different results.

[Sidenote: TRIUMPH OF LORD PALMERSTON.]

There is no denying the fact, however, that a strong sense has been
evinced of partiality for Palmerston and resentment against the China
vote. The news of the Emperor of China having ordered Yeo to make
peace on any terms comes very opportunely, but nothing can be so
absurd as the pretence that by so doing the Emperor himself condemns
his Viceroy and justifies our conduct at Canton. It only proves that
His Majesty is very much alarmed, and wishes to heal the breach as
quickly as possible, and on any terms he can. I am bound to say that
many people, not extravagant either, maintain that this promises to
be a very good Parliament, and by no means so dangerous as my fears
have pictured it to myself; still I cannot look upon it as a safe and
innocent Parliament. Cardwell's defeat at Oxford proves how low the
Peelites are. Frederic Peel's loss of his seat is a great inconvenience
to the Government, and one does not see how it is to be repaired, for
it is almost impossible in these days to treat any place (if one can be
found) as a nomination borough, turn the sitting member out, and put
him in instead. The serious part of it is that he has to move the Army
Estimates, and nobody else can do it now.

Old Lady Keith is dead, at some prodigious age. She was the 'Queeny'
of Dr. Johnson, Mrs. Hale's daughter, and was the last surviving link
between those times and our own, and probably the only person surviving
who could remember Johnson himself and his remarkable contemporaries,
or who had lived in intimacy with them.




CHAPTER XIV.

Results of the Elections--Defeat of Cobden and Bright--The War with
China--Death of Lady Ashburton--Lord Palmerston's Success--The Handel
Concerts--M. Fould in London--The Queen and Lord Palmerston--The
Indian Mutiny--The Prince Consort--Death of General Anson--The State
of India--Royal Guests--The Government of India--Temper of the House
of Commons--Debates on India--Royal Visits--The Divorce Bill--The
Divorce Bill in the House of Lords--Close of the Session--A Dukedom
offered to Lord Lansdowne--Death of Mr. Croker--History of the Life
Peerages--The Indian Mutiny and the Russian War--The Struggle in
India--Reinforcements for India--The Queen's Attention to Public
Business--Attacks on Lord Canning--Big Ships and Big Bells--Lord
Canning defended--Courteous Behaviour of Foreign Nations--The Capture
of Delhi and Lucknow--Difficulties in India--Depression in the
City--Speculations on the Contingency of a Change of Government--The
East India Company and the Government--Exaggerated Reports from
India--A Queen's Speech--The Bank Charter Act.


_April 4th, 1857._--The elections are drawing to a close. It is strange
that what ought to be a matter of fact is made matter of opinion, for
while the Whigs of Brooks's and the Liberals generally claim an immense
gain, the Conservatives and the Carlton Club and their organs only
admit an inconsiderable loss. There can be no doubt, however, that
a great many Conservatives have lost their seats, and a great many
Radicals and Palmerstonians have been elected. At Brooks's they insist
that it will be a very good Parliament, and they are throwing their
caps up at the Government successes; but it seems to me that they are
reckoning somewhat rashly, and counting as gains to the Government
many men who will be found more troublesome and unmanageable than the
moderate men over whose defeats they are exulting. But as to gains
and losses, and all calculations, I agree with the late Speaker,
Lord Eversley, who said to me the other day that nothing could be so
fallacious as all such calculations, and that it is impossible to know
the result till Parliament meets, and it is seen how the new members
group themselves. The most striking and remarkable feature of this
election is the complete rout of the Peelites and of the Manchester
men, the Old Leaguers. For a long time past it has been absurd to talk
of the Peelites as a Party. There were not a dozen men in the House
of Commons who could by any possibility be so designated, and in fact
only a few formerly members of Sir Robert Peel's Government or of
Lord Aberdeen's, who still kept together, and were called Peelites,
because they would not be either Whigs or Tories or Radicals. Now the
designation must fall to the ground. Half these men have lost their
seats; of the rest, some repudiate the association and announce their
independence; some join, or are ready to join, Derby and the Tories;
others openly declare their adhesion to Palmerston; and thus in one way
or another there are no _Peelites_ left.

[Sidenote: DEFEAT OF COBDEN AND BRIGHT.]

The fate of Bright, Cobden, and Co. exhibits a curious example of the
fleeting and worthless nature of popular favour. They who were once
the idols of millions, and not without cause, have not only lost all
their popularity, but are objects of execration, and can nowhere find
a parliamentary resting place. No constituency will hear of them. The
great towns of Lancashire prefer any mediocrities to Bright and Cobden.
It seems that they had already ceased to be popular, when they made
themselves enormously unpopular, and excited great resentment, by their
opposition to the Russian War, the rage for which was not less intense
in Manchester and all the manufacturing district than in the rest of
the kingdom. This great crime, as it appeared in the eyes of their
constituents, was never pardoned, and their punishment was probably
determined while the war was still going on. As the favour of Cobden
fell, so that of Palmerston rose, and his visit to Manchester a few
months ago raised the favour to a pitch of enthusiasm. When Cobden
therefore originated the China motion, he no doubt gave great offence,
and he sealed his own condemnation. Bright has been long abroad, and
has done nothing lately that any one could take umbrage at, but his
opposition to the war has not been forgotten or forgiven, and when
Cobden appeared at Manchester as his representative, and made a very
able speech in his behalf, it is highly probable that his advocacy was
in itself fatal to his re-election. It seems quite clear that another
man, Sir Elkanah Armytage, lost his election at Salford solely because
he was strongly supported and recommended by Cobden.


_May 1st._--Parliament met yesterday, the last (Irish) election
having ended only a few days before. Denison's election as Speaker
went off very quietly. The prevailing opinion now seems to be that
this will prove a good Parliament, on the whole safe and moderate,
and an improvement on the last. All the news we get from China, or
in reference to Chinese affairs, only proves the more strongly how
foolish and mischievous the conduct of Bowring was, and what a sound
and correct judgement the vote of the House of Commons expressed upon
it. It is impossible to conjecture what the result of the war now
began will be, but is quite certain that we shall have to wade to our
ends through all sorts of horrors and atrocities, which it does not
become us to inflict, though the Chinese are a savage, stupid, and
uninteresting people, who in some degree deserve the sufferings that
will be inflicted on them, though perhaps not at our hands.

George Anson[1] writes to me from India that there is a strange feeling
of discontent pervading the Indian Army from religious causes, and a
suspicion that we are going to employ our irresistible power in forcing
Christianity upon them. It is not true, but the natives will never
be quite convinced that it is not, as long as Exeter Hall and the
missionaries are permitted to have _carte blanche_ and work their will
as they please in those regions.

Footnote 1: [General Anson was at this time Commander-in-Chief in
India. He died there shortly after the outbreak of the great military
revolt, of which the letter mentioned in the text was the first
premonitory indication.]


[Sidenote: DEATH OF LADY ASHBURTON.]

_May 10th._--I passed the last week at Wynnstay for Chester races;
a very fine place. The events that have occurred in the course of
the last ten days are the opening of the Manchester Exhibition, very
successfully; the first proceedings of the new Parliament, which
promise a quiet session and a peaceful reign to Palmerston, who has
put the House in good humour by promising a Reform Bill next year; the
death of the Duchess of Gloster, and, what interests the world still
more, the death of Lady Ashburton.[1] Milnes has written a short, but
very fair and appropriate notice of her for the 'Times' newspaper,
which of course was intended as a eulogy, and not as a _character_,
with the bad as well as the good that could be said of her. Lady
Ashburton was perhaps, on the whole, the most conspicuous woman in
the society of the present day. She was undoubtedly very intelligent,
with much quickness and vivacity in conversation, and by dint of a
good deal of desultory reading and social intercourse with men more or
less distinguished, she had improved her mind, and made herself a very
agreeable woman, and had acquired no small reputation for ability and
wit. It is never difficult for a woman in a great position and with
some talent for conversation to attract a large society around her, and
to have a number of admirers and devoted _habitués_. Lady Ashburton
laid herself out for this, and while she exercised hospitality on
a great scale, she was more of a _précieuse_ than any woman I have
known. She was, or affected to be, extremely intimate with many men
whose literary celebrity or talents constituted their only attraction,
and while they were gratified by the attentions of the great lady,
her vanity was flattered by the homage of such men, of whom Carlyle
was the principal. It is only justice to her to say that she treated
her literary friends with constant kindness and the most unselfish
attentions. They, their wives and children (when they had any), were
received at her house in the country, and entertained there for weeks
without any airs of patronage, and with a spirit of genuine benevolence
as well as hospitality. She was in her youth tall and commanding in
person, but without any pretension to good looks; still she was not
altogether destitute of sentiment and coquetry, or incapable of both
feeling and inspiring a certain amount of passion. The only man with
whom she was ever what could be called _in love_ was Clarendon, and
that feeling was never entirely extinct, and the recollection of it
kept up a sort of undefined relation between them to the end of her
life. Two men were certainly in love with her, both distinguished in
different ways. One was John Mill, who was sentimentally attached to
her, and for a long time was devoted to her society. She was pleased
and flattered by his devotion, but as she did not in the slightest
degree return his passion, though she admired his abilities, he at last
came to resent her indifference, and ended by estranging himself from
her entirely, and proved the strength of his feeling by his obstinate
refusal to continue even his acquaintance with her. Her other admirer
was Charles Buller, with whom she was extremely intimate, but without
ever reciprocating his love. Curiously enough, they were very like
each other in person, as well as in their mental accomplishments. They
had both the same spirits and cleverness in conversation, and the same
quickness and drollery in repartee. I remember Allen well describing
them, when he said that their talk was like that in the polite
conversation between Never Out and Miss Notable. Her faults appeared
to be caprice and a disposition to quarrels and _tracasseries_ about
nothing, which, however common amongst ordinary women, were unworthy
of her superior understanding. But during her last illness all that
was bad and hard in her nature seemed to be improved and softened,
and she became full of charity, good-will, and the milk of human
kindness. Her brother and her sister-in-law, who, forgetting former
estrangements, hastened to her sickbed, were received by her with
overflowing tenderness, and all selfish and unamiable feelings seemed
to be entirely subdued within her. Had she recovered she would probably
have lived a better and a happier woman, and as it is she has died
in charity with all the world, and has left behind her corresponding
sentiments of affection and regret for her memory. I was once very
intimate with her, but for a long time past our intimacy had dwindled
into ordinary acquaintance.

Footnote 1: [Harriet Mary, eldest daughter of the sixth Earl of
Sandwich, was married in 1828 to William Bingham Baring, afterwards
second Baron Ashburton. One son, the only issue of this marriage, died
in infancy. Lady Ashburton was distinguished for her wit, her social
qualities, and her hospitality, which made Bath House and the Grange
the centres of a brilliant literary society, well known by the records
of it in the Life of Mr. Carlyle and the Autobiography of Sir Henry
Taylor.]


_June 3rd._--There is really nothing to write about, but it is evident
that the session is going to pass away in the most quiet and uneventful
manner. Never had Minister such a peaceful and undisturbed reign as
Palmerston's. There is something almost alarming in his prodigious
felicity and success. Everything prospers with him. In the House of
Commons there is scarcely a semblance of opposition to anything he
proposes; a speech or two here and there from Roebuck, or some stray
Radical, against some part of the Princess Royal's dowry, but hardly
any attempt at divisions; and when there have been any, the minorities
have been so ridiculously small as to show the hopelessness of
opposition. The only men who might be formidable or troublesome seem
to have adopted the prudent course of not kicking against the pricks.
John Russell evinces no hostility, and accepts Hayter's letters.
Gladstone hardly ever goes near the House of Commons, and never opens
his lips. There seems to be a disposition in both Houses to work and
bring legislative reforms to a conclusion. The House of Lords has been
very busy with the Divorce Bill, and there has been a good deal of
vigorous debating, particularly among Lyndhurst, the Bishops of Oxford
and London, and Campbell and Wensleydale, who hate each other, and have
interchanged blows.


[Sidenote: THE HANDEL CONCERTS.]

_June 20th._--All this past week the world has been occupied with
the Handel Concerts at the Crystal Palace, which went off with the
greatest success and _éclat_. I went to the first ('Messiah'), and the
last ('Israel in Egypt'); they were amazingly grand, and the beauty of
the _locale_, with the vast crowds assembled in it, made an imposing
spectacle. The arrangements were perfect, and nothing could be easier
than the access and egress, or more comfortable than the accommodation.
But the wonderful assembly of 2,000 vocal and 500 instrumental
performers did not produce musical effect so agreeable and so perfect
as the smaller number in the smaller space of Exeter Hall. The volume
of sound was dispersed and lost in the prodigious space, and fine as it
undoubtedly was, I much prefer the concerts of the Harmonic Society.

Fould[1] came over from Paris the other day for the purpose of going to
see the Manchester Exhibition. He was received with great distinction.
The Queen invited him to Windsor for Ascot, and Granville gave him a
breakfast here to meet the financial notabilities whom he wanted to
talk to. We had the Chancellor of the Exchequer and an ex-Chancellor
(C. Wood), the Governor of the Bank, and the ex-Governor of the Bank,
_cum multis aliis_. He said that their financial affairs in France were
in a very healthy state, which is contrary to the general impression
here.

[Sidenote: THE QUEEN AND LORD PALMERSTON.]

I met Clarendon in the Park a day or two ago, and had some talk with
him in the friendly and intimate tone of former times, which rejoiced
my heart, because it proved that though circumstances and accidental
habits had impeded our intercourse, there exist still the same feelings
of regard towards me in his mind, and if our intercourse was restored
again, he would probably fall into the same habit of confidence and
communication which formerly existed, but which has lately been
completely interrupted. He talked of Palmerston, his position and
his health, and his _rapports_ with the Queen, who is now entirely
reconciled to him. She treats him with unreserved confidence, and he
treats her with a deference and attention which have produced a very
favourable change in her sentiments towards him. Clarendon told me that
Palmerston had lately been ailing in a way to cause some uneasiness. He
had had a bad leg with a sore that it had been found difficult to heal,
but he appears to have got over it. This might have been very serious.
Clarendon talked one day to the Queen about Palmerston's health,
concerning which she expressed her anxiety, when Clarendon said she
might indeed be anxious, for it was of the greatest importance to her,
and if anything happened to him he did not know where she could look
for a successor to him, that she had often expressed her great desire
to have a _strong_ Government, and that she had now got one, Palmerston
being a really strong Minister. She admitted the truth of it. Clarendon
said he was always very earnest with her to bestow her whole confidence
on Palmerston, and not even to talk to others on any subjects which
properly belonged to him, and he had more than once (when, according to
her custom, she began to talk to him on certain things) said to her,
'Madam, that concerns Lord Palmerston, and I think your Majesty had
better reserve it for your communications with him.' He referred to
the wonderful change in his own relations with Palmerston, that seven
or eight years ago Palmerston was full of hatred and suspicion of him,
and now they were the best of friends, with mutual confidence and good
will, and lately when he was talking to Palmerston of the satisfactory
state of his relations with the Queen and of the utility it was to his
Government that it should be so, Palmerston said, 'And it is likewise a
very good thing that she has such boundless confidence in her Secretary
for Foreign Affairs, when after all there is nothing she cares about so
much.'

Footnote 1: [M. Achille Fould, who had made a large fortune as a banker
in Paris, was one of the ablest and most honourable of the Ministers of
Napoleon III. He was much attached to this country, where he had many
friends, and he encouraged the Emperor in that Free Trade policy which
led to the Commercial Treaty of 1860, and strengthened the ties between
England and France.]


_June 28th._--I went last Saturday week to Strawberry Hill.[1] A large
party of people, the Persignys, the Speaker and Lady Charlotte, etc.;
it is an enjoyable villa, with its vast expanse of grass, profusion
of flowers, and fine trees affording ample shade. Horace Walpole's
ridiculous house is unaltered, but furbished up and made comfortable. I
regret to hear that Denison does not make a very good Speaker, and that
the Government think they made a mistake in putting him into the Chair.
It was Palmerston's doing, who would hear of nobody else. There are
several men among the Opposition who would probably have been fitter,
but with the great majority the Government have they were in a manner
compelled to take a man from their own party. Denison says it is owing
to the laxity of Palmerston himself if things do not go on so well as
they might in the House of Commons.

At Hatchford the past week, and when I got to town I was apprised of
the disastrous news from India,[2] the most serious occurrence that has
ever been in that quarter, not only from the magnitude of the events
themselves as the telegraph conveys them, but because it is quite
impossible to estimate the gravity of the case, nor what the extent of
it may be. Till we receive the details it is idle to speculate upon it.

The Queen has made Prince Albert 'Prince Consort' by a patent ordered
in Council, but as this act confers on him neither title, dignity,
nor privileges, I cannot see the use of it. He was already as high in
England as he can be, assuming the Crown Matrimonial to be out of the
question, and it will give him no higher rank abroad, where our acts
have no validity.

Footnote 1: [Strawberry Hill was the residence of the Countess of
Waldegrave, to whom it had passed on the death of her second husband,
the Earl of Waldegrave. It was then, and continued to be until her
death in 1879, the most hospitable villa in the neighbourhood, and
the constant resort of all that was distinguished in politics and in
letters.]

Footnote 2: [The Indian mutiny broke out at Meerut on Sunday, 10th May,
but the details were not known in England till nearly six weeks later.
General Anson died at Kurnaul on the 27th May.]


[Sidenote: THE MUTINY IN INDIA.]

_July 15th._--For the last three weeks or more all public interest
and curiosity have been absorbed in the affairs of India and the
great Mutiny that has broken out there, and which has now assumed
such an alarming character. I had intended to take some notice of
this, and of other matters which time and the hour have brought forth;
but, according to my bad custom, I kept putting it off, till at last
all other things were driven out of my mind by the news which so
unexpectedly reached us on Saturday last of the death of George Anson
from a sudden attack of cholera. He was the oldest and most intimate
friend I had, and almost the last surviving associate of my youth. I
reserve for another moment to say a word or two of a man who, without
great abilities or a great career, was too conspicuous a member of
society to be passed over without some notice.

The alarm created here by the Indian news is very great, and
Ellenborough (reckoned a great authority on Indian matters) does his
best to increase it. The serious part of it is that no one can tell
or venture to predict what the extent of the calamity may be, and
what proportions the mischief may possibly assume. It is certain that
hitherto the Government and the East India Company have been in what
is called a fool's paradise on the subject. They have been so long
accustomed to consider our Empire there as established on so solid a
foundation, and so entirely out of the reach of danger, that they never
have paid any attention to those who hinted at possible perils, and I
don't think anybody ever foresaw anything like what has occurred, and
they were disinclined to adopt any of the precautionary recommendations
which would have been attended with expense, and the Press, and the
public who are always led by the Press, took the same easy view of
the subject. While the Russian War was going on a clamour was raised
against Government for not calling away _all_ the British troops in
India and sending them to the Crimea, and those who went mad about the
Crimean War would willingly have left India without a single European
regiment, and have entrusted all our interests to the fidelity and
attachment of the Native army. Though our Government was willing enough
to enter into anything that the passion of the multitude suggested,
they were not so insane as all that; but as it is, we may consider
it most providential that the mutiny did not show itself during the
Russian, or indeed during the Persian war. If it had happened while we
were still fighting in the Crimea, we could not have sent out the force
that would have been indispensable to save India. At the present moment
the interest of the public is not greater than its apprehensions and
alarm. Rumours of every sort are rife, generally of the most disastrous
kind, and though the mails only come at a fortnight's interval, and it
is physically impossible that any intelligence should reach us during
those intervals, the public curiosity is fed and excited by continual
rumours, which generally circulate stories of fresh disasters and
dangers. There is a disposition in some quarters to make if possible
poor Anson the scapegoat, and, now that he is dead and cannot defend
himself, to attribute to him and to his misconduct or _laches_ the
misfortunes that have befallen us. I know not what he may have written
home to the civil and military authorities; but, if I may judge by the
tenor of his correspondence with me, I should infer that he has warned
the Government against leaving India without adequate protection,
and constantly urged the expediency of sending out fresh troops. I
have long expected that the day would come when we should find reason
for regretting our expansive policy and our going on with continual
conquests and annexations.

We are overrun with Royalties present and prospective. Besides our
Princess Royal's bridegroom, there are here the King of the Belgians'
son and daughter, Prince Napoleon, the Queen of the Netherlands, and
the Montpensiers _as Spanish Princes_, in which capacity Persigny
has had to pay his court to them, and they have had to receive the
Ambassador of Louis Napoleon.


_July 19th._--Although it is impossible that any fresh accounts should
have come from India, reports are rife of fresh insurrections and of
all sorts of evils. Amidst all the bad news from India the good fortune
is that so many of the Native troops, and not only the military, but
the whole population of the Punjaub, have shown so much fidelity and
attachment to the British Government. It is the strongest testimony
to the wisdom and justice of our rule, and of the capacity of the
natives to appreciate the benefits they derive from it, for beyond all
question the introduction of European civilisation into the East, and
the substitution of such a government as that of England for the cruel,
rapacious, and capricious dominion of Oriental chiefs and dynasties, is
the greatest boon that the people could have had conferred upon them.
Our administration may not have been faultless, and in some instances
it may have been oppressive, and it may have often offended against the
habits and prejudices of the natives, but it is certainly very superior
in every respect, and infinitely more beneficent than any rule, either
of Hindoos or Mahometans, that has ever been known in India. However,
people much more civilized and more sagacious than the Indians do
not always know what is best for them, or most likely to promote
their happiness, so it will not be surprising if these disorders
should continue to increase, supposing the means of immediately and
effectually suppressing them should be found wanting.

[Sidenote: TEMPER OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS]

For the last week the House of Commons has presented a more animated
appearance than during the preceding months of this dull and passive
session. Gladstone has reappeared and proved that his oratorical powers
have not been rusted by his retirement, and John Russell has come forth
showing his teeth, but not yet attempting to bite the Government.
Palmerston, evidently nettled by these two, as well as by Roebuck and
Disraeli, has spoken with considerable asperity, and with an insolent
air of superiority and defiance, which has hitherto not been usual to
him, and which has given no little offence. There are evident symptoms
of an approaching cessation of that humble and deferential submission
to his will which has hitherto distinguished his servile majority, and
though it is not clear in what way they will assert their independence,
those who watch the symptoms think that he will not find the same
passive disposition in the next session, and if anything should go
seriously wrong there would be open and general rebellion. Up to the
present time, however, there is nothing to be seen but a certain amount
of restlessness and a disposition to find fault, and the Government
seem still to command the same enormous majorities, and Palmerston to
be as powerful as ever, if he is not quite so popular. A violent effort
is made by a number of Liberals in the House of Commons to renew the
contest with the House of Lords for the admission of the Jews (the
newspapers contain all the details of this attempt), which cannot be
pursued without mischievous results, and will fail in its object.


_August 2nd._--The Civil War in India, for such it may be called,
supersedes every other object of interest, and the successive mails are
looked for with the utmost impatience. The Government, though anxious
and nervous, are not disheartened, and as far as we can judge the
authorities in India have not been deficient in the emergency. Canning
writes in good spirits, and all accounts agree in reporting that he
has done his work hitherto very well. The discussions in Parliament
have been on the whole creditable. Disraeli came down to the House of
Commons with a long set oration, in which he entered at great length
into the causes of the present confusion, and the misgovernment and
bad policy which had engendered it, and although his speech was able,
and probably contained a great deal that was true, it was deemed (as
it was) mischievous and ill-timed, and very ill received by the House.
He was rebuked with some asperity by Tom Baring, his own political
adherent, and by Lord John Russell, who declared it to be the duty of
the House to give every support to the Government in such a crisis. In
the House of Lords Ellenborough was as mischievous and ill-disposed
as Disraeli in the Commons, and was no better received. Granville
administered to him a severe lecture, by no means ill done, and the
House of Lords went with Granville.

[Sidenote: THE PRINCE CONSORT.]

Last week was passed at Goodwood, with fine weather, and the usual
_fête_ with the unusual accompaniment of foreign Royalties. First the
Comte de Paris for a night, and then the Queen of the Netherlands for
two. The young French Prince is good-humoured and unpretending, the
Queen is very gay, natural, and pleasing. I renewed an acquaintance I
had made with her at Ems many years ago. It is a new feature in the
present day the flitting about of Royal personages. Besides these I
have named, the Prince Napoleon has been finishing a tour through
England and part of Ireland by a visit to Osborne, and the Emperor and
Empress are coming to Osborne for a week. Prince Albert has been to
Brussels for the marriage of the Princess Charlotte, where he seems to
have made his first experiment of the effect to be obtained from his
newly-acquired title of 'Prince Consort of England,' as I see that he
signed the marriage contract immediately after the Queen Marie Amélie,
and before an Austrian Archduke who was present.


_August 12th._--I was at Stoke on Saturday and Sunday, and went over
to see Bulstrode; surprised to find the place less _délabré_, and more
capable of being restored than I expected. I passed the first fifteen
years of my life there, and don't know whether the place or myself is
the most changed. To feed our curiosity during the intervals between
the Indian mails, the newspapers, the 'Times' especially, collect all
the letters they can obtain, and publish them day by day. We have
had a success in China, but I always tremble for the consequences
of our successes there, lest we should be seduced or compelled into
making permanent settlements and further extensions of our Empire in
the East. Parliament is approaching its close, and the Government
ends the session with unimpaired strength, but depending entirely on
Palmerston's life, for there is nobody else capable of leading the
House of Commons. There are growing symptoms of independence on the
part of the House in the shape of adverse votes every now and then,
principally on matters of estimates.


_August 20th._--I have read over the few preceding pages, and am
disgusted to find how barren they are of interest and how little worth
preserving. They show how entirely my social relations have ceased with
all those friends and acquaintances from whom I have been in the habit
of drawing the information which the earlier parts of this journal
contain, and consequently my total ignorance of all political subjects.
There was a time when I should have had a great deal to say upon
passing events of interest or importance, but all that is gone by.

The visit of the Emperor Napoleon at Osborne seems to have been spent
in discussing the affairs of the Principalities and patching up the
quarrels of the Ambassadors at Constantinople. As far as outward
appearances go we do not appear to have played a very brilliant part,
and the Opposition papers think they have got a good case on which to
twit Palmerston, but as I do not know what has really taken place, I
abstain from expressing any opinion upon the conduct of our Government.

The session of Parliament has been prolonged beyond all expectation
by the vehement and acrimonious debates upon the Divorce Bill in the
House of Commons, which has been very ably and vigorously fought by
Bethell on one side _cum quibusdam aliis_, and Gladstone, Walpole, and
Heathcote on the other. The Opposition hoped by constant obstructions
to wear out the patience of Palmerston and to get the Bill put off till
next session. Palmerston, however, was firmly resolved not to submit
to this, and when they found that he was so determined, they contented
themselves with insisting upon certain amendments, which Palmerston
thought it prudent to consent to, and the spirit of compromise and
concession which the Government have lately evinced has softened in
some degree the asperity of the debates, and at last enabled the
Government to carry the Bill. Bethell, who has fought the battle with
great ability, is not a little disgusted at the concessions to which he
has been forced to consent, and has done so with a solemn protest and
warning with regard to the exemption clause for the clergy, which the
Government have very reluctantly consented to, but on which Granville
assures me they had no option, and that if they had refused to give way
they would have infallibly been beaten upon it. I dined at Richmond
with Lord Lansdowne yesterday, to meet the Duchess of Orleans and
the Comte de Paris. I had never seen her before. She is plain, but
pleasing, and with very good manners.


_August 21st._--The Divorce Bill having passed the House of Commons,
went up to the House of Lords yesterday, when Lord Redesdale attempted
to strangle it by a dodge, which he was obliged to give up in
consequence of the vigorous attacks made upon him by the Ministerial
side, who were supported even by St. Leonards, and particularly by an
indignant and effective speech, made by Lord Lansdowne, who, in spite
of weakness and gout, from which, he was actually suffering, spoke
with extraordinary spirit. If Redesdale had persisted, and gone to
a division, the Government would probably have been beaten, and the
labour of half the session would have been thrown away. As it is, there
is to be a fight on Monday next, the result of which depends on which
side can get the greatest number to come up from the country to vote.


[Sidenote: CLOSE OF THE SESSION.]

_September 6th._--Went to Worsley on Thursday last, in order to go
from thence to see the Manchester Exhibition, which is very pretty,
but appears diminutive after the London and Sydenham Exhibitions. Its
principal attraction is in the excellent collection of pictures; it
will be a failure in a pecuniary point of view, but there are plenty of
rich people in Manchester able and willing to bear the expenses. The
session closed very quietly, though not without some grumbling. Some
complained that Parliament should not continue to sit while the Indian
troubles are going on with undiminished force, others that the Queen
should go to Scotland; but the Government have brought their labours
to a close very prosperously, and Palmerston continues as powerful and
as secure as ever. There is no longer the same enthusiasm there was
for him, but there is a universal impression that he is indispensable,
and on the whole a feeling of satisfaction and confidence in his
administration. Even I myself am compelled in candour to acknowledge
that he does at least as well as anybody else would be likely to do,
and no complaints can justly be made against the Government of any
supineness in sending out adequate reinforcements to India. Lewis
told me, just as Parliament was prorogued, that they were thoroughly
impressed with the gravity of the case, and conscious of the danger,
and that they were going to send out every man they could muster here
or in the Colonies, and they have already despatched troops in great
numbers with remarkable celerity.

They have made some Peers, of whom the most conspicuous is Macaulay,
and I have not seen or heard any complaints of his elevation. Lord
Lansdowne has declined the offered Dukedom, which I rather regret,
for such a public recognition of his character and services during a
long life would have been graceful and becoming, and the report of
it elicited from all quarters expressions of satisfaction at such an
honour having been so worthily conferred.

While Macaulay is thus ascending to the House of Peers, his old enemy
and rival Croker has descended to the grave, very noiselessly and
almost without observation, for he had been for some time so withdrawn
from the world that he was nearly forgotten. He had lived to see
all his predictions of ruin and disaster to the country completely
falsified. He continued till the last year or two to exhale his
bitterness and spite in the columns of the 'Quarterly Review,' but at
last the Editor (who had long been sick of his contributions) contrived
to get rid of him. I never lived in any intimacy with him, and seldom
met him in society, but he certainly occupied a high place among
the second-rate men of his time; he had very considerable talents,
great industry, with much information and a retentive memory. He
spoke in Parliament with considerable force, and in society his long
acquaintance with the world and with public affairs, and his stores of
general knowledge made him entertaining, though he was too overbearing
to be agreeable. He was particularly disliked by Macaulay, who never
lost an opportunity of venting his antipathy by attacks upon him.


[Sidenote: HISTORY OF THE LIFE PEERAGES.]

_Holwood, September 10th._--I came here on Tuesday on a visit to the
Chancellor.[1] This beautiful place formerly belonged to Mr. Pitt,
and abounds in local recollections of the great Minister in the shape
of 'Pitt's Oak,' 'Pitt's Well,' &c. It is close to Hayes, where his
father, the great Lord Chatham, lived and died. Nobody is here but
Pemberton Leigh.

I asked the Chancellor what was the real history of the Life Peerage
last year, and he told me that it originated in his finding great
inconvenience from himself and Lord St. Leonards frequently sitting
together in the House of Lords without any third, and as St. Leonards
invariably opposed his view of every case great injustice was often
done to suitors, and he urged on Palmerston the expediency of giving
them some assistance. Palmerston said it would be a good opportunity
for making some Life Peers. Wensleydale was willing to retire from the
Bench and to accept a Life Peerage, so it was determined to create him
a Peer for life only, and they did this without the slightest idea
that any objection would be made in any quarter. He owned that he
regretted this design had not been abandoned at once when the storm
of opposition began. I told him that I had no doubt there would have
been no opposition if he had imparted the intentions of Government to
some of the Law Lords, and obtained their acquiescence, for Lyndhurst
would certainly not have objected, having himself told me that he meant
to comply with Parke's request to him to introduce him to the House
of Lords. The Chancellor said this was very likely true, but that he
had never liked the attempt to force it through the House of Lords. He
thought the opposition had originated with Campbell, who had probably
forgotten that he had recorded his own opinion, in his 'Lives of the
Chancellors,' that Life Peerages would be advisable in certain cases.

Footnote 1: [Lord Cranworth at this time occupied Holwood as a summer
residence.]


_September 22nd._--I am just returned from Doncaster, Bretby, and
Wilby. The Indian mail arrived on Monday last, just as I was starting
for Doncaster. The news it brought at first appeared rather good, but
when it all came out it seemed so chequered with good and evil, that it
produced great despondency. Still it is a curious circumstance (which
I have heard no one else remark) that, with all the deep interest
universally felt on account of this Sepoy war, not only as it regards
our national interests, but out of feeling and sympathy for the vast
numbers of our countrymen and women exposed to its horrors and dangers,
it does not produce the same degree of enthusiasm as the Crimean War
did, in which we had no real interest concerned, and which was only a
gigantic folly on our part. People are very anxious about this war, and
earnestly desire that the mutiny may be put down and punished, but they
regard the war itself with aversion and horror, whereas they positively
took pleasure in the war against Russia, and were ready to spend
their last guinea in carrying it on. A subscription has been set on
foot, but although there never was an occasion on which it might have
been expected that vast sums would be subscribed, the contributions
have been comparatively small in amount, and it seems probable that a
much less sum will be produced for the relief of the Indian sufferers
than the Patriotic Fund or any of the various subscriptions made for
purposes connected with the Crimean War. I was so struck with the
backwardness of the Government in rewarding General Havelock for his
brilliant exploits, that I wrote to George Lewis and urged him to press
his colleagues to confer some honour upon him and promote him.

I am on the point of starting for Balmoral, summoned for a Council to
order _a day of humiliation_.


[Sidenote: VISIT TO SCOTLAND.]

_Gordon Castle, September 27th._--I left town on Tuesday afternoon, and
slept that night at York, on Wednesday at Perth, and on Thursday posted
to Balmoral, where I arrived between two and three o'clock. Granville,
Panmure, and Ben Stanley formed the Council. Granville told me the
Queen wished that the day appointed should be a Sunday, but Palmerston
said it must be on a weekday, and very reluctantly she gave way. What
made the whole thing more ridiculous was, that she gave a ball (to the
gillies and tenants) the night before this Council. The outside of
the new house at Balmoral, in the Scotch and French style, is pretty
enough, but the inside has but few rooms, and those very small, not
uncomfortable, and very simply decorated; the place and environs are
pretty. In the afternoon I drove over to Invercauld with Phipps. On
Friday morning came on here, by post, by rail, and by mail. Without any
beauty, this is rather a fine place, and the house very comfortable.


_September 28th._--Went to Elgin to see the fine old ruin of the
Cathedral, which is very grand, and must have been magnificent. It
was built in the beginning of the thirteenth century, burnt down, and
rebuilt in the fourteenth. I see they have done all I wanted to have
done for General Havelock. He has got a good service pension, is made
Major-General and K.C.B.


_Dunrobin Castle, October 2nd._--I came here from Gordon Castle on
Wednesday, by sea from Burghead to the Little Ferry, a very tiresome
way of travelling, the delays being detestable. Have long been
most desirous of seeing this place, which has quite equalled my
expectations, for it is a most princely possession, and the Castle
exceedingly beautiful and moreover very comfortable. I start for London
to-morrow morning with a long journey before me.

The Indian news of this week as bad and promises as ill as well can be,
and I expect worse each mail that comes. We are justly punished for
our ambition and encroaching spirit, but it must be owned we struggle
gallantly for what we have perhaps unjustly acquired. Europe behaves
well to us, for though we have made ourselves universally odious by
our insolence and our domination, and our long habit of bullying all
the world, nobody triumphs over us in the hour of our distress, and
even Russia, who has no cause to feel anything but ill will towards
us, evinces her regret and sympathy in courteous terms. Whatever the
result of this contest may be, it will certainly absorb all our efforts
and occupy our full strength and power so that we shall not be able to
take any active or influential part in European affairs for some time
to come. The rest of the Great Powers will have it in their power to
settle everything as seems meet to them, without troubling themselves
about us and our opinions. For the present we are reduced to the
condition of an insignificant Power. It is certain that if this mutiny
had taken place two years earlier, we could not have engaged at all in
the Russian War.


_London, October 6th._--I left Dunrobin after breakfast on Saturday
morning, 3rd inst., and arrived in London on Monday (yesterday) at 11
A.M. My journey was after this wise: We (i.e. Mr. Marshall of the Life
Guards, an aide-de-camp of Lord Carlisle's, who travelled from Dunrobin
with me) got into the mail at Golspie and took our places to Inverness.
At Tain, the first stage, we walked on, leaving the coach to overtake
us. After walking three miles, and no coach coming, we got alarmed,
and on enquiry of the first man we fell in with, found we had come the
wrong way, and that the mail had gone on. We started on our return to
Tain, and falling in with a good Samaritan in the shape of a banker in
that place, who was driving in the opposite direction, he took us up in
his gig, and drove us back to the inn, where we took post, and followed
the mail to Inverness, where we arrived an hour after it. There we
slept, and at five minutes before five on Sunday morning we were in
the mail again, and arrived at Perth at six o'clock, making 117 miles
in thirteen hours. In twenty minutes more we were in the mail train,
and reached Euston Square safe and sound at eleven o'clock, doing the
distance between Perth and London in seventeen and a half hours. I
have seen a vast deal of very beautiful scenery of all sorts, but the
most beautiful of all (and I never saw anything more lovely anywhere)
is the road from Blair Athol to Dunkeld, which includes the pass of
Killiecrankie.

[Sidenote: REINFORCEMENTS FOR INDIA.]

I fell in with Granville and Clarendon at Watford, and got into their
carriage. Of course my first enquiries were about India, when they
told me that the general impression was not quite so unfavourable as
that produced by the first telegraphic intelligence. Clarendon said
that if it was possible for Havelock to maintain himself a short time
longer, and that reinforcements arrived in time to save the beleaguered
places, the tide would turn and Delhi would fall; but if he should be
crushed, Agra, Lucknow, and other threatened places would fall with
renewals of the Cawnpore horrors, and in that case the unlimited spread
of the mutiny would be irrepressible, Madras and Bombay would revolt,
all the scattered powers would rise up everywhere, and all would be
lost. We both agreed that the next would probably be decisive accounts
for weal or for woe. I told Granville afterwards that I was glad to
see they had called out more militia, but regretted they had not done
more, when he said that he was inclined to take the same view, from
which it was evident to me that there has been difference of opinion in
the Cabinet as to the extent to which the calling out of the militia
should be carried. I urged him to press on his colleagues a more
extensive measure. It is evident that public opinion will back them up
in gathering together as great a force as possible in this emergency,
regardless of expense, and at all events the course of this Government
is not embarrassed and annoyed as that of another Government was three
years ago in reference to the Crimean War. As a very true article
in a very sensible paper set forth, the difference between then and
now is, that the Government of Palmerston has fair play, while that
of Lord Aberdeen never had it. The Press, and public opinion goaded
and inflamed by the Press, treated the latter with the most flagrant
injustice, while Palmerston and the whole Government, out of regard for
him, are treated with every sort of consideration and confidence.


_London, October 19th._--I spent last week at Newmarket; the details of
the last Indian news which arrived there put people in better spirits,
but they were too much occupied with the business of the place to
think much about India. Returned to town on Friday, and went to The
Grove yesterday; had some talk with Clarendon, who said Palmerston was
very offhand in his views of Indian affairs, and had jumped to the
conclusion that the Company must be extinguished. At the Cabinet on
Friday last he said, 'They need not meet again for some time, but they
must begin to think of how to deal with India when the revolt was put
down. Of course everybody must see that the India Company must be got
rid of, and Vernon Smith would draw up a scheme in reference thereto.'
This brief announcement did not meet with any response, and there was
no disposition to come to such rapid and peremptory conclusions, but it
seemed not worth while to raise any discussion about it then.

Clarendon then talked of the Court, and confirmed what I had heard
before, going into more detail. He said that the manner in which the
Queen in her own name, but with the assistance of the Prince, exercised
her functions, was exceedingly good, and well became her position
and was eminently useful. She held each Minister to the discharge of
his duty and his responsibility to her, and constantly desired to be
furnished with accurate and detailed information about all important
matters, keeping a record of all the reports that were made to her,
and constantly recurring to them, e.g. she would desire to know what
the state of the Navy was, and what ships were in readiness for
active service, and generally the state of each, ordering returns to
be submitted to her from all the arsenals and dockyards, and again
weeks or months afterwards referring to these returns, and desiring to
have everything relating to them explained and accounted for, and so
throughout every department. In this practice Clarendon told me he had
encouraged her strenuously. This is what none of her predecessors ever
did, and it is in fact the act of Prince Albert, who is to all intents
and purposes King, only acting entirely in her name. All his views and
notions are those of a Constitutional Sovereign, and he fulfils the
duties of one, and at the same time makes the Crown an entity, and
discharges the functions which properly belong to the Sovereign. I
told Clarendon that I had been told the Prince had upon many occasions
rendered the most important services to the Government, and had
repeatedly prevented their getting into scrapes of various sorts. He
said it was perfectly true, and that he had written some of the ablest
papers he had ever read.

Clarendon said he had recently been very much pleased with the Duke
of Cambridge, who had shown a great deal of sense and discretion,
and a very accurate knowledge of the details of his office, and that
he was a much better Commander-in-Chief than Hardinge. He had been
lately summoned to the Cabinet on many occasions, and had given great
satisfaction there. Clarendon talked of Vernon Smith, of whom he has
no elevated opinion, but still thinks him not without merit, and that
at this moment it would not be easy to replace him by some one clearly
better fitted. He takes pains, is rather clever, and did better in the
House of Commons than anybody gave him credit for last session; he
makes himself well informed upon everything about his office, and is
never at a loss to answer any questions that are put to him, and to
answer them satisfactorily.


[Sidenote: ATTACKS ON LORD CANNING.]

_November 2nd._--Gout in my hand has prevented my writing anything,
and adding some trifling particulars to what I have written above. In
the meantime has arrived the news of the capture of Delhi, but though
we have received it now a week ago we are still unacquainted with the
particulars. All the advantages of the electric telegraph are dearly
paid for by the agonies of suspense which are caused by the long
intervals between the arrival of general facts and of their particular
details. It still remains to be seen whether the results of this
success turn out on the whole to be as advantageous as it appears to be
brilliant. The Press goes on attacking Canning with great asperity and
injustice, and nobody here defends him. Though I am not a very intimate
or particular friend of his, I think him so unfairly and ungenerously
treated that I mean to make an effort to get him such redress as
the case admits of, and the only thing which occurs to me is that
Palmerston, as head of the Government, should take the opportunity of
the Lord Mayor's dinner to vindicate him, and assume the responsibility
of his acts. His 'Clemency' proclamation, as it is stupidly and falsely
called, was, I believe, not only proper and expedient, but necessary,
and I expect he will be able to vindicate himself completely from all
the charges which the newspapers have brought against him, but in the
meantime they will have done him all the mischief they can. Amongst
other things Clarendon told me at The Grove, he said, in reference
to Canning's war against the press, that the license of the Indian
press was intolerable, not of the native press only, but the English
in Bengal. Certain papers are conducted there by low, disaffected
people, who publish the most gross, false, and malignant attacks on the
Government, which are translated into the native languages, and read
extensively in the native regiments, and amongst the natives generally,
and that to put down this pest was an absolute necessity.


_November 4th._--I have been speaking to Granville about Canning, and
urged him to move Palmerston to stand forth in his defence at the Lord
Mayor's dinner on the 9th. This morning he received a very strong and
pressing letter from Clanricarde, in the same sense in which I had been
urging him, and a very good letter, and this he is going to send to
Palmerston. Clanricarde is struck, as I am, with the fact that nobody
and no newspaper has said a word in Canning's favour, and he sees as I
have done all the damage which has already been done to him by the long
and uncontradicted course of abuse and reproach with which the press
has teemed.


_Hatchford, November 8th._--Granville made a speech in defence of
Canning, at a dinner given at the Mansion House to the Duke of
Cambridge. He writes me word it was 'rather uphill work,' and I was
told it was not very well received, but nevertheless it produced
an effect, and it acted as a check upon the 'Times,' which without
retracting (which it never does) has considerably mitigated its
violence. It was the first word that has been said for Canning in
public, and it has evidently been of great use to him.

The most interesting event during the last few days is the failure of
the attempted launch of the big ship (now called 'Leviathan),' and it
is not a little remarkable that all the _great_ experiments recently
made have proved failures. Besides this one of the ship, there was a
few weeks ago the cracking of the bell (Big Ben) for the Houses of
Parliament, and not long before that the failure of the submarine
telegraph in the attempt to lay it down in the sea. The bell will
probably be replaced without much difficulty, but it is at present
doubtful whether it will be found possible to launch the ship at all,
and whether the telegraphic cable can ever be completed.


_November 10th._--Palmerston pronounced a glowing eulogium on Canning
last night at the Lord Mayor's dinner, which will infallibly stop the
current of abuse against him. It has already turned the 'Times.' He
seems to have been induced to do this by the great pressure brought to
bear on him, for otherwise he had no desire to stand forth and oppose
public opinion and the press; but Clarendon, Lansdowne, and others all
urged him strenuously to support Canning, and he did it handsomely
enough. His speech in other respects was an injudicious one, full of
_jactance_ and bow-wow, but well enough calculated to draw cheers from
a miscellaneous audience.


[Sidenote: PALMERSTON'S SPEECH AT THE MANSION HOUSE.]

_November 11th._--I was told yesterday that Palmerston's swaggering
speech would produce a bad effect in France, and those whom I have
spoken to agree in thinking it very ill-timed and in very bad taste.
It is the more objectionable because he might have said something
very different that would have been very becoming and true. He might
have observed upon the remarkable good taste and forbearance which
had been so conspicuous in all foreign nations towards us, even those
who may be supposed to be least friendly to us, or those whom we have
most outraged by our violent and insulting language or conduct. It is
at once creditable to other countries and honourable to us that no
disposition has been shown in any quarter to act differently towards
us, or to avail themselves of what they may suppose to be our weakness
and difficulty; but, on the contrary, the same consideration and
deference has been shown to us as if there had been no Indian outbreak
to absorb our resources. Our position in Europe is not only as high as
ever, but no one shows any disposition to degrade or diminish it; and
while this is a gratifying homage to us and a flattering recognition
of our power, it is, or at least ought to be, calculated to inspire us
with amicable sentiments, and to be an inducement to us to depart from
the insolent and offensive tone which has so long prevailed here, and
which has made England universally an object of aversion. It was of
course impossible that some expressions should not be given here and
there and now and then to such feelings, but on the whole we have no
reason to complain, but much the contrary; not even in Russia, whose
power and pride we have so deeply wounded, and whom we have so outraged
by every topic and expression of insult and injury which the bitterest
hatred could suggest, has there been anything like asperity, or any
rejoicing over our misfortunes.


_Frognal, November 14th._--The news of the capture of Delhi and
the relief of Lucknow excited a transport of delight and triumph,
and everybody jumped to the conclusion that the Indian contest was
virtually at an end. Granville told me he thought there would be no
more fighting, and that the work was done. I was not so sanguine, and
though I thought the result of the contest was now secure, I thought we
should still have a great deal on our hands and much more fighting to
hear of before the curtain could drop. But I was not prepared to hear
the dismal news which arrived to-day, and which has so cruelly damped
the public joy and exultation. It appears that Havelock is in great
danger and the long suffering garrison of Lucknow not yet out of their
peril, for the victory of Havelock had not been complete, the natives
were gathering round the small British force in vast numbers, and
unless considerable reinforcements could be speedily brought up, the
condition of the British, both military and civilians, of men, women,
and children, would soon again be one of excessive danger.


[Sidenote: SUSPENSION OF THE BANK ACT.]

_The Grove, November 15th._--I talked with Clarendon about the
Government letter to the Bank[1] and the state of financial affairs.
It is evident that Clarendon knows very little about these questions,
and takes very little part in them, but he told me one curious fact. A
letter which appeared about a week ago, addressed by the Emperor of the
French to his Finance Minister, made a great sensation here. In it the
Emperor deprecated all empirical measures for the purpose of meeting
the prevailing difficulties, financial and commercial, at Paris. About
a week before this Clarendon received a letter from Cowley, who said
that he had been conversing with the Emperor and with Walewski on these
matters, and Walewski had begged him (by the desire of the Emperor) to
write to Clarendon and request the advice of the English Government as
to the course he should adopt. Clarendon said that George Lewis was out
of town, but as there could be no delay, he sent his private secretary
to the Governor and Deputy Governor of the Bank, and requested their
advice and opinion. They said it was so important they would go down
to the Foreign Office, which they did, when they told Clarendon that
their advice was that the Emperor should insist on the Bank of France
following as nearly as possible the example of the Bank of England, to
keep their rates of discount high, and to avoid all rash experiments
of any kind. He wrote to Cowley accordingly, who communicated the
answer, and judging from the dates it would appear that the Emperor's
letter was the consequence of the advice so tendered. But Clarendon
seemed to think that the appearance of the Government letter was rather
awkward, and would appear to the French Government very inconsistent
with our communication to them. However, it will probably be easy to
afford satisfactory explanations on this head. The measure itself here
has apparently had the desired success, and they hope the panic and
distress will gradually subside, without any more mischief happening.
Lewis thinks that the best mode of dealing with Peel's Act will be to
retain it, but to give a power to the Queen in Council to relax it in
the same manner as has been now twice done by the interposition of
Government, whenever an urgent necessity should arise, and I suppose
this is the course that will be adopted, though not without a great
deal of discussion and diversity of opinion. I have hitherto said
nothing about the very curious and important state of affairs in
America and in this country, because I am too ignorant of financial
questions to talk about them, and I have not been apprised of any facts
beyond what all the world knows that it was worth while to record, but
this anecdote of the French Government and our own appears sufficiently
curious to have a place in this book.

Footnote 1: [On the 12th of November a letter was addressed to the
Governors of the Bank of England by Lord Palmerston and Sir George
Cornewall Lewis, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, empowering the Bank
to exceed the limits prescribed by the Bank Act of 1844 (if necessary)
to meet the demands for discount and advances on approved security.
This measure was rendered necessary by the extensive failures which
had recently taken place, and the severe pressure on the money market.
On the 4th November discount had advanced to 9 per cent. The Issue
Department made over to the Banking Department two millions in excess
of the statutable amount, of which about one million was advanced to
the public. On the 1st December the whole amount was repaid. Parliament
was summoned to pass a Bill of Indemnity, and public confidence was
restored.]


_November 17th._--A council was held yesterday at Windsor to summon
Parliament, where I found the ministers much dejected at the news from
India. There was a letter from Colin Campbell, expressing great alarm
at the position of Outram and Havelock, whom he thought to be in a
great scrape, though without any fault of theirs, and there was also a
report from Sir John Lawrence that affairs were in a ticklish state in
the Punjaub, and expressing a great anxiety for reinforcements, which
he had very little prospect of getting; in short the apparently bright
sky in which we were rejoicing only a few days ago seems to be obscured
by black clouds, and the great result to be as uncertain as ever.

[Sidenote: THE CLAYTON-BULWER TREATY.]

I met Clarendon at dinner this evening, when he told me that affairs
were in a bad state in the City, and that Lewis had received very
unsatisfactory accounts, so that it is not clear that the Government
letter is producing the good which at first seemed to be following
from it. There is a good deal of uneasiness in the financial and
commercial world and no confidence. The very prudence of the trading
community in arresting the course of production is becoming a source
of distress, for already vast numbers of people are out of employment,
or working short time with reduced wages. The prices of everything
are falling, consumption will be diminished, and the revenue must be
diminished likewise, while our expenses cannot but be increased by
the war. A general cry is getting up for making India pay for the
expense of this Indian war, which, even supposing it to be just and
reasonable, will make the ultimate settlement of the Indian question
more difficult, and a measure little calculated to reconcile the native
population to our rule. Then, as if we had not embarrassments enough
on our hands, America is going to add to them, for President Buchanan,
who hates England with a mortal antipathy, threatens to repudiate the
Clayton-Bulwer Treaty upon the pretence that we have not abided by its
conditions, and if he proposes to the Senate to declare it null and
void, the Senate will do so at his bidding. This would be a flagrant
violation of good faith, and of the obligations by which all civilized
nations consider themselves bound. If this event happens, it will
place us in a very perplexing dilemma, especially after Palmerston's
absurd bravado and confident boastings of our power, for we are not in
a condition to enable us to take a highline corresponding with that
lofty language, and we shall have to eat humble pie and submit to the
affront. Hitherto all other nations and governments have behaved to
us as well and as respectfully as we could desire, and far more than
we deserve; but if America bullies us in one instance, and we are
found pocketing the affront, it is by no means improbable that other
governments will begin to take advantage of our weakness, and adopt
towards us a conduct injurious to our interests or a tone galling to
our pride.[1]

Footnote 1: [These apprehensions were unfounded. Mr. Buchanan did
not seek to abrogate the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty with reference to the
eventual construction of a passage through the Isthmus of Central
America, and the neutral character of that undertaking, which is now
said to be in progress by the Canal of Panama, has remained unchanged
to the present time.]


_November 25th._--Last week I went to Ampthill from Wednesday till
Saturday; on Saturday to The Grove, with the Duke of Bedford, the
Lewises, Charles Villiers, and Ben Stanley. The Duke of Bedford told me
he was very uneasy about his brother John, who seemed in an irritable
frame of mind, and disposed to wage war against the Government when
Parliament meets.[1] He told Sir George Grey the other day that they
would not find him friendly. Clarendon told me of a conversation he
had recently had with the Queen _à propos_ of Palmerston's health,
concerning which Her Majesty was very uneasy, and what could be done
in the not impossible contingency of his breaking down. It is a
curious change from what we saw a few years ago, that she is become
almost affectionately anxious about the health of Palmerston, whose
death might then have been an event to be hailed with satisfaction.
Clarendon said she might well be solicitous about it, for if anything
happened to Palmerston she would be placed in the greatest difficulty.
She said that in such a case she should look to _him_, and expect him
to replace Palmerston, on which Clarendon said he was glad she had
broached the subject, as it gave him an opportunity of saying what he
was very anxious to impress upon her mind, and that was the absolute
impossibility of his undertaking such an office, against which he
enumerated various objections. He told her that Derby could not form a
Government, and if she had the misfortune to lose Palmerston, nothing
remained for her to do but to send for John Russell and put him at the
head of the Government. She expressed her great repugnance to this, and
especially to make him Prime Minister. Clarendon then entreated her
to conquer her repugnance, and to be persuaded that it would never do
to offer him anything else, which he neither would nor could accept;
that the necessity was to have a man who could lead the House of
Commons, and there was no other but him; that Lord John had consented
to take a subordinate office under Lord Aberdeen, who was his senior
in age, and occupied a high position, but he would never consent to
take office under him (Clarendon), and the proposal he would consider
as an insult. For every reason, therefore, he urged her, if driven to
apply to him at all, to do it handsomely, to place the whole thing in
his hands, and to give him her full confidence and support. He appears
to have convinced her that this is the proper course, and he gave me
to understand that if Lord John acts with prudence and moderation all
the present Government would accept him for their head, and Clarendon
is so anxious that this should be the turn affairs should take, that
he urged me to talk to the Duke of Bedford about it, and to get him to
exert all his influence with Lord John to conduct himself in such a
manner as shall conduce to his restoration to office at a future time.
I had only time to exchange a few words with the Duke before we parted
the next morning, and we agreed that I should write him a letter on the
subject which he may show to Lord John if he sees fit to do so. I went
to Wrotham on Monday, and yesterday penned an epistle to be shown to
Lord John, in which I set forth his position, and dilated on the great
importance to himself and to the country of his conducting himself with
patience and forbearance, and of his abstaining from any such vexatious
opposition to the Government as might render his future union with
them impossible. It remains to be seen whether my remonstrance (which
I tried to couch in terms that would not be disagreeable to Lord John)
will produce any effect.[2]

Footnote 1: [Lord John Russell had taken office in Lord Palmerston's
first Administration as Colonial Secretary, but he resigned on June 13,
1855, and remained out of office.]

Footnote 2: [These speculations are curious, but happily the
apprehensions caused by the supposed state of Lord Palmerston's
health were unfounded, for with the short interval of the second
Derby Government in 1858 and 1859, he continued to hold office and
to discharge the duties of Prime Minister with his accustomed vigour
and success until his death in October 1865, when he was succeeded
by Lord Russell. At this particular moment (1857) the latent danger
of the Government lay, not in the failing health of Lord Palmerston,
but in an unforeseen occurrence which caused the unexpected defeat of
Lord Palmerston's Ministry within four months of this date, and the
accession of Lord Derby and his friends to office.]


[Sidenote: LORD JOHN RUSSELL IN OPPOSITION.]

_Hitchinbrook, November 28th._--I came here to-day from Riddlesworth,
where I have now been for the first time for twenty years. I received
there two letters from the Duke of Bedford, the first telling me he
should show, and the second that he had shown, my letter to Lord John.
He received it graciously, saying he agreed with almost all I said, but
that it was easier to give than it was to take such advice, and that he
had been blamed by certain persons for not having given more opposition
to the Government last year on some questions than he had done,
especially to the Persian War; but I rather infer on the whole that my
letter made some impression on him, though it remains to be seen how
much.

The last news from India is as good as could be expected, and the
current there has evidently turned. I met Martin Smith (Indian
Director) at Riddlesworth, and had much talk with him about Indian
affairs. It is clear that the Company do not mean to submit to be
summarily extinguished without a struggle. He told me that with regard
to the great subject, the sending out troops by sailing vessels instead
of by steamers, which is made matter of bitter reproach against the
Directors, the fault lay entirely with the Government. The Directors
wanted to send 10,000 men across Egypt, and the Government would
not do it. They proposed it formally to the Board of Control, who
referred it to the Foreign Office, and Clarendon said it could not be
done on account of certain political considerations which rendered it
inexpedient, so that if the Directors could have had their own way the
thing would have been done. There may have been good grounds for the
refusal of the Government, but in this instance the double Government
was productive only of a sacrifice of Indian to Imperial interests,
and it will not be easy to draw from this transaction any argument in
favour of abolishing the East India Company and the Leadenhall Street
Administration.


_London, December 2nd._--Yesterday morning Lord Sydney received a
letter from Lady Canning, who said that although undoubtedly many
horrible things had happened in India, the exaggeration of them had
been very great, and that she had read for the first time in the
English newspapers stories of atrocities of which she had never heard
at Calcutta, and that statements made in India had turned out to be
pure inventions and falsehoods. Yet our papers publish everything that
is sent to them without caring whether it may be true or false, and
the credulous public swallow it all without the slightest hesitation
and doubt. Shaftesbury too, who is a prodigious authority with the
public, and who has all the religious and pseudo-religious people at
his back, does his utmost to make the case out to be as bad as possible
and to excite the rage and indignation of the masses to the highest
pitch. He is not satisfied with the revolting details with which the
Press has been teeming, but complains that more of them have not been
detailed and described, and that the particulars of mutilation and
violation have not been more copiously and circumstantially given to
the world. I have never been able to comprehend what his motives are
for talking in this strange and extravagant strain, but it is no doubt
something connected with the grand plan of Christianizing India, in
the furtherance of which the High Church and the Low Church appear
to be bidding against each other; and as their united force will in
all probability be irresistible, so they will succeed in making any
Government in India impossible.

[Sidenote: A QUEEN'S SPEECH.]

B---- showed me the Draft of the Queen's Speech this evening after
dinner. Cobbett in his Grammar produces examples of bad English taken
from Kings' Speeches, which he says might be expected to be the best
written, but generally are the worst written documents in the world.
It would be difficult to produce any former Speech more deplorably
composed than this one. Long sentences, full of confusion, and of which
the meaning is not always clear, and some faults of grammar for which
a schoolboy would be whipped. B---- was so struck by one I pointed
out that he said he would beg Palmerston to alter it. If this Speech
escapes severe criticism and ridicule I shall be much surprised, as I
am already that George Lewis, who has so lately been a literary critic,
and is a correct writer himself, should have allowed it to pass in its
present shape, and indeed the sentence he himself put in about his own
business is as bad as any other part of it.

I have no idea what they mean to propose about the Bank Charter Act,
but if it be what Lewis told me some time ago, to give the Queen the
power of suspending the Act by Order in Council, I much doubt if
they will carry such a proposal, and it appears to me on reflexion
thoroughly unconstitutional, and as such I expect it will be vehemently
attacked by all the opponents and the quasi-opponents of Government,
and indeed by all except those who are prepared to follow Palmerston
with blind submission, and to vote for anything rather than allow him
to be put in jeopardy. John Russell, for instance, would hardly be able
to resist the temptation of falling foul of such a proposal, though he
would approve of their having followed a precedent which he had himself
set in a case somewhat similar, though in some respects less urgent.




CHAPTER XV.

Opening of the Session--Prevailing Distress--Lord John
reconciled--Ministerial Speculations--Contemplated Transfer of
India to the Crown--Military Position in India--Conversation
with Mr. Disraeli--Bill for the Dissolution of the East India
Company--Difficulties of Parliamentary Reform--The Relief of
Lucknow--Lord Normanby's 'Year of Revolution'--Brougham's Jealousy of
Lord Cockburn--Refutation of Lord Normanby's Book--The Crown Jewels
of Hanover--Labour in the French Colonies--The Death of General
Havelock--Gloomy Prospects in India--Inadequate Measures for the Relief
of India--Lord John Russell hostile to Government--Death of the Duke
of Devonshire--Mr. Disraeli suggests a Fusion of Parties--Marriage of
the Princess Royal--Weakness of the Government--Excitement in France
against this Country--Petition of the East India Company--Drowsiness
of Ministers--Decline of Lord Palmerston's Popularity--Effect of the
Orsini Attempt on the Emperor Napoleon--Opposition to the Conspiracy
Bill--Review of the Crisis--Lord Derby sent for by the Queen--Refusal
of the Peelites--The Catastrophe unexpected--The Defeat might have been
avoided--Mismanagement of the Affair--Ministers determined to resign.


[Sidenote: A BAD WINTER.]

_London, December 4th_, 1857.--Parliament opened yesterday, very
quietly, and at present a quiet session seems probable, but such
appearances are often fallacious. The most alarming consideration
is the probability of a very hard and hungry winter for the working
classes, vast numbers of people being already out of employment. I
met Sir James Shuttleworth yesterday, who knows a great deal about
Lancashire, where he lives, and he told me that though the distress was
considerable and threatening to increase, the conduct of the people was
admirable. There was no disaffection or bad feeling towards the upper
classes and employers; they seemed to have greatly improved in good
sense and reflection, and were satisfied of the sympathy felt for them,
and the disposition entertained by the rich to do all in their power to
alleviate the distress of the poor. And he stated (what seemed to me a
curious fact) that they preferred that the time of working should be
shortened, or even mills closed, rather than a general reduction in the
rate of wages. This moral condition of the labouring classes is a most
satisfactory sign of the times.

The Duke of Bedford has just been here, and tells me Lord John is in
a better frame of mind, and has already done two sensible things. He
has given notice to some of his supporters that he will have nothing
to do with the organisation of any party, and he has responded to an
invitation of Vernon Smith's by a promise to impart to him his opinion
and advice upon Indian affairs, and the best mode of providing for the
future government of that country.


_December 6th._--John Russell has begun well in the House of Commons
and _si sic omnia_ he will put himself in a good position, but it
is impossible to rely upon him. At present his disposition to the
Government appears friendly. I had a conversation about him and
his future relations with the Government last night with B----. I
infer from what dropped from him that he thinks the probability of
Palmerston's breaking down is not a remote and unlikely one. I do
not think he considers him broken in health, but that he thinks the
strength of his intellect is impaired, and that he begins to show signs
of decay to those who have the means of observing them. He particularly
noticed the failure of his memory, and he said, what I have no doubt is
true, that he will never be himself conscious, still less acknowledge,
that his faculties are less vigorous and active than they were. What
the nature and amount of the decay in him is I know not, and they will
not say, but from the uneasy feeling, and these speculations as to
future contingencies among his colleagues, I am sure they are prepared
for something. B---- said if the case occurred there were only two men
who could be Minister, Derby or Clarendon, and he fancies that John
Russell might be induced to take office under Clarendon, and he does
not believe that Clarendon really means what he says when he expresses
his extreme reluctance to take the post, or that he would not in
reality prefer it even to the Foreign Office. He treats his scruples
as a sort of _nolo episcopari_, in which I think he is partially, but
not entirely, right. There can be no doubt that in the present state of
affairs it is much to be desired that Palmerston should be able to go
on. I was amused by a trifling incident, so very Palmerstonian, told me
the other day. I have already alluded to the bad writing in the Queen's
Speech, and it seems one phrase was criticised and altered in the
Cabinet, but when he got back to his office he altered the alteration,
and made it as it was before. I am not sure that the alteration was not
the one suggested by B---- upon the strength of my criticism, and that
Palmerston declined to alter the passage.


[Sidenote: TRANSFER OF INDIA TO THE CROWN.]

_December 7th._--I called on Lord Grey in the morning and dined with
Lyndhurst in the evening, and had much talk with both of them about
the pending questions, Reform, India, Bank Act. Lord Grey is bringing
out a book upon Reform. Lyndhurst is decidedly against any strong and
subversive measure about India, and is for improving and not upsetting
the present system. Public opinion, led by the Press, has hitherto
leant to the dissolution of the Company and the Directorial Government;
but as time advances and the extreme difficulty of concocting another
system becomes apparent, people begin to dread the idea of destroying
an ancient system, without any certainty of a better one replacing it,
and I think there is a general feeling of alarm at the notion of the
Indian Empire being placed under the direction of such a man as Vernon
Smith; more, indeed, than is quite just and called for, as his talents,
though of a second-rate calibre, are not so low as is supposed, and he
is not the cipher in his office he is thought to be, but is well enough
acquainted with all its details, and always able to explain everything
to the Cabinet clearly and correctly. But these merits, which are those
of a diligent clerk, are far from being sufficient to qualify him for
having the direction of an office which circumstances have rendered
by far the most important and difficult in the whole Government.
Till recently the Board of Control has been looked upon as a very
subordinate department, and one of mere routine, which anybody might
fill. I remember when John Russell offered it to Graham some years ago,
he treated the proposal as an insult.


_December 8th._--I went to the House of Lords last night and heard for
the first time Ellenborough speak--an admirable style of speaking. It
was a good night for Canning. The 'Times' has turned right round and
defends him, finding the Government are in earnest in doing so. The
account of Lucknow just come by telegram is very alarming, and keeps
one in a state of nervous excitement, difficult to describe.


_London, December 17th._--Though the last advices from India were
satisfactory as far as they went, it is generally understood that the
next mail must bring the account of a bloody battle at or near Lucknow,
in which, though no one doubts that the British will be victorious, it
is certain that there will be great loss of life. Sanguine people and
the Press, with hardly any exception, imagine that this anticipated
victory will terminate the contest and leave only some straggling
conflicts to go on for a short time longer, ending by a speedy
suppression of the rebellion. In this expectation I do not share, but,
on the contrary, believe it will be a protracted affair, not indeed
doubtful in its ultimate result, but which will cost as much time
and money and many men, for all who know anything of the matter tell
us that the wear and tear in India is enormous, and that a continual
stream of reinforcements must be poured into the country to keep the
army in a state of efficiency. Captain Lowe, lately aide-de-camp to
poor George Anson, and who was in the storm of Delhi, an intelligent
officer, confirms all these notions, and he says that nothing can
be more inexpedient than the scheme, propounded here with great
confidence, of forming the native force, on which we are hereafter to
rely, of Sikhs instead of Hindoos. He says that inasmuch as they are
very brave and excellent soldiers, it would only be to place ourselves
in a state of far greater danger and uncertainty, for though the Sikhs
have proved very faithful to us, and rendered excellent service, it
is impossible to predict how long this humour may last, and whether
circumstances may not arise to induce them to throw off our yoke and
assert their own independence. It is marvellous and providential that
on this occasion the Sikhs were disposed to side with us instead of
against us, for if they had taken the latter course, it would have
been all up and nothing could have saved us. _À propos_ of this
consideration he told me a curious anecdote. A Sikh was talking to a
British officer in a very friendly way, and he said, 'Don't you think
it very strange that we, who were so recently fighting against you,
should be now fighting with you? and should you be very much surprised
if a year or two hence you should see us fighting against you again?'

[Sidenote: CONVERSATION WITH MR. DISRAELI.]

Disraeli called on me a day or two ago, when we had a political
chat. He talked with much contempt of the present Government, except
of George Lewis, of whom he spoke in the highest terms. He said
Palmerston's popularity was of a negative character, and, rather more
from the unpopularity of every other public man than from any peculiar
attachment to him; he talked bitterly of Derby's having declined
to take the Government in 1855, which he seemed to consider as an
irreparable blow to his party. He is evidently not without hopes that
the Government may find themselves in some inextricable difficulty
about their Reform Bill, and thinks they will be incapable of
concocting an India Bill which will go down with the country. He does
not appear to have made up his mind what course to take on the Indian
question, and it is evident that at present the Tory party have decided
on nothing. The Cabinet has committed the scheme of Reform to a select
number of its members, as was done in 1830, but what they are doing
about India I do not know. There is certainly a difference of opinion
amongst them, as there no doubt is about Reform, but as little doubt
that they are all agreed upon not letting their conflicting opinions
break up the Government.


_December 21st._--I called on George Lewis the day before yesterday
and had a long talk with him. He told me that Palmerston had given
notice to the Chairs that the Government had come to the resolution
of bringing in a Bill to put an end to their dominion, and that the
plan was to have an Indian Secretary of State with a Council, and the
Council to have the distribution of the patronage. I was surprised to
hear him say that he saw no difficulty in the settlement of the Indian
question, either in passing it through Parliament or in producing a
good measure which would work better than the present system, and he
said he wished the other great question they had upon their hands,
that of Reform, was as easy, but that the more they went into it, the
more difficult it appeared. I need not enter into the details which we
discussed, as the Bill is not yet settled, and in a few weeks more it
will come forth. He said that the great misfortune was their having
thrown out Locke King's motion this year, for if they had done what
they had originally intended with regard to it, they should in all
probability have laid the question at rest for ten years longer at
least, and he then told me a curious anecdote on this matter, giving an
example of strange levity and incapacity on the part of the Government.
When Locke King brought forward his motion, it was considered in the
Cabinet, and they came to a unanimous resolution to let his bill be
read a second time, but to oppose the amount of his franchise in
Committee and raise it from 10_l._ to 20_l._, which they had no doubt
they should carry. On the very night on which the question was to be
moved Lewis went down to the House of Commons with this understanding,
never dreaming that any alteration was contemplated, when George Grey
said to him, 'You know Palmerston is going to oppose Locke King's
motion' (for leave to bring in his Bill). Lewis expressed his surprise,
and asked what had happened to set aside the unanimous agreement come
to in the Cabinet. Grey said there had been a dinner at Charles Wood's,
at which certain Ministers were present (whom he named, but I forget
if Palmerston was one), when the question had been discussed, and the
result had been to make a change in their opinions, and Palmerston
had agreed that Locke King should be opposed _in limine_. This Lewis
told me he regarded as a fatal error, to which they owed the dilemma
in which they found themselves placed. But what struck me most was the
mode of doing business of such importance, and that there should not
be found a single individual to protest against it, and to resign his
office rather than to submit to be so dragged through the mire; but
the present doctrine seems to be that _Palmerston's_ Government must
be held together at any price, and this is the more curious when it is
obvious to me that his colleagues, while conscious of the difficulty of
doing without him, have an exceedingly mean opinion of his intrinsic
value. I told Lewis all that Disraeli had said to me about him as well
as about Palmerston, when he expressed his surprise at the manner
in which Disraeli had spoken of _him_, for which he was not at all
prepared, but said _he estimated Palmerston at his real worth_. He told
me of Harrowby's resignation on account of his health, and that his
place had been offered to Clanricarde, and wanted to know if I thought
Clanricarde would be objected to.[1] We talked of the stories which
John Russell had heard of, about our being on bad terms with France,
and the Emperor Napoleon out of humour with us, and of Palmerston's
meditating hostile designs against Russia, all of which he said were
pure fabrications, as we were on the best terms with France, and
Palmerston entertained no hostile designs against Russia or any other
Power. We both agreed that our hands were too full to think of any
fresh quarrels or aggressions, and I found him of the same opinion as
myself about our arbitrary and dictatorial system, and of the mischief
it had done, and as much with reference to the slave trade as any other
question.

[Sidenote: THE CASE OF THE 'NEWPORT.']

I told him of the slave case just decided in the Judicial Committee
of the Privy Council, and of the sum of money it would cost our
Government, to say nothing of the mortification. He said no doubt
Palmerston would proclaim it to be a wrong decision, and would defend
the Foreign Office and all the agents who had been concerned in the
outrage.[2]

Footnote 1: [The Earl of Harrowby held the office of Lord Privy Seal.
He was succeeded by the Marquis of Clanricarde, which proved a very
unpopular appointment.]

Footnote 2: [This refers to the case of the 'Newport,' a vessel which
had been condemned by the Vice-Admiralty Court at St. Helena for
alleged trading in slaves, together with penalties to the amount of
13,000_l._ on the shippers and owners of the cargo. The Lords of the
Judicial Committee reversed this sentence with costs and damages, and
declared that the owners of the ship must look to the Government for
their indemnity. They added that 'merchants who, having engaged only
in a lawful adventure, have been subjected to an unjust and illegal
sentence, are entitled to be indemnified against its consequences, and
against the costs which they have incurred in obtaining its reversal,
in relieving themselves from the heavy pecuniary loss which it
inflicted, and from the deep stain which it cast upon their characters,
and that the national honour must be vindicated at the national
expense.']


_Hatchford, December 26th._--Christmas Day, usually coming in frost and
snow, was yesterday like a fine day in May, the glorious weather being
in unison with the general gladness at the good news from India and the
tidings that Lucknow, with its wounded and its long suffering band of
women and children, had been relieved at last, and for good and all.
This news arrived on Christmas Eve, to make the day itself as merry as
it is proverbially said to be.

[Sidenote: LORD NORMANBY'S 'YEAR OF REVOLUTION.']

Brougham has taken Normanby's book, 'A Year of Revolution,' under his
protection, for what reason nobody can divine. He wrote to Mrs. Austin
begging she would exert her influence with her nephew Reeve to get it
noticed favourably in the 'Edinburgh Review,' that it was a good book,
had the merit of being true, and that it was much approved by Louis
Napoleon, who had encouraged its being translated. I had imagined
Brougham was improved, but it is evident from his conduct on this
occasion that he is the same man he ever was. The book contains page
after page of matter the most offensive to Guizot and to Louis Philippe
and his family, with which everybody is revolted, and its malice is
not redeemed by literary merit or attractiveness in any shape. That
Brougham should take up such a production is as unaccountable as
it is indecent, for he affected to be exceedingly attached to the
Orleans royalties, to be on very intimate terms with the King, and he
treated Guizot with a familiarity quite at variance with good taste
and propriety, and which had excited the astonishment, with no small
disgust, of Guizot himself. It might have been expected that he would
have resented such a production as Normanby's, instead of patronising
it. He told Mrs. Austin he could not himself speak to Reeve about it,
since he had made the 'Edinburgh Review' the vehicle of a personal
attack upon himself. What he alluded to was, that when Lord Cockburn's
life was published an article (anonymous of course) appeared in the
'Law Magazine' in which Lord Cockburn was very ill-used, and another
in reply to this, and in vindication of Lord Cockburn, but without a
word against Brougham, appeared in the 'Edinburgh.' This was what he
called a personal attack upon himself. He was the author of the paper
in the 'Law Magazine,' but the writer in the 'Edinburgh' had no right
to assume this, or to know anything about it, though as a matter of
fact he did know, or at least had good reason to suspect, that it was
penned by Brougham. It had already been settled that the 'Edinburgh
Review' should take no notice whatever of 'The Year of Revolution,'
and Mrs. Austin having sent Brougham's letter to Reeve, Reeve answered
it himself, utterly denying that he had made or intended to make any
attack upon him, and telling him in plain terms what the general
opinion is of Normanby's book.

Meanwhile Guizot writes to Reeve that the book is full of lies, and
not worth notice; that he will take none of what concerns himself
alone, but cannot leave uncontradicted such parts of it as relate to
the King, and give utterly false statements of the relations between
the King and himself. He then refers to various passages which he says
are all false, and desires Reeve to show his letter to Lord Lansdowne,
Granville, and me, and to anybody else he thinks fit. All this will
contribute to bring Normanby into a very unpleasant dilemma about
this ill-advised book, and it must be said that it is all Clarendon's
fault for his weakness and good nature in abstaining from renewing
his prohibition, and when Normanby was here giving a sort of tacit
consent to its appearance, although that was accompanied with a strong
expression of opinion that it ought to be suppressed. And now a report
has got about that before the book came out Clarendon read and approved
of it, which I requested Mrs. Austin to deny in the most peremptory
manner, for it was to her that this assertion had been made.[1]

Footnote 1: [Lord Normanby had written this narrative of the events
of 1847 to 1848 whilst he was Ambassador in Paris, and he proposed to
publish it at an earlier period when he was still in office. But upon
this coming to the knowledge of the Foreign Office, Lord Clarendon
(without having read the work) intimated to Lord Normanby that he
could not allow a diplomatic servant of the Crown of the first rank
to publish a polemical narrative of transactions in which he had been
engaged, at any rate whilst he held office. The book therefore was
suppressed for some years. But when Lord Normanby had quitted office,
he felt at liberty to disregard Lord Clarendon's injunction, and the
book was published, to the great detriment of his own reputation.]


[Sidenote: THE CROWN JEWELS OF HANOVER.]

_December 29th._--The long-pending dispute about the Crown jewels
claimed by the King of Hanover was settled the other day. The history
of it is this. The late King of Hanover on the death of William IV.
claimed these jewels upon the ground that they were partly belonging
to the Crown of Hanover and partly had been bequeathed to him by
Queen Charlotte. Our Government, on behalf of the Queen, naturally
resisted the claim. After a good deal of wrangling they were at last
prevailed on to name a commission to investigate the question, and
Lord Lyndhurst, Lord Langdale, and Chief Justice Tindal were appointed
accordingly. After a considerable delay and a troublesome enquiry,
they arrived at a conclusion, but when they were just about to give
their award Chief Justice Tindal died. Lyndhurst and Langdale were
divided in opinion, so no award could be given. The Chancellor, Lord
Cottenham, refused to renew the Commission, and the matter has stood
over ever since. In the present year, however, the Government thought
the matter ought to be decided one way or another, and they issued a
fresh Commission, consisting of Lord Wensleydale, Vice-Chancellor Page
Wood, and Sir Lawrence Peel (ex-Indian judge), and they have given
judgement unanimously in favour of the King of Hanover, i.e., with
regard to the bulk of the jewels, some few seem to have been allotted
to the Queen. Lord Wensleydale came into my room at the Council Office
just after they had finished their award, and told me about it. I asked
him if they had decided it on _evidence_ or only by a sort of rough
estimate, but he said they had ample evidence, and they were all quite
satisfied upon the point. Last night I asked Lord Lyndhurst about his
share in the question, when he told me their difficulty had been to
make out whether the jewels which Queen Charlotte had disposed of by
her will had really been hers to leave, or whether she had only had the
use of them, but that this had been decided by the discovery of George
III.'s will, in which he expressly left them to her. Tindal entirely
agreed with Lyndhurst, and if he had lived a little longer, judgement
would have been given then in favour of Hanover. Lyndhurst said the
Court was very anxious about it, for Prince Albert had told him the
pearls were the finest in Europe. The value of them has been enormously
exaggerated, but is still considerable. Lord Lyndhurst said they were
worth about 150,000_l._, and Kielmansegge told me the same thing.

By the Indian papers just arrived it appears that the relief of the
Residency of Lucknow and the deliverance of all who were confined in it
was complete, but there was no great battle (which everybody expected),
though much severe fighting, and Lucknow itself was still untaken.
The mutineers, though always worsted, seem to fight better than they
were thought capable of doing, and everything tends to show that the
suppression of the Mutiny is still far from being accomplished.


_December 31st._--I met Clarendon last night, who talked about the
Hanoverian jewel question; he said the Queen was very anxious to know
Lord Lyndhurst's opinion upon the award, so last night I went to his
house and asked him, telling him the reason why. He said he had no
doubt the award was correct; that in their case the jewels were divided
into two categories: first, those which came from George II. and were
undoubtedly Hanoverian; and secondly, those which George III. had given
Queen Charlotte. They had heard counsel on both sides, but neither
side chose to produce the will of George III., which they never had
before them, so they were in a difficulty about these latter stones.
Tindal died the day they were to have met to draw up an award. He and
Lyndhurst were agreed, Langdale doubted. Lyndhurst said he had no doubt
if they had had King George III.'s will, which Wensleydale and his
colleagues had before them, they should all three have agreed, and to
the same award.

Clarendon complained of the recent pro-slavery articles in the 'Times,'
and told Delane they were calculated to encourage the French in holding
to their African operations. The French Government had told us that
they must have labour, but they did not care if it was black or brown,
and if we would undertake to find coolies for them in the same way
as Mauritius is supplied, they would give up their scheme. Clarendon
said this was fair enough, but it did not get rid of the difficulty,
because it was impossible to get the coolies in sufficient numbers,
and that our own Colonies, which were perishing for want of labour,
would complain loudly, and not unjustly, if we brought the French into
competition with them, thus enhancing the difficulty and the cost of
supply to themselves. The probability then is that the French will go
on, and that all other nations who have the same wants will follow
their example, and we shall be reinvolved in endless remonstrances and
squabbles under very disadvantageous circumstances.


_January 1st_.1858.--It is worth noticing that after a year of fine
weather, of which nobody can recollect the like, this first day of the
New Year has opened like one of a genial spring. This nearly unbroken
course of wonderful weather for about nine or ten months gives rise to
many speculations as to its cause, and no doubt there is some physical
cause, although it has not yet been ascertained.


_January 5th._--To-day the winter seems to have set in in earnest.


[Sidenote: THE CONTEST IN INDIA.]

_January 7th._--Not many days ago the 'Times' concluded an article on
the Indian war in these words (it was after describing the relief of
the Residence at Lucknow by Sir Colin Campbell): 'thus ends the Indian
Mutiny of 1857;' and to-day we have the news of Wyndham having been
defeated by the Gwalior Force; of Sir Colin having been obliged to quit
Lucknow, _without having captured it_, in order to repair this check
(which he seems to have done very effectually) and deplorable event; of
the death of Havelock, the hero of this war, who, after escaping unhurt
through battle after battle, has succumbed to disease, not having lived
long enough to know all that is said of him and all that has been done
for him here. It is impossible not to feel the loss of this man as if
he belonged to one individually, so deep is the interest which his
gallantry and his brilliant career have excited in every heart.

Every account we receive only confirms the impression that this
war will be a long and difficult affair, and if we are able by our
military successes to put down all opposition and suppress the mutiny
thoroughly, we shall have a still more difficult task to re-establish
order and a quiet and regular government in the country, and this
difficulty promises to be enormously increased by all that is passing
here on the subject. Shaftesbury is stirring up all the fanaticism
of the country, and clamouring for what he calls the _emancipation_
of Christianity in India, and even the 'Times,' once celebrated for
its strong sound sense and its fearless independence, is afraid to
rebuke this nonsense, and endorses it by saying 'we have commited
great errors,' but without explaining what it means, or giving any
exemplification of the assertion. The real meaning, however, of the
Exeter Hall clamour is, that we should commence as soon as we can a
crusade against the religions of the natives of India, and attempt
to force Christianity upon them. I begin to have the most dismal
forebodings upon this Indian question. I continue indeed to believe
that by dint of enormous exertions, by a vast expenditure of money,
and sending out every man we can raise and make a soldier of, we shall
sooner or later conquer the mutineers and suppress the rebellion, but I
expect we shall lose our Indian Empire. I may possibly not live to see
the catastrophe, but those who are twenty or may be ten years younger
than I am in all probability will. All our legislation is conducting
us to this end. We are taking this moment of war and confusion to
revolutionize our Indian Empire and government, to root up all that
the natives have been accustomed to regard with veneration, and to
pronounce sentence of condemnation upon the only authority of which
they know anything, and which has been the object of their fears and
hopes, and sometimes of their attachment. The Government is about to
hurry into this measure as if the existing system had been the cause
of the present rebellion and conflict, and that the one they propose
to substitute would be so much better and capable of repairing the
mischief which the government of the Company has caused by its alleged
mismanagement. I have no prejudice or partiality for the Company, but I
believe any great change at this moment to be fraught with danger, and
that the notion of improving the state of affairs by the abolition of
what is called the double government is a mere delusion.[1]

Footnote 1: [The experience of nearly thirty years has proved that
these gloomy forebodings were unfounded. The Government and the
condition of the Indian Empire have undergone enormous changes in that
interval of time, but upon the whole the suppression of the military
revolt of 1857 has placed British authority in India upon a more secure
basis, the loyalty of the native princes to the Crown has increased,
the native population is more enlightened and more prosperous, and
the dangers which may still threaten the British Empire in India are
not those which struck the mind of Mr. Greville in 1858. He himself,
however, soon changed his opinion. See entry of the 12th March,
_infra._]


_January 16th._--I went to The Grange on Tuesday and returned yesterday
morning, when I was met by the news of an attempted assassination of
the Emperor Napoleon, whose escape seems to have been providential.

It is since I last wrote anything here that we have received the
news from India of Wyndham's defeat at Cawnpore, and of Sir Colin's
subsequent victory, but we are not yet informed of the details so as
to be able to pass a judgement on these events, and upon Wyndham's
conduct. It may be doubted, however, whether the small defeat in the
one case is not more prejudicial than the considerable victory in
the other is advantageous; and the inference to be derived from the
whole is to my mind of a gloomy character, for I think unless we can
manage to pour into India an unceasing stream of fresh troops for an
indefinite period, we shall succumb in the contest by the mere weight
of numbers, and the question is, whether we shall be able to do this,
which seems to me exceedingly doubtful. The Government appear never
to have been sufficiently alive to the danger and the difficulties of
this warfare, and have contented themselves with going on leisurely
and lazily, preparing reinforcements to be sent out from time to time,
but have never thought it incumbent on them to make the extraordinary
efforts that the case imperatively demands.

[Sidenote: LORD JOHN RUSSELL IN OPPOSITION.]

When Parliament meets I shall be surprised if there is not before long
a great storm in both Houses, and if Palmerston means to rest upon his
popularity, and to endeavour to conjure it by his habitual offhand
manner and assurances that they have done all they could, expecting
that such assurances will be accepted as a matter of course, I think he
will be greatly mistaken. In spite of all that has been said to John
Russell, and his not unfriendly disposition during the short autumnal
session, his patience and prudence are evidently well-nigh exhausted,
and we may soon expect to see him in vehement opposition. He writes to
his brother that 'he is appalled at the part he may be obliged to take
in the coming session,' and he seems to be under the influence of a
fresh feeling of antipathy to Palmerston. It is not unlikely that he
thinks it not worth his while to wait for the chance of Palmerston's
being withdrawn from the field, and that he may as well gratify his
inclination by going into Opposition, and it is likely enough that he
fancies he has more influence in the House of Commons and the country
than he really possesses, and may collect a party of his own, instead
of being grudgingly accepted by the present Government as a matter of
necessity, rather than one of choice. If this is his view, I believe
he is egregiously mistaken. Lowe, whom I met at The Grange, and who
knows something of both Parliamentary and public opinion, told me that
John Russell would find no support in the House of Commons where his
influence was extinct, and that so far from forming a party of his
own, he did not believe if Palmerston were to die to-morrow, and Lord
John take his place at the head of the Government, that the Government
itself would stand.


_Woburn Abbey, January 19th._--Yesterday morning we were astounded by
the receipt of a telegraphic message informing Granville that the Duke
of Devonshire had been found dead in his bed.[1] Nothing could be more
sudden and unexpected, and the immediate cause of his death is not
known. At different periods of my life I have lived in great intimacy
with him, but he was capricious, so the intervals were long and
frequent during which we were almost strangers to each other. Spoiled
by his mother as a boy, and becoming Duke of Devonshire with a colossal
fortune at twenty-one years old, and besides afflicted with incurable
deafness, his existence was _manqué_, and he was a disappointed and
unhappy man. His abilities were of a very high order, and if he had
not been relieved by his position and wealth from the necessity of
exertion and disqualified by his infirmities from taking an active part
in public life, he might have been a considerable and important as well
as a far happier man; but as he had unfortunately no positive tastes
or active pursuits, no domestic ties to engage his affections, and no
public duties to occupy his mind, he was reduced to fill up the vacuum
of his existence by capricious _engouements_ and frivolous society.
He was very clever and very comical, with a keen sense of humour,
frequently very droll with his intimate friends, and his letters were
always very amusing. The Duke lived very much like a _grand seigneur_,
hospitable and magnificent; he was very fond of his family, and very
kind to them, as he was also to those of his friends whom he took into
favour, many of the poorer of whom will have great reason to regret the
loss of a benefactor. There was for a long time a vague notion that
some mystery attached to his birth, and that he was not really the
son, or at all events not the legitimate son, of his reputed father.
The idea was that Lady Elizabeth Foster (whom the Duke afterwards
married as his second wife) and the Duchess had been confined at the
same time at Paris, and that the latter having a girl and the former a
boy, the children had been changed, the Duke being the father of both
children. I always treated this story as a myth, and this opinion has
been confirmed by the deposition of the woman who had received the
child in her arms upon his birth, which was conclusive evidence of his
legitimacy. It is remarkable that the whole of the vast property of
the late Duke was in his own power. The entail was cut off upon his
majority, and his father died before the estates were resettled.

Footnote 1: [William Spencer, sixth Duke of Devonshire, born May 21,
1790, died January 17, 1858. He was Mr. Greville's second cousin, the
Duchess of Portland, mother of Lady Charlotte Greville, having been the
daughter of the fourth Duke of Devonshire.]


_January 20th._--The more I hear from India and about Indian affairs,
and the more I read and reflect upon the subject, the more desponding
I become as to our future prospects there; first, as to our means of
bringing the war to a successful issue, and secondly, as to our power
to govern the country and keep it quiet and contented when the first
object has been accomplished.


[Sidenote: DISRAELI'S OVERTURE TO THE WHIGS.]

_January 23rd._--On arriving in town yesterday, I received a visit
from Disraeli, who said he had come to consult me _in confidence_,
and to ask my opinion, by which his own course would be very much
influenced. I was not a little surprised at this _exordium_, but told
him I should be glad to hear what his object was, and that he was
welcome to any opinion he wished for from me. He then began a rather
hazy discourse, from which I gathered, or at least thought I gathered,
that he thinks the present state of affairs very serious, and the
position of the Government very precarious; that he is meditating on
the possible chances there may be for him and his party in the event
of Palmerston's fall, and knowing that some sort of coalition with
some other party would be indispensable to form any other Government,
an idea had crossed his mind that this might be practicable with some
of the most moderate of the Whigs, especially with the younger ones,
such as Granville and Argyll, and he wished to know if I thought this
would be possible, and whether I could be in any way instrumental in
promoting it, and if I did not think so what my ideas were as to the
most advisable course in order to avert the threatened Reform, and to
give the country a better Government than this. This, with a great deal
of verbiage and mixed with digressions about the leading men of the
present day, seemed to me to be the substance and object of his talk.
He professed to speak to me of his own sentiments without disguise, and
with entire confidence about everything, but I cannot call to mind that
he imparted to me anything of the slightest interest or importance. It
would be difficult and not very interesting to write down our somewhat
vague and _décousu_ conversation, but I told him that I knew very
little of the dispositions of any of the men he alluded to, but I did
not believe they any of them would be parties to any such combination
as he looked to, or separate from their present colleagues.


_January 25th._--We are still without any advices from India. The
petition to Parliament of the East India Company, which is very able,
and was written by John Mill, has produced a considerable effect in the
world, and doubts are expressed in all quarters whether Government will
be able to carry their Bill.


_January 26th._--The Princess Royal's wedding went off yesterday with
amazing _éclat_, and it is rather ludicrous to contrast the vehement
articles with which the Press teemed (the 'Times' in particular)
against the alliance two years ago with the popularity of it and the
enthusiasm displayed now. The whole thing seems to have been very
successful. At the breakfast after the wedding, to which none but the
Royalties were invited, the French Princes were present, which was
amiable and becoming on the part of the Queen.


_January 28th._--As the day approaches for the re-assembling of
Parliament there is an increasing impression that this Government is
very likely not to get through the session, and the 'Times,' which is
always ready to assist in the discomfiture of a losing party, is now
showing unmistakeable symptoms of its own doubts whether the Government
is any longer worth supporting, and Delane told me yesterday he thought
they would not remain long in office, and that it is time they should
go, and he ridiculed the idea of its not being practicable to form
another Government. It is absurd, but nevertheless true, that nothing
has damaged Palmerston so much as his making Clanricarde Privy Seal. It
was an unwise appointment, but the fault of it is grossly exaggerated.
Everybody agrees that from one end of the country to another there is
a feeling of universal indignation against it. Then there is a great
turn in the public mind in favour of the East India Company, or rather
against the Government measure, of which nothing is known, but that the
result of it will be to place the Indian Empire in the hands of Vernon
Smith.


[Sidenote: EFFECTS OF THE ORSINI CONSPIRACY.]

_February 2nd._--The Indian question has for the moment been superseded
by the French question as it may be called, that is, by the storm which
is raging in France against this country, its institutions and laws,
in reference to the assassination plot of January 14.[1] It was well
known that the French Government had been urging our Ministers to adopt
measures or to pass laws against the refugees and their machinations
in this country; but while this question was under discussion, we
were astounded by a speech made by Persigny in reply to an address
from the City, and still more by the publication in the 'Moniteur' of
certain addresses from corps or regiments of the French army to the
Emperor, full of insult and menace to this country. These offensive
manifestations naturally excited great indignation here, and the Press
did not fail to hurl back these insults, and to retort with interest
upon the persons from whom they had proceeded or who had permitted
their appearance. On Sunday I spoke to Clarendon on the subject. He is
very much annoyed and embarrassed by this posture of affairs as might
be expected, but more than this he is very much alarmed, more than I
think he need be. I said it seemed to be that the Emperor had forgotten
his usual good sense, and that he who knows this country ought to have
felt that if he wishes to have anything done here, he is taking the
most effectual means to prevent it by permitting the military addresses
to appear in the 'Moniteur,' since in the present state of the Press
this is tantamount to their being published by the Government itself.
I said I could not believe that these hot and enthusiastic expressions
were to be taken entirely as proofs of a passionate attachment to the
Emperor's person, but that these were outbreaks of that hatred of
England which sometimes slumbered, but never died. He said the Emperor
felt that his alliance with this country was indispensable to him, and
regretted sincerely the displays of feeling in France, but that he did
not dare to repress the sentiments evinced by the army, though he kept
them in check as well as he could, and the truth was, as I have said
above, that it was the undying animosity to us which had found a vent
upon this occasion. He added that he had not blamed Morny, who could
not say less than he did without being denounced by the Chamber as an
inadequate exponent of its sentiments. The French, seeing how all our
force is absorbed in our Indian war, think they may treat us as they
please, and Clarendon fancies that if any accident were to befall the
Emperor, any Government that might be able to establish itself would go
to war with us as the best means of ingratiating itself with the nation
and of being able to establish itself. He says they can march 50,000
men at a moment's notice to Cherbourg, where there is an abundance of
war steamers ready to transport them across the Channel, while we have
no soldiers and no ships to defend us in case of such a storm suddenly
bursting. George Lewis says that Clarendon is haunted with this
apprehension, which he does not share in the slightest degree.

Though there is some truth in this account of the Emperor's position,
I cannot believe that he might not have kept matters more quiet in
France than he has done, if he had exerted his influence and power
for that end. There can be no doubt that our international relations
are upon a very unpleasant and perilous footing, and that the evil is
not corrected by the fact of the two Courts being on friendly terms,
by mutual interchanges of soft sawder and proofs of friendship in the
shape of handsome bridal gifts from the Emperor and Empress to the
Princess Royal. We are going to do something to soothe the French; but
as it will, I believe, be no more than to make that a felony which is
now only a misdemeanour, it may be doubted if this will satisfy or
appease them; but it would be impossible to do more even if it were
desirable, which I think it is not, and I doubt if even this slight
concession will be obtained from Parliament without some strong and
indignant remarks upon the tone which has been adopted towards England.

Footnote 1: [It was known in France that the explosive bombs with which
Orsini had attempted the life of the Emperor Napoleon were manufactured
in England, and that some of the accomplices of that conspirator were
still in this country, where the law could not reach them for a crime
committed abroad. These facts called forth a strong hostile feeling,
and England was accused of harbouring assassins. On January 20 Count
Walewski addressed a remonstrance to the British Government, which
remained unanswered, and on January 23 Count Persigny spoke in strong
language to a deputation from the City of London. Military addresses of
a violent character from several French regiments to the Emperor were
published in the _Moniteur_. On February 9 Lord Palmerston introduced a
bill, called The Conspiracy to Murder Bill, making conspiracy to murder
a felony. The opposition to this bill gave rise to the ensuing events
and overthrew the Ministry.]


[Sidenote: PETITION OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY.]

_February 3rd._--The Directors have got Tom Baring and Lord Grey to
present their petition in the two Houses, and they mean to adopt
the moderate and judicious course of not agitating any further, but
trust to the course of events, which is now turning in their favour,
and to ask for delay and a Committee. Graham, acting, I believe,
independently, means to move for a Committee. John Russell intimated to
him that he did not think he should support such a motion, but he has
not finally determined what to do, and I rather expect he will end in
voting for it. Palmerston's friends still tell him that his name is all
powerful, and that he is sure of carrying through the House of Commons
whatever he proposes, if the House thinks there is any possibility of
a defeat leading to his resignation, and such is evidently his own
opinion. In a Committee on Indian affairs and the intended bill, at
which Bethell was present, on some objection or possible objection
being suggested by one of the members, Palmerston said in his usual
jaunty way, 'Oh, they will fall in love with our bill when they see
it;' when Bethell, in his niminy-piminy manner and simper, said, 'Oh,
my dear Lord!' Granville, who told me, says it was very funny. They
all seem conscious of the diminution of Palmerston's energy and power.
He is always asleep, both in the Cabinet and in the House of Commons,
where he endeavours to conceal it by wearing his hat over his eyes.
Clarendon made me laugh heartily the other day at his account of the
Cabinet, where one half of them seem to be almost always asleep,
the first to be off being Lansdowne, closely followed by Palmerston
and Charles Wood. I remember his giving me a very droll account of
Melbourne's Cabinet, and of the drowsiness which used to reign there,
more particularly with Melbourne himself.


_February 11th._--I never remember Parliament meeting with much
greater curiosity and excitement. The situation of the Government is
generally regarded as so precarious, and the revolution in Palmerston's
popularity and therefore his power is so extraordinary, that everybody
is expecting some great events will occur, and the hopes of all who
wish for a change and who expect to profit by it are reviving. The
bill brought in by Palmerston on Tuesday for the purpose of punishing
conspirators and with a view to satisfy the exigency of the French
Government made a great stir. The leave to bring it in was carried by
a large majority, thanks to the Conservatives, but its success was
principally owing to the Emperor's apology arriving just before the
debate began. This pacified most of those who were enraged at the
publications in the 'Moniteur,' and disposed to oppose the measure on
account of the conduct of the French Government. I have no sympathy
with such a feeling, but it is well calculated to go down with the
public, and to afford a plausible pretext to the Ultra-Liberals and
the crotchety politicians. The greatest objection to this bill is that
it will probably be quite useless for its alleged object, and though
perhaps something more stringent might be useful, the Government do not
dare propose anything beyond the present measure.

Perhaps the most serious reflexion to which this matter gives rise is
the suspicion that the conduct of the Emperor Napoleon betrays either
some strange infirmity in his faculties, or something so unsound and
dangerous in the state of France, as to be pregnant with possible
consequences it is frightful to contemplate. All that he has been
doing, or has allowed to be done of late, is indicative of a change;
for the moderation and prudence, together with firmness and decision,
which have hitherto formed his best claim to the admiration and
approbation of this country seem to have completely deserted him. The
penal laws enacted or to be enacted in France are considered as the
inauguration of a reign of terror, and there is rapidly growing up
the same sort of feeling about the French Empire that there is here
about the Palmerston Government. Nobody pretends to foresee what will
happen, but everyone thinks that the state of France is rendered more
combustible, and that any spark may produce an explosion. Those who
are most attached or most favourable to the Imperial Government are
the most alarmed, and, when they dare speak out, express the greatest
regret and alarm at all that is passing in France.

[Sidenote: PERILS OF THE GOVERNMENT.]

To turn to the Government here, their two great rocks ahead are the
India Bill and the Reform Bill, but with regard to these there seems no
knowledge how parties will act, and how leading individuals will vote.
Most people, however, are impressed with the idea that neither measure
will be carried, and that the Government will in all probability not
get through the session. It will be too absurd if Palmerston, after
being the idol of the public, in spite of or in consequence of all his
foolish speeches and his outrageous acts, should find himself deserted
and his power shaken because he made Clanricarde Privy Seal; but there
can be no doubt that this appointment has had more effect than any
other cause in the change of public opinion about him.


_February 14th._--Last week saw the debates in the House of Commons
about the Conspiracy Bill, and the first act of the India Bill. The
first is very unpopular, but it will be carried nevertheless. John
Russell has taken it up with extraordinary vehemence and anger. His
opposition to it is furious, on high constitutional grounds, which
appear to me absurd and uncalled for. If I were in Parliament I should
be puzzled how to vote, for there is much to be said against the Bill,
and much against voting against it, particularly against leave to bring
it in. Almost all the Tories voted with Government, and John Russell
carried very few with him, and neither of his own nephews. He is more
than ever exasperated against Palmerston for bringing it in. The
apology tended by the Emperor, which was read to the House, reconciled
a great many to the bill, but I have no notion that it will do any
good, or that the French Government will be satisfied with it. After
such a bill, which will certainly be carried, the British Lion must put
his tail between his legs, and 'Civis Romanus' give up swaggering so
loftily. If Aberdeen had attempted such a measure when Louis Philippe
was King and Guizot minister, what would Palmerston have said, and what
would not have been the indignant outcry throughout the country? The
balance of opinion now seems to be that Government will carry their
India Bill, and the report is that they are willing, if the second
reading is carried, to consent to any alterations that may be pressed
upon them in Committee. Lewis seems to have made a good speech on
Friday, though rather of a didactic character.


[Sidenote: A CRITICAL SITUATION.]

_February 20th._[1]--Unless I were to write down day by day the
events and the _impressions_ of each day I should fail in giving
anything like a picture of the time, and I regret that my indolence
or other occupations have prevented my doing this. I have each day
promised myself I would not neglect it, and then, failing to keep
that promise (to myself), I have found some fresh occurrence sweeping
away the interest, and generally the accurate recollection, of what
the preceding days have produced. The varieties of the aspects of
public affairs have been like the figures in a kaleidoscope, and one
ought to catch each fleeting symmetrical arrangement before it is
changed into some other equally fleeting in order to comprehend the
rapidity and importance of the changes which are going on. Not long
ago (that is, not many weeks) a vague idea began to circulate that
the Government would have difficulty in getting successfully through
this session, and that their power had suffered some diminution. It
was thought that the India Bill and the Reform Bill would be too much
for them, and when a little later the events in France induced them to
bring in the Conspiracy Bill, the excessive unpopularity of this last
measure strengthened the impression of their instability. Everybody
out of the pale of the Government itself admitted that Palmerston was
not the man he was, and the diminution of his popularity was visible
universally. This was attributed to several smaller causes, but the
great one was the appointment of Clanricarde; which beyond all doubt
has been regarded with a disgust and indignation to the last degree
exaggerated and uncalled for. Such was the state of public feeling and
opinion when the Parliamentary campaign opened with the discussions
first of the Conspiracy Bill, and secondly of the Reform Bill. After a
few days, however, a great change seemed to have taken place, though
the country and the Press watched with great jealousy the progress of
the Conspiracy Bill, keeping up a very loud growl of dislike to the
Bill, and resentment against the French Government. In the division
on the question of leave to bring in the bill the majority of the
Conservatives came over to the Government, and they got a majority of
the Conservatives of three to one. A few days after Palmerston brought
in the India Bill, about which for a moment it was thought Baring
with his amendment might run him hard, but after a very poor debate,
in which the Chancellor of the Exchequer made a very good speech,
and the President of the Board of Control made no speech at all, the
Government got a majority of near 150. These two victories, though
the first was obtained by the aid of opponents, raised the spirits of
the Ministerialists, and were generally taken as indicative of more
strength than they had been supposed to have, and as pretty clear
proofs that Palmerston would at all events get unscathed through this
session with not much diminished authority and influence.

But while they were triumphing in the fancied security which these
divisions seemed to promise them, a storm was gathering, for the
bursting of which, they were far from being prepared, nor did they
estimate its importance. The public feeling had become more and more
exasperated at the Conspiracy Bill, and at the conduct of France.
The first reading of the bill would not have been carried as it was,
perhaps not at all, but for the _apology_, as it was called, of the
Emperor, and the soothing effect of Walewski's despatch carrying
expressions of his master's regret and a sort of half disclaimer of
the military addresses. But this soothing effect was very transitory.
It was remarked that while the 'Moniteur' continued to insert fresh
addresses of an offensive character, the apologetic despatch did not
appear at all, and the original despatch of Walewski (January 20),
which had excited so much indignation here, and which was not denied
to have been the origin of the Conspiracy Bill, lay upon the table
of the House of Commons unanswered by our Government. On this point
a good deal of surprise and anger had been evinced in the Press and
in society, and the discontent against the Government generally, and
Palmerston in particular, was still spreading, when Milner Gibson took
advantage of the prevailing temper, and moved a resolution in the shape
of an amendment to the second reading of the bill, very skilfully
concocted, but which was a direct vote of censure upon the Government
(particularly of course directed against Palmerston and Clarendon) for
not having answered that despatch.

[Sidenote: DEFEAT OF THE GOVERNMENT.]

Palmerston, I have been assured, when he saw the terms of this
amendment, perceived that it might be dangerous, and that it was
well calculated to get votes; but it is certain that the Government
generally were in no apprehension, and that nobody of any party (I
believe literally nobody) had the least idea that any vote of censure,
which of course involved the existence of the Government, had the
slightest chance of being carried. I met Sir Edward Lytton at the
Athenæum on Friday, just as he was going to the House, and had some
conversation with him. He treated Palmerston's position as impregnable,
and said he would have a very large majority that evening. So confident
were the Government whippers in that they made no exertions, and Hayter
actually allowed some of his people to go away unpaired, telling them
that they were quite safe, and their presence not necessary. I went
to the House of Lords that evening to hear Macaulay, who was to have
spoken but did not speak, and afterwards went home, hearing nothing
more that night. Great was my astonishment when I read in the 'Times'
this morning that Government had been beaten on Milner Gibson's motion
by 19, and a few minutes after Granville came in and said that this
defeat must be conclusive and nothing left for them but to resign.
A Cabinet was held in the afternoon, at which it was decided that
Palmerston should repair to Buckingham Palace with the resignations of
himself and his colleagues.

Footnote 1: [On February 19 the Government were defeated on the
Conspiracy Bill, in the House of Commons, by a majority of 234 to 215,
Mr. Milner Gibson's amendment having been carried against them. The
majority consisted of 146 Conservatives, 84 Liberals. Mr. Gladstone,
Lord John Russell, Sir James Graham, Mr. Cardwell, and Mr. Sidney
Herbert voted against the Bill. Lord Palmerston immediately resigned.]


_February 21st._--Nothing more was known last night, but it was evident
that Derby had been sent for in preference to Lord John, whom I met
at Brooks's in the morning, and who did not expect the Queen to send
for him. He told me Gladstone, he believed, and Graham, he knew, would
not join Derby, and he thought neither Sidney Herbert nor Cardwell
would either. As to the future, there really are _quot homines tot
sententiæ_. Some think Derby cannot form a Government, some that he
will not try. The sanguine Palmerstonians think all other attempts will
fail and Palmerston remain in power, as Lord Grey did in 1831, and some
fancy he will endeavour to propitiate the House of Commons and public
opinion by throwing overboard Clanricarde, to whose appointment the
mischief is in great measure attributed. Such is at this moment the
state of doubt and confusion which generally prevail.


_February 23rd._--Nothing is yet known of Derby's progress except
that he tried the Peelites, not one of whom would join. He sent for
Newcastle from Clumber, who came up, saw him, and declined. It is
evident that they mean to act in concert, except probably Graham, who
has espoused John Russell, and who will not separate himself from Lord
John's fortunes. There was a prevailing expectation yesterday that
Derby would abandon his attempt, and that Palmerston would come back,
but Derby seems quite determined to go on. The Palmerstonians certainly
expect their exclusion to be of short duration, and nobody thinks that
any Government Derby can possibly make will last long.

Never was there a great catastrophe so totally unexpected. Within an
hour of the beginning of the debate no one doubted that the Government
would have a majority, but Milner Gibson's speech was not concluded
before it was evident that his amendment would be carried, and
Palmerston's conduct was very unaccountable. It was clear from the tone
of his speech, which was as bad as possible, feeble and intemperate,
that he was aware of what was going to happen, and yet when the true
state of the case was urged upon him, and he was pressed to adjourn the
debate till Monday, which could easily have been done, he obstinately
refused. If he had done this, there is little doubt that he would have
whipped up a majority by Monday. Certainly no people ever so mismanaged
their affairs. There is no excuse for their having put on the table of
the House of Commons such a despatch as Walewski's, without any reply
being made to it. It required no great sagacity to anticipate that such
a course of proceeding could not fail to throw the House of Commons
into a flame, and exasperate the country, already much excited, and all
the excuses they made only made their case worse, and were generally
inconsistent with each other. George Grey's was the most pitiful,
when he said that after the second reading an answer should be sent.
Then they made shuffling statements: at one time that they had sent
no answer, and that to have answered it as alone it could be answered
must have increased the irritation. Then, that they had given a verbal
answer, and at last it transpired that an answer had been sent in the
shape of a _private_ letter from Clarendon to Cowley.

[Sidenote: MISMANAGEMENT.]

There were two courses open to the Government, either of which might
have been very naturally and not improperly taken. Palmerston might
have announced that it was not his intention to produce any of the
correspondence between the two Governments, and asked the House of
Commons to place confidence in him, and allow him to take the steps
he deemed best to satisfy the French Government, and at the same
time vindicate the honour and dignity of this country, and if he had
stated that he thought it would be injurious to the interests of
peace and amity to produce any papers, it is perfectly certain he
would have met with unanimous acquiescence. The only objection I have
heard to this is that the French Government published the despatch
in the 'Moniteur;' but if Palmerston had resolved upon silence here,
he could have informed Cowley of his resolution, and instructed him
to come to a common agreement with Walewski that they should publish
nothing in the 'Moniteur,' and we should keep the correspondence from
Parliament here. Not acting in this way, he ought to have sent an
answer, and who can suppose that such men as Palmerston and Clarendon,
whose lives have been passed in writing despatches, and who are both
so remarkably expert at that work, should be unable to concoct a
reply to Walewski which should be conciliatory in tone and matter,
and at once suffice for the fears and exigencies of France and for
the national pride and honour of England? Clarendon's private letter
is said to have been excellent, and of course it must have been well
adapted for its purposes. What difficulty could there have been,
therefore, in converting the private into a public letter, which if
it had accompanied the French letter would have pacified both the
House of Commons and the country, for the Government ought not to
have forgotten, as it seems they did, that the English and French
Governments were not the only parties in this transaction, but there
were the English Government and the House of Commons and the country,
between whom accounts had to be settled. There are people who fancy
that Palmerston was not sorry to be beaten on Milner Gibson's motion,
thinking it better to go out upon that than upon the motion against
Clanricarde on March 4 (the abolition of the Privy Seal), on which they
think they certainly would have been defeated, and on which they must
have resigned; but I don't think their defeat on the latter was so
certain, and they might have been saved by Clanricarde's resignation
before the debate came on. The conduct of those who brought forward and
those who supported the vote of censure, and that of the Government in
going out upon it, admits of much diversity of opinion. The friends
of the Government, and those who were averse to a change, maintain
that the amendment was inexcusable, and that the House of Commons
had no business to meddle with the functions of the Executive, or to
express any opinion as to the propriety of answering or not a despatch
which ought to have been left to the discretion of the Minister, and
the ex-Ministers say that the vote made it impossible for them to do
anything but resign, and that their opponents must have been fully
aware that this would be the consequence of their victory.

[Sidenote: DETERMINATION TO RESIGN.]

Their conduct is inexplicable to me, for I believe they were very sorry
to go out, and yet if they had wished it they might have very well
stayed in. According to ancient practice any vote of censure produced
resignation as a matter of course, no matter what the subject of it,
but it did so because a vote of censure, and indeed any adverse vote on
any important measure, implied that the House of Commons had withdrawn
its confidence from the Government, the fact of which rendered it
impossible for them to carry on the affairs of the country, and obliged
them to resign. But it is impossible to pretend that the late vote
indicated the withdrawal of the confidence of the House of Commons
generally. They had had two immense majorities a few days before, and
they would have had another as large a few days after if they had gone
on with the bill. If I had been able to advise the Queen, I would have
recommended her to refuse Lord Palmerston's resignation, and have
insisted on his testing the question of confidence on the Conspiracy
Bill, or on some question in which the national passions were not
concerned, and he could not have refused to take this course. Even
after she had sent for Derby he gave her the opportunity (though not I
suppose the advice to do so), for he said she had better take another
day for consideration, and then if she decided on wishing him to form a
Government, he would undertake it.


_February 26th._--I met George Lewis yesterday, and talked over
with him the whole affair. He thinks that it has all been fearfully
mismanaged, and that the catastrophe might have been avoided in many
different ways: first, by answering the despatch; secondly, by doing
what I have suggested, producing no papers and asking for confidence;
then by the Speaker's declining to allow the amendment to be put, as he
well might have done, and as a _strong_ Speaker would have done. Lord
Eversley advised him to do this, and gave his strong opinion that the
amendment was inadmissible. It is curious that Palmerston's overthrow
should be the work of a Parliament elected expressly to support him,
and immediately caused by the act of a Speaker whom he insisted upon
putting in the chair, contrary to the advice of many others who thought
he would prove inefficient.

I told Lewis I thought their resignation was not called for, and what I
would have advised the Queen. He said the whole question was well and
most calmly and dispassionately considered, and they were unanimous
as to the necessity of resignation, with the sole exception of Vernon
Smith, and that was without any _arrière pensée_ of returning on an
anticipated failure of Derby; that the Queen had begged Palmerston
not to resign upon this vote, and he had returned to the Cabinet,
and reported what she said, but they were all without exception for
adhering to their resignation. Derby, too, had evidently wished to
afford Palmerston an opportunity of recalling it, for he had begged the
Queen to take twenty-four hours to consider of it; but it is probable
that Her Majesty, having failed to persuade Palmerston in the first
instance, had thought it useless to make any further attempts.

Lewis gave me such strong reasons for their determination, that
I confess they materially shook my opinion. He said there was no
possibility of mistaking the feeling there was against Palmerston,
which if I had been present and seen what passed in the House that
night, I could not have doubted; that the only way in which they could
have stayed in was by getting somebody to move a vote of confidence,
which was too dangerous an experiment, as in the present state of
the House of Commons it was at least an even chance that such a vote
would not have been carried, and certain that they would have had
all the great guns of all sides thundering against them. He thought
Palmerston's speech had been very ill advised, and had done much harm,
and that it was a mistake not to have adjourned the debate, when it was
very probable that they might have had an opportunity of changing the
fortune of it.




CHAPTER XVI.

The Second Derby Administration--Lord Derby's first Speech--Lord
Clanricarde defends himself--The New Ministry--Coincidences--Lord
Derby's favourable Position--Opinion of the Speaker--Lord Derby's
Liberal Declarations--Dinner to Mr. Buckle--Instability of the
Government--Mr. Disraeli's sanguine Views--India--Prospects of the
new Government--A Visit to the Duc d'Aumale--Delicate Relations
with France--Lord John Russell and Lord Palmerston--Irritation of
the Whigs--Marshal Pélissier Ambassador in London--The Peelites
and the Whigs--Failure of the India Bill--An Overture from Lord
John Russell--Dissensions of the Whigs--Lord Derby resolves to
remain in Office--Lord John Russell proposes to deal with the
India Bill by Resolutions--Mistake of the Whigs in resigning on
the Conspiracy Bill--Withdrawal of the India Bill--Policy of
the Whigs in Opposition--Lord Cowley on the Relations of France
and England--Strong Opposition to the Government--Lord Derby
on the State of Affairs--Disunion of the Whigs--Lord Canning's
Proclamation--Littlecote House--Vehemence of the Opposition--Lord
Lyndhurst displeased--Debates on the Indian Proclamation--Collapse of
the Debates--Triumph of the Ministry--Disraeli's violent Speech at
Slough--Lord Palmerston's Discomfiture--Prospects of a Fusion--Success
of the Government--Concessions to the Radicals--The Queen's Visit to
Birmingham--Progress of the India Bill--The Jew Bill--The Jew Bill
passed--Disturbed State of India--Baron Brunnow on the Russian War.


_London, 27th February_.1858.--All yesterday lists of the new
appointments were put forth from hour to hour, unlike each other, and
proving what changes had been made during the last hours. Nobody was
prepared for Bulwer Lytton having no place, and still less for Lord
Stanley taking office in this Government, which must have been settled
at the eleventh hour. On the whole it presents a more decent-looking
affair than anybody expected, but the general impression is that it
cannot last, and must be overthrown by the mere weight of numbers,
whenever the different sections of the House should unite on any
question whatever. Their staff is not so despicable, but their rank and
file are sadly inadequate if they are attacked in earnest.[1]

Footnote 1: [The second Administration of the Earl of Derby was
composed as follows:--

  First Lord of the Treasury         Earl of Derby
  Lord Chancellor                    Lord Chelmsford
  Lord President                     Marquis of Salisbury
  Lord Privy Seal                    Earl of Hardwicke
  Chancellor of the Exchequer        Mr. Disraeli
  Home Secretary                     Mr. Walpole
  Foreign Secretary                  Earl of Malmesbury
  Colonial Secretary                 Lord Stanley
  War Secretary                      Colonel Peel
  Board of Control                   Earl of Ellenborough
  Board of Trade                     Mr. Henley
  Duchy of Lancaster                 Duke of Montrose
  Admiralty                          Sir John Pakington
  Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland         Earl of Eglinton
  Chief Secretary                    Lord Naas
  Woods and Forests                  Lord John Manners]


[Sidenote: LORD DERBY'S ADMINISTRATION.]

_March 2nd._--Last night Derby made his statement. He was very nervous
and unlike himself, scarcely audible at first, much less fluent than
usual, and he spoke from notes, which I never saw him do before.
It was, however, a very judicious and becoming speech. Granville
and Clarendon both spoke very well, and the whole affair was very
creditable and satisfactory, civil, courteous, and good-humoured on
all sides. Clarendon made a very plausible defence of his own conduct
in not answering Walewski's despatch, which was so good that Hardwicke
crossed the House to compliment him, and said if that speech had been
made in the House of Commons there would have been no division. The
impression left on me is that though it was a pretty good defence, he
would have exercised a sounder discretion if he had sent an answer, and
that there was no difficulty in doing so. Clanricarde has given notice
of what the 'Times' calls favouring the House with some leaves of his
autobiography. He has been advised to take this course by some of his
friends and colleagues, particularly Lord Lansdowne; but in spite of
such respectable authority, I think it an ill-advised step, from which
he is likely to derive little if any benefit. He is going to defend
himself against something intangible, for no accuser will appear, and
there is no charge which he is called upon to rebut. No doubt his
appointment has been the real cause of the downfall of the Government.
It is this which ruined the popularity of Palmerston. It is only fair
to admit that they could not have been expected to anticipate all the
hubbub it made, nor anything like it.

People are now wondering that Palmerston's fall has made so little
sensation and the event fallen so flat, considering what his popularity
was only a few months ago, but this proves what an unsubstantial
and factitious popularity it was. Derby has done better than his
predecessor in one way, for he has brought forward some new men who
have a good reputation, and may distinguish themselves in Parliament,
and show us that we have something to look to beyond the old worn
out materials of which everybody is tired. The first class of this
Government is not worse than that of the last, and the second class
is a great deal better. There are some rather curious coincidences
noticeable in this smash. The majority by which the Whigs fell was
nineteen. It was the same on the China question last year, and nineteen
turned out Derby in 1853. Derby has been three times called on to form
a Government, and each time on the 21st of February. At the present
moment there appears to be a disposition to give him what is called a
fair trial, but it is difficult to say how long this will last. The
Whigs are in great perplexity. Some talk of Palmerston coming back
again, others want to bring about a reunion between him and Lord John,
and others still talk of setting them both aside and electing a new
leader of the party.


_March 3rd._--The discussion, for there was no debate, on Monday has
produced a very favourable effect. Derby's speech is much admired for
its calm and dignified tone, and the matter of it considered judicious
and satisfactory. As an exhibition the whole proceeding is thought
eminently creditable to the country, and such as must strike foreigners
particularly. This is unquestionably true, and it has been a very good
start for Derby. As far as one can judge in so short a time, there is
a growing opinion that he ought to have fair play and no vexatious
opposition, and Granville this morning told me he thought he would get
on very well. Palmerston has begged Cowley not to resign, which is very
honourable and becoming. There are symptoms of a disposition on the
part of the 'Times' to support the new Government and I have little
doubt that they can secure this great advantage if they manage their
affairs with common prudence, and set to work diligently to frame such
measures of improvement and utility as will satisfy public opinion. I
entreated Jonathan Peel to lose no time in dealing with the matter of
the health of the soldiers and the mortality amongst them brought to
light by Sidney Herbert's Committee. This alone, well and quickly done,
would be of prodigious service to the new Government.


_March 6th._--I gather from what I hear that Lord Palmerston is
preparing to buckle on his armour, and to wage war against the new
Government with the hope and expectation of forcing himself back into
office speedily, and that the new Opposition mean to attack the new
Government as quickly and as vehemently as they can. John Russell
says they 'ought not to be recklessly or prematurely opposed.' Guizot
it seems, has written to Aberdeen about the 'union of all shades of
Liberals' as a desideratum, to which Lord John says 'whether it be
possible he knows not, but that he is an obstacle to it on our side,
and Palmerston on the other.'

The Speaker, with whom I had a long talk yesterday, thinks this
Government never can stand, and he says, truly enough that though Derby
and Co. did not _make_ the situation which compelled the resignation of
the last, they _accepted_ it with full knowledge of the consequences of
their vote, and are therefore responsible. He considers that what has
happened and is likely to happen is all to the benefit of the Radicals,
who well know this, and rejoice at it accordingly and he thinks Milner
Gibson framed his amendment with the design of its leading to the
defeat of Palmerston, and the advent of Derby to a power which he never
desired to be of long duration. All this I could not gainsay, and it
is certainly true that this change has only produced a fresh set of
difficulties and dangers, the result of which who can foresee?

Derby's liberal declaration in his programme last Monday has been taken
up and extended by his followers, but it is very improbable that the
enunciation of such principles and intentions will carry with it the
assent of the old and genuine Tories, many of whom will most likely ere
long declare their adhesion to their old creed, and their abhorrence
of the new-born liberalism of their chief, and Derby may one day find
himself in a lesser degree in something like the position of Peel when
he gave notice of his intention to propose the Repeal of the Corn Laws.
Derby's declaration now affords a practical justification of Peel's
course then, for Peel was never so much opposed to Free Trade as Derby
and all his followers to Reform, and his excuse is based on similar
grounds, namely, the progress and irresistible force of public opinion.


[Sidenote: A LITERARY DINNER PARTY.]

_March 10th._--I dined with Grote yesterday to meet Mr. Buckle, the
literary lion of the day. He is not prepossessing in appearance, but he
talks very well and makes a great display of knowledge and extensive
reading, though without pedantry or dogmatism. There was a small party
of literary men to meet him, and Lady William Russell and I acted the
part of gallery. The guests were Count Platen the Swedish Minister,
the Master of the Rolls, Dr. William Smith, young Bunbury (Sir Henry's
son), and Lowe. It was pleasant enough.

There is a prevailing and an increasing impression that this Government
will not last long, and I think its days are numbered. The old
Government are evidently impatient to resume their places, and within
the last two or three days there is an evident change in their spirits
and their expectations. Whether it is desirable or not that Derby
should be permitted to go on for some time I know not, but I doubt if
it is possible. John Russell might perhaps prefer keeping Derby in
place for a time, in order to prevent Palmerston's coming back, but I
do not think he will be able to do so if he wishes it, and even those
Liberals who are not very fond of Palmerston seem to be indignant at
a Tory party holding office with an immense majority against them in
the House of Commons. It is certainly a question whether any set of
men have a right under any circumstances to accept office with full
knowledge that there is a majority of at least two to one against
them, and if one set of ministers are bound to resign, not merely on
finding the majority against them, but upon a single adverse vote, _à
fortiori_ must another set be precluded from taking office without
the power of commanding the assent and support of Parliament upon any
question whatever. Sir Francis Baring writes to John Russell, 'that
the _existence_ of the present Ministry is contrary to Parliamentary
Government,' and this seems to be the general sentiment of the Liberal
party, of course loudly insisted on by those who expect to profit by
ousting them.


_March 11th._--My mind fluctuates back to a notion that the Government
will be able to maintain themselves for some time. Ellice said
yesterday that he for one would not join in any attempt to oust them
till he saw his way to the formation of a better Government, and thinks
time ought to be afforded for a reunion of the Liberal party. In the
afternoon I called on Disraeli, and found him rather sanguine about
their prospects. He said they should settle, in fact had settled, the
French question 'with flying colours.' He sees no difficulty about
finance, as there can be no quarrels on the score of principles, and
he will only have to provide for the expenses either by some increased
taxation, or if that is opposed, by a loan, and he does not think the
Palmerstonians will venture to refuse the supplies, or that they would
succeed in such an attempt. His Indian Bill he thinks will be a better
and more popular measure, and he knows of nothing else but the chapter
of accidents on which they will have any serious difficulty.

Afterwards I fell in with Charles Villiers, and talked over the fall
of the Government, which he attributed, as I do, to the enormous and
inconceivable blunders which his friends committed. He is always
sensible, unprejudiced, and the most satisfactory person to talk to I
am acquainted with. John Russell is in great indignation at Disraeli's
speech at his election, and his attributing all sorts of bad motives to
the Whigs in their Reform of 1831, which was certainly very imprudent
to say the least of it, for in his condition it was most desirable for
him to avoid giving offence to any of the influential people, whose
hostility may be very dangerous to him. I had not read his speech when
I saw him, or I should have told him so.


_March 12th._--It is remarkable how completely the affairs at home have
superseded the interest belonging to those of India. Nobody seems to
think about what so recently absorbed everyone's thoughts and feelings.
This is, however, in great measure owing to the general belief that
the great question of suppressing the rebellion and re-establishing
our rule is virtually settled, and though we may yet have a great deal
of trouble and even difficulty, all serious danger is at an end, and
that we are as secure of possessing India as of any of our colonies.
The apprehensions I had on the subject, and which I have expressed,
have been very far from realized, and those who took more sanguine and
confident views of the issue of the contest have been justified by the
event.


[Sidenote: ATTACKS ON THE GOVERNMENT.]

_March 17th._--The new Government is looking up. On Monday evening
Bernal Osborne attacked Disraeli in his usual style, and gave him an
opportunity of making a speech in reply, which everybody acknowledges
to have been most able and successful. Bernal was very bad, Palmerston
spoke feebly, professed moderate intentions towards the new Government,
but clearly indicated that he meant to take office again if he could.
His speech was tamely received, and furnished a fresh proof of the
loss of his popularity and influence. Last night again, in a little
skirmish between Disraeli and George Lewis, the former had the best of
it. Clanricarde having had the egregious folly to announce to the House
of Lords his intention to make 'a personal statement,' in which he
was unaccountably supported by such men as George Lewis and Lansdowne
amongst others, found out that everybody thought he was making a great
fool of himself and withdrew it, but his colleagues are annoyed at his
putting himself forward to ask questions of Derby. He sits on the front
Opposition bench in the midst of his late colleagues, who would be glad
to be rid of him, particularly as they know that in the event of their
return to office he would be left out.


_March 20th._--I went on Friday with M. de Jarnac to Orleans House to
pay a visit to the Duc d'Aumale and see his interesting collection of
books and pictures. He is very courteous, obliging, and intelligent,
and the Duchess very civil and pleasing. His house was formerly
occupied by his father, Louis Philippe, improved and enlarged by Lord
Kilmorey, who lived there with Miss Hoste, and bought from him by the
Duke, who has filled it full of objects of historical or artistic
interest, especially of memorials of the great Condé. The family
portraits, of which there is a vast collection, are particularly
curious. He has two sons, who bear the fine titles of Prince de Condé
and Duc de Guise, but it is melancholy to contemplate the _avenir_
of these boys, whose high birth is their misfortune, and to whom no
profession or occupation seems open. They have lost their own country
by no fault of their own, and are so situated that they cannot or
will not get adopted in any other.[1] It is a false position if ever
there was one. The family appear to have been alarmed by the recent
events in France, and the indirect effect which those events might
have upon them, for they have reason to believe that they are exposed
to a constant system of _espionnage_ by the French Government, who
wish very much to implicate them if possible in some of the plots that
they believe to be constantly going on here, and great vigilance on
their part is necessary not to commit themselves in any way to unknown
Frenchmen who approach under pretences of attachment to their family or
to make appeals to their charity.

The other day I got a note from Lord Derby about a Council, at the end
of which he earnestly begged me if I had any influence with the 'Times'
to get them to abstain from writing any more irritating articles about
France, for that these articles provoked the French to madness, and, as
matters are, that nothing but the utmost care and moderation on both
sides enabled the two Governments to go on in harmony. I accordingly
sent his note to Delane, who promised to attend to it, though it was
hard to leave the French press without replies. It is curious that I
should be found acting a friendly part towards Derby's Government, he
being of all men the one to whom I have felt the greatest political
repugnance; but I am now so free from all political predilections,
and regard constant changes as so objectionable, that I wish this
Government to be fairly tried, especially as it appears to me quite
as good as any other we are likely to have; disposed to work hard and
promote good measures, and to be unable, even if they were disposed, to
do any harm.

[Sidenote: SETTLEMENT OF THE FRENCH QUARREL.]

I find a disposition to carp at the settlement of the French quarrel,
though without any good reason. Lord Malmesbury's letter might have
been better composed, and more showy, but the object was to close
the quarrel in a manner that would satisfy the pride and allay the
irritation of this country, without being so exacting towards France
as to pique her into fresh ebullitions offensive to us, and this has
been done, though it cannot be said with truth that they had settled
the dispute 'with flying colours.' The French Government have had the
last word, and exhibited some spleen, which is not very unnatural
considering the part they have had to play, eating humble pie and
retracting almost everything they said.

The Duke of Bedford is in town, having been urgently pressed to come up
and see what he could do to effect a political reconciliation between
Lord John and Palmerston, which he has certainly not effected, and
probably will fail in effecting. Lord John said some months ago that he
never would take office again but as Premier, but what the Whigs want
is that he should join them, consent to co-operate in ousting Derby,
and then to take office under Palmerston; but if he would not do this
before the present session began, much less would he be inclined to do
so now. He knows very well that they are only trying to make it up with
him, because they feel that they cannot do without him, and as they
still prefer Palmerston, and mean to stick to him, and to come back
with him as their chief, there is very little chance of any negotiation
being brought to a successful issue. The best chance of the Whigs being
reunited is, that the present Government should take sufficient root,
and stay in office long enough to show that nothing but a complete
reconciliation of the Liberals of all shades and opinions can drive
them out, and for this time is required. The notion the late Government
cherished of being able to turn out their opponents in a very brief
space is already gone, and they find that the majority of the House of
Commons will be no party to such an overthrow.

Footnote 1: [Alas! both these interesting and promising young Princes
were cut off in early life, the Prince de Condé dying in New South
Wales, at the outset of a journey on which he had started under
the most auspicious circumstances. The Duc de Guise, then the sole
surviving child and heir of the Duc d'Aumale, also died soon after the
return of the Royal Family to France in 1871.]


_March 21st._--The Duke of Bedford has just been here; he has been
occupied with vain attempts to bring about the reconciliation so much
desired by his political friends, but without success or any hope of
it; he finds the estrangement between Palmerston and Lord John great as
ever, and even between Lord John and Clarendon, the latter complaining
bitterly that Lord John 'went out of his way to insult him,' which
meant that in his speech the other day he spoke civilly of Malmesbury,
saying he had no doubt he would uphold the honour and dignity of the
country. All this shows the excessive soreness and ill-humour of the
outgoing party, and though Clarendon expresses the most unalloyed
satisfaction at being out of office, it proves there is the _amari
aliquid_ to detract from his pleasure at being free; and it is not
unnatural that the great part he has himself had in bringing about the
catastrophe should make him very sore and uneasy, and a blow has been
given to his reputation the effects of which may be hereafter serious.


_March 25th._--Marshal Pélissier is going to replace Persigny here as
Ambassador, a strange choice. He is a military ruffian, who knows no
more of diplomacy than he does of astronomy. Persigny goes because
he cannot agree with Walewski; I don't know the details of his
dissatisfaction. His departure is regretted, as he is believed to be
honest and true, and sincerely anxious to promote a good understanding
between the two countries.

[Sidenote: RECONCILIATION OF STATESMEN.]

The Duke of Bedford has just been here; he came from Lord Aberdeen,
who tells him the Peelites are all verging towards a union with Lord
John, some more, some less; Graham is devoted to him, Sidney Herbert
and Cardwell perfectly well disposed, the Duke of Newcastle gradually
becoming so, and Gladstone at present the least friendly, but Aberdeen
thinks is getting more friendly, and will eventually join his standard,
and Aberdeen himself is doing all he can to bring about this union. He
is going to speak to the Queen about it, with a view of reconciling
her to Lord John without knowing how necessary it is. The Duke said he
rather doubted the expediency of Aberdeen's speaking to Her Majesty,
but I told him it was better he should, and very necessary to take all
means to remove her feeling against Lord John. I also told him what
had passed between the Queen and Clarendon, and how he had endeavoured
to persuade Her Majesty that it would be impossible for himself to
be Prime Minister, and that if Palmerston failed from any cause, her
only course would be to send for Lord John, and to do so frankly and
graciously. I begged him to let Lord John know this, as it was so
desirable to bring about a reconciliation between them, which this fact
would be calculated to promote. The Duke owned it was very handsome
conduct on the part of Clarendon, as it is indeed on the part of
Aberdeen, after all that Lord John did in breaking up his Government;
but Aberdeen is a gentleman and a patriot, sincerely attached to the
Queen, and to the best interests of the country, and while he has
retired altogether from public life and the turmoil of politics, he is
anxious still to exercise the great moral influence which he possesses
to advance the public interests according to the dictates of his
judgement and his conscience.


_Hatchford, March 30th._--On Friday last Disraeli brought on the
Government India Bill, which Ellenborough told some of his friends
would be 'a great success,' and which everybody expected would be an
improvement on Palmerston's. Never was there a greater failure; the
bill was received with general aversion and contempt. The Radicals,
who want to keep the Government in for the present, could not stomach
it, Roebuck pronounced it a sham, and Bright, who detests Palmerston,
said he preferred his bill of the two. It is evidently impossible that
this bill can pass, and everybody sees what a fix it places public
affairs in, and what difficulties and uncertainties present themselves
on all sides. The only people who are pleased are the Palmerstonians.
They think that when this bill has been rejected or withdrawn theirs
will pass, and this will, _ex necessitate_, compel Derby to retire
and open the way to Palmerston's return to office. They are therefore
chuckling over the dilemma, but it may be without its leading to the
realization of their hopes. There are a great many men in the House
of Commons, Peelites or Radicals principally, but also some others,
who cannot endure the notion of Palmerston's coming back, and who
will oppose his bill, after the other has been swept away, merely
to prevent his return. What the Radicals would like is that both
bills should be referred to a Select Committee, and a third bill be
concocted out of the two; but this scheme would not be likely to meet
with general approbation, for it would be in fact a delegation of the
proper functions of government to the House of Commons. It appears not
unlikely that both bills will fail and that no measure at all will pass
this year. The Government people are extremely dejected at the state of
affairs, but it is said they do not mean to resign upon the defeat of
their bill.

Meanwhile John Russell has made a sort of overture to Granville, i.e.
he sent George Byng to him on Sunday to invite him to say what he
thought would be the most eligible course to adopt in the present state
of affairs, and with reference to the Government bill. This was not
very judicious on his part, and Granville was an odd man to select,
being in a different House of Parliament, and so bound to Palmerston
that he could not avoid communicating to him the overture and his reply
to it. George Byng says Granville appeared a good deal surprised, but
he thought rather pleased. Granville said he could give no immediate
answer, but would write to him, which he did the next day, and told him
George Lewis would go down to Pembroke Lodge to see Lord John. I have
no idea that anything will come of this, for none of the late Cabinet
can or will transfer their allegiance from Palmerston to Lord John,
unless the former consents to it, and abdicates his position of chief
of the Whig party, which he seems to have no thoughts of doing, and it
is impossible to conciliate their rival claims and pretensions.


[Sidenote: MR. DISRAELI'S INDIA BILL.]

_April 2nd._--A letter from the Duke of Bedford this morning says
that Lord John is inclined to throw out the India Bill, as it is too
bad to admit of any improvement, and that he thinks if he does this
Palmerston will support him; but the Duke adds that it is rumoured
that the Government will not go out if their bill is defeated. It is
easy to understand that Palmerston can desire nothing so much as that
Lord John should take the lead in opposing the India Bill, and that he
should support him, because in that case, and the defeat of the bill
by a large majority, which probably would happen, and the Government
going out, he would infallibly be sent for again, and in re-forming
his Government he would no doubt invite Lord John to join it, but this
would only lead to a fresh series of difficulties, and most likely to
a long course of abortive negotiations. How the junction between the
two leaders is to be effected it is difficult to conceive, although
there are several ways in which it might be brought about, if they
were disposed to make mutual concessions. The starting point might
be the complete union of the whole Whig and Liberal party, which all
profess to desire most anxiously, and which the mutual antipathies and
disagreements of the two leaders at present prevent. If Palmerston
would consent to go to the House of Lords as Premier, and to leave Lord
John with a high office (India, for example) as leader in the House of
Commons, something might be done. Lord John might possibly be induced
to cede his claim to the highest place on this condition, but it is not
unlikely that he would require more than that: first, that Clarendon
should not be at the Foreign Office, which Palmerston would no doubt
not agree to; and secondly, certain places and seats in the Cabinet
for the Peelites, who have recently consented to follow his standard
and cast their own lots with his. Then various complications present
themselves connected with these questions.


_April 4th._--The Duke of Bedford has written to Lady Derby that her
lord must make up his mind to be beaten on his India Bill, but that
he hopes he will not think it necessary to resign upon it when he is.
Brougham writes from Paris that the feeling against us there has been
greatly exaggerated, that the Emperor _alone_ is friendly to us, but
that though the general sentiment is unfriendly, nobody dreams of going
to war with us, nor indeed with any other Power.


_April 8th._--Derby made a striking speech at the Mansion House the
other night, which has been severely ridiculed by the 'Times,' but
which nevertheless contained a good deal of truth. He said that there
were very few questions nowadays in which different Governments _could_
act differently, and he invited not only every sort of criticism,
but of suggestion, as to the Indian Bills and measures now before
Parliament. The inference deducible from his speech (and in which I
have since been confirmed) is that, happen what may, he does not mean
to resign, and that the Government will not go out, unless they are
positively turned out. They say this unlucky India Bill was the sole
work of Ellenborough, and that the democratic clauses are the result
of an old fancy of his, but nobody can be desirous of admitting the
paternity of such a measure.


[Sidenote: LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S RESOLUTIONS.]

_April 16th._--I have been confined to the house for several days, and
unable to mix in the world and hear what is going on, but have seen
enough to know that there is nothing but confusion, perplexity, and
irritation in the political world. During the brief recess everybody
was speculating about what would be done when Parliament met again,
what was to be the fate of the rival India Bills, and how far the
Government would be affected by the result of contests concerning them.
The Government hangers-on affected to be very well satisfied with the
state of affairs, and proclaimed their intention not to go out whatever
might happen with regard to their bills. The Palmerstonians evidently
expected that such storms would arise as the Government would not be
able to weather, and that something would turn up advantageous to them.
John Russell, who must be doing something, said that the Government
bill was so bad that no alterations could make it tolerable, and that
he was disposed to move some Resolutions, which might be the foundation
of a really good measure. He concocted these Resolutions, and wrote
word to the Duke that 'he had written to George Lewis and to Macaulay,
who both approved of his scheme.' Accordingly, as soon as Parliament
met he announced that Resolutions ought to be drawn up, and that he was
ready to draw them up. This produced great excitement. The Government
saw in this move a plank of safety for themselves, and Disraeli said he
was ready to receive Lord John's Resolutions, or to draw up Resolutions
of his own; many people said that if Resolutions were to be drawn up at
all, it ought to be by Government, and not by any independent member,
and it was eventually settled that Disraeli was to do it. Everybody saw
that this, as far as it went, was advantageous to the Government; it
gave them certainly a reprieve, and possibly an opportunity of ridding
themselves of the Indian difficulty altogether for this year, and the
consequence was a burst of indignation and resentment against Lord John
for thus coming to their aid as it was called, and concerting such a
measure (as he was accused of doing) with Disraeli himself. The 'Times'
attacked him with the utmost bitterness, and there is a general clamour
against him on the part of the late Government and their friends. It
is not very easy to divine his true motives in this matter. To judge
by the asperity with which he has spoken of the Government bill, one
should not suppose he could be moved by any auxiliary purpose to them,
and I do not believe there has been any concert, direct or indirect,
between them; but as all parties agree that the Government have derived
advantage from his move, the rage he has excited is not unreasonable,
and the breach between him and the Palmerstonian Whigs is much widened,
and become more difficult to heal. Granville, who I suppose speaks the
sentiments of his colleagues, says that it is evident they could not
return to office with the _same_ Government exactly as before, and
that it is not desirable to turn the Government out at present, even
if they could, and he thinks it would not be wise to attempt to carry
Palmerston's India Bill, in which it is not sure they should succeed.
He thinks there _was_ concert between Lord John and Disraeli, not
direct, but through Horsman, and he says that George Lewis, so far from
approving his Resolutions, strongly protested against them; but it is
not impossible to reconcile two statements which seem at first sight to
be directly opposed to each other. Lord John says he imparted to George
Lewis and Macaulay his _scheme_ (i.e. of drawing up Resolutions), not
the Resolutions themselves, while George Lewis seems to deny approval
of the Resolutions; but this is only a possible solution of the
apparent contradictions.

I told Granville that all that was now happening only served to confirm
my original opinion, that they were wrong in resigning, and that there
was no occasion for their doing so, and they now saw how difficult
it was, when they had let this Government in, to get them out again,
and he not only had not a word to say in reply, but all he did was
rather indicative of concurrence in my opinion. In the most palmy days
of party government, and when the old traditions with regard to the
relations of Government with the House of Commons were in full force,
it was not considered as an invariable and unavoidable necessity that
a Government when beaten on an important question must go out. I
recollect the Government of the day in 1815 being beaten on the Income
Tax, without therefore resigning, and it is so obvious that the vote on
the French despatch did not imply any general withdrawal of confidence
and support, that I never shall believe they would have resigned as
they did unless they had thought they should gain more strength and
power by doing so without losing their places, and consequently that
they were caught in a trap of their own setting.


[Sidenote: MR. DISRAELI'S BUDGET.]

_April 24th._--The events of the past week have been Disraeli's Budget,
which has been received with favour and excited no opposition in any
quarter, and the withdrawal of the Government India Bill, which was
done by Disraeli, rather unwillingly; but their maxim seems to be
'anything for a quiet life,' and they agree to whatever is proposed or
opposed in any influential quarter. The general notion is that they
are safe for this session, but it is a very inglorious safety. It now
appears as if they would scramble and hobble on until the whole Liberal
party is reunited, and a reconciliation effected between Palmerston and
John Russell, to bring about which it is clear that much exertion is
being made.

While I was at Newmarket this week I had several letters from the Duke
of Bedford, all bearing upon this matter. He writes on the 16th: 'I
hear that the feeling against John has been very strong and that lies
have been told as usual. It is said that he has been in communication
with Derby indirectly, through Lady Derby, and that he wrote to
Disraeli. If he did, it was only on a matter of ordinary courtesy,
to ask him to postpone the second reading of the India Bill, to give
time for a different course which he intended to suggest and did the
first day the House met. John has been left by circumstances or by
his old colleagues to pursue his own independent course, and ought
not to be found fault with, if he pursued that course, as he did in
this instance, after conferring with the friends I named to you, and
receiving their approval. No doubt his move was very successful to
the Government, and helped them out of an enormous difficulty, but
I can see no harm in that.' There was a great deal more about the
communications between Lord John and George Lewis, which now only
signifies as demonstrating the extreme difficulty of getting at the
truth. It is evident that there is a great desire on the part of the
Whigs to bring about a reunion with Lord John and those who follow
him, in order to get the Government out, for which the rank and file
are getting more and more impatient. Lewis told me last night that
_they_ are holding constant Cabinets, which always ended with the same
resolution, not to do anything, or to make any serious attack; and
they have made up their minds to acquiesce in Derby's going on through
this session; but nothing can exceed the contempt and aversion with
which Lewis speaks of the Government and of all their proceedings,
certainly not without reason, for there is no example of any Government
consenting to hold office on terms so humiliating, and to such a
powerless existence. They dare not originate anything, and they submit
to everything that anybody proposes or suggests, having seemingly no
object but that of currying favour, and avoiding to give offence. The
way in which Disraeli withdrew his India Bill upon a few words spoken
by John Russell is a curious exemplification of their forlorn state.

Lord Cowley, whom I saw yesterday, is desirous, like everybody else, to
see the end of this feeble rule; but he thinks Palmerston's disposition
is very unbending, and doubts his and Lord John's being brought
together, notwithstanding that Lady Palmerston tells the Duke of
Bedford that Palmerston 'has a great affection for John.' Cowley talked
a great deal about French affairs and the state of things between the
two countries, and he expressed great apprehensions lest Malmesbury
should make too many concessions to the French Government,[1] which,
however, he meant to prevent if he could. He mentioned one or two odd
things. First of all he told me that he had foreseen all the effects
produced by the Walewski letter, and had done all he could to prevent
its being sent, and he was amazed at Clarendon having taken it so
quietly, and that he should have seen no impropriety or danger in it,
but on the contrary thought it would do good. Then with regard to
Walewski's other letter in reply to Malmesbury, which, objectionable
as it was, had been greatly softened from the original draft, had it
been despatched as at first composed by Walewski, he said it would have
raised an inextinguishable flame here. Cowley said that the Emperor's
nerves were shaken to pieces by the _attentat_, and he was greatly
changed.

Footnote 1: [The publication of Lord Malmesbury's autobiography has
proved that he was not at all disposed to make any undue concessions to
the French Government, and that he acted as long as this Administration
lasted in strict union with Lord Cowley. The Emperor Napoleon
complained that his old friend assumed too stern an attitude towards
France in the course of the events which followed in the next few
months and led to the Italian War.]


[Sidenote: DECADENCE OF THE MINISTRY.]

_April 29th._--Every day the position of the Government gets worse
and worse. The disposition there was to give them a fair opportunity
of carrying on public affairs as well as they could has given way to
disgust and contempt at their blundering and stupidity, and those
who have all along resented their attempt to hold office at all are
becoming more impatient and more anxious to turn them out. There
is a very temperate, but very just, article in the 'Times' to-day,
which contains all that is to be said on the subject, stated without
bitterness or exaggeration. The Whigs, however, seem aware that it
is not expedient to push matters to extremity, and to force their
resignation, until the quarrels of the Liberal party are made up, and
till Palmerston and John Russell are brought together and prepared to
join in taking office, and to effect this object the most strenuous
efforts are making. What the pacificators aim at is, that Palmerston
should go as Premier to the House of Lords, and leave Lord John to
lead the House of Commons. This is the most reasonable compromise, and
one which ought to be satisfactory to both; but even if this leading
condition were agreed to, it is not certain that there might not be
others presenting great obstacles to the union, such as whether Lord
John would agree to join without bringing a certain number of men
with him, and whether Palmerston would consent to exclude so many of
his former Cabinet to make room for them. Graham, Lord John would, I
suppose, certainly insist upon; Gladstone would probably be no party
to any arrangement, and he has recently evinced his extreme antipathy
to Palmerston by a bitter though able review in the 'Quarterly' on
France and the late Ministry, in which he attacks Palmerston with
extraordinary asperity.

Ever since he resigned Palmerston has been very active in the House of
Commons, and kept himself constantly before the public, evidently with
the object of recovering his former popularity as much as possible,
and he made a very clever and lively speech two nights ago, which his
friends praise up to the skies.

I met Derby in the Park yesterday, and soon after the Chancellor in
Piccadilly, and had some talk with both of them. They were neither
of them in a very sanguine mood, and apparently well aware of the
precariousness of their position. Derby attributed the state of
affairs, which he owned was very bad, to the caprice and perverseness
of the House of Commons, which he said was unmanageable. I did not, as
I might have done, tell him that he had no right to complain of this
House, and that it was the mismanagement of his own colleagues which
was the cause of the evil. Lyndhurst made an extraordinary speech on
the Jew Bill on Tuesday night.


_May 1st._--Ellice flattered himself that he could get up a party
in the House of Commons which would have power enough to stop the
progress of the Indian measure, and to lead to a better measure next
year, as well as to the formation of a Government; and in pursuance
of this scheme it was arranged that Lord Harry Vane should move the
postponement of Indian legislation, and Ellice told me they should be
supported by 150, and many men of note. All this went off in smoke
last night. After a short debate the motion was rejected by an immense
majority, and Ellice could only muster 55 people.

The hopes of those who are trying to bring Lord John and Palmerston
together are damped by a letter I have received (and shown to George
Byng) from the Duke of Bedford, who says: 'I saw much of Palmerston and
Lady Palmerston last week, but could see no disposition to reunion,
although we came to that point more than once. I suggested to Lady
Palmerston the wish of many that Palmerston should go to the House
of Lords. She said that Palmerston had always entertained a great
dislike to it, and hinted, or more than hinted, that he would place
no confidence in John as leader of the House of Commons.' I went to
hear Professor Owen lecture yesterday. His style of lecturing is very
good, but the subject (vertebrated animals) was too scientific for my
ignorance.


_Savernake, May 11th._--I have been out of town all the last week,
at Chester, and came here on Saturday. While I was at Chester the
Duke of Bedford sent me a note he had received from Lord John, which
looked like the beginning of a _rapprochement_ between him and
Palmerston, though it did not amount to a great deal, and may lead
to nothing. I was obliged to return it, and was too much occupied
to copy the contents of it here. I refer so often to this subject,
because it appears to be the one upon which the existence of the
present Government depends, for as soon as the Liberals can come to
an understanding and act in concert, the doom of the Ministry will
be sealed. Without their committing any great faults they seem to be
falling into greater contempt every day.

[Sidenote: LORD CANNING'S OUDE PROCLAMATION.]

The only point of attack the Opposition have found has been the affair
of Canning's recent Proclamation.[1] Canning has not been lucky in
his Proclamations, the first having been severely criticised for its
clemency, and the second for its severity. The complaint against the
Government is for having made public their disapproval of it and their
censure of his acts. I think their disapprobation quite right, and
that they were right in conveying it to Canning, but they might have
refused to express any opinion or to publish or half publish any of
the correspondence that passed, though it cannot be doubted that such
refusal would have drawn upon them all sorts of attacks and reproaches,
but it would have been the proper course for them to adopt. It is,
however, certainly premature to express any definite opinion upon an
act of which we are not yet furnished with an explanation.

I went yesterday to see Littlecote House, Mr. Popham's, a very curious,
interesting old house, and the scene of the Wild Dayrell story and
murder, the tradition of which has been often narrated, but the truth
never ascertained. I saw all the rooms, including the one in which
the murder is supposed to have been committed, but they have been
much altered. There is a fine old hall, hung round with the armour
and buff coats of Colonel Popham's troopers, and it is a remarkable
fact that they are all so small that no man of ordinary size could
wear them, a clear proof that the present generation are much bigger
than our ancestors of two centuries ago. King William III. slept at
Littlecote for two or three nights in 1689 (while King James was at
Salisbury), and he seems to have left behind him a good many papers,
which have ever since been preserved in the house. There is also a
large collection of miscellaneous letters of the time of the Civil War,
more or less curious, which were preserved by a lucky accident. Popham
told me that his father told him there was a mass of papers in an old
box under the roof of the house which had better be destroyed. His son
went up for the purpose, and discovered the contents of the box, saved
the papers, and had them arranged in a book. I urged him to publish
them, and I hope he will. I had only time to look over a few of them;
as autographs alone they are valuable.[2]

Footnote 1: [The Proclamation of March 3, addressed to the chiefs
and people of Oude, is here referred to. It was strongly opposed and
attacked as a wholesale measure of confiscation, before the motives
and policy of the act were understood; but Lord Canning's object was
to reinstate the talookdars in their possessions by a tenure under the
British Crown, and subsequent events have shown that the resettlement
of the conquered province was accomplished without violence or
injustice.]

Footnote 2: [Amongst these Littlecote papers was found the
correspondence of Queen Henrietta Maria with Charles I. when she went
to Holland to raise money for carrying on the Civil War. I am not aware
that they have been published.]


[Sidenote: THE WHIGS NEGOTIATE.]

_London, May 13th._--Nothing ever was like the state of confusion
and excitement which has prevailed here during the last fortnight,
while I have been out of town, particularly on the resignation of
Ellenborough, which took everybody by surprise. Before I went away the
impression had become general that this Government neither could nor
ought to be endured much longer, and that their repeated and enormous
blunders made them a nuisance which must be abated. All the Liberals
(except some of the extreme Radicals who wished them to stay on some
time longer), however they differed on other questions, were agreed
on this. Numerous meetings took place, and there was a prodigious
activity of negotiation, communication, and going backwards and
forwards, with a view to some general organisation and combination of
attack on the unfortunate Ministry. The Duke of Bedford was brought up
to see what he could do to bring Lord John and Palmerston together.
Lord John joined heartily in the plan of turning the Government out,
and said that _anything_ was preferable to leaving them any longer
in office. Clarendon, who had been informed of Lord John's peculiar
grudge against him, expressed a wish to have an interview with him,
which the Duke brought about. Lord John called on Clarendon, and
they had a frank communication, so far as Lord John telling him all
that he thought about foreign affairs, and in what he disagreed with
the late Government on various questions; but he did not allude to
Vienna, which is the real gist of his grievance and the source of his
hostile feeling, so that with that reticence it is not strange that
they should have parted much as they met. Then Palmerston expressed a
wish to have a _tête-à-tête_ conversation with Lord John, which the
latter assented to, but Palmerston seems to have changed his mind, and
to have shrunk from it when the opportunity presented itself. Charles
Wood is the man who has been constantly communicating with Lord John in
behalf of the Whig Cabinet, and one day Palmerston came into Charles
Wood's while Lord John was there. It rained, and Palmerston offered
to take Lord John home, which he accepted, but nothing passed on the
way, nor did Palmerston propose to get out and enter the house when he
might have had the conversation he had expressed a wish for, and so it
ended. The plans imagined by mutual friends for effecting a political
reconciliation have vanished into air. Palmerston is resolved not to go
to the House of Lords, and Lord John is equally determined not to take
office under him. Palmerston says he cannot trust Lord John to lead the
House of Commons. Personally, meanwhile, they are ostensibly friends,
and Lord John dines at Cambridge House to-morrow. Charles Wood asked
the Duke of Bedford, supposing the Government resigned, and Palmerston
was again sent for, what he thought Palmerston ought to do, to which he
replied that he ought to accept the task, send to Lord John, and on his
refusal to join (as he probably would), to do the best he could with
the materials he could command. This advice would, I conceive, be very
palateable to Palmerston, and it is what he would naturally do without
any advice.

I called on Lyndhurst the night I came to town, and found him very
dissatisfied with the Government, both on account of their management
and errors, and because they have treated him with personal neglect; he
had begged Derby and Disraeli to do something for his son-in-law, but
both put him off with excuses, and would do nothing. He is particularly
disgusted with the state of the Jew question, and with the foolish and
obstinate conduct of the Government in the House of Lords about it, on
which he was very eloquent, particularly for their having made a great
whip, and getting up every man they could lay hands on to come and
vote, instead of leaving it to take its chance, and at least making an
open question of it.


_May 16th._--The first great battle took place in the House of Lords
the night before last, at which I was present.[1]

[Sidenote: DEBATES ON THE OUDE PROCLAMATION.]

It was a very spirited fight, and I never recollect seeing the House
of Lords so crowded both with ladies and lords. Pretty good speaking;
Lord Grey's was about the best speech and the one I most agreed with.
I cannot see the matter of Canning's Proclamation and Ellenborough's
despatch in the light that either side does, and think there is much
to be said both ways. In the Commons the fight began on Friday also,
and the most remarkable speech in it was that of Cairns, the new
Solicitor-General, which was very clever and effective. John Russell
also spoke very well and vigorously, quite in his old style. There is
much difference of opinion as to the amount of majority, though it is
generally expected there will be one against Government, and I now hear
that they have determined positively to dissolve if they are beaten,
though with little or no chance of their bettering themselves by a
dissolution.

Footnote 1: [On May 14, Mr. Gardwell moved a resolution condemning the
despatch which Lord Ellenborough had written and published, censuring
the Proclamation of the Governor-General of India. A similar Resolution
was moved by Lord Shaftesbury in the House of Lords, where it was
defeated by a majority of nine. The debate in the House of Commons
lasted four nights, and in the interval Lord Ellenborough resigned. Mr.
Cardwell then withdrew his motion, and the attack on the Government
suddenly collapsed.]


[Sidenote: MR. CARDWELL WITHDRAWS HIS MOTION.]

_May 23rd_.--The excitement of Epsom during the whole of last week
was not greater than that which prevailed in London during the great
debates in the House of Commons, the result of which, on Thursday
night, produced such unusual surprise, with so much triumph on one
side and such mortification and disappointment on the other. In my
long experience I do not recollect to have seen so much political
bitterness and violence (except perhaps during the great contests of
the Catholic question and Reform), and certainly there never was a
great Parliamentary battle distinguished by so much uncertainty and so
many vicissitudes, and in which the end corresponded so little with the
beginning and with the general expectation. For a considerable time
not only all the late Cabinet and their supporters, but the whole body
of Whigs, both Palmerstonians and Russellites, had been growing more
and more impatient of the Derby Government, and they were considering
how they could make a final and irresistible attack upon them, and
for the last three weeks there had been nothing but negotiations and
_pourparlers_ to effect a coalition between the rival leaders and their
friends for the purpose of their at least uniting in one great hostile
vote, which should drive the Derbyites to resignation or dissolution,
hoping and expecting that their majority would be so large as to put
the latter out of the question. The occasion seemed to present itself
upon Ellenborough's letter to Canning censuring his Proclamation. A
meeting took place at Cambridge House, when the whole plan was matured,
and though John Russell did not attend it, he agreed to be a party to
the Motion of Censure. Shaftesbury was put forward in the Lords, and
Cardwell was induced to take the initiative in the House of Commons.
Nobody doubted of success, and the only question was (much debated and
betted upon) by how many the Government would be beaten. Meanwhile
Ellenborough resigned, which gave a new aspect to the affair, and the
Government got a small majority in the Lords. It was evident that no
popularity attached to the motion, and many of the Liberals were of
opinion that upon Ellenborough's resignation the affair ought to drop
and the motion be withdrawn. But the die was cast, the Palmerstonians
were quite confident and eager for the fray, and would not hear of
stopping in their career. The debate began, the speaking being all
along better on the Government side, and every day their prospects as
to the division appeared to be mending and public opinion more and
more inclining against the Opposition and the Proclamation, though
still blaming Ellenborough's letter. If the debate had ended on Tuesday
as was expected, Government would probably have been beaten, but Sir
Charles Napier had got Tuesday, and would not give it up, so that the
decision was of necessity adjourned; the delay was all in favour of
the Government, and on Thursday night arrived the Indian despatches
with Canning's explanations and the Outram correspondence, which was
immediately published, and although Palmerston and his friends and
newspapers pretended that they considered these documents favourable
to their cause, the general impression was rather the other way. All
this time the Government people found their cause improving, and
their chances in the division mending, and though their enemies still
pretended to be certain of success, and I was told on Thursday night
that I might safely lay any odds on their having a majority, the best
informed of them in the House of Commons began to see danger, and at
last they confessed only to expect a bare majority, and the Speaker
told somebody it was very likely he should have to give a casting vote.
The Radicals, or those of them who professed to be adherents of the
Whig Cabinet, strongly urged the withdrawal of Cardwell's motion, and
at last on the Thursday seem to have made up their minds that defeat
in some shape was inevitable, and that the best thing left for them to
do was to get rid of the debate in any way they could. Henry Lennox
called on me yesterday morning to tell me what had passed, to this
effect: that on Friday Disraeli had received a letter from Cardwell,
in which he asked if Disraeli would allow him to withdraw his motion,
and subsequently Palmerston desired to confer with him, when he put the
same question to him, to which (according to Henry Lennox's statement)
Disraeli replied, in a very lofty tone, that he would hear of nothing
which could possibly be construed into any admission on their part
of their meriting any part of the censure which the Opposition had
been labouring to cast upon them. The Government had by this time
ascertained that the Opposition had made their minds up to back out of
the motion as best they might, and their retreat was not very cleverly
done, beginning with Cardwell's refusal to withdraw, and ending with
Palmerston's recommendation to him to yield, which was a got up thing.
The scene in the House was most extraordinary, and particularly
mortifying to Palmerston, who saw himself involved in inevitable
defeat, and without the power of rallying again for some time. If
anybody could be excused for the impatience which brought him and his
party into this dilemma, it was Palmerston, who in his seventy fourth
year, and resolved to die in harness if he could, had no time to lose.
This affair has been the battle of Marengo of political warfare. The
Whigs appeared to be victorious, and carrying everything before them up
to the eleventh hour, and then came a sudden turn of affairs, and the
promise of victory was turned into rout and disaster. The campaign is
lost, and for the rest of this session the Government have it all their
own way. The Whigs are in the condition of a defeated army, who require
to be completely reorganized and re-formed before they can take the
field again. The general resentment and mortification are extreme. They
have naturally lost all confidence in their leaders, and they are now
all ready to complain of the tactics of which they entirely approved
till they found that defeat had been the consequence of their adoption.
It is not probable that Palmerston and his late Cabinet will attempt
anything more during this session, and everything is in such a state of
confusion and uncertainty that the best thing they can do is to remain
quiet, merely in a state of watchfulness, and to see what the _volvenda
dies_ may bring about in the course of the next six months, leaving
the Derbyites unmolested during that time. Derby will get Gladstone if
possible to take the India Board, and this will be the best thing that
can happen. His natural course is to be at the head of a Conservative
Government, and he may, if he acts with prudence, be the means of
raising that party to something like dignity and authority, and
emancipating it from its dependence on the discreditable and insincere
support of the Radicals.


_June 7th._--At Cleveden, at Ascot, and at Hatchford all the past week,
during which I heard little or nothing about politics. The matter which
made the most stir was Disraeli's impudent and mendacious speech at
Slough, in which he bitterly attacked the last Ministry and glorified
his own. The Whigs were stung to madness, and two or three nights were
occupied in both Houses, principally by Palmerston and Clarendon, in
answering this speech, and demonstrating its falsehood. The proceeding
was not very dignified, and they might just as well have left it alone,
particularly as nobody cared much about what Disraeli said; but there
was so little sympathy for the ex-Ministers, that no indignation was
excited by it, except among themselves and their immediate friends.
There seems little chance now of anything but a desultory warfare
going on in the House of Commons, without any serious attack on
the Government, who seem safe for this session at least. The most
interesting event last week was the virtual settlement of the eternal
Jew Question, which the House of Lords sulkily acquiesced in. It was
very desirable for many reasons to put an end to it.


[Sidenote: UNPOPULARITY OF LORD PALMERSTON.]

_Norman Court, June 16th._--Every day it appears more and more evident
that Palmerston's political career is drawing to a close, and he alone
seems blind to the signs which denote it. Few things are stranger
than the violent reaction which has deprived him of his popularity,
and made him an object of bitter aversion to a considerable part of
the Liberals, not only to such men as Graham and Bright, but even to
many of his former followers and adherents. I cannot say I am sorry
for it, but I do in fairness think that this reaction is overdone and
exaggerated, and the hostility to Palmerston greater than there is any
reason for. I do not wish to see him again at the head of affairs, but
I should be sorry to see a man so distinguished, who has been exalted
so high, and who has many good qualities, end his life, or at least his
political career, under circumstances of mortification and humiliation.
If this happens it will be owing principally to his obstinacy in
persisting in leading a party who have no longer any mind to be led
by him, and the insatiable ambition which cannot brook the notion of
retirement at any time of life. If he was wise, and was not blinded
by vanity and the flattery of his hangers-on, he would take a juster
and clearer view of his position, and supposing him still intent on
playing the political game, he would endeavour to act a part as nearly
like that which Peel acted in his last years as the difference of
circumstances would admit.

But the determination to have no more to do with Palmerston has not
made the Whigs and Liberals more disposed to throw themselves into
the arms of Lord John, and as yet, so far from any appearance of a
reorganisation of the Liberal party, they seem more disunited and
scattered than ever. Even Lord John and Graham, who seemed to be most
closely allied, are now continually voting different ways; and as to
the other leading men, it is impossible to predict how they will vote
on any subject that comes before Parliament. In this state of confusion
many Liberal-Conservatives are beginning to wish for the consolidation
of the Government, and are inclining to support it, if the Government
itself will give them an opportunity of doing so, by asserting their
own independence as a _Conservative_ Government, and will leave off
truckling to the Radicals, by accepting measures which everyone knows
to be repugnant to their feelings and opinions, and inconsistent
with the principles they have always professed. Men who supported
Palmerston's Government because they considered it to be a Conservative
one, foresee that before long parties must assume the character of
Radical and Conservative, the Whigs being merged in the former, and
that the party of the present Government forms the only force capable
of resisting the Whig and Radical union when it takes place, and that
their best course will be to join the Conservative camp, if the present
Government do not, by unprincipled and inconsistent concessions for the
sake of an easy official existence, render it impossible for them to do
so. I do not know to what extent this feeling prevails, but I believe
it is extending, and Lord St. Germans, who is a very staunch friend to
the late Government, and latterly belonged to them, told me the other
day that Granville had great difficulty in keeping his people together.
Ashburton is very warm and eager in this sense, and though neither of
these men have much weight, I have no doubt they are exponents of the
sentiments of a much larger number. I called on Lyndhurst on Monday
evening, and talked this question over with him, and entreated him to
speak to Derby upon it. We were very well agreed, and he said he would
endeavour to talk to Derby, but he is rather embarrassed, because he
does not know what Derby is going to do about the Jew Bill, there being
some strange signs of an intention on the part of Derby to throw it
over after all, though this would be so extremely foolish, as well
as so false and dishonourable, that I cannot believe it is in his
contemplation.


[Sidenote: MINISTERS GAIN GROUND.]

_June 22nd._--During the week I passed at Norman Court the Government
here were gaining ground. They had two good divisions in the House of
Commons, sufficient to prove that if they cannot command a majority
here, they have at least as much influence and power and are as well
supported as any other leader or party. Then the publication of the
Cagliari papers, and the way in which that question was settled,
was a real triumph to the Foreign Office, and acknowledged to be so
by the whole Press of every shade, and by everybody in Parliament,
not excepting the ex-Ministers themselves. They are undoubtedly
gaining strength, while the chances of another Palmerston Government
become more and more faint and remote. All information coincides in
representing Palmerston's unpopularity as great and general, certainly
the most extraordinary change that ever took place in so short a time.
The Duke of Bedford writes to me from Endsleigh: 'I hear of only one
general feeling against Palmerston in the West. What a change since
this time last year!'

I had a long talk with Tom Baring at Norman Court about the Government,
their proceedings and their prospects, and we agreed entirely on the
subject. I wanted him to speak to some of his friends the ministers,
and to endeavour to get them to act a bolder and more consistent part
as a Conservative Government, and he urged me to speak to Disraeli,
which I told him I would do, and only refrained from doubting if I
could do any real good with him. The Government are certainly placed
in a difficult position. The Government and party whom they replaced
were determined to thrust them out again as soon as possible, and their
weakness and danger drove them into a quasi-alliance with the Radicals,
or at least into so much deference and so many concessions to Radicals
and Ultra-Liberals, that the Whigs, who were baffled and kept out by
this policy, held them up to bitter scorn and reproach for acting in
this manner, and now, when they agree to any measure with regard to
which concession is reasonable and prudent, they are always assailed
with the same reproaches instead of getting credit for so doing. To be
sure they often contrive to make their concessions in such a way as to
deprive them of all grace and merit. This has been pre-eminently the
case with the Jew Bill.

[Sidenote: ADMISSION OF THE JEWS TO PARLIAMENT.]

Among the events of last week one of the most interesting was the
Queen's visit to Birmingham, where she was received by the whole
of that enormous population with an enthusiasm which is said to
have exceeded all that was ever displayed in her former receptions
at Manchester or elsewhere. It is impossible not to regard such
manifestations as both significant and important. They evince a
disposition in those masses of the population in which, if anywhere,
the seeds of Radicalism are supposed to lurk, most favourable to the
Conservative cause, by which I mean not to this or that party, but
to the Monarchy and the Constitution under which we are living and
flourishing, and which we may believe to be still dear to the hearts
of the people of this country. This great fact lends some force to
the notion entertained by many political thinkers, that there is more
danger in conferring political power on the middle classes than in
extending it far beneath them, and in point of fact that there is so
little to be apprehended from the extension of the suffrage, that
universal suffrage itself would be innocuous. Amongst the concessions
of last week was the passing of Locke King's Bill for abolishing a
property qualification, which was done with hardly any opposition.
There can be no doubt that the practice was a mere sham, and that
a property qualification was very often a fiction or a fraud, and
such being the case, that it was useless to keep up the distinction;
but it struck me, though I do not find that it occurred to anybody
else, that the abolition might sooner or later have an indirect
influence upon the question of the suffrage, for it may be urged, not
without plausibility, that if it be held no longer necessary that
a representative should have any property whatever, there is great
inconsistency in requiring that the elector should have a certain
amount of property to entitle him to vote.


_June 26th._--The India Bill appears now likely to pass rather rapidly
and in the shape presented by the Government. Everybody is tired to
death of the subject and anxious to have it over, and the general
impatience is increased by alarm at the foul state of the Thames, which
(long discussed in a negligent way, and without much public attention
or care) has suddenly assumed vast proportions, and is become an object
of general interest and apprehension. This makes the House of Commons
eager to finish its business as expeditiously as it can, and members
impatient to betake themselves to a purer and safer atmosphere. The
Government continues to maintain its ascendency there, and last night
Palmerston was beaten by considerable majorities on two amendments he
moved to the India Bill.

The Chancellor has drawn down great obloquy on himself by a speech
which he made at the Mansion House a night or two ago. Derby's illness
having prevented his going to the dinner (given to the Ministers),
Thesiger had to speak for him, and he made the very worst, most
injudicious, and unbecoming speech which was ever delivered on such
an occasion. No rule is more established than that politics are not
to be introduced at these dinners, and yet his speech was nothing but
a political song of triumph and glorification of his own Government
and colleagues, as somebody said, a counterpart (though less offensive
one) of Disraeli's Slough speech. All their heads are turned, and the
Chancellor's as much or more than any.

Then there is a grand mess about the Jew question, which is hung up
in a sort of abeyance in consequence of Derby's not being able to
come down to the House of Lords. From the moment that Derby took
upon himself to announce his abandonment of the contest, which he
did not frankly and fully, but sulkily and reluctantly, he seems
to have half repented of what he did, and to have, if not made,
permitted and connived at, all sorts of difficulties and obstacles,
while his subordinates and some of his colleagues have interposed to
prevent or delay the final settlement. It is difficult to believe
that he himself ever cared a straw about the Jew question, or that
his opposition had any motive except that of pleasing the bigoted and
narrow-minded of his party. His good sense saw that the moment was come
when surrender was the best policy if not an absolute necessity, and
having given utterance to this conviction, no doubt to the enormous
disgust of many of his followers, it was his interest to get rid of
the question as quickly as possible, and dismiss what as long as it
remained on the _tapis_ in any shape was a source of disagreement and
ill-humour between him and his party. It is marvellous, therefore,
that so clever a man should have acted so foolish a part as he has
done. Having disgusted his own party by his concession, he is now
disgusting everybody else and all other parties by his hesitation and
pusillanimity in carrying it out, and, with an absence of dignity and
firmness which is utterly unworthy of the high position he holds, he
has permitted his Chancellor and some half-dozen subordinate members
of his Government to do all they can to thwart the settlement of the
question, and prolong the exclusion of the Jews. Instead of taking the
matter into his own hands, and dealing with it according to the plain
suggestions of common sense and sound policy, he has permitted a sort
of little conspiracy to go on, which is exceedingly likely to bring
about a collision between the two Houses, and to raise a flame in the
House of Commons the consequences of which may be more serious to the
Government than any one contemplates. Lyndhurst, whose wise head is
provoked and disgusted to the last degree at all these proceedings, has
bitterly complained of them, and at the way in which they have treated
him, and the bill he drew up for the express purpose of putting an end
to the dilemma.


_July 9th._--After all Derby ran true to the Jew Bill, and if he did
it in an awkward way, allowances must be made for him and for his
difficulties with his party, who are full of chagrin at being compelled
to swallow this obnoxious measure. It is on the whole better that the
bulk of them should have voted in conformity with their notorious
opinions, as it made no difference as to the result, and has a better
appearance than if they had whisked round at Derby's bidding. The India
Bill has passed the House of Commons pretty harmoniously, and people
seem to think it has been licked into a very decent shape.

The most interesting event of the present day is the marriage of Lord
Overstone's daughter to a Major Lindsay,[1] who has got the greatest
heiress who ever existed, that is, supposing she inherits her father's
prodigious wealth, which since old Jones Loyd's death is reckoned to
amount to six or seven millions.

Footnote 1: [Afterwards Sir Robert Loyd Lindsay, V.C., raised to
the Peerage in 1885 by the title of Lord Wantage. The property of
Lord Overstone, as disposed of by his will, amounted to about three
millions, and would pass in reversion to the Loyd family on the failure
of issue by his daughter.]


_July 13th._--After an ineffectual attempt on the part of the
Opposition to get rid of the 'reasons' of the Lords, the Jew Bill has
passed, Granville and Lansdowne protesting against the absurdity of the
conduct of Derby with regard to it. It is remarkable that though Lord
Lansdowne has for some time appeared much _baissé_, his speech was as
good and sensible a speech as he ever made in his life. As to Derby,
as it is impossible that so clever a man as he is could willingly act
so foolish and even ridiculous a part as he has done on this occasion,
I conclude that he felt obliged to do what he has done in order to
avoid quarrelling with his own friends, who without doubt are intensely
disgusted at the bitter pill he has obliged them to swallow, and as
he knows best what he can venture with them and what not, it is more
reasonable to accept the measure on his own terms than to be angry with
him for the way in which he has contrived it.

[Sidenote: CONTINUED WARFARE IN INDIA.]

The last accounts from India are far from satisfactory, and the
apprehensions which I long ago felt and expressed, but which I had
begun to think unfounded, seem not unlikely to be realised. It is
clear that the contest is neither over nor drawing to a close. Our
danger consists in the swarms of armed and hostile natives, and in
the climate. The rebels we always beat when we can grapple with them,
but we cannot crush and subdue them. They gather together and assail
our people when a good opportunity presents itself, and when they
are repulsed (as is always the case) their masses are dissolved and
scattered abroad, without any material diminution of their numbers,
and ready to assemble and attack any other vulnerable point, while the
British troops are harassed to death by unceasing pursuits of foes
so much more nimble and able to endure the climate than themselves.
This species of warfare must be disheartening and disgusting, and it
involves a consumption of life requiring more reinforcements than we
can supply. All the accounts we receive concur in the insufficiency of
the European force and the necessity of fresh supplies. One letter I
saw yesterday talks of 40,000 men being requisite.


_Petworth, July 31st._--I came here from Goodwood, not having been here
for twenty years, and am rather glad to see once more a place where I
passed so much of my time in my younger days. I think it is the finest
house I have ever seen, and its collection of pictures is unrivalled
for number, beauty, and interest. Parliament is to be up on Monday, and
the Council for the prorogation is to take place to-day at Osborne.

[Sidenote: CONVERSATION WITH COUNT BRUNNOW.]

I met Brunnow at Goodwood, who talked over the political events of the
Russian war, and assured me that the part he had played in it had been
much misrepresented, that he had never been misled by Aberdeen, nor
had he ever misled the Emperor Nicholas, but on the contrary had told
him, without any disguise, the real state of affairs, and the almost
certainty that war would ensue, that he was well aware himself, and had
impressed on his master, that although Aberdeen was most anxious to
avoid war, he had no power to do so, and that though he was nominally
Prime Minister, he was destitute of the authority of one. He said the
Emperor was quite sincere in all he had said to Hamilton Seymour, and
if we had had at Petersburg a minister with more tact and judgement,
war would not have taken place.

He (Brunnow) had urged Aberdeen to send Granville there for the
purpose, who, he thinks, would have done very well, and of whom he has
a high opinion.


_London, August 15th._--I returned to town from Petworth last Monday
week, and on Tuesday a fit of gout came on, which has laid me up
ever since, leaving me no energy to do anything, and least of all to
execute the purpose I entertained of sketching the past session of
Parliament, and the curious events which it evolved; the decline and
fall of Palmerston and his Government, the advent of Derby, and the
vicissitudes of his career, deserve a narrative which might, if well
handled by some well-informed writer, be made very interesting: but
I am conscious of my own unfitness and dare not attempt it. It is in
truth time for me to leave off keeping a journal, for by degrees I
have lost the habit of communicating with all the people from whom I
have been in the habit of obtaining political information, and I know
nothing worth recording.




CHAPTER XVII.

Lord John Russell and Lord Stanley--Lord Palmerston's
Leadership--Dissensions in the Liberal Party--The Queen and her
Ministers--Lord Stanley at the India Office--The Queen's Letter to
the Prince of Wales--Reform Speeches and Projects--Lord Palmerston's
Confidence--Prosecution of Count Montalembert in France--Lord
Clarendon's Visit to Compiègne--The Emperor's Designs on Italy--The
Emperor and the pope--Approach of War--Lord Palmerston's prudent
Language--Lord Palmerston's Italian Sympathies--The Electric
Telegraph--Opposition in France to the War--The Emperor's
Prevarication--Opening of Parliament--Debates on Foreign Affairs--Lord
Cowley's Mission to Vienna--General Opposition to the War--A
Reform Bill--Mr. Walpole and Mr. Henley resign--Duplicity of the
Emperor--Mr. Disraeli's Reform Bill--The Emperor denies his Warlike
Preparations--The Whigs oppose the Reform Bill--Anxiety to defeat the
Government--Lord Cowley returns from Vienna--War impending--Dishonest
Conduct of both Parties--Lord Cowley's Account of Cavour's Policy--His
Mission to Vienna--A Congress proposed--Indifference to Reform--Debates
on the Reform Bill--Defeat of the Reform Bill--An Emissary from Cavour.


[Sidenote: LORD JOHN RUSSELL AND LORD STANLEY.]

_Hinchinbrook, September 5th._--At The Grove last week, and on Friday
to Osborne for a Council. At the Grove I met Charles Villiers and the
Duke of Bedford, and had much talk with both of them about affairs
in general, particularly with the Duke about Lord John. He is busily
employed in concocting a Reform Bill, which he had probably better
leave alone. He seems to have shown his project to several people,
and recently to Aberdeen, who wrote him word that he must take care
not to make it too mild, so much so as to be inconsistent with what
he has before proposed. It seems it is very mild, for it embraces no
Schedule A, no disqualification, though a good deal of addition to the
constituency. Lord John has recently struck up a great intimacy with
Lord Stanley, and has had him repeatedly down to Pembroke Lodge. They
take very kindly to each other, and Lord John is evidently anxious to
cultivate him, for he asked the Duke to invite Stanley to go to Woburn,
where Lord John and all his family are gone to stay. He has been
talking a great deal to Stanley on past politics, but not on present,
which would have been rather awkward in their relative positions, but
he has told Stanley a great deal about the political affairs in which
he has been engaged, especially with respect to the great Reform Bill,
its history and incidents, which details no doubt were very interesting
and useful to him, and I am not surprised at Stanley's being much
pleased with Lord John's society and conversation, for Lord John is
very agreeable and full of that sort of political information in which
Stanley takes the greatest delight and interest. Although Lord John
has abstained from making any attempt to establish political relations
between them, it is highly probable that he should look forward to the
possibility of some such relations being hereafter established, for
in the present state of parties a fresh organisation and combination
is almost inevitable, and he may very naturally look forward to a
combination into which they may both enter, and with this view he may
be very glad to cultivate a personal and social intimacy, and the Duke
thinks he has some such view in his mind.

The Duke told me that he was at Lord Broughton's the other day, when
Broughton said he had been applied to by some of Palmerston's former
followers to make a representation to Palmerston of the present
state of affairs and of the Liberal party, and to suggest to him the
expediency of his abdication of the lead of it, and the impossibility
of that party regaining its ascendency so long as he insisted on
continuing its chief and retaining his pretensions of returning to
office. To this request he sent a refusal. He said he entirely agreed
with the people making it, but that it would have no effect whatever
except that of making a personal quarrel between himself and the
Palmerstons, with whom he had always been on very good terms. I did not
learn the names of these Whig malcontents. Charles Villiers takes a
similar view, but does not think that anything would induce Palmerston
to retire, or that his former colleagues and immediate adherents
would transfer their support to any one else as long as he continues
to claim it from them. He thinks, moreover, and he has very good
means of judging, that his position and that of John Russell and the
impossibility of their reunion will effectually paralyse the Liberal
party and secure the possession of office to the present Government,
and that there is on the whole rather a preference for the continuation
of the present state of things than any desire for a change which would
bring the Whigs back again. He had recently been with George Lewis, and
found him at length rather disposed to come into my view of the matter
of their resignation, and to regret it. It is entirely the opinion
of Charles Villiers himself, and he said there would have been no
difficulty in obtaining from the House of Commons a vote of confidence,
for there was no wish to turn them out, and having administered the
rebuke which the Government so well merited, the majority would have
seized with alacrity an occasion to make it up with them, and to show
that they had no desire to quarrel with them outright.

The Opposition now found all their hopes on the dissensions which
they expect to arise in the Tory Government and camp, which is a
very uncertain prospect, and as to which they are very likely to
be disappointed. The day I went to Osborne I had some conversation
with Disraeli, who gave me to understand that he was well aware the
Opposition relied on this contingency, but that it was not likely to
happen. He was aware of Lord Stanley's _liaison_ with Lord John, and
it was evident that the former had made no secret of it, and had told
Disraeli that there was (at present) nothing political in it. Lord John
had not said a word about his Reform Bill to Stanley, and Disraeli knew
that he had not. All this looks like union and confidence between them.

[Sidenote: THE QUEEN AND THE MINISTRY.]

As far as outward appearances go, the Queen is on very good terms with
them, for she gave audiences to several of them, and long ones. Her
conduct at the time of the breakup was certainly curious and justifies
them in saying that it was by her express desire that Derby undertook
the formation of the Government. If Palmerston and his Cabinet were
actuated by the motives and expectations which I ascribe to them,
Her Majesty certainly did not play into their hands in that game.
When Derby set before her all the difficulties of his situation, and
entreated her again to reflect upon it, a word from her would have
induced him (without having anything to complain of) to throw it back
into Palmerston's hands. But the word she did speak was decisive as to
his going on, and there is no reason to believe that she was playing
a deep game and calculating on his failure. Nor do I believe that she
would herself have liked to see Palmerston made all powerful. She can
hardly have forgotten how inclined he has always been to abuse his
power, and how much she has suffered from his exercise of it, even
when he was to a certain degree under control, and although she seemed
to be quite reconciled to him, and to be anxious for the stability of
his Government, it is difficult to know what her real feelings (or
rather those of the Prince) were, and it is more than probable that her
anxiety for the success of Palmerston's Government was more on account
of the members of it whom she personally likes, and whom she was very
reluctant to lose, than out of partiality for the Premier himself. To
Clarendon she is really attached, and Granville she likes very much;
most of the rest she regarded with indifference.


_London, November 4th._--Two months have elapsed during which I have
felt no inclination to note down anything in this book, but now that
the Newmarket meetings are at an end, and I must needs think of
other things, I shall jot down the very few things that have come
across me in the interval. When I was at Hillingdon a few weeks ago,
I was surprised to hear from Charles Mills a glowing panegyric on
Lord Stanley, who has gained golden opinions and great popularity
at the India House.[1] I was prepared to hear of his ability, his
indefatigable industry, and his businesslike qualities; but I was
surprised to hear so much of his courtesy, affability, patience, and
candour, that he is neither dictatorial nor conceited, always ready to
listen to other people's opinions and advice, and never fancying that
he knows better than anybody else. I afterwards told Jonathan Peel what
I had heard, and he confirmed the truth of this report, and said he
was the same in the Cabinet; but he made me comprehend his popularity
with the Council by telling me that he espoused all their views and
interests, and co-operated with them in endeavouring to retain certain
powers which belonged to the extinct Court of Directors, but which
ought, as a consequence of the change, to pass into other hands,
particularly military appointments and matters of military control.
This received confirmation not long ago from the Duke of Cambridge,
whom I met at Cheveley, and who gave me an account of some matter in
which he had received and executed certain orders from the Secretary of
War, and soon after received a very sharp letter from Stanley calling
him to account for having interfered in what, he said, belonged to
the Indian Secretary. The Duke referred him to the War Office, so
that there seems already a conflict of jurisdiction between the two
offices. From all this it is apparent that we shall have fresh Indian
discussions when Parliament meets, and there will be a necessity for
fresh arrangements for the transaction of business. This may seem to be
a very trifling matter, and not worth noticing, but Lord Stanley is so
completely _the man_ of the present day, and in all human probability
is destined to play so important and conspicuous a part in political
life, that the time may come when any details, however minute, of his
early career will be deemed worthy of recollection.

I hear the Queen has written a letter to the Prince of Wales announcing
to him his emancipation from parental authority and control, and
that it is one of the most admirable letters that ever were penned.
She tells him that he may have thought the rule they adopted for his
education a severe one, but that his welfare was their only object,
and well knowing to what seductions of flattery he would eventually be
exposed, they wished to prepare and strengthen his mind against them,
that he was now to consider himself his own master, and that they
should never intrude any advice upon him, although always ready to give
it him whenever he thought fit to seek it. It was a very long letter,
all in that tone, and it seems to have made a profound impression on
the Prince, and to have touched his feelings to the quick. He brought
it to Gerald Wellesley in floods of tears, and the effect it produced
is a proof of the wisdom which dictated its composition.

Footnote 1: [Lord Stanley, the present Earl of Derby, had succeeded to
the Presidency of the Board of Control upon the resignation of Lord
Ellenborough, and was the first Secretary of State for India upon the
abolition of the former office.]


[Sidenote: LORD DERBY'S REFORM BILL.]

_November 17th._--The principal topics of interest for the last
fortnight have been Bright's speeches, the visit of Palmerston and
Clarendon to Compiègne, the Portuguese and French quarrel, and the
pamphlet and approaching trial of Montalembert, on all of which there
is plenty to say. Bright's speeches have evidently been a failure, and
if they produce any effect, it will probably be one rather useful to
the Government; but the very failure only proves more strongly the bad
policy of Derby in bringing forward a Reform measure, and how much more
safe he would have been if he had let it alone. There is a considerable
though not universal impression that by some means and through the
operation of the chapter of accidents this Reform Bill will prove fatal
to him. Mr. Elwin, the editor of the 'Quarterly Review,' told the
Duke of Bedford he thought so, and that he had been told by a Cabinet
Minister that there had been such serious differences of opinion
amongst them on this subject that if the session had been prolonged the
Government would probably have gone to pieces at that time, and Lord
John told the Duke that Walpole had intimated to him something of the
same kind. Lord John is expecting, and Palmerston is hoping, that the
Government will fall, and the latter is still confident that his day
will come again, a confidence which no one else seems to partake of.
Clarendon, who is the staunchest of Palmerston's allies and colleagues,
has been endeavouring to dissipate this illusion and to bring him to
take a more accurate view of his own position, but without success. 'He
cannot see why John Russell should not again take office under him,'
and it is in vain that Clarendon assures him that nothing on earth will
induce Lord John to do so. Lord John seems disposed to bide his time,
and evidently cherishes a hope and expectation that the Whig party
will return to their allegiance to him and enable him to form another
Government. He seems to have a liking for Bright, though he does not
agree with all his views of Reform. At this moment my own belief is
that the present Government have the best chance in this race for power
from the mere fact of their being in possession, and from the hopeless
disunion and confusion in which the Whigs and Liberals are plunged.

Montalembert's paper is admirable, and I agree with almost every part
of it, especially about the Indian debate and Indian policy, and
the causes of Palmerston's extraordinary fall and the loss of his
popularity. His prosecution by the Imperial Government is either an
enormous mistake and political error, or a stroke of policy so deep and
refined as to be beyond my comprehension. Here everybody regards it as
a great imprudence.


[Sidenote: PROSECUTION OF COUNT MONTALEMBERT.]

_December 2nd._--I returned to town yesterday, having been to Badger
Hall, thence to Grimstone, then to Ossington, and yesterday from
Hinchinbrook. If I have written nothing it is not from want of
interesting events worth notice, but because I have known and heard
nothing more than all the world learnt from the newspapers. The chief
topics of interest have been the pamphlet and the trial of Montalembert
and the visit of Palmerston and Clarendon to Compiègne. The first seems
to have excited more interest here than in Paris, where the tyrannical
proceeding was taken very quietly, and little sympathy felt for a
man who wrote so enthusiastically about England, and rebuked his own
countrymen, and particularly his co-religionaries, for their unworthy
conduct and language towards us. There appears to have been a general
feeling of regret or disapproval of the visit to Paris, even on the
part of those who are most friendly to the two Lords. I think it is a
pity they should have gone just at this moment, when the Montalembert
affair and the Portuguese quarrel have made the Emperor Napoleon very
unpopular here; but it does not seem to me to be a matter of much
consequence, or to be worth the indignation which in some quarters it
has elicited.


_Hillingdon, December 12th._--I went to The Grove on Wednesday last
and came back on Friday. There I had long talks with Clarendon for
the first time for many a day, when he told me a great deal that was
interesting, just as he used to do formerly, first about his visit to
Compiègne and his conversations with the Emperor. The Emperor told him
that his motive for prosecuting Montalembert was that he was aware that
there was a conspiracy of literary men, enemies of his Government, to
write it down in a very insidious manner, not by any direct attacks,
but, under the pretence of discussing subjects either not political
or not French, to introduce matter most hostile and most mischievous
to him, and that it was necessary to put down such a conspiracy, and
he thought the best course was to proceed at once against a man so
conspicuous as Montalembert, and to make an example of him, by which
others would be deterred. This was his excuse, whatever its value.
It appears to me a very bad one, and I doubt if the fact itself is
true, though Clarendon seemed to think it was. They had a great deal
of conversation about Italy and the anti-Austrian projects attributed
to France, touching which the Emperor's ideas were most strange and
extravagant. He said there had been two questions in which France was
interested: one the regeneration of Poland, the other the regeneration
of Italy; that in the pursuit of the first France naturally became the
ally of Austria against Russia, in the pursuit of the other she became
the ally of Russia and Sardinia against Austria; that the peace with
Russia had put an end to anything being done about the first, and the
second alone became possible. Clarendon then pointed out to him all
the difficulties of involving himself in such a contest as this scheme
supposed, that Austria would sacrifice her last florin and her last
man in defence of her Italian provinces, that to go to war with her
would almost inevitably sooner or later plunge all Europe into war,
and that the object to be gained by it, even by France herself, would
be wholly incommensurate with the cost and the danger that would be
incurred. The Emperor appeared to have no reply to make to Clarendon's
remonstrances, nor did I gather that His Majesty had any _casus belli_
against Austria, nor even any just cause of complaint to urge against
her, from which I draw the inference not only that his policy is of
a very wild and chimerical character, but that at any moment when he
might see, or think he saw, any advantage in attacking another Power,
no consideration of justice and good faith, still less of moderation
and care for the happiness and peace of the world, would restrain him,
and from such a contingency England would be no more exempt than any
other country.[1]

Footnote 1: [It is remarkable that this conversation of the Emperor
with Lord Clarendon at Compiègne took place within a month of the
speech to Baron Hübner on New Year's Day, which was the signal of war
between France and Austria, and at a time when the secret alliance
between the Emperor and M. de Cavour had been already concluded. The
Emperor's object was evidently to delude his English guests, and Lord
Clarendon was partially deceived by him, although he clearly perceived
that there was danger of war ahead.]


_December 12th._--Another day the Emperor asked Clarendon to come into
his room, when he told him that he wanted his advice, that he was in
a great dilemma and embarrassment in regard to his Roman occupation,
and in a false position, from which he did not know how to extricate
himself. He was dying to recall the French troops and yet unable to
do it. He had always hoped to be able to get the policy laid down
in the Edgar Ney letter carried out, but as soon as the Pope and
his ecclesiastical councillors returned to Rome they refused to do
anything, and whenever he held out any threat of withdrawing his troops
they always said he might do so whenever he pleased, for they knew very
well the reasons which prevented his doing it: the moment the French
troops marched out there would be an uprising in Rome and in the Papal
States. The religious party in France would deeply resent his exposing
the Pope to any such danger, and as soon as the French went away the
Austrians would march in and be masters of the whole country. Clarendon
acknowledged the gravity of the situation and the difficulty, but could
suggest no solution of it. They discussed the possibility of inducing
the Pope to relinquish his temporal sovereignty, and to accept a great
revenue instead, but neither of them seems to have thought this plan
feasible.


[Sidenote: NAPOLEON'S SPEECH TO BARON HÜBNER.]

_January 14th_,1859.--I purposed at the close of the last year to say
a few words about a year which might well be called _annus mirabilis_
and _annus mæstissimus_ besides, for I do not remember any year marked
by a greater number and variety of remarkable events and occurrences,
and certainly none which has been so fatal to the happiness of so many
of our friends. One calamity has succeeded another with frightful
rapidity, till it is difficult to point to any one who has not
sustained some terrible bereavement in the persons of near and dear
relations or intimate friends. A severe fit of gout which attacked
me on Christmas Day, and has kept hold of me ever since, prevented
my executing my purpose, and now I have forgotten all I intended to
say, and can only take up the present condition of affairs as they
present themselves at the beginning of this year, and this is dark and
unpromising enough. All Europe has been thrown into alarm by the speech
which the Emperor Napoleon made to the Austrian Ambassador Hübner on
New Year's Day, and by the announcement which followed it that Prince
Napoleon was going to Turin to marry the King of Sardinia's daughter.
The language of the King of Sardinia in his speech to his Parliament
shortly afterwards confirmed the general apprehensions. The menacing
manifestations having produced their effect, the Emperor seems to have
thought it adviseable to draw in his horns, and to try and calm the
effervescence he had produced. This, however, was not so easy, and in
spite of certain tranquillising articles which the French Press was
instructed to put forth, the impression that mischief is brewing cannot
be effaced, and though many think that there will be no immediate
outbreak, and the money dealers and speculators comfort themselves with
thinking that want of money will prevent the great military Powers
from going to war, the best informed persons, and those who are most
accustomed to watch the signs of the times, are convinced that the time
is near at hand when the peace of the world will be broken, that the
Emperor is determined upon an aggression on Austria, and that he is
only undecided as to the time when the operation shall be begun. It is
now evident that when our Ex-Ministers were at Compiègne, and when the
Emperor pretended that he wanted to consult Clarendon confidentially,
he only made a half-confidence of his views and his position, and that
he concealed from Clarendon the important fact of the marriage of
Prince Napoleon, which was arranged at the time.


_The Grove, January 25th._--I have passed three days here very
agreeably; a large party on Saturday and Sunday, after which Clarendon,
George Lewis, and I, talking over everything interesting at home and
abroad. There has been a good deal of correspondence between Clarendon
and John Russell in a very friendly spirit, quite different from the
terms they have been on till lately, and indicating the possibility
of their coming together again in Opposition and in office. I saw
also some letters of Palmerston's upon foreign affairs, exceedingly
sound and judicious. I am bound to say that all I hear and see of
Palmerston's views, opinions, and conduct is highly creditable to him,
and very different from what I expected. He evinces no impatience to
return to office, and no misconception of his own position. All he
writes on foreign affairs, on France and Austria and Italy, is marked
by great wisdom and moderation. He is taking his proper place as head
of the Liberal and Whig party, prepared to go to Parliament and wait
for the development of the policy and measures of the Government,
before forming any plan of a political campaign. Reading at the same
time the letters of Lord John and those of Palmerston on the same
subject, that of foreign policy, I am struck with the great superiority
of the latter.


[Sidenote: LORD PALMERSTON'S VIEW OF THE ITALIAN WAR.]

_Bretby, January 27th._--I left The Grove yesterday morning, and came
here to-day. At breakfast yesterday Clarendon handed over to me a
letter from Reeve, enclosing one from Guizot upon the aspect of affairs
in Europe and the chances of war and peace; an admirable letter, as all
his are. Reeve said that he had been told that Palmerston was likely
to give utterance to some sentiments very anti-Austrian, and in favour
of Italian nationality, than which nothing could be more mischievous
or more conducive to the objects of Louis Napoleon. This seemed to me
so inconsistent with the spirit of moderation and good sense which I
had remarked in the letters I had already seen of Palmerston's, that
I said I could not think it possible that he was meditating anything
of the sort, and I was greatly surprised when Clarendon replied, and
George Lewis agreed with him, that nothing was more possible, and
that he should not be at all surprised if he expressed sentiments
which were very much those which he had always entertained. Of course
they both deprecated any such language in the strongest manner. When
I got to town I told Reeve what had passed, and he then told me his
authority for what he had written, and that his informant had gathered
it from conversations with Palmerston himself. It was at all events
satisfactory to find that the language of the 'Times' had undergone
no alteration, and that they adhered to the same judicious course and
vigorous argumentation which they have all along adopted. Clarendon
and George Lewis are equally afraid of what John Russell may say, but
they are aware that though he may do considerable mischief, his _dicta_
are infinitely less important than Palmerston's. Granville arrived
last night from Paris and Rome, and I saw him for a few minutes as
I was starting to come here. I had just time to ascertain that his
views are identical with those of Clarendon and George Lewis, and that
his efforts will be joined to theirs in attempting to persuade both
Palmerston and John Russell to refrain from saying anything which may
serve as an encouragement to the Emperor, and George Lewis said that on
Palmerston's language in the House of Commons the peace of the world
might possibly depend. There seems no reason to doubt that one of the
things which keeps the Emperor's mind in suspense and uncertainty is
his desire to hear what passes in our Parliament, and to ascertain what
amount of sympathy and support the Italian cause and a war against
Austria are likely to find in this country. Palmerston must have
already taken such a measure of the public feeling here as to know
that any appeal to anti-Austrian and pro-Italian sympathies would meet
with no response either in or out of Parliament. The most, therefore,
that he will probably venture to do will be strenuously to recommend
a complete neutrality, and that this country should determine to keep
aloof from any contest that may ensue. This would be playing the
Emperor's game, and might perhaps be more useful to him than any other
course we could take, for it would find pretty general concurrence,
and most likely elicit many expressions of opinions which the Emperor
would be able with some plausibility to construe in the manner most
favourable to his own pretensions and designs.


_January 31st._--Dined with Lord Salisbury on Saturday at the Sheriffs'
dinner, when I met all the Cabinet, except Malmesbury, Hardwicke, and
John Manners. Derby told me a curious thing. An experiment was made of
the possible speed by which a telegraphic message could be sent and an
answer got. They fixed on Corfu, made every preparation, and sent _one
word_. The message and return were effected in six seconds. I would not
have believed this on any other authority.

[Sidenote: UNPOPULARITY OF THE WAR.]

Granville is just come from Paris, where he spent a week; he saw and
conversed with everybody, beginning with the Emperor and ending with
Thiers. All the Ministers he talked to, Walewski, Fould, and Rouher,
are dead against war, Morny the same, Baroche said to be for it, and
Fleury, who wants to distinguish himself in the field. The Emperor
talked over the whole question and assured him he had not committed
himself to the King of Sardinia, but on the contrary had told him he
would not support him if he committed any imprudence towards Austria.
Granville's impression is that the question is adjourned for the
present, owing to the clear manifestation in France, but much more to
the unanimous tone of the German and English Press. He is, however,
waiting in great anxiety for the debates in our Parliament, and still
hopes for some anti-Austrian expression which may favour his own views.
He has such a contempt for his own nation and for the opinions of
the French people that these last do not weigh much with him, and he
fancies that they may be at any moment changed and run in a warlike
current. Granville thinks our Government have acted properly throughout
these transactions, so far as he can judge.


_February 5th._--Parliament opened on Thursday with, as everybody
owned, a very good speech, and the discussions in both Houses were in a
very good tone, and all that could be desired as to foreign policy. It
will be impossible for the Emperor to derive from what passed a single
word from any quarter favourable to his projects. The disappointment
of his expectations in this respect may be very annoying to him, and
possibly induce him still to defer his final resolution, but it is
too much to hope that the language of our Parliament will turn him
altogether from his design. Indeed it has now become equally difficult
for him to advance without danger or to retreat without discredit, and
in his position discredit is in itself fraught with danger.


_February 12th._--The Emperor Napoleon's speech, looked for with
so much anxiety here, arrived a few hours after its delivery on
Monday last, and was on the whole regarded as rather pacific than
the contrary, but still so reserved and ambiguous that it might mean
anything or lead to anything or nothing. The general opinion seems
to be that nothing will take place _for the present_. The Government
have begun their campaign so quietly, and with so little disturbance
or threatening of any, that if such calm appearances were not often
fallacious, one should predict their passing smoothly through the
session; but when one thinks of this time last year, of the apparent
strength and security of Palmerston's Government, and of the suddenness
of his fall, it is impossible to rely upon the continuance of this
unclouded sky.


_February 19th._--The general complaint is that nothing is done in
Parliament, and that there is a general apathy, under the continuance
of which the Government gets on without hindrance, while their faults
or blunders pass unchecked. The Chancellor incurred a momentary odium
by his attempt at perpetrating a very shameless job, by making his
son-in-law a Judge in Lunacy without having any qualifications for
such an office; but after a little spurt in the House of Commons, the
result of which was the appointment being rescinded, the matter quietly
dropped. Gladstone's extravagant proceedings at Corfu[1] have elicited
something like an attack led on by Lord Grey, but although this subject
will probably be more seriously and warmly discussed after he comes
home, it does not seem likely to lead to much at present, and Derby
will probably parry Grey's attack on Monday next.

Footnote 1: [Mr. Gladstone had accepted, temporarily, the office of
Lord High Commissioner of the Ionian Islands, under Lord Derby's
Government. His proceedings there excited great surprise in England.
The eventual result of his mission was the surrender of the
Protectorate of the Ionian Islands to the Kingdom of Greece.]


[Sidenote: LORD COWLEY'S MISSION TO VIENNA.]

_February 27th._--Derby prevailed on Grey to defer his Ionian motion
till Gladstone's return, which he said would be in a fortnight at
least. Palmerston had given notice of his intention to call the
attention of the House of Commons to the present state of Europe, and
to ask if the Government could give the country any information on the
subject. The Government tried to persuade him to defer his intention,
but without effect, and he persisted in his course. In the meanwhile
Cowley suddenly arrived in England, sent for by the Government, as it
was said, for the purpose of receiving instructions in respect to the
conferences expected at Paris on the Danubian affairs. On Thursday
morning the world was electrified at reading an article in the 'Times'
stating that Cowley was going on a special mission to Vienna for the
purpose of making matters up, if possible, between France and Austria.
The day before I had been apprised of the fact by Granville, who had
heard it from Clarendon, to whom Cowley had imparted the secret of
his mission. The mission was in fact rather one from the Emperor than
from our Government, who had really done nothing whatever, but were
too happy to allow Cowley to go and try his hand in patching matters
up. He has done it all off his own bat. Seeing how day after day war
appeared to be becoming more imminent, he resolved to see if he could
not do something to arrest the evil; he found the French Ministers
quite agreed with him, and the Emperor in a state of mingled rage,
disappointment, and perplexity, clinging with his characteristic
tenacity to the designs on which his mind has been so long fixed, and
to which he probably stands committed more than we are aware of, by
his own professions, and by his cousin, who no doubt gave Cavour to
understand he might certainly count upon the Emperor's aid. This course
also he is the more reluctant to abandon, as he has certainly persuaded
himself, or has been persuaded by others, that in no other way can he
secure himself from the attempts of Italian conspirators and assassins,
so that it is personal fear which is the real ground of what is called
his policy. On the other hand, he is intensely disgusted and enraged
at finding the whole feeling and opinion of England so decidedly
pronounced against him, and that in no quarter whatever, neither in
Parliament nor the Press, which represents the mind of the whole
country, nor in any public men, can he find the slightest sympathy or
encouragment, or anything but the most indignant disapprobation.[1] The
sentiment of England is if possible still stronger in the same sense
in Germany, and it is universal in France, where it is only prevented
from manifesting itself with as much force and vivacity as in Germany
and here by the fettered and subservient condition of the Press. In
addition to this I am informed that the project of war is not popular
with the army itself; and as it is not morally certain that by plunging
into war the Emperor will be secure from the danger of assassination,
and there is at least as good a chance of war bringing with it perils
of another sort quite as formidable, so his very selfishness makes
him doubt and waver, and inclines him to listen to the remonstrances
which are addressed to him. Upon this uncertain and varying state of
mind Cowley has been endeavouring to work, and he has so far succeeded
as to have been entrusted by the Emperor with a commission to go to
Vienna and negotiate with the Austrian Government a settlement of
their differences, or rather, as there are in fact no differences to
settle, to obtain from the Austrian Government some concessions by
virtue of which he may be enabled to withdraw from his present false
position without discredit, by which means he may give satisfaction to
France and Europe, though at the risk of disappointing Sardinia and
exasperating the Italian Carbonari.

When Palmerston's discussion came on upon Friday last, it was already
known (through the 'Times') that Cowley was going to Vienna, though
he himself had told nobody of this expedition (except Clarendon), and
he evidently did not mean it should have been proclaimed. On Friday,
Disraeli and Malmesbury said nothing of Cowley's mission, but they both
announced that the Papal territories would be evacuated by the French
and Austrian troops, and the public inferred that this evacuation
was going to take place by a mutual agreement, and everybody asked,
'Why then is Cowley going to Vienna?' but the truth was that the
Pope had requested the two Governments to withdraw their troops, and
one of Cowley's objects is to procure the assent of Austria to that
withdrawal, France having no doubt agreed to it on certain conditions,
of which I do not know the details, but which are committed to the
management of Cowley. Clarendon seemed to think that there was no more
danger _now_ of the pacific purpose of Cowley being obstructed at
Vienna than at Paris, for he said that the Austrians are so proud, and
moreover so greatly incensed at the conduct of France, that it is very
doubtful whether they will be induced to make any concessions at all,
and whether the Emperor of Austria will not prefer to encounter all the
danger of war, prepared as he is, than consent to anything which should
have the appearance of humbling himself before the outrageous pretences
and intolerable insolence of the Emperor of the French.

[Sidenote: MR. WALPOLE AND MR. HENLEY RESIGN.]

In the midst of the absorbing interest of this great question, the
Government Reform Bill is coming on. They appear to have thought it
adviseable to bespeak the good word of the 'Times,' and accordingly
they sent Delane a copy of their Bill. This morning the heads of it
appear in the 'Times' with an approving article. Mild as it appears to
be, it is too strong for Walpole and Henley, who have resigned, but why
they did not resign before it is difficult to understand. At Kent House
yesterday afternoon there was a little gathering of Clarendon, Charles
Wood, and George Lewis, when they all agreed that if the Government
measure was such a one as they could possibly support, their proper
policy would be to assist the Government in carrying it.

Footnote 1: [The war of 1859 is now judged of more favourably than
it was at the time of its inception, and the result obtained--the
independence and unification of Italy--has led men to condone the
tortuous and deceitful policy by which it was arrived at. The object
of M. de Cavour was a noble one, although the means he employed were
unscrupulous. The chief motive of the Emperor Napoleon was the fear
of his old allies the Carbonari. Orsini's attempt on his life had
powerfully affected him.

To English statesmen of all parties (with one or two exceptions) it
was apparent that the declaration of war by France on Austria was the
destruction of the great compact of 1815, which (whatever may have been
its defects) had given forty-four years of peace to the Continent of
Europe, and which had survived the Revolution of 1848 and the Crimean
contest of 1854. It was the first outbreak of the military power of
the French Empire and it was likely to lead to future wars, as the
result has proved. The defeat of Austria and the dissolution of the
Germanic Confederation in 1866 was the result of the combined action of
Prussia and Italy, north and south of the Alps; and the Franco-German
War of 1870 was the result of the military ascendency Prussia had thus
acquired in Europe. The policy of England was simply based on the
principle that the duration of peace depended on the maintenance of the
existing territorial arrangements of Europe.]


_March 1st._--According to all political calculations Cowley's mission
ought to succeed, but I feel no confidence in his success, and rather
believe that the Emperor Napoleon is acting with his usual duplicity
and treachery, and duping Cowley to gain time, which is necessary to
his plans.[1] It is revolting to see that the peace of the world and
so much of the happiness or misery of mankind depend upon the caprice
and will and the selfish objects and motives of a worthless upstart
and adventurer, who is destitute of every principle of honour, good
faith, or humanity, but who is unfortunately invested with an enormous
power for good or evil. And this is the end of fifty years of incessant
movement, of the progress of society, of the activity and development
of the human intellect in the country which is eternally mouthing about
its superior civilisation and its mission to extend the benefits of
that civilisation over the whole world.

Disraeli brought forward his Reform Bill last night in a well-set
speech, only too elaborate. It was coolly received, except by its most
angry opponents, who lost no time in denouncing it.

Footnote 1: [This was the fact. It was not known until long afterwards
that positive engagements had been entered into at Plombières between
the Emperor and M. de Cavour in the preceding autumn, including the
marriage of Prince Napoleon to the daughter of the King of Sardinia,
and the cession of Savoy and Nice as a compensation for the conquest of
Northern Italy. Cavour had the Emperor in his power, and threatened, if
he drew back, to publish the correspondence.]


[Sidenote: THE GOVERNMENT REFORM BILL.]

_March 3rd._--It would be difficult to say what the feeling of the
House of Commons really is on the subject of the Government Reform
Bill. The night it came out everybody who spoke spoke against it. The
Ultra-Reformers, from Bright down to John Russell, naturally express
nothing but abhorrence and contempt for such a measure; half-and-half
Reformers, who consider Reform a necessity, and who would be glad
to have the question settled for the present on such easy terms,
do not venture to say much in its favour; and the Whigs generally,
particularly at their head-quarters, Brooks's, discuss with much
variety of opinion whether the second reading ought to be resisted or
not, the prevailing opinion being that the principle of the Bill (which
is the equalisation of town and county franchise) is so inadmissible
that it ought to be rejected, and they come to that conclusion the more
readily because they think its rejection in that stage would put an
end to the Government. On the other hand, Derby brought together two
hundred of his supporters the day after the Bill appeared, and obtained
their assent to it, and an engagement to support it. The resignations
of Henley and Walpole have been prejudicial to the Government. Their
explanations, which were full of half-suppressed bitterness towards
their colleagues, were considered damaging, and to have revealed
trickery on the part of Derby, though they seem to me to have rather
exhibited weakness on the part of the retiring Ministers. But what
they have clearly shown is the extreme penury of the party in point
of intellectual resources, when they can find no man of any weight or
reputation to fill up the vacancies. But if the Government is weak, and
their position very precarious, the state of the Opposition is at least
as deplorable, for there is no union or agreement amongst them, and
Granville acknowledged to me last night that if Derby should fall on
the second reading, and Palmerston be sent for, as it may be expected
he would be, by the Queen, that it is impossible to see how another
Government could be formed. This state of affairs and the magnitude
of the embarrassment will probably at last make some of those who so
obstinately insisted upon their being right in resigning last year
after the Vote of Censure, begin to think that they would have done
better to accept the rebuke and stay in. All that is now occurring
serves to confirm my own opinion upon that point.

Since Cowley's arrival at Vienna nothing has been heard of his mission,
but there is nothing apparent tending to lead to the conclusion that he
has been able to do any good, and the general impression is that the
Emperor Napoleon is only endeavouring to gain time, and making a tool
of Cowley in hopes of thereby committing this country in some degree
to his ulterior designs, and there are not wanting persons who believe
that it will after all be against this country that his arms will be
turned, and not against Austria.


_March 8th._--On Saturday morning the 'Times' published the article in
the 'Moniteur' (evidently the Emperor's composition), in which a formal
denial was given to the imputed warlike intentions of France. The
general impression produced by this manifesto was that the Emperor had
at last been diverted from his purpose by the various manifestations
which he had seen at home as well as abroad, and that he had resolved
to abandon it altogether. Many, however, refused to believe in this
happy result, and thought that he was only trying to throw dust in
the eyes of the world, and endeavouring to gain time. All things
considered, I incline to believe that he has resolved to postpone his
warlike designs _sine die_, though retaining his wish to employ the
vast means on which he has expended so much money, and looking forward
to some pretext which the chapter of accidents may afford him to
execute his purpose.

Strenuous efforts are making to bring about an understanding and
agreement between the Whig leaders as to opposing the Government Bill,
in which nobody is so active as George Lewis, who being very intimate
with John Russell, and much in his confidence, and at the same time
still on a footing of an adherent of Palmerston, is better qualified
than any one to form a link between the two and to produce a mutual
accord. John Russell has drawn up certain Resolutions which he intends
to move on the second reading. These Resolutions have been shown to
George Grey and to Palmerston, who have agreed to support them, and it
may be presumed that if all the Whig leaders, or even most of them,
take this course, they will be followed by the majority of the rank and
file. The Government and their friends are considerably alarmed at this
hostile demonstration, and the more disappointed because they had been
led to believe that Palmerston intended to support the second reading,
and they knew that many moderate Whigs were inclined to take the same
course. Some may do so still, but if the rival leaders can agree upon
an attack on the Bill, though they may be agreed on nothing else, it is
certainly probable that the Government will be beaten. Then will come
the question of dissolution or resignation. This will probably depend
on the amount and composition of the majority, and it will be a knotty
point for Derby to decide upon.


[Sidenote: OPPOSITION TO THE REFORM BILL.]

_Savernake, March 9th._--I met George Lewis at the Athenæum yesterday,
and had a talk about the state of affairs here. He told me that
the whole Liberal party, he believed, would support John Russell's
Resolutions. There had been considerable doubt at first whether the
second reading of the Bill should be opposed or not, but upon a close
examination of the Bill they found that it was such a dishonest measure
that it could not be allowed to pass, and therefore it was better to
throw it out at once. Palmerston and Lord John are now on very good
terms. Lord John had sent his Resolutions to Palmerston, and Palmerston
had sent him word he would support whatever he proposed. Lewis thinks,
though there is no agreement between them further than this with regard
to the Reform Bill, that if this Government falls, and the Whigs return
to power, means will be found of adjusting the rival pretensions of
the two leaders, and getting them to act together. To effect this,
his reliance is mainly on the Queen, who he thinks may and will exert
her influence and authority for this end. There is, however, a notion
abroad that if John Russell persists in his Resolutions, the Government
will withdraw the first clause, which is tantamount to withdrawing the
Bill itself. Lewis believes in this intention, and that if they do
it they will become so unpopular, and incur so much discredit, that
it will be impossible for them to go on or to attempt a dissolution.
Another notion is that they will withdraw the Bill, and endeavour to go
on without any Bill at all, trusting to the Opposition not daring to
propose a vote of want of confidence, which it is very doubtful if they
could carry. The only thing clear is that they are very anxious to turn
the Government out, and to take their chance of the consequences. Their
success seems not at all unlikely, but when they have accomplished
their object their embarrassments will begin. First there will be Lord
John and Palmerston, then _l'embarras des richesses_ of the numerous
candidates for office, and settling who is to come in and who are to be
thrown overboard.


_March 15th._--Cowley arrived from Vienna on Saturday. I have not yet
seen him, but Clarendon told me yesterday that he brings back the most
satisfactory assurances on the part of Austria, who is ready to give
every pledge of her pacific intentions, and to come to any agreement
with France upon the withdrawal of both their forces from the Papal
States, but that she will make no concessions inconsistent with her
rights and her dignity, or which could seem to damp the enthusiasm
now prevailing in Germany in her favour; in fact, that she has no
concessions to make. Within the last few days the symptoms from France
have been more menacing. At Paris the conviction is general that war
is meant, and I am obliged to believe it likewise. The resignation of
Prince Napoleon seems to have been a mere sham, and his intimacy with
the Emperor as close as ever. There is no reason to believe that the
military preparations in France are suspended, and in Piedmont they are
certainly going on actively.

[Sidenote: LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S RESOLUTIONS.]

The other great topic of interest, viz. the Reform Bill and John
Russell's Resolutions, does not look in a more satisfactory state.
While many sensible people deprecate this move of John Russell's,
and lament that Palmerston should have consented to support it, the
probability seems that it will be carried, but the greatest uncertainty
prevails as to the course which the Government will adopt, and whether
they will try to go on, dropping their Bill altogether, or continue
the fight with its remaining clauses, or whether they will take the
chance of a dissolution. It is now clear enough that Derby made a great
blunder in undertaking to deal with the question of Reform at all,
and that a consistent Conservative course would have been the most
honourable and the wisest, and have afforded him the best chance of
staying in office. By bringing forward a measure to the principle of
which it is well known that he and his whole Government and party are
in their hearts adverse, and then trying to vitiate the principle by
certain contrivances in the details, by which the scruples of his own
party may be obviated, he exposes himself to the charge of producing
a dishonest measure, and this is what the Whigs urge as their ground
for attacking it in front and at once. This is what Lewis said to me,
'We are bound to defeat a measure which is so dishonest that it is
not susceptible of such improvement in Committee as would warrant our
passing it.' The conduct of the Whigs, however, is not a whit more
honest. Their allegation is a mere pretext, and their real motive is
that they think they see their way back to office through an attack
upon the Government Bill; they are indifferent to the consequences,
and all they want is to get the coast clear for themselves, and take
the chance of settling the difficult questions which will arise as
to the formation of a Government and the conditions on which it can
be formed. All this appears to me quite as dishonest as anything the
Government have done or are doing. Palmerston never was a Reformer. He
was opposed as much as he dared and could be even to the great measure
of 1832, which all the world was for. When he brought forward a measure
of his own two or three years ago, he did it without sincerity or
conviction, and merely for a party object, and now he is uniting with
John Russell without any real agreement with him in opinion, and with
full knowledge that if they succeed and climb into office on the ruins
of the Government Bill he will be obliged to propose a measure much
stronger than he believes to be either necessary or safe. Believing
that Palmerston and John Russell were agreed no further than upon the
Resolutions on Monday next, I thought that a difference must arise
between them (in the event of their coming into office) on the Reform
Bill they should produce, but I was told just now that upon this point
they are already nearly if not completely agreed. They are, however,
not yet agreed upon the great question of the Premiership, or which of
them shall go to the House of Lords. The impatience and confidence of
Lord John seems to be unbounded, and in spite of his being the younger
by seven years, his eagerness to be in office again much more intense
than that of Palmerston. Although this is such a miserable Government,
both discreditable and incompetent, and it is a misfortune to have the
country ruled by such men, I cannot desire the success of such selfish
and unpatriotic manoeuvres as those by which the Whigs are endeavouring
to supplant them, and consequently I regard the whole state of affairs
with indescribable disgust and no small apprehension. I believe the
country to be in nearly equal danger from Louis Napoleon abroad and Mr.
Bright at home, and I fear that there is no capacity in the Government
to cope with the one, and no such amount of wisdom and patriotism
amongst the chief men of all parties as is requisite to defeat the
designs of the other.


_March 16th._--Cowley called on me yesterday at the Council Office.
He said that he had never believed there would be war, and he did not
expect it now; that all the agitation and turmoil that had been vexing
Europe for the last three months were to be attributed to the conduct
of Cavour and his attempts to drag France into assisting Piedmont
in her aggressive policy, and to misunderstandings which had been
produced by the strange conduct of the French Government, the imprudent
speech of the Emperor to Hübner on January 1st, and the ambiguous
manifestations which had followed it. To comprehend all these things it
was necessary to be acquainted with the whole course of Cavour's policy
and his dealings with France, and to understand the peculiar character
of the Emperor and the motives and impulses by which he is actuated.
When Austria refused to join England and France in the Russian War,
Cavour thought that an opportunity presented itself of which he might
take advantage, and which would lead to a realisation of his views for
the aggrandisement of Piedmont, and he offered to join the alliance
and send an army to the Crimea. This offer (as Cowley thinks very
imprudently and unfortunately) was accepted. He thinks it was unwise,
because the assistance of Piedmont was not required, and could not have
any material effect on the result of the contest, while it was sure to
excite hopes and expectations, and to give rise to demands which would
be afterwards found very inconvenient and embarrassing. Accordingly
Cavour took the earliest opportunity of expressing his hopes that when
peace should return Sardinia and her services would not be overlooked.
General expressions of goodwill were given, but Cowley cannot answer
for what more the Emperor may have said.

[Sidenote: LORD COWLEY'S VIENNA NEGOTIATION.]

His account of his mission does not quite correspond with what I had
before heard of it, and is an additional proof of the difficulty of
arriving at truth. He told me that he had written to Malmesbury and
told him he thought it very expedient to send somebody to Vienna to
talk to Buol and the Emperor, and to try and mediate between Austria
and France, to which Malmesbury had replied he had better go himself,
as nobody else would be so likely to effect the object. The consent of
Buol having been previously obtained, he proposed it at Paris, where
his services were gladly accepted. He had already spoken very openly
to the Emperor, and told him very plain truths as to his position and
his conduct, and when he went he told His Majesty without disguise what
his intentions were and his wishes, and what he desired that Austria
should do. The Emperor was very frank, totally disdained any wish to
make war, but said he should like Austria to do certain things, which
amounted to full security for Piedmont and renunciation of any unfair
and unjustifiable predominance in Italy. He found them at Vienna more
angry than alarmed; suspicious, but not unreasonable; their military
condition so good and powerful that, believing France really bent on
attacking them, there was a very general feeling that it was better war
should come at once than have it indefinitely hanging over them, and
at first it seemed unlikely that they would return any conciliatory
assurances which he might carry back to France. At last, however, he
got them to say what he thought was as much as could be expected from
them, and what ought to satisfy the French Government. Since he left
Paris (now three weeks ago or more) he has not had a line from thence,
and he is wholly ignorant of the march of affairs during his absence;
but he hopes and expects to find a pacific disposition, and his object
is to prevail on the Emperor to put an end to the general state of
uncertainty and alarm by announcing to Sardinia that she is in no
danger from Austria, and that therefore no assistance from France will
be necessary, and she may safely desist from her warlike preparations.
This is in fact the only way by which the crisis can be put an end to,
and if the Emperor really has been sincere in his professions and means
to make his acts correspond with them, he will forthwith put forward
some clear and unambiguous declaration, and some definite communication
to Piedmont which will leave no room for doubt or suspicion, and
restore confidence and tranquillity to Europe again.


_March 22nd._--Yesterday the 'Times' announced that a Congress had been
agreed upon, which was believed, so the funds rose and there was a
general belief that a solution was at hand, but it turns out not to be
true. The Emperor wishes for one as a means by which he may back out of
his scrape, which Cowley writes is now his object, but it is impossible
to believe that Austria will listen to it, and Clarendon thinks that
she would do wrong to consent to it, and that we should get into a
scrape by being a party to it, as no reliance whatever can be placed on
the good faith or honesty of France, who would deceive us and Austria,
as she has often done before.

Yesterday the Neapolitan exiles arrived at an hotel in Dover Street
in several hack cabs, decorated with laurels, and preceded by a band
of music. I did not see the men, but saw the empty cabs; there was no
crowd.

Nothing could be more uninteresting than the first evening of the
debate on John Russell's Resolutions last night. Lord March told me in
the morning that the Government would certainly dissolve as soon as
the Resolutions were carried. Every day makes the folly of Derby more
apparent in bringing in any Reform Bill at all.


[Sidenote: DEBATE ON REFORM BILL]

_March 24th._--When I think of the Reform Bill of 1832, and compare
the state of affairs at that time with that of the present time,
nothing can be more extraordinary. Then the interest was intense, the
whole country in a fever of excitement, the Press rabid, the clamour
for Reform all but universal, party running tremendously high, no
doubt or hesitation about individual wishes and opinions, and each
camp perfectly united in itself, and full of energy and zeal. In
this condition of the public mind and of politics the debates began
and continued. This debate has begun and seems likely to continue,
how differently! There are neither zeal nor union on one side or
the other, everybody is dissatisfied with the state of affairs, and
nobody can see a satisfactory issue from the general embarrassment.
There have been two nights of debate, and as yet all the speaking has
been one way, all on the anti-Reform side. John Russell was flat, and
Stanley, who replied to him, actually read his speech, which, though
it was much complimented by his own friends, seems to have been far
from effective. Horsman made a very good speech the first night, and
Bulwer Lytton spoke with great eloquence and effect on Tuesday, far
better than anybody thought he could speak, and the Solicitor-General
made a magnificent speech, in which he attacked John Russell with
great vigour and complete success. The only tolerable speech on the
Opposition side was Sidney Herbert's. Nobody has the least idea what
course the Government will take of the three open to them, whether they
will resign, dissolve, or go on with the second reading. The inference
from Stanley's speech was that they will dissolve, but Lytton and
Cairns seemed anxious to do away with the impression that speech had
made, and one is led to infer from what they said that the Government
will most likely proceed to the second reading, which would probably
be their wisest and certainly their most popular course. The majority
of those who are going to vote for the Resolutions do so unwillingly,
and would have preferred going into Committee, or to have fought the
battle on the second reading. As it is, if Government do not throw up
their cards, the second reading is in my opinion sure to pass, and not
improbably the Bill itself with great alterations.

The state of foreign affairs is as uncertain as ever. So incurable is
the distrust of the Emperor Napoleon that the greatest doubts prevail
whether he means peace or war, and whether even this Congress which he
is trying to bring about is not a mere dodge for the purpose of gaining
time, and in order to extract out of it a plausible case for a complete
breach with Austria.

Gladstone is come back from Italy completely duped by Cavour, who has
persuaded him that Piedmont has no ambition or aggressive objects, and
that Austria alone is guilty of all the trouble in which the world has
been plunged. He told this to Aberdeen, who treated his delusions and
his credulity with the utmost scorn and contempt, but he is said to
have found John Russell more credulous, and ready to accept Gladstone's
convictions.


_March 26th._--The debate goes on, to the intense disgust of everybody,
though enlivened by a few clever and telling speeches. But everybody
is disgusted with the whole affair, from which all see that no good
can come, and probably much mischief will ensue. The Government side
continues to have the best of the debate, Horsman, who spoke for them,
and Lytton and Cairns having been very superior to all the speakers on
the other side. On Friday Palmerston spoke, with great vigour, but not
much effect. His speech was very jaunty, but very insincere. When he
said that he cordially supported the Resolutions of his noble friend,
everybody knew that it was not true, that he really disapproved of them
and that he only consented to go with Lord John in order to evince
his willingness to make up their political difference, and to lend
himself to the reunion of all the Whig party; but in his speech he said
enough to show that there is not likely to be an entire or lasting
agreement between them, and that the two Kings of Brentford will not
long continue to smell at the same nosegay. The Opposition have been
all along quite confident of victory on the Resolutions, and it has
been impossible to make sure of the intentions of the Government in
the event of their being beaten, as they have severally held such very
different language on the point.

But an incident has occurred which is very likely to extricate the
Government from their difficulty, and of which I presume they will
avail themselves. Owen Stanley (brother of Stanley of Alderley) the
other night blurted out, without previous concert with anybody, a
notice of a motion of want of confidence in the event of the second
reading not passing. The Opposition are unanimously disgusted at
this piece of folly and meddling, while the Government are of course
delighted at such a plank of safety being held out to them, and if
they use it dexterously, they may completely defeat Lord John and
Palmerston, and prolong their own tenure of office for some time at
least.


[Sidenote: DEFEAT OF THE MINISTRY]

_April 1st._--The great debate came to an end last night. The majority
was greater than either side expected, and the Government and their
friends were sanguine to the last that they should win by a few
votes.[1] Although there was a great deal of tedious speaking, it was
on the whole a very able and creditable debate, and there were several
very powerful speeches, but principally on the side of the minority.
Gladstone's was particularly good, and Dizzy's reply, with a very
effective philippic against John Russell, was exceedingly clever,
and delivered with much dignity and in very good taste. Although
the question of Reform was regarded with so much indifference, as
the debate proceeded and party spirit and emulation waxed hot, the
interest and curiosity became intense. They have become still more
intense to-day, and the town is in a state of feverish anxiety to know
what is going to happen, and, as usual on such occasions, there are a
thousand reports, speculations, and guesses afloat. This morning the
prevalent idea was that they would resign, but this evening, and since
Derby's brief notice in the House of Lords, it is rather that they will
dissolve. Certainly the Queen might very well refuse her consent to a
dissolution if proposed to her, and this would of course compel the
Government to resign; but nobody knows whether she wishes Derby to stay
in, or would prefer to take the chance of forming another Ministry. I
have no idea that happen what may she will send for Lord John Russell;
but no doubt she knows all that has recently passed between him and
Palmerston, and about the formation of another Government, and it
is not impossible that she may shrink from being plunged into the
difficulties which would attend the attempts to form a Government in
which they were to divide the power and authority between them.

Footnote 1: [The numbers were: for the second reading of the Bill
291, for Lord John Russell's Resolutions 330; majority against the
Government 39.]


_April 4th._--The report yesterday was that Derby does not mean to
resign or dissolve, or to go on with the present Bill, but perhaps
bring in a fresh one. As we shall hear it all this evening, it is
useless to speculate on the subject. The Opposition are evidently
puzzled what to do. I went to Kent House, where Lewis said the
Government were much mistaken if they imagined they should be left
alone; he did not know what would be done, but certainly they must look
to be attacked in some shape or other. Granville in the evening took
the opposite line, and said the best party game would be to let them
alone. Nothing, however, will ever induce John Russell to keep quiet.

[Sidenote: M. DE CAVOUR'S POLICY]

Clarendon came in, and we talked of foreign affairs. He thinks war
inevitable, and that the French are only gaining time to complete their
preparations. I said I thought Cowley had been duped by the Emperor,
but he thought not. Cowley had all along seen all the objections to
the proposed Congress and suspected the _arrière pensée_ of it, but
said it was impossible when proposed to object to it, as the Emperor
would put forward such a refusal as a pretext, and say that it would
have prevented war. Two years ago he had a reliance upon the Emperor
which he had no longer; that he was completely changed now from what
he was, and it was difficult to know what he really meant, and when
he was sincere or the reverse. Clarendon told us he had lately seen
Marliani, an old acquaintance of his, a Spanish Liberal and friend of
Cavour's. Marliani said that the Italian question was ill understood
in England, and he had come over for the express purpose of seeing
Clarendon and talking it over with him, and putting before him a paper
he had written upon it. The conversation was curious. Clarendon told
him he was quite mistaken if he thought the Government or any other
Government could take any part at variance with the existing treaties,
or that the country would allow them to do so, even if inclined. He
then asked him what his friend Cavour meant to do in the dilemma in
which he had got himself and his country, and expressed very strong
opinions on his conduct. Marliani replied that it was not quite just
to censure Cavour with such severity, and without considering his
position, that during his whole life his most ardent desire and fixed
idea was that of purging Italy of the Austrians and aggrandising his
own country, and now when he saw before him the probable realisation of
his fond hopes, that he was backed up and encouraged by the master of
300,000 men in the game he was playing, and taught to rely upon that
aid, could it be wondered at that he should yield to the seduction?
Clarendon asked what would happen if the Emperor proved faithless to
him, as he had done to others, and in what position Cavour would find
himself. Marliani replied that he had no hesitation in telling him what
he thought need not be a secret, at least to him, as he was sure Cavour
would tell Clarendon himself if he saw him, and that Cavour had fully
made up his mind what to do. If the Emperor ended by throwing over the
Italian cause and refused to go to war, Cavour would resign, the King
would abdicate, and the whole correspondence with all the Emperor's
letters (of which they had an immense number) would be published and
circulated over all Europe to show the baseness and perfidy of the
man in whom they had trusted, and to force him to hide his head from
the indignation and contempt of the world. Everything indicates that,
whether from fear of this vindictive explosion or because he thinks
it his policy, he is hastening his preparations, has renewed his
engagements to Cavour, and that he means to go to war as soon as he can.




CHAPTER XVIII.

The Government determine to dissolve the Parliament--Apathy of the
Country--Hopes and Fears as to the War--The Congress a Trick--Disraeli
on the approaching Elections--War declared--Mr. Greville resigns the
Clerkship of the Council--Result of the Elections--Mistakes of the
Austrian Government--Policy of the Opposition--Reconciliation of Lord
Palmerston and Lord John Russell--The Reconciliation doubtful--Meeting
of the Liberal Party--Resolution of the Meeting--Debate on the
Resolution of Want of Confidence--Defeat of Ministers--Lord Derby
resigns--Lord Granville sent for by the Queen--Lord Granville does not
form a Government--Lord Palmerston sent for--Lord Palmerston's Second
Administration--The Queen confers the Garter on Lord Derby--Successful
Progress of the French in Italy--Causes of Lord Granville's
Failure--Lord John claims the Foreign Office--Lord Clarendon declines
to take Office--Lord Clarendon's Interview with the Queen--Mr.
Cobden declines to take Office--The Armistice of Villafranca--Peace
concluded--The Terms of Peace--Position of the Pope--Disappointment of
Italy--Conference of the Emperors--Alleged Sensitiveness of the Emperor
Napoleon--Details of the War--A Visit to Ireland--Irish National
Education--Dublin--Howth Castle--Waterford--Killarney--Return from
Ireland--Numerous Cabinets--A Dispute with China--Lord Palmerston and
Lord John Russell--Lord Clarendon at Osborne--Spain and Morocco--The
Duc d'Aumale--Perplexity of the Emperor Napoleon--The Emperor Napoleon
and the 'Times.'


[Sidenote: DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT.]

_April 7th_, 1859.--The determination of the Government, announced
in both Houses on Monday evening, took the world by surprise. Nobody
thought there would be a dissolution. Derby's speech was very bad,
much below his usual level. The attack on John Russell which formed
a chief part of it was merely a _réchauffé_ of that of Disraeli, but
very inferior to it in every respect. Disraeli in the other House spoke
much better, and with more taste and temper. The Opposition leaders are
evidently much taken aback; the Derbyites assert that they have reason
to expect a gain of forty votes, but nobody believes it. Many think a
much more Radical and an angry Parliament will be returned, but there
is no excitement, and it seems to me more probable that those are right
who think the relative proportions will not be materially altered. The
Whig chiefs are very angry with John Russell for committing himself as
he did on Monday night by his speech and announcement of his own plan
of Reform. Great attempts were made to dissuade him from doing this,
but he would not listen to reason. Palmerston made a speech clearly
indicative of disagreement with Lord John, though with a semblance of
union. The Resolutions on one side and the Dissolution on the other
have both been great faults, of which the mischievous consequences may
be very serious, but which cannot be made manifest till we see the
result of the election.


_April 15th._--I have been reading over to George Lewis my account
of what took place about the Reform Bill of 1832, to assist him in
reviewing that period of history, and in so doing it is impossible
not to be struck with the contrast between the public excitement
which prevailed then and the apathy and absence of interest which we
witness now. At every general election there is a great deal of bustle,
activity, party zeal, and contention, but there are not more of these
now than on ordinary occasions, if anything less. Both parties are
confident that they shall gain, and the Derbyites are making great
efforts, and have collected a very large sum of money. Derby has given
20,000_l._ to the fund, but candidates are slack in coming forward
with the prospect of the new Parliament not lasting many months. The
question of peace or war is still in abeyance, but inclines rather
towards war; the public securities oscillate like a barometer, and
people are puzzled and unable to form any opinion.


_April 20th._--The long promised statements were made in both Houses
on Monday night, but they told us nothing that was not already known,
and merely expressed hopes that war might still be averted. Disraeli
in the Commons was more sanguine than Malmesbury and Derby in the
Lords. Clarendon and Derby both made excellent speeches, the former
particularly; all he said was sound and true. The most striking thing
in both Houses was the extreme caution and reserve of the speakers on
both sides, and particularly their reticence and forbearance about
France. Not one word of blame of the Emperor of the French; no more
about him, his sayings and doings, than about the Emperor of Russia,
or than if he had had nothing whatever to do with the present state
of things. This was probably politic, but it was lamentable and
disgraceful that we should be obliged, or think ourselves obliged, to
abstain from speaking the truth, for fear of offending this rascally
adventurer, who by the egregious folly and cowardice of the French
nation has been invested with such an awful power of mischief, and whom
neither fear nor shame deters from pursuing his own wicked ends at the
expense of any amount of misery and desolation which he may inflict
upon mankind. One cannot help contrasting the extreme delicacy and
forbearance exhibited towards him with the violence and abuse which
were directed against the Emperor Nicholas in 1854.

[Sidenote: MR. DISRAELI'S EXPECTATIONS.]

I met Disraeli yesterday afternoon, when he told me they had got such
satisfactory news from the Continent that he considered the affair as
virtually settled and the danger at an end. God grant it may be so,
but I am far from being satisfied that the danger is over. On the eve
of great resolutions, and as the moment of taking an irrevocable step
draws near, the actors in great events have generally some misgivings,
and pause upon the brink, and so probably will these quasi-belligerents
do now; but I believe the concessions which France expresses herself
willing to make to our entreaties to be a part of her game. Clarendon
or Derby said that if Cowley had been allowed to work out his purpose
of mediation, probably all would have been settled, and that the
proposition of Russia for a Congress had been mischievous, and only
involved the question in fresh doubt and delay. But it appears evident
that this was a French trick, and that Russia proposed the Congress at
the instigation of France, who sought it for the purpose of delay, and
most likely in order to extract from it a plausible cause of quarrel.
Derby in his speech attributed a great deal to the menacing and
disturbing speech of the King of Sardinia in opening his Chambers, but
nobody said a word of Napoleon's _sortie_ to the Austrian Minister on
the 1st January, nor was any allusion made to various important facts
which were well known to many people in both Houses. No reproaches were
cast upon Sardinia, but a good many upon Austria; no comment made upon
the flagrant breach by Sardinia of the treaties existing between her
and Austria, and of the forbearance of the latter in not making that
breach a _casus belli_, as she might well have done.

I went to a Council on Monday for the prorogation, when I had some
conversation with Disraeli, and asked him what his real belief was as
to their prospects in the election. He said there was so much luck in
these matters that it was difficult to speak positively, but that he
had endeavoured to ascertain the true probabilities of the result,
and his conclusion was that _if they had luck_ they should gain sixty
votes; and what, I asked, if there was no luck on one side or the
other? Then, he said, they should gain forty. I told him the Opposition
calculators did not believe the Government would gain at all, or at
most not above eight or ten, if so many, and asked if he was confident
they should gain from twenty to thirty anyhow. He said from the day
of their taking office they had looked forward to a dissolution, that
their organisation was excellent, they had plenty of candidates and
of money, and he was quite confident they should gain that number and
more; he added that there was in no part of the country the slightest
desire for Reform, and he had altered the address he had first intended
to put forth, in consequence of finding what the prevailing sentiment
was on that question. I suppose they hold this language to justify
their dissolution, for it is difficult to believe they can really
expect such results, or that their opponents, who tell such a different
story, can be so completely mistaken.


_April 24th, Newmarket._--Disraeli's information on Tuesday last, when
I met him at Lady Jersey's, might well have warranted me in believing
that no war would take place, but I have never been able to persuade
myself that this calamity would be averted, and it appears that my
apprehensions were well founded, for now the die seems to be really
cast, and at the moment when I am writing it is probably actually
declared and begun. Though Austria is perfectly justified in declining
to wait any longer while France is maturing her preparations, and
cannot justly be blamed for bringing the affair to a crisis, she is
certain to be exposed to every sort of obloquy and misrepresentations
even in this country, and of course much more in France.


_April 27th._--On Monday we heard that the Austrians had sent their
ultimatum to Sardinia, and there was a complete panic in the City.
Yesterday we were informed that she had given fourteen days' grace
to Sardinia, and everything was up again. But this morning we were
undeceived, and found this latter report had no foundation. Meanwhile
the clamour against Austria has been senseless and disgraceful; nothing
could be more unworthy than Derby's allusion to her in his speech at
the Mansion House dinner on Monday. It was a claptrap, and meant to
obtain popularity and assist the Ministerial interest at the election.
Nothing has ever disgusted me more than to see the readiness with
which everybody finds fault with Austria, and the care with which they
avoid any notice of France, not, however, that this can or will last.
What sort of relations we shall continue to have with France I cannot
imagine. We have been treated in a manner which puts an end to the
possibility of any amicable feelings between the two countries. We
can never trust the Emperor again, and must take measures for our own
security as best we may; but unhappily the Indian war has so materially
diminished our power and absorbed our resources, and France has so
enormously gained upon us in point of naval strength, that we are not
in a condition to hold the language and play the part that befit the
dignity and the honour of the country. We can revile Austria with
impunity, for we know that we are in no danger of an attack from her,
but, on the contrary, that she has so much need of our good will that
she will endure our taunts and reproaches, and not quarrel with us even
in words. It was a prophetic saying of Mackintosh forty years ago at
Roehampton that it remained to be proved whether the acquisition of our
Indian Empire was in reality a gain to us, and we must hope that the
remark will not be illustrated in our days by seeing England herself
placed in danger by her exertions to retain or reconquer India, whose
value is so problematical and of which nothing is certain but the
immense labour and cost of her retention.


[Sidenote: WAR IN ITALY.]

_May 14th._--Another severe fit of the gout, principally in the right
hand, has prevented my writing a line for the last fortnight, during
which war has broken out, and the general election has been begun
and ended, and, what is most important to myself, I have resigned my
office. Hitherto the war and the election have equally disappointed
the expectations they gave rise to. The Austrians committed a blunder
in plunging into the war, and have not taken the only advantage such
a measure seemed to promise, viz. that of overpowering the Sardinians
before the French could join them, and now nobody can make out what
their tactics are, or when and where the contest will begin in earnest.
Meanwhile _we_ are taking an imposing attitude of armed and prepared
neutrality. Disraeli's anticipated sixty votes have dwindled down to a
gain of twenty, but Malmesbury told Cowley that they should have force
sufficient to maintain their ground, which I see their opponents do not
believe.


_May 17th._--The elections are nearly if not quite over, and, as well
as can be collected from the conflicting calculations of the rival
parties, they present a gain of nearly thirty for the Government.
With this they evidently hope and their opponents fear they will be
able to go on at least to the end of the session, and I incline to
think so likewise. Their Government is miserably weak and incapable,
their numbers respectable, but their staff deplorable. It is expected
they will propose to Lord Elgin to take Lytton's place. The general
election has been eminently satisfactory in this, that it has elicited
the completely Conservative spirit of the country. Palmerston, who
predicted that the consequence would be a large increase of Radical
strength, has been altogether mistaken. It may be added (whether this
is a good or an evil) that it has also manifested the indifference of
the country to all parties and to all political ties and connexions. In
the last general election the cry was all for Palmerston, in this there
has been no cry for anybody, neither for Palmerston nor Derby, and less
than all for John Russell or Bright. And yet John Russell is flattering
himself he shall have an opportunity of forming a Government, and talks
of his regret at being obliged to leave out so many of his friends.
It is remarkable that the Catholics have supported the Government,
and that they have done so under orders from Rome. Archbishop Cullen
is there, and has signified to the priests the pleasure of the Pope
that the Derby Government should be supported. Clarendon told me this
yesterday, and that the reason is because they think this Government
more favourably inclined to Austria than any other, especially than
either Palmerston or John Russell would be. The Papal Government have
never forgiven the Whigs for the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill, and this
accounts for the otherwise strange support given by the Catholics to
those who have always been their bitterest enemies.

The war still languishes, and nobody can make out what the Austrian
plans are. A great sensation has been made by the retirement of Buol
and the appointment of Rechberg. The first report was that it was a
sacrifice made to appease the resentment of Russia, but Clarendon told
me yesterday he did not believe this, but that it was rather to satisfy
some of the German Powers whom Buol had deeply offended. Nothing could
have exceeded the stupid blundering and misconduct of the Austrian
Government during the last few critical weeks, and their want of tact
towards Prussia and the German Powers. The Archduke Albrecht was sent
to Germany for the purpose of stirring up the German Powers, and
professedly to procure such a demonstration as should be the means of
preventing war, and then, while the Archduke was still at Berlin, they
blurted out their ultimatum (which was a declaration of war) without
letting Prussia know what they were about. The Archduke was obliged
to declare his own ignorance of the intentions of his Government, and
Prussia consequently to announce her disapprobation of the measure
and to signify the same to France, which was just what suited the
Emperor Louis Napoleon. I hear also that his departure from Paris was
accelerated by the necessity of repairing as speedily as possible to
the seat of war, in order to quiet the dissensions and quarrels which
were already raging between the French generals. Not a very promising
beginning of the campaign. This used to be the case formerly in the
great Napoleon's time wherever he was not present. His presence
silenced these quarrels, but it remains to be seen whether this man
will have equal authority over unruly subordinates, who cannot possibly
regard him with the same deference with which the old marshals looked
up to their mighty master.


[Sidenote: RESULT OF THE ELECTIONS.]

_May 24th._--The elections are all over, and the Opposition leaders
are already busy in devising the means of attacking the Government. On
Friday Palmerston went to Pembroke Lodge, and had a long conference
with John Russell. On Sunday there was a gathering there, attended
by Granville, George Lewis, Charles Wood, and probably others. The
question immediately to be decided is whether an Amendment shall or
not be moved to the Address. A very nice point of political strategy.
The Whig leaders are impatient to drive the Government to resignation,
without, as I believe, knowing how they are to form a Government likely
to be durable and strong. As matters stand, the Government appear to
be too strong to be driven out, and not strong enough to count upon
staying in. A greater fix can hardly be seen.


_May 26th._--Palmerston and John Russell have now made up all their
differences, and have come to a complete understanding and agreement
on all points, so that the schism may be considered at an end. Upon
Reform, upon foreign policy, upon the mode of opposition, they are
fully agreed, and even upon their respective personal pretensions.
Both are resolved not to quit the House of Commons, and Lord John
himself says that the question of the Primacy must be determined by the
Queen herself, and that whomever she may send for and charge with the
formation of a Government must necessarily be Premier. There is not
much doubt that this will be Palmerston, but what post Lord John would
require for himself I have not heard. It may possibly be the Foreign
Office, which Palmerston could hardly refuse to him, particularly as
they are agreed on foreign policy, and Clarendon is not inclined to
share their opinion. This reconciliation will be very favourable to
Granville's pretensions, and secure to him the lead of the House of
Lords, and not improbably, at some not very distant day, lead to his
being Prime Minister. In this age of political Methuselahs it is an
enormous advantage to be little more than forty years old. This state
of affairs I heard at Brooks's from the Duke of Bedford. It was Lord
John who took the initiative in their approaches to each other. He
wrote to Palmerston, on which Palmerston repaired to Pembroke Lodge,
where they had a long conversation, with the result aforesaid. Soon
afterwards I met Disraeli in the street. He did not appear to me to
be in very high spirits, and talked of the position and chances of
his Government without any expressions of confidence, though without
despondence. He said he hoped that they would move an Amendment to
the Address, as it was better to fight it out at once and bring the
question of strength to a crisis.


[Sidenote: LORD PALMERSTON AND LORD JOHN RUSSELL.]

_May 29th._--It seems not unlikely that the Government may be after all
relieved from the immediate danger of an Amendment by the divisions
amongst the Opposition, or rather between the rival leaders. After
all I was told of the meeting between Palmerston and Lord John, and
the agreement they had come to on all the important points, I was
astonished at hearing on Friday evening that everything was again
thrown into uncertainty because Lord John would not say what he
intended to do. On the important question of who should be Premier he
would make no frank statement. He had, indeed, before said that the
Queen must decide it, and the man she sent for would naturally be at
the head of the Government; but he refused to say whether, supposing
Palmerston to be sent for, he would take office with and under him,
or even whether he would sit in the House of Commons on or behind the
Treasury Bench--in short he would give no clear and positive assurance
of his intentions. This is naturally very disgusting to the Whigs, and
throws everything into doubt and confusion. The Duke of Bedford is to
go down to him and tell him the plain truth, which no one else would
venture to do, pointing out to him the effect of his conduct on the
sentiments of the Liberal party and on his own position, with regard
to which his conduct is indefensible and suicidal. It remains to be
seen whether any effect will be produced on his mind, but in any case
nothing can look more hopeless than it does, or promise worse for the
future. Even though Lord John should consent to act under Palmerston
(and nobody expects that it is Lord John for whom the Queen would
send), there seems little hope of any cordial or lasting union between
them, or of his being satisfied with any position in which he might
consent to place himself, for his mind is evidently in a sour and
jaundiced state. The majority of the Whig and Liberal party who are
come up full of resentment from the elections are certainly desirous
of attacking the Government, but there is a considerable number of
them who are averse to joining in any vote of want of confidence, or
any other move which may turn the Government out without first being
assured that another Government can be formed, and that the union is
sufficiently complete to promise that such new Government would be
strong enough to maintain itself when formed.


_June 6th._--As I was at Epsom every day this week, I have heard
nothing of what has been going on, except the fact that there is to
be a great meeting of the Liberals at Willis's Rooms this afternoon,
called by a list of people which includes Palmerston and Lord John and
Milner Gibson, whose signature betokens the assent of the Radicals to
the object of it, which I conclude to be an agreement as to the attack
to be made on the Government to-morrow, and certain explanations as to
the intentions and sentiments of the Whig leaders. I see that there are
many dissentients from the course that is going to be adopted, many who
think this attempt to oust the Government at once neither patriotic
nor politic. Without any very decided opinion, or the means of forming
one, I am rather inclined to think that it would be better to leave
them alone, and to trust to their furnishing good cause for turning
them out, as they probably will do. The Government does not appear to
be obnoxious to any serious reproach and objection, except about their
mismanagement of foreign affairs. But it is very questionable whether
another Government might not give us a policy equally or still more
mischievous.


_June 7th._--The meeting of the Opposition yesterday at Willis's Rooms
went off as well as they could expect or desire. The two leaders gave
the required assurances that each would serve under the other, in the
event of either being sent for. There was a general concurrence in the
plan of attacking the Government at once, in which even Bright and
Ellice joined, the former disclaiming any desire for office in his own
person, but claiming it for his friends. The result promised is that
with very few exceptions all the opponents or quasi-opponents of the
Government will unite in supporting the vote of want of confidence, and
they are very confident of success. On the other hand, the Derbyites
do not despair of having a majority, and they comfort themselves with
the certainty that the division must be so close, that the successful
Whigs will be able to form no Government which will have a certain
working majority, and, not impossibly, that the majority itself may be
turned into a minority by the events of the re-elections. This is not
very probable, and it is rather more likely that if Palmerston forms
a Government, he will have the support of a good many of those who
will vote with the Government, as long as they remain in. There were,
however, some rather ominous manifestations made at this meeting. It
seemed to be agreed that the new Government should embrace not only
Whigs and Peelites, but 'advanced Liberals,' _i.e._ the followers of
Bright, and this, besides introducing the seeds of disunion, will
probably frighten away the Liberal Conservatives, who would like to
support Palmerston, inasmuch as a Government so formed would afford
little security for the maintenance of Conservative measures. Then
Palmerston in no ambiguous terms announced his pro-Gallican sympathies,
and the neutrality he declared for in every possible case which he
could contemplate, together with his desire for a cordial union with
France, can mean nothing but that under his rule England should look
quietly on while France crushes Austria, and accomplishes all her
ambitious and revolutionary objects. That this policy will be hateful
to many who will be his colleagues cannot be doubted, but what is
doubtful is whether those who will object to it will have virtue and
firmness enough to decline office rather than be parties to such a
policy.


_June 9th._--There is great excitement about this debate and the
probable division, and equal confidence on both sides of a majority.
The Opposition is the favourite, but their friends will not lay any
odds. Everybody says it must be very close, and on either side the
majority will not exceed ten. On the first night Disraeli made a
capital speech, and nobody else on their side would speak at all.
This was a sort of manoeuvre and attempt to bring about a division
that night, for they found out that seventeen of the Opposition had
not taken their seats, which would have secured a majority to the
Government. The Whigs therefore refused to divide, and put up one man
after another to keep the debate open, and eventually obtained an
adjournment. Palmerston's speech was in accordance with his declaration
at Willis's, and with his ancient practice; it was violently
pro-French and anti-Austrian, and it was full of gross falsehoods and
misrepresentations, which he well knew to be such. In his seventy-fifth
year, and playing the last act of his political life, he is just what
he always was.


[Sidenote: RESIGNATION OF LORD DERBY.]

_June 12th._--After a not very remarkable debate, the division
yesterday morning gave a majority of thirteen to the Opposition,
which was more than either side expected.[1] Derby resigned at eleven
o'clock, and the Queen immediately after marked her sense of his
conduct by sending him an extra Garter in an autograph letter. Much
to his own surprise she sent for Granville (and for nobody else) and
charged him with the formation of a Government. What passed between Her
Majesty and him I know not, but he accepted the commission and has been
busy about it ever since. How he is to deal with Palmerston and Lord
John, and to make such a project palatable to them I cannot imagine.
What the Queen has done is a very significant notice to them of her
great reluctance to have either of them at the head of affairs, and it
cannot but be very mortifying to them to be invited to accept office
under a man they have raised from the ranks, and who is young enough to
be son to either, and almost to be grandson of the elder of the two.
Nor will the mortification be less, after they have both so publicly
avowed their expectations that one or other of them must be sent for,
and their having, in what they consider a spirit of self-sacrifice,
consented to serve under each other, but without ever saying or
dreaming that it could be necessary to say they would take office under
any third party. Nobody, indeed, has ever thought of the possibility
of any but one of them being called upon by Her Majesty, and the only
question has been which it would be.

Footnote 1: [The Amendment to the Address, implying a want of
confidence in Ministers, was moved by the Marquis of Hartington. The
votes on the division were: For the amendment 323, against it 310.]


[Sidenote: LORD PALMERSTON'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION.]

_June 13th._--Lord Granville told me yesterday evening what had passed,
and that his mission was at an end, and Palmerston engaged in forming a
Government. The account of it all appears in the 'Times' this morning
quite correctly. Granville was rather disappointed, but took it gaily
enough, and I think he must have been aware from the first of the
extreme difficulty of his forming a Government which was to include
these two old rival statesmen. Palmerston had the wisdom to accede at
once to Granville's proposal, probably foreseeing that nothing would
come of Granville's attempt, and that he would have all the credit of
his complaisance and obtain the prize after all. The transaction has
been a very advantageous one for Granville, and will inevitably lead
sooner or later to his gaining the eminence which he has only just
missed now, which would have been full of difficulties and future
embarrassments at the present time, but will be comparatively easy
hereafter. Lord John's conduct will not serve to ingratiate him with
the Queen, nor increase his popularity with the country.[1]

Footnote 1: [It was the refusal of Lord John Russell to serve under
Lord Granville which rendered the formation of a Cabinet by that
statesman impossible. At the same time Lord John Russell expressed his
willingness to serve under Lord Palmerston on condition of his taking
the department of Foreign Affairs.]


_June 26th._--All the time that the formation of the new Government
was going on I was at a cottage near Windsor for the Ascot races, and
consequently I heard nothing of the secret proceedings connected with
the selection of those who come in, and the exclusion of those who
belonged to Palmerston's last Government, nor have I as yet heard what
passed on the subject.[1] The most remarkable of the exclusions is
Clarendon's, who I was sure, when the Foreign Office was seized by John
Russell, would take nothing else; and of the admissions, Gladstone's,
who has never shown any good will towards Palmerston, and voted with
Derby in the last division. This Government in its composition is
curiously, and may prove fatally, like that which Aberdeen formed in
1852, of a very Peelite complexion, and only with a larger proportion
of Radicals, though not enough, it is said, to satisfy their organs,
and Bright is displeased that he has not been more consulted, and
probably at office not having been more pressed upon him. It is still
very doubtful whether Cobden will accept the place offered to him.

The Tories are full of rancour, and express great confidence that this
Government will not last, and that they shall all be recalled to power
before the end of the year. Derby had a large gathering at Salisbury's
house, when he made them a speech recommending union and moderation,
the first of which recommendations they seem more likely to adopt than
the second. The affair of his Garter was in this wise. On resigning he
wrote to the Queen and besought her to bestow Red Ribands on Malmesbury
and Pakington. She wrote him an answer acceding to his request, and
adding that she could not allow him to retire a second time from
her service without conferring upon him a mark of her sense of his
services, and she therefore desired him to accept the Garter, though
none was vacant. He told me this, and said it was the only way in which
he could have taken it, as he never should have given it to himself,
and I believe if a vacancy had occurred he meant to have given it to
the Duke of Hamilton.

While we have been settling our Government for good or for evil,
the war has continued to pursue its course of uninterrupted success
of the Allies, and unless something almost miraculous should occur,
the Austrian dominion in Italy may be considered as at an end. The
sentiments of people here are of a very mixed and almost contradictory
character, for they are on the whole anti-Austrian, anti-French,
and though more indulgent than they deserve to the Sardinians, not
favourable to them. The most earnest and general desire is that we
should keep out of the _mêlée_, and any termination of the war would be
hailed with gladness, because we should thereby be relieved from our
apprehensions of being involved in it. We should not be sorry to see
the Austrians driven out of Italy for good and all, though most people
would regret that the Emperor Louis Napoleon should be triumphant, and
that such a course of perfidy, falsehood, and selfish ambition should
be crowned with success. The Austrians deserve their fate, for nothing
can exceed the folly of their conduct, first in rushing into the war,
and thereby playing the whole game of their adversaries, and secondly
in placing in command men evidently incapable, and who have committed
nothing but blunders since the first day of the campaign.

Footnote 1: [Lord Palmerston's second Administration consisted of the
following members:--

  First Lord of the Treasury          Viscount Palmerston
  Lord Chancellor                     Lord Campbell
  Lord President                      Earl Granville
  Lord Privy Seal                     Duke of Argyll
  Chancellor of the Exchequer         Mr. Gladstone
  Home Secretary                      Sir George C. Lewis
  Foreign Secretary                   Lord John Russell
  Colonial Secretary                  Duke of Newcastle
  War Secretary                       Mr. Sidney Herbert
  Indian Secretary                    Sir Charles Wood
  Duchy of Lancaster                  Sir George Grey
  Postmaster-General                  Earl of Elgin
  Admiralty                           Duke of Somerset
  Board of Trade                      Mr. Milner Gibson
  Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland          Earl of Carlisle
  Irish Secretary                     Mr. Cardwell

This Administration lasted until the death of Lord Palmerston on October
18, 1865.]


_June 27th._--Yesterday I went to Kent House, where I found Clarendon
and his sister alone, and we had a long talk, in the course of which he
told me all that had passed (especially with regard to himself) about
the formation of the Government. Although he spoke very good-naturedly
about Granville and his abortive attempt, I saw clearly that he thought
Granville had been in the wrong to undertake it, and that he ought at
once to have told the Queen it was impossible, and have declined it.
Though Palmerston had given a qualified consent to act with him, it
was with evident reluctance, and he had guarded it by saying it must
be subject to his approbation of the way in which the Government was
composed. Lord John's consent was still more qualified, and he annexed
to it a condition which at once put an end to the attempt. This was, as
I had suspected, that he should be leader of the House of Commons. To
this Palmerston refused to agree, and so the whole thing fell to the
ground. Granville, by Clarendon's advice, at once reported his failure
to the Queen, gave her no advice as to whom she should send for, and of
her own accord she sent for Palmerston.

[Sidenote: LORD JOHN RUSSELL FOREIGN MINISTER.]

Previously to this, and I think before the vote, Palmerston and
Clarendon had discussed the probability of Palmerston's forming a
Government, when Palmerston told him he should expect him to return to
the Foreign Office. As soon as Palmerston had been with Her Majesty,
he went off to Pembroke Lodge, and saw Lord John; told him all that
had happened, and that he would of course take any office he pleased.
Lord John said, 'I take the Foreign Office.' Palmerston said he had
contemplated putting Clarendon there again, enumerating his reasons and
Clarendon's claims, but that if he insisted on the Foreign Office as a
right, he must have it. Lord John said, 'I do insist on it,' and so it
was settled.

I ought to have inserted that when Palmerston and Clarendon talked the
matter over at first, Clarendon begged him not to think of him, and
that if, as was probable, John Russell desired the Foreign Office, he
_must_ give it him, for if he did not, or even made any difficulty,
an immediate breach would be the consequence, and John Russell would
get up a case against Palmerston which would be very embarrassing.
Palmerston at first said he should certainly insist on Clarendon's
not being put aside to please Lord John, but in the end Clarendon
persuaded him not to adhere to that resolution. After all was settled
there was a small gathering at Cambridge House, when Palmerston told
Clarendon that he might have the choice of any other office, but
Clarendon replied that he was not conversant with Colonial, Indian,
or War affairs, and he would not take an office for which there would
be many candidates, while he much preferred being out, and Palmerston
would not have half offices enough to satisfy the demands for them.
Palmerston said he would not take this as his last word, and the next
day the Queen sent for Clarendon, by Palmerston's own desire, to try
and persuade him to take office. He went to Buckingham Palace and had
an audience, or rather interview, of three hours with Her Majesty and
the Prince, in which she treated him with the most touching kindness
and confidence, and exhausted all her powers of persuasion to induce
him to join the Government, but he was firm and would not. She then
said, in the event of a vacancy of the Foreign Office, 'You must
promise me you will take it,' to which he replied, 'Your Majesty knows
I would do anything in the world for your service; but you must allow
me, in any case which may occur, to exercise my own discretion under
the circumstances, and to rest assured that I shall in every case be
actuated solely by a desire to do what is best for your Majesty, and
most conducive to your pleasure and interest.' The Queen talked to
Clarendon of the publication in the 'Times' with much indignation, and
said, 'Whom am I to trust? These were my own very words.' Clarendon,
however, endeavoured to convince her that the article had in fact
(however indecorous it might appear) been eminently serviceable to her,
inasmuch as it negatived any suspicion of intrigue or underhand dealing
in any quarter, and represented her own conduct in a manner to excite
universal approbation. He dilated on this in a way which made great
impression both on the Prince and on her, and ultimately satisfied her
that all had been for the best, thereby acting a very good-natured part
and a very wise one.


[Sidenote: MR. COBDEN DECLINES OFFICE.]

_July 4th._--Cobden has declined to take office, though he was advised
by his friends to accept, and he approves of Milner Gibson and Charles
Villiers having joined the Government. The reasons he gives are that
he has always been a strenuous opponent of Palmerston, and that his
conduct will be liable to reproach in taking office under him, that he
has been the advocate of economy and low establishments, and would find
himself obliged to act very inconsistently, or to oppose his colleagues
in a policy respecting which popular opinion would be against him; but
he expresses great satisfaction with Palmerston, who he says is a much
better fellow than he was aware of, and he means to give the Government
all the support in his power. These reasons do not seem sufficient
for his not joining, which he had better have done. Granville laments
Clarendon's having declined to take office as a Secretary of State, and
that he will not be in the Cabinet to throw into the scale of foreign
policy his political weight. I said I knew nothing of his motives,
but assuming that he did not see foreign affairs in the same light as
Palmerston and John Russell, he would be placed in an awkward position
before long. Granville said this might be true, but he thought before
very long he would be at the Foreign Office again. What he meant by
that I do not know.


_July 12th._--On Friday morning the world was electrified by reading
in the 'Times' that an armistice had been agreed upon between the
belligerent Emperors in Italy, and the subsequent announcement that
they were to have a personal meeting yesterday morning, and the
armistice to last for five weeks (till August 15), led to a pretty
general conclusion that peace would be the result.[1] The Stock
Exchange take the same view, for everywhere and in all securities
there has been a great rise. I saw George Lewis on Sunday and asked
him if the Government had any intelligence, when he told me that the
only thing, besides what had appeared in the papers, was that France
had proposed to us to interpose our mediation on the basis of Austria
giving up everything, and Prussia had made the same proposal on the
basis of Austria giving up nothing, both which proposals we had very
naturally declined.

Footnote 1: [The battle of Solferino was fought on June 24, and an
armistice between the Emperors of France and Austria was signed at
Villafranca on July 7.]


[Sidenote: THE ARMISTICE OF VILLAFRANCA.]

_July 13th._--We had scarcely had time to begin discussing and
speculating on the probable results of the armistice, before the news
of peace being actually concluded burst upon us. As yet we have only
the great fact itself and the skeleton of the arrangement, and we
shall probably be for some time without materials for judging as to
the merits of the Treaty of Peace and its probable consequences, but
the first impressions and the first ideas that present themselves may
be worth recording. There is no denying that the Emperor Napoleon has
played a magnificent part, and whatever we may think of his conduct,
and the springs of his actions, he appears before the world as a very
great character.[1] Though he can lay no claim to the genius and
intellectual powers of the first Napoleon, he is a wiser and a soberer
man, with a command over himself and a power of self-restraint, and
consequently of moderation in pursuit of objects, which the other did
not possess, and therefore while the towering genius of the uncle led
him on through magnificent achievements and stupendous vicissitudes
to his ruin, it appears highly probable that the better regulated
mind and the habitual prudence of the nephew will preserve him from
the commission of similar errors, and render his career somewhat less
splendid, but more durable and infinitely more beneficial to his
country.

With regard to the present affair, the first thing we must be struck
with is the way in which the King of Sardinia has been treated.
Napoleon, indeed, tosses him a large share of the spoils, but not
only was he not admitted to the Conference which led to peace, but he
does not appear to have been consulted upon it any more than any of
the French generals; the only notice that was taken of the King (so
far as we know) being that he was ordered, upon the conclusion of the
armistice, to desist from the siege of Peschiera. I had heard before
that the Emperor was extremely disgusted with his ally and Cavour,
and at all that the latter had said and done, at the proclamations
and other documents he had put forth, and at the audacious manner
in which that Government had annexed every scrap of territory they
could lay their hands on, and assumed the government of every State
that they could manage to revolutionise, and all without the sanction
and concurrence of the Emperor. Nothing is more likely than that the
Italian War will not be closed without much bickering and heartburning
between the two allies, and that the King and his Cavour will find, in
spite of all they are to obtain, that they will have no bed of roses to
repose upon after their fatigues and labours.[2]

Then, so far as we can judge of the settlement, it seems one that
is likely to give more offence and disappointment than satisfaction
to the bulk of the Italian people, and to imagine that affairs will
relapse or resolve themselves into a peaceable and quiescent state is
a mere delusion. What passed between the two Emperors we may perhaps
never know, though the effects of their interview may one day become
dangerously apparent; but it is not unreasonable to conjecture that
Napoleon exerted all his arts and blandishments to make a friend of
Francis Joseph, and to persuade him that a cordial alliance with France
would be more advantageous to him than one with England, and he might
with every appearance and much of the reality of truth tell him that
England had done nothing for him; that neither the Government nor the
nation had any sympathies with Austria, whom, so far from assisting,
they had gladly seen defeated in Italy; and that the forbearance of the
Emperor in leaving Austria in possession of any part of Italy would be
unpalateable to Palmerston and John Russell, and generally unpopular.
One cannot but suspect that an alliance was at least projected, if
not formed, between the three great despotic Powers, France, Austria,
and Russia, for the purpose of domineering over Europe, and dealing
with the several States according to their pleasure, or the pleasure
of France, and with the ultimate object of attacking, weakening, and
humbling England.

[Sidenote: THE CONFERENCE OF THE EMPERORS.]

Of all the provisions of this Treaty that which regards the sovereignty
of the Pope is the most curious and seems the most difficult to carry
out; it is indicative of the necessity under which the Emperor thinks
he is placed of disarming the hostility and consulting the prejudices
of the Catholic party and the Church in France. Whether the Pope
will accept the temporal office assigned to him may be doubted, but
it can hardly be doubted that his supremacy will not be willingly
accepted and acknowledged by the Italians generally, to whom the
Papal rule is already odious.[3] One cannot but feel glad at the deep
mortification and disappointment which will overtake the Republicans
and Socialists, the Mazzinis, Garibaldis, Kossuths, _et hoc genus
omne_, at a pacification so ruinous to all their hopes and designs.
Clarendon told me he believed the account in the 'Times' of the compact
between the Emperor and Kossuth, and nothing is more likely than that
at the beginning of the contest he employed Kossuth in the way stated,
and gave him all sorts of promises, and when he found he could do
everything _sine tali auxilio_, and that he had a stronger interest in
making friends with Austria, he threw Kossuth over without scruple or
hesitation. This is exactly the course he would be likely to follow.[4]

Footnote 1: [The conclusion of the peace after the battle of Solferino
was creditable to the Emperor Napoleon, but was no indication of
a great character. His motives were that he had not the means of
undertaking a siege of the great fortresses of the Quadrilateral,
and that if the war had been prolonged it was not improbable that
the forces of the Germanic Confederation, including Prussia, would
have taken the field against France. He therefore acted wisely in
terminating the war, and if the Austrians had withdrawn within the
Quadrilateral and refused to treat, the Emperor Napoleon might have
been placed in great difficulties. As it was, he broke his engagement
to Cavour to liberate Italy from the Alps to the sea, and to Kossuth to
support a Hungarian insurrection. Italy eventually owed the liberation
of Venice, not to France, but to Prussia, as the reward for her
combined action with that Power in the war of 1866.

Cf. the account of the manner in which the peace was concluded in Lord
Malmesbury's 'Autobiography,' vol. ii p. 200.]

Footnote 2: [M. de Cavour bitterly resented the prompt conclusion of
peace, and for a time quitted the Ministry of which he was the head.]

Footnote 3: [It was proposed by the Sovereigns to place the Pope at the
head of an Italian Confederation--a wild scheme, which entirely failed.]

Footnote 4: [This was so. The details of Kossuth's negotiations with
the Emperor have been published by Kossuth himself in his memoirs.]


_July 15th._--The news of the peace took everybody so much by surprise,
that people had no time to arrange their thoughts upon it; but in the
midst of the general satisfaction that the war is over, it is already
apparent that there is an explosion of disappointment and resentment to
come. All the Italian sympathisers here are in despair, Palmerston is
much dissatisfied, and the anti-Austrian Press is indignant. The King
of Sardinia has not openly testified any ill-humour, and has published
an Address to his new Lombard subjects in a joyful style, but it is
impossible he should not deeply feel and resent the contemptuous way in
which he has been treated by his Imperial ally, and the resignation of
Cavour is a clear manifestation of _his_ feelings on the subject.

When it was announced that an interview was to take place between the
two Emperors, everybody predicted that the elder of the two would have
as much success in diplomacy over his rival as he had already obtained
in arms, but the result does not appear to bear out that expectation,
though we do not yet know what the real motives of the Emperor Napoleon
were in concluding such an extraordinary peace. Granville told me that
at this interview the Austrian Emperor had taken a very high line, and
shown little disposition to concession. He said to Napoleon, 'You have
conquered Lombardy, and I do not contemplate making any attempt to
recover it. I am therefore quite ready to cede it to _you_, and _you_
will deal with it as you please. I have nothing to say to the King of
Sardinia, and make no concessions to him. With regard to Venetia, and
the country of which I remain in possession, I have nothing to concede
or to offer, _all that_ I mean to retain, but I have no objection to
my Venetian dominions forming part of the Italian Confederation.' They
appear to have had a vast deal of conversation and discussion, for they
are said to have been together for above twelve hours. What they talked
about it would be interesting to know, but which they will neither of
them tell us. The field for speculation is as wide as can well be. How
the settlement of Italy is to be accomplished, how the Italians are
to be contented, and how peace in that country is to be permanently
secured, are questions enough to puzzle the acutest politicians.

We congratulate ourselves at having kept entirely clear both of the
war and the peace, but no doubt Palmerston is mortified, and I think
England generally will be provoked that changes of such importance
should have been made without any consultation or even communication
with us.

The friends of the Emperor Napoleon say that they believe his motive
for making peace on any terms he could get to have been principally
that he was so shocked and disgusted at the fearful scenes of pain and
misery that he had to behold after the battle of Solferino in addition
to the other battle-fields, and at the spectacle of thousands of killed
and wounded presented to his eyes, that his nerves could not bear it.
Lady Cowley told me that he was so tenderhearted that he could not bear
the sight of pain, much less being the cause of inflicting it, and she
had seen him quite upset after visiting hospitals at the sufferings
he had witnessed there, which of course are not to be compared with
the horrible scene of a battle-field. It is impossible to say that
this may not be true wholly or in part, it is impossible to account
for human idiosyncrasies; but it is quite certain that the man who
is said to shrink with horror from the sight of suffering does not
scruple to inflict it in quite as bad a form when he does not himself
witness the infliction. He has hundreds and thousands of people torn
from their families, and without form of trial or the commission of any
crime sends them to linger or perish in pestilential climates, when he
fancies it his interest to do so, and for _their_ sufferings he evinces
no pity or any nervous sensations.


_August 7th._--I have found it impossible to collect anything to
record in this book for the last month almost. The session is drawing
to a close, having glided on without difficulty for the Government,
and almost without opposition. The Election Committees have made
great havoc in Palmerston's small majority, having unseated no less
than seven Liberal members. I am told, perhaps on no good authority,
that Palmerston, John Russell, and Gladstone are anxious to join in a
Congress to mix themselves up in the settlement of Italian affairs,
but that they cannot have their way, the majority of the Cabinet being
opposed to it, and the House of Commons and the country (as represented
by the Press) being decidedly against any such interference.[1]

[Sidenote: THE ITALIAN CAMPAIGN.]

I met Edward Mildmay the other day, who gave me some account of his
own personal experiences during the last Italian campaign, when he was
attached to the Austrian Army. He confirmed all previous accounts of
the excellence of that army and the incompetency of its chiefs; that
nothing could have saved the French Army at Magenta if the Austrians
had been tolerably commanded; that Giulai, who had never seen any
service, had been allowed to retain the command by the influence of
General Grünne, whose friend he is, and that the indignation and
disgust of the army at having been thus sacrificed to Court favour and
partiality had been extreme. He told me that at Solferino the Austrian
loss was (within a fraction of) 20,000, the French 19,000, and the
Sardinians 9,000 men; Benedek is the ablest of the Austrian generals,
and if he had had the command probably affairs would have taken a very
different turn. Mildmay has no doubt that peace was much more necessary
to the French than to the Austrians, and he still believes that if the
war had continued the tide of victory would have been rolled back, as
the latter had 90,000 fresh troops coming into line. It is probably
better as it is than if the Austrians had recovered all their losses;
the Emperor Napoleon seems likely to be satisfied with his military
exploits, and to be really intending to revert to his peaceful policy.
He is certainly doing all he can to persuade the world that such is his
intention, and there seems a disposition here to take him at his word.

Footnote 1: [I think it was at this time that Lord Palmerston and
Lord John Russell proposed to the Cabinet that England should enter
into a Treaty of Alliance with France and Sardinia, but the proposal
was negatived by their colleagues. The feelings of these Ministers,
however, speedily changed when the cession of Savoy and Nice, and the
manner in which it was brought about, were known, and their language
became so hostile that it gave great offence to the Emperor Napoleon.
See Lord Malmesbury, 'Autobiography,' vol. ii. p. 225.]


_Viceregal Lodge, Phoenix Park, August 22nd._--I have at last
accomplished the object I have desired for so many years, and find
myself in Ireland. I have seized the first opportunity of being my
own master to come here. I left London the week before last, and went
to Nun Appleton, thence to Grimstone, and on Saturday I came here,
railing through York and Manchester to Holyhead; crossed over on a
beautiful evening, with sea as smooth as glass, but it was too dark
to see the Bay of Dublin. Most hospitably received by Lord Carlisle,
and very comfortably lodged. Passed the day in Dublin yesterday; twice
at church, in the morning at Christ Church, afternoon St. Patrick's,
attracted by the celebrity of the choir and the performance of the
cathedral service, which was finely done, though the best voices (three
brothers Robinson) were absent. I am greatly struck by the fineness of
the town of Dublin, and of the public buildings especially.


[Sidenote: EDUCATION IN IRELAND.]

_Dublin, August 23rd._--On Monday morning the Lord-Lieutenant went to
pay his first visit since his return to the National School and took me
with him. I was much gratified at the sight, and with the appearance
of the children and their intelligence. There was a grand gathering
of Commissioners and others to meet Carlisle, but no Catholics except
Lord Bellew and Dean ----, who alone of all the Catholic ecclesiastics
has had courage and resolution to adhere to the system. Not one
Catholic Bishop now remains on the board. Bishop Denver was the last
to resign, which it is believed he did reluctantly, but it seems that
the rule of their Synod is, that when a majority has decided, those who
are in the minority give in their adhesions, and produce unanimity.
The National System is apparently in the crisis of its fate, and a
desperate struggle is being made by the Popish clergy to destroy it,
while the ultra-Protestants will join them (for different reasons
and with different objects) for the same end. I earnestly hope these
factions will fail. The most encouraging circumstance is found in the
return which was given me of the 'Central Model Schools,' in which the
number of pupils seeking admission is 1,179, an evident proof of the
popularity of the system, and that up to this time the priests have
not been able to deter their flocks from giving their children its
benefits. This return is sufficiently interesting to be copied into
this journal:--


                                 Males   Females   Infants

  Number of pupils on roll       564      447      375
  Pupils in attendance           436      348      311
  Seeking admission              203      866      110

Carlisle was received with great enthusiasm by both pupils and
teachers. After this we went to the Hill of Killinie, whence there is a
grand panoramic view of the Bay of Dublin and the surrounding country,
and then to my old friend Lady Campbell[1] (Pamela Fitz-Gerald), whose
beautiful daughters are as well worth seeing as anything in Ireland.

Footnote 1: [Lady Campbell was the daughter of Pamela and Lord Edward
Fitz-Gerald.]


_Dublin, August 24th._--Yesterday in the morning a review in the
Phoenix Park, after which Bagot took me to Howth Castle, which I was
curious to see, but it is not very remarkable, though very ancient. It
has a modernised appearance, and is a comfortable house, said to be the
oldest _inhabited_ house in Ireland, and one of the towers of fabulous
antiquity. I remarked that the hall door was left open, according to
the traditional obligation. One of the Ladies St. Lawrence told me the
story as follows: An old woman, 'the Granawhile,' came to the castle
and asked for hospitality or alms, and was refused and driven away. She
was the wife of a pirate. On the seaside she found the young heir with
his nurse, whom she seized and carried off. Afterwards she brought the
boy back, and consented to restore him on condition that henceforward
no beggar should be refused admittance, that the hall door should be
kept continually open, and that at dinner a place should be kept and
a plate laid for any stranger who might appear. The beggars are kept
away by not being admitted through the lodge gates; the hall door is
open, but there is another door behind it, and the vacant place has by
degrees fallen into disuse. I know not how old the story is, but there
is enough to show that it had a foundation of some sort, and that it
retains a relic in the customs of the family. On returning to Dublin
I went to see Trinity College, and the beautiful museum erected a few
years ago. Dublin is, for its size, a finer town than London, and I
think they beat us hollow in their public buildings. We have no such
squares as Merrion Square, nor such a street as Sackville Street.


[Sidenote: VISIT TO IRELAND.]

_Bessborough, August 26th._--I came here on Wednesday viâ Kilkenny.
A very nice place, comfortable, and in as good order as any place
in England. People apparently well off, and cottages clean and not
uncomfortable.


_August 28th._--Went yesterday to Waterford; pretty good town, but
looking very foreign. They showed me a hill, to which it is said
Cromwell advanced, but found the town too strong to be attacked; hence
Waterford has been called the _Urbs invicta_. I doubt the story, for he
would have stormed Waterford easily enough if he had chosen. Saw the
National School; a very good establishment, boys absent on holidays,
but a very civil intelligent master, a Roman Catholic. The clergy
of neither persuasion will come near the school, except the Dean of
Waterford, who still supports it. Went on to Curraghmore, a vast and
magnificent park, but a mean house.


_August 31st._--Went on Tuesday to Woodstock; very pretty place, and in
admirable trim. Weather changing, and I fear I shall see Killarney in
rain and cold.


_Viceregal Lodge, September 6th._--Went to Muckrosson Thursday last;
passed three days there in exquisite enjoyment of the beautiful scenery
of Killarney; weather was perfect, and I went over and round all the
lakes; returned here on Monday, and went yesterday to the Curragh.


_Jervaulx Abbey, Sunday, September 11th._--Crossed over from Kingstown
to Holyhead on Thursday last; beautiful passage. Passed the last day,
Wednesday, in Dublin with William Fitzgerald seeing the town. He took
me over the old Leinster House, now the Royal Institution, and then
to the Bank to see the old House of Lords; a fine room, exactly as it
was, and what was the House of Commons, now completely altered and not
retaining a vestige of the famous locality where Flood and Grattan
and Plunket once shook the walls with their eloquence. I left Ireland
with regret, for I spent several very happy days there, interested and
amused even more than I expected, and treated with great kindness and
hospitality. Went from Holyhead to Manchester, and on to Worsley to
sleep; came here on Friday. The old Abbey is very picturesque, and very
perfect as a ruin. It reminds me, place and all, of Bolton Abbey.


_London, September 26th._--I stayed three days at Jervaulx, then
to Doncaster, Bretby, and to town. All the Ministers in London,
having passed their lives during the last fortnight in the railway
or in Cabinets, which have been very numerous, as well they may,
for they have plenty to occupy them in the Italian, Chinese, and
American questions, all, in their several ways and degrees, extremely
embarrassing. I have not the slightest conception what our Government
are doing about the Italian question, but I suppose trying to keep well
with Napoleon III., and to obtain good terms for the Italian Duchies.
At present it looks as if a Congress would be got together to untie
this complicated knot, but I fear we are not likely to play in it a
part which will be consistent with our principles, or creditable to our
national character, and I wish we could abstain from having anything to
do with it. The incident about the American Boundary is awkward, but I
feel confident it will be amicably settled.

[Sidenote: DISPUTES WITH CHINA.]

The Chinese affair is the most serious, and one can see no solution of
it that is not full of objections and embarrassments.[1] In the first
place it looks at present very much as if our case was a bad one. We
had no business to go with an armament and force our way up the river,
and even if we were upon any ground justified in such an extreme
measure, it was to the last degree impolitic and unwise to exercise
such a right. The object for which Bruce was sent to China was to
conclude a peace, and to establish amicable relations with the Chinese
Government, and it might have occurred to him that the employment of
force, even if it was ever so successful, must infallibly defeat his
object. It required no great sagacity to perceive that the arrival at
Pekin of a victorious Ambassador, who had forced his way to the capital
at the head of an imposing force, would not serve to make his reception
a friendly one, or to establish permanent harmonious relations between
the English and the Chinese Governments. As long as there was a
possibility of procuring access to Pekin by peaceful means and by
negotiation, it would have been better to be patient and to wait any
time than to employ force; and besides the political objections that
seem conclusive against the adoption of such a course, it seems highly
probable that no such force as that which we employed on this occasion
could have been pushed on into the heart of the country without
imminent danger of its being cut off and eventually destroyed. The
mere fact of destroying again the Peiho forts would be deemed by the
Chinese as the renewal of the war, and the perpetrator of the outrage
would not have been received in the sacred character of an Ambassador,
but would have been looked on as an invader, and treated accordingly.
This is the first view of the question which presents itself. Then
comes that of vindicating our honour, and retrieving the disaster we
have suffered, which involves the necessity of rushing into war again
and scattering havoc and desolation through the country, massacring
thousands of people who can make no effectual resistance to our power,
and making territorial conquests, which will only embarrass us, and
which we shall have more difficulty in getting rid of than we shall
have in making their acquisition. In short, we are going to be engaged
in a contest in which failure will be disgraceful, and success will be
inconvenient, and to place additional obstacles in the way of that good
understanding which it is so much our interest to establish with China.
Nor are our difficulties diminished by the fact of being connected
with, and therefore more or less dependent on the French, and in a less
degree with the Russians and the Americans in this unfortunate contest.
This local and accidental alliance impairs our freedom of action, and
of necessity introduces delays and complications of all sorts into the
affair.

Footnote 1: [Mr. Bruce having been detained in his mission to Pekin,
which was of a pacific character, Admiral Hope made an attempt to
force the passage by reducing the forts at the mouth of the Peiho. The
attack failed, with a loss of nearly 400 men killed and wounded in
the storming party and the gunboats. The 'Plover' and 'Lee' gunboats
grounded, and the 'Cormorant' was so damaged by the enemy's fire that
she sank soon afterwards. The whole proceeding was injudicious and
disastrous.]


_October 19th._--Nearly a month and nothing to record, besides the
events of the day, of which I know nothing more than the newspapers
report. I only take up my pen now because Clarendon called on me,
and it is worth while to recollect the little he told me during a
very short visit. I had not seen him since his visit to Osborne in
the summer, and he began by giving me an account of it. The Queen
was delighted to have him with her again and to have a good long
confidential talk with him, for it seems she finds less satisfaction
in her intercourse with either Palmerston or Lord John. The relations
of these two are now most intimate and complete, and Palmerston has
obtained an entire influence and authority over Lord John, who only
sees with his eyes and without any contest submits to be entirely
guided and controlled by Palmerston. The _jeu_ of the thing is rather
amusing. Palmerston, who is thoroughly versed in foreign affairs
(while Lord John knows very little about them), in every important
case suggests to Lord John what to do. Lord John brings it before the
Cabinet as his own idea, and then Palmerston supports him, as if the
case was new to him.

But to return to the Queen and Clarendon. He was unfortunately attacked
by gout and confined to his room. He was sitting there with Lady
Clarendon, when Lady Gainsborough came in and told him that she was
desired by the Queen to beg he would if possible move into the next
room (the Lady-in-waiting's room) and establish himself there; that the
Queen would come in, when all the ladies present were to go away and
leave her _tête-à-tête_ with him. All this was done, and she remained
there an hour and a half, talking over everything, pouring all her
confidences into his ears, and asking for his advice about everything.
He said he had endeavoured to do as much good as he could by smoothing
down her irritation about things she did not like. As an example, he
mentioned that while the Prince was with him a box was brought in with
a despatch from Lord John, which the Prince was to read. He did so with
strong marks of displeasure, and then read it to Clarendon, saying
they could not approve it, and must return it to Lord John. Clarendon
begged him not to do this, that it was not the way to deal with him,
and it would be better to see what it contained that really was good
and proper, and to suggest emendations as to the rest. He persuaded the
Prince to do this, advised him what to say, and in the end Lord John
adopted all the suggestions they had made to him. On another occasion
the Queen had received a very touching letter from the Duchess of Parma
imploring her protection and good offices, which she sent to Lord John
desiring he would write an answer for her to make to it. He sent a very
short, cold answer, which the Queen would not send. She asked Clarendon
to write a suitable one for her, which he did, but insisted that she
should send it to Lord John as her own. She did so, Lord John approved,
and so this matter was settled.


[Sidenote: WAR BETWEEN SPAIN AND MOROCCO.]

_Newmarket, October 21st._--Clarendon told me, and has since written
to me, that Government regard in a very serious light the approaching
war between Spain and Morocco, which they think will have the effect
of putting Gibraltar in peril;[1] that Spain is playing the part of
catspaw to France, who wants to get possession of Morocco, giving
Tangier to Spain, which would give her, and France through her, the
command of both sides the Straits, and as we depend upon Tangier for
supplies to Gibraltar, it would be difficult for us to hold the place
when this scheme is accomplished. He writes to-day: 'No news to-day
except that things look very fishy with Spain and Morocco, and I
suspect we are going to be vigorous, which, though it may be expedient,
may also be productive of much trouble.'

He was lately at Broadlands, and had much talk with Palmerston, who
was very friendly and confidential, told him everything, and appeared
very anxious to have his opinions and advice. He says that Palmerston's
hatred of Austria amounted to a monomania, and this of course produces
a divergence between the present policy of France and ours. He talked
about America. When Clarendon was lately at Clumber he discussed that
affair with the Duke of Newcastle and offered to write to Buchanan,
with whom it seems he is in correspondence, and say to him what it
is desirable should be said, unofficially; and he suggested that he
should hold out to Buchanan the prospect of a visit from the Prince of
Wales, who it seems is going to Canada some time or other. This the
Duke mentioned at the Cabinet, where the proposal was highly approved,
but when it was broached to the Queen, Her Majesty objected to anything
being said about the Prince of Wales going to the United States, so it
fell to the ground.[2]

Footnote 1: [On October 22, Spain declared war on Morocco, on the
ground that further territory was required for the protection of her
settlements on the North African coast. Tetuan was captured by the
Spaniards on February 4, 1860, and peace was signed on April 27, the
Emperor of Morocco paying an indemnity of twenty million piastres.
Marshal O'Donnell, who had commanded the expedition, was created Duke
of Tetuan.]

Footnote 2: [Whatever may have been the objection to the mention of
the Prince of Wales's visit to the United States at this moment, the
project did not fall to the ground, for on July 9 in the following year
(1860) the Prince started on a visit to Canada and the United States,
accompanied by the Duke of Newcastle, where he was entertained by
President Buchanan on October 25.]


[Sidenote: EMPEROR NAPOLEON ON ITALY.]

_London, October 30th._--Clarendon came to town yesterday morning on
his way to Windsor and called here. He told me that we were going to
send a representative to the Congress, and I was not a little surprised
to perceive that he would not be at all disinclined to go there
himself. He did not indeed say so, but unless I am greatly deceived
this is in his mind, though not without feeling the difficulty of
his acting with John Russell. Clarendon says that the preparations
going on in France are on the most enormous scale, and can have no
object but one hostile to this country, and that the feeling against
England is fomented by the Government and extending all over France.
He is persuaded that the fixed purpose of Louis Napoleon is to humble
this country, and deprive her of the great influence and authority
she has hitherto exercised over the affairs of Europe. He is bent
upon getting us to take part in the Congress, and that in order to
persuade us he will pretend to be entirely agreed with us in opinion,
and only wishing to concert the most proper means of carrying out our
common objects, and when he has thus cajoled us into a participation
he will throw us over, and place us under the necessity of agreeing to
what we disapprove, or of putting ourselves _en désaccord_ with all
Europe. He told me that John Russell is supposed on the Continent to
be the implacable enemy of the Catholic religion, and this will be a
great disqualification for his acting at a Congress mainly composed
of Catholic Powers; that this opinion, which is rife in Ireland, is
propagated all over the world, and that the recollections of the Durham
Letter and the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill are still as strong as
ever.[1]

Footnote 1: [The Congress which it was proposed to hold had reference
to the affairs of Italy, which were extremely perplexing to the
Emperor Napoleon himself. But Lord Clarendon's apprehensions were
certainly unfounded, for it deserves to be remarked that about this
time negotiations were opened between the Emperor and Mr. Cobden
for a commercial treaty, which was intended to strengthen, and did
strengthen, the amiable and pacific relations of France and England.]


_November 18th._--- Last week at the Grove to meet the Duc d'Aumale,
who is one of the most enlightened and agreeable Princes I ever met,
very simple and natural, and full of information and knowledge of all
sorts.

I do not remember to have gathered anything particularly interesting
from Clarendon in our various conversations, except that in the event
of our consenting to join the Congress he would not be unwilling to go
to it, and that he thinks he might be able to effect an arrangement.
This confidence has in great measure been produced by a letter from
Cowley which he showed me, containing an account of his visit to
Biarritz and his communications with the Emperor. He said he had
resolved not to say a word to His Majesty of Italian affairs, thinking
the Emperor would abstain from talking of them to him, but as soon as
they met he began to talk, and went at length into the whole subject.
The upshot was that he found the Emperor in such a state of perplexity
and embarrassment, and so fully conscious of the scrape into which he
had got himself, that he did not know what to do or which way to turn;
his object evidently is to get us to help him out of his difficulty,
and Clarendon thinks that he should be able to draw him into such
measures as we could support if the matter was well managed.

A day or two ago the Duke of Bedford, whom I have not seen or
communicated with for a long time, called on me. He told me one curious
anecdote, which he had heard from his brother. Persigny called on Lord
John one day, and told him he was come in strict confidence to show him
the letter which the Emperor had written to the King of Sardinia, but
which he must not mention even to his own colleagues, except of course
to Palmerston. Lord John promised he would not, and a day or two after
he read the letter in the 'Times.' He sent for Persigny and asked for
an explanation. Persigny said he could not explain it, but would write
to Walewski. John Russell also wrote to Cowley, who spoke to Walewski
about it. Walewski declared he could not account for it, and that it
must have been sent from Turin, and he would write to that Court to
complain of the indiscretion and would also speak to the Emperor. He
went to the Emperor, told him what had passed, and showed him what he
proposed to write to Turin, when the Emperor said: 'No, don't write
at all, take no notice of the publication. The fact is, I sent the
letter myself to the "Times" Correspondent.' It was Mocquard who took
it to him. A most extraordinary proceeding, and showing the extreme
difficulty of all diplomatic dealing between the two Governments.
The Emperor is by way of being indignant with the 'Times,' and never
fails to pour forth complaints and abuse of the paper to whomever he
converses with. He did so, for instance, to Cobden, to whom he gave
an audience at Paris. But who can tell whether this is not a pretence
and a deceit, and whether he may not all the time have a secret
understanding with the 'Times'? Such a supposition would seem to be
inconsistent with their articles and his conduct, and the comments of
the former upon the latter; but how difficult it is to form any certain
judgement upon a policy so tortuous as his, and upon designs so close
and councils so crooked!




CHAPTER XIX.

Prospects of the Government and of the Opposition--Mr. Disraeli's
commanding Position--Preparation of a Reform Bill--A Congress--Death
of Macaulay--The Affairs of Italy--Policy of the Emperor Napoleon--The
Commercial Treaty with France--M. de Cavour resumes Office--Opening
of Parliament--Negotiation of the Commercial Treaty--The Emperor
a Free Trader--Perplexity of Italian Affairs--Moderation of Lord
Derby--Opposition to the Commercial Treaty--The Reform Bill of
1860--Tory Opposition to Reform--Mr. Gladstone's great Budget
Speech--Opposition to the Treaty and the Budget--Triumph of Mr.
Gladstone--The Italian Correspondence--Democratic Opinions of Mr.
Gladstone--Introduction of the Reform Bill--The Annexation of Savoy
and Nice--Annexation of Tuscany to Piedmont--The Dénouement of the
Plot--Complete Apathy of the Country as to Reform--Lord Derby declines
to interfere--Lord John's adverse Declaration to France--Consequences
of Lord John's Speech against France--Our Position in Europe--Anecdote
of the Crimean War--Designs of the Emperor Napoleon in 1858--Lord
Palmerston's Distrust of Napoleon III.--Lord John's Indifference
to his own Reform Bill--Mr. Gladstone's Ascendency--Designs of the
Emperor and Cavour--Unpopularity of the Reform Bill--Correspondence
of Lord Grey and Lord John Russell--Reaction against Mr. Gladstone's
Measures--Opposition to the Repeal of the Paper Duties--Coolness with
France--Garibaldi's Expedition--Lord Palmerston attacks the Neapolitan
Minister--The Paper Duties Bill rejected by the Lords--The Reform
Bill withdrawn--Lord Palmerston adjusts the Difference between the
two Houses--Mr. Gladstone supported by the Radicals--Mr. Senior's
Conversations in Paris--A Letter from the Speaker--Mr. Cobden's Faith
in the Emperor Napoleon--Conclusion of these Journals.


[Sidenote: THE APPROACHING SESSION.]

_London, December 25th_, 1859.--The Government are getting ready
for the session which is near at hand, Palmerston with his usual
confidence, but Granville, who is not naturally desponding, and who
I dare say represents the feeling of his colleagues, is conscious of
the want of that strength and security which a commanding majority
alone can give, and, without thinking the danger great or imminent,
anticipates the possibility of their being defeated on some vital
question. The Opposition, conscious of their numerical force, but
anything but united, profess the most moderate views and intentions.
Derby professed at Liverpool to have no wish to turn out the Government
or to come into office himself. Disraeli himself told me that he and
all his party desired the Reform question to be settled quietly, and
that if the Government only offered them such a Bill as they could
possibly accept, they should be ready to give them every assistance
in carrying it through. Since this, Walpole has made a formal
communication to Granville (through Henry Lennox) of his and Henley's
disposition to the above mentioned end. We are told, moreover, that a
great number of the Conservative party will not only support a fair
and moderate Reform Bill, but support the Government generally, not
so much, however, from wishing well to the Government as from their
antipathy to Disraeli and their reluctance to see _him_ in power again.
That they will join in carrying through a safe and moderate Reform Bill
is no doubt true, but it is not probable that the division amongst them
and the hostility to Disraeli will last long, or continue a moment
after the appearance of any prospect of the return of the Conservative
party to power.

Disraeli raised himself immensely last year, more, perhaps, with
his opponents and the House of Commons generally than with his own
party, but it is universally acknowledged that he led the House with
a tact, judgement, and ability of which he was not before thought
capable. While he has thus risen, no rival has sprung up to dispute
his pre-eminence. Walpole and Henley are null, and it is evident that
the party cannot do without Disraeli, and whenever Parliament meets he
will find means of reconciling them to a necessity of which none of
them can be unconscious, and I have no doubt that whenever any good
opportunities for showing fight may occur the whole party will be found
united under Disraeli's orders.

With regard to the Reform Bill, it is being proposed by a large
committee of the Cabinet, but George Lewis has the chief management
of it. The state of public opinion admits, indeed compels, the utmost
moderation, but hitherto the anticipated difficulty has been the sort
of pledge which John Russell foolishly gave last year with reference to
the franchise, to which it has been supposed he must consider himself
bound. But there is reason to believe that he is not taking any active
part in the concoction of this Bill, probably on account of his being
so absorbed in foreign affairs, and under these circumstances we may
not unreasonably expect that a fair Bill will be produced, and the
question eventually settled.

[Sidenote: A CONGRESS PROPOSED.]


The question of still greater and more pressing interest is that of
the Congress. The nomination of Hudson met with such opposition in
the Cabinet that it was not pressed, and Lord Wodehouse was named
instead. He is a clever man, well informed, speaks French fluently,
and has plenty of courage and _aplomb_; his opinions are liberal, but
not extravagant. Clarendon, who had him down at the Grove, was pleased
and satisfied with him. Granville is much _contrarié_ that Clarendon
himself has not been asked to go, thinking justly that he would have
much more weight than any other man, and would be far more likely
to conduct our affairs in the Congress with credit and success; but
Clarendon now tells me he certainly would not have gone if it had been
proposed to him. My own conviction _was_ that he would have accepted a
proposal, and though for many reasons he would not have liked such a
mission, I think he is somewhat mortified that it was not offered to
him.

The recent appearance of the pamphlet of '_Le Pape et le Congrès_,'[1]
which has produced such a sensation and so much astonishment, has no
doubt been a great thing for us, and rendered our diplomatic course
much more easy and promising. Clarendon writes to me: 'This last
pamphlet of the Emperor's is important and I am sure authentic, as it
is simply a developement of what I have heard twenty times from his
own lips. It ought of course to have been reserved for the Congress,
but as far as we are concerned it is well timed.' It was a bold, but
a clever stroke of policy to give notice to the whole world of the
sentiments and intentions with which the Emperor enters the Congress,
and it renders a good understanding and joint action between France and
England feasible and perhaps easy, unless Palmerston spoils everything
by some obstinate and extravagant pretensions which he may insist on
his plenipotentiaries bringing forward. But if he should be so ill
advised, I believe that he would meet with an insuperable resistance
in his own Cabinet and at Court, and that Cowley certainly, perhaps
Wodehouse also, would decline being made the instruments of such a
vicious and mischievous policy.

Footnote 1: [The object of the Congress proposed by the Emperor
Napoleon was to extricate himself from the embarrassments in which he
was placed by the terms of the Peace of Villafranca with reference to
the affairs of Italy. The proposal to establish a Confederation of the
Italian States was found to be impracticable, and the unification of
Italy was a more difficult problem than the conquest and cession to
Piedmont of the Milanese territory. M. de Cavour was the only statesman
who contemplated the entire realisation of this vast scheme, which was
at last accomplished by revolutionary means, without the concurrence of
France. His views were shared and supported by Lord Palmerston, Lord
John Russell, and Mr. Gladstone.]


[Sidenote: DEATH OF MACAULAY.]

_January 2nd, 1860._--The death of Macaulay is the extinction of a
great light, and although every expectation of the completion of his
great work had long ago vanished, the sudden close of his career,
and the certainty that we shall have no more of his History, or at
most only the remaining portion of King William's reign (which it
is understood he had nearly prepared for publication), is a serious
disappointment to the world. His health was so broken that his death
can hardly create any surprise, but there had been no reason lately to
apprehend that the end was so near. I have mentioned the circumstance
of my first meeting him, after which we became rather intimate in a
general way, and he used frequently to invite me to those breakfasts
in the Albany at which he used to collect small miscellaneous parties,
generally including some remarkable people, and at which he loved
to pour forth all those stores of his mind and accumulations of his
memory to which his humbler guests, like myself, used to listen with
delighted admiration, and enjoy as the choicest of intellectual feasts.
I don't think he was ever so entirely agreeable as at his own breakfast
table, though I shall remember as long as I live the pleasant days I
have spent in his society at Bowood, Holland House, and elsewhere.
Nothing was more remarkable in Macaulay than the natural way in which
he talked, never for the sake of display or to manifest his superior
powers and knowledge. On the contrary, he was free from any assumption
of superiority over others, and seemed to be impressed with the notion
that those he conversed with knew as much as himself, and he was always
quite as ready to listen as to talk. 'Don't you remember?' he was in
the habit of saying when he quoted some book or alluded to some fact
to listeners who could not remember, because in nineteen cases out of
twenty they had never known or heard of whatever it was he alluded to.
I do not believe anybody ever left his society with any feeling of
mortification, except that which an involuntary comparison between his
knowledge and their own ignorance could not fail to engender. For some
years past I had seen little or nothing of Macaulay. His own health
compelled him to abstain in great measure from going into the world.
He bought a house at Campden Hill, from which he rarely stirred, and
to which he never invited me, nor did I ever call upon him there. I
have often regretted the total cessation of our intercourse, but what
else could be expected from the difference of our habits, pursuits,
and characters? I have only recently read over again the whole of his
'History of England' with undiminished pleasure and admiration, though
with a confirmed opinion that his style is not the very best, and
that he is not the writer whom I should be most desirous to imitate;
but what appears to me most admirable and most worthy of imitation in
Macaulay is the sound moral constitution of his mind, and his fearless
independence of thought, never sacrificing truth to any prejudice,
interest, or preconceived opinion whatever. Above all he was no
hero worshipper, who felt it incumbent on him to minister to vulgar
prejudices or predilections, to exalt the merits and palliate the
defects of great reputations, and to consider the commission of great
crimes, or the detection of mean and base motives, as atoned for and
neutralised by the possession of shining abilities and the performance
of great actions. Macaulay excited much indignation in some quarters
by the severity with which he criticised the conduct and character of
the Duke of Marlborough, and the Quakers bitterly resented his attacks
upon Penn. He was seldom disposed to admit that he had been mistaken or
misinformed, and I thought he was to blame in clinging so tenaciously
to his severe estimate of Penn's conduct after the vindication of it
which was brought forward, and the production of evidence in Penn's
favour, which might have satisfied him that he had been in error, and
which probably would have done so in any case in which his judgement
had been really unbiassed. I always regretted, not for the sake
of Penn's memory, but for the honour of Macaulay himself, that he
would not admit the value and force of the exculpatory evidence, and
acknowledge, as he very gracefully might, the probability at least
of his having been in error. But the case of the Duke of Marlborough
is very different, and reflects the highest honour on his literary
integrity and independence. Undazzled by the splendour of that great
man's career and the halo of admiration which had long surrounded his
name, he demonstrated to the whole world of what base clay the idol
was made and how he had abused for unworthy ends the choice gifts
which Nature had bestowed upon him. Macaulay no doubt held that in
proportion to the excellence of his natural endowments was his moral
responsibility for the use or abuse of them, and he would not allow
Blenheim and Ramillies to be taken as a set-off against his hypocrisy,
perfidy, and treason. Macaulay's History is the best ethical study
for forming the mind and character of a young man, for it is replete
with maxims of the highest practical value. It holds up in every page
to hatred and scorn all the vices which can stain, and to admiration
and emulation all the virtues which can adorn, a public career. It is
impossible for anyone to study that great work without sentiments of
profound admiration for the lessons it inculcates, and they who become
thoroughly imbued with its spirit, no matter whether they coincide or
not with his opinions, will be strengthened in a profound veneration
for truth and justice, for public and private integrity and honour, and
in a genuine patriotism and desire for the freedom, prosperity, and
glory of their country.


[Sidenote: THE AFFAIRS OF ITALY.]

_January 7th._--In a letter from Clarendon yesterday from the Grove he
says: 'Cowley came over here last night. I had a long talk with him;
he is low and unhappy, and does not see his way out of the labyrinth;
he is not for the Congress meeting _now_, but still does not think we
should abandon the Emperor altogether in his Italian policy. The fact
is, we are in a great difficulty. If we had from the first taken the
wise part of saying that as we had had nothing to do with the war or
the peace, and should therefore not interfere with the arrangements
the Emperor thought proper to make, we should now be on velvet; but
from the moment we knew of the Villafranca arrangement we have been
thwarting the Emperor, and goading him on further than he wished to
go, and encouraging the Italians to persist in their own ideas, till
at last when he does what we want, and is prepared to throw over the
Pope and asks to be backed by us, it is rather awkward to break away
and declare we only wanted the credit of recommending a fine liberal
policy, but that we don't mean to be at any trouble or expense about
it.' All this is undoubtedly true, but it is the old inveterate habit
of Palmerston's policy, united with John Russell's crotchets, which has
brought it to this pass. Palmerston has always been Conservative at
home and Revolutionary abroad, and the gratification of a silly spite
against Austria has always been paramount to any other consideration
and object. While the enemies of the late Government accused them,
very unjustly as the documentary evidence has shown, of having unduly
favoured Austria during the recent conflict, and therefore having been
neutral only in name, it is true that the present Government, _i.e._
Palmerston and John Russell, have gone out of their way to interfere
in an underhand manner, and have been constantly patting on the back
the insurgent Italians, and, as Clarendon says, urging the Emperor to
go further than he wishes, or than he can do consistently with the
engagement he has entered into. When Cowley was here some months ago,
I remember his telling me that one day when he met Cavour, either at
Compiègne or Paris, I forget which, when it was the question of the
Congress before the war, Cavour said to him, 'So you are going to
have a Congress.' 'Yes,' said Cowley, 'thanks to you and all you have
been doing in Italy.' 'Thanks to _me_!' cried Cavour, 'I like that;
why don't you say thanks to your own Minister at Turin, to Sir James
Hudson, who has done ten times more than ever I did?'


_Hatchford, January 12th._--Clarendon writes to me (on the 10th):
Cowley dined here on Saturday and did the same at Pembroke Lodge
on Sunday. He is on very good terms with John Russell, but hardly
understands what he would be at, and for the good reason probably that
Johnny does not know himself. There is a Ministerial crisis going on
at this moment about Italy, the three confederates wanting of course
to do more than the sober-minded majority can agree to. I suppose it
will be decided at the Cabinet to-day, and that some middle course will
be discovered, as I shall not believe, till it is a _fait accompli_,
that Palmerston will allow the Government to break up on a question
which will not carry the country with him. The people dislike Austria
and wish well to the Italians, but they want not to interfere in the
affairs of either, and I doubt if they would give a man or a shilling
to help Palmerston in blotting Austria out of the map of Europe and
giving Sardinia a much larger slice of the map. That twofold object
amounts to monomania now with Palmerston, and I believe he would
sacrifice office to attain it, which is the highest test of his
sincerity. The three confederates are Palmerston, John Russell, and
Gladstone.


_London, January 22nd._--For the last three weeks the sayings and
doings of the Emperor Napoleon have occupied all thoughts in every part
of Europe, and he has wellnigh recovered in this country the confidence
and popularity which had been exchanged for distrust, suspicion, and
alarm. It would really look as if the sole or at least the main object
of his policy was to conciliate English opinion and to ingratiate
himself with the present Government; and he certainly has exhibited
great courage and above all a boundless confidence in his own power and
authority in his own country. There was a time when he paid great court
to the Catholic clergy in France, and it was supposed that his motive
in retaining the French troops in Rome (which it was known he very much
disliked) was his apprehension lest their withdrawal should expose the
Pope's person or Government to danger, which the clergy in France would
not readily forgive him for doing. When he made peace with Austria he
still evinced a desire to uphold the dignity and authority of the Pope,
and therefore nobody was the least prepared for the pamphlet of 'The
Pope and the Congress.' It fell like a thunderbolt, striking terror
into the minds of all the Papal supporters and adherents, and filling
with joy all revolted Italy, and with a more sober satisfaction all the
Liberals and ultra-Protestants here.

[Sidenote: TREATY OF COMMERCE WITH FRANCE.]

We had hardly recovered from our amazement at this great change in
the foreign policy of France, when we were still more astonished and
pleased by the publication of the Emperor's letter to Fould, in which
he announced his intention to change the whole commercial policy of
France, and to make her a country of Free Trade. In thus confronting
at once the Clerical body and the Protectionist interest in France,
he has certainly acted with enormous boldness and reliance on his own
influence and power, and it will be very interesting to see whether the
success of his policy corresponds with its audacity. The Commercial
Treaty has been in great measure the work of Cobden, who went over to
Paris under the wing of Michel Chevalier and with letters to Cowley,
who introduced him to everybody who could be of use to him in his
endeavours to forward a Free Trade policy. The scheme seems to have
been arranged between the Emperor and Fould without the knowledge or
participation of any of the other Ministers. Cobden had no mission,
but he reported his progress home, and as an acknowledgement of his
exertions he is to be made joint Plenipotentiary with Cowley in signing
the Commercial Treaty.

The return of Cavour to power looks as if there was a secret
understanding between France and England that the King of Sardinia
should be permitted to consummate the annexation of all the revolted
provinces to his dominions; for this object, which Palmerston has so
much at heart, he would gladly consent to the transference of Savoy
to France, which most people think will take place; but everything is
still and must be for some time in the greatest uncertainty in North
Italy, the only thing _apparently_ certain being that the Dukes will
not recover their Duchies, and still less the Pope his Romagna.


_January 24th._--To-day Parliament opens, and everything promises
a prosperous session for the Government. So little spirit is there
in the Opposition, that very few of them are expected to make their
appearance, and Disraeli, under the pretext of a family affliction,
gives no dinner; but the probable cause of this is not the death of
his sister, which happened two months ago, but his own uncertainty as
to whom he should invite, and who would be disposed to own political
allegiance by accepting his invitation. Such is the disorganised state
of that party.

Clarendon called on me yesterday, and told me various things more or
less interesting about passing events, about Cobden and the Commercial
Treaty. Cobden went over to Paris with letters from Palmerston to
Cowley, begging Cowley would give him all the aid he could in carrying
out his object of persuading the leading people there to adopt Free
Trade principles, saying he went without any mission and as 'a free
lance.' Cowley did what he could for him, and he went about his object
with great zeal, meanwhile putting himself in correspondence with
Gladstone, who eagerly backed him up, but all this time nothing was
said to the Cabinet on the subject. At length one day Walewski sent
for Cowley, and asked him whether he was to understand that Cobden was
an agent of the British Government, and authorised by it to say all he
was saying in various quarters. Cowley denied all knowledge of Cobden's
proceedings, but wrote a despatch to John Russell stating what had
occurred, and at the same time a private letter, saying he did not know
whether he would wish such a despatch to be recorded, and therefore to
number it and place it in the Foreign Office, or put it in the fire as
he thought fit. John Russell accepted the despatch, and at the same
time told him he might endorse whatever Cobden did in the matter of
commercial engagements.

[Sidenote: THE EMPEROR ON FREE TRADE.]

Clarendon said that when he was at Paris four years ago for the
Congress, the Emperor one day said to him, 'I know you are a great Free
Trader, and I suppose you mean to take this opportunity of advancing
Free Trade principles here as far as you can.' Clarendon said certainly
such was his intention, when the Emperor said he was happy to be able
to take the initiative with him on this subject, and that he would
tell him that it had just been settled in the Council of State that
a great change in their commercial and prohibitive system should be
proposed to the Chambers, which it was his intention to carry out as
soon as possible. But not long after the Emperor renewed the subject,
and told him he found the opposition so strong to his contemplated
measures and the difficulties so great, that he had been obliged to
abandon them for the present, and as there is no reason to doubt that
the elements of opposition will be found as strong now as they were
then, it is by no means certain that His Majesty will be able now to
do all he wishes and has announced. It has already been stated in the
French papers that something is to be done to meet the objection or
allay the apprehensions of the French Protectionists, and Clarendon
thinks it very doubtful whether the Commercial Treaty, which will
confer advantages on France immediately without any reciprocal ones to
us for eighteen months to come, will be received with much favour here,
especially as the loss to our revenue will require the imposition of
fresh taxes to a considerable amount.

We discussed the Italian question, and he said the Emperor is in a
constant state of doubt and perplexity, one while inclining to the
Congress, and another to leaving affairs to be settled without one.
Granville told me last night there appears a chance of the Pope's
consenting to enter the Congress with the expectation of being
supported there by a majority of the Powers, and deriving considerable
benefit from such support. The Emperor Napoleon, too, now shows some
signs of drawing closer to Austria again, while Austria is quite
determined never to consent to any of the schemes of revolution and
annexation which France and England are intent upon carrying out.
Apponyi told Clarendon, with tears in his eyes, that they were ruined,
and quite unable to take any active part, but that in the way of
_passive_ resistance they might still do a great deal, and that they
should not only refuse with the greatest perseverance to set their
hands to any paper acknowledging the new state of things, but that they
should solemnly protest against it on every occasion and in every way
in their power. Austria therefore never will consent to the annexation
of Central Italy to Piedmont, and if it takes place in spite of her
remonstrances and in direct violation of the conditions of Villafranca
and Zurich, she will not only _refuse_ her recognition, but proclaim
her intention of biding her time, with a view to avail herself of
future possible contingencies to redress the wrongs of which she may
justly complain. I asked Clarendon if he did not think it possible
a _mezzo termine_ might be effected by which France and Austria
might again be put _d'accord_, France saying, 'I would carry out the
stipulations of Zurich if I could, but you see it is impossible. Still
I will not consent to arrangements obnoxious to you and in direct
violation of them, such as the annexations to Piedmont; let us recur to
the formation of a Central Italian independent State.' Clarendon said
this had been his own idea, and he still thought it was not impossible
that such a compromise should be effected. It is hardly possible to
doubt that if Cavour succeeds in annexing to Piedmont all the Central
Italian States, a very short time will elapse before war will break
out again between Sardinia and Austria, and that Austria will have to
relinquish her Venetian possessions or fight for their retention.


_January 27th._--The session opened with great appearance of quiet
and prosperity for the Ministers, which nothing that passed the first
night in either House threatened to disturb. Derby made a very good and
moderate speech. When he left office the Queen entreated him not to use
the power he seemed to have from the nearly balanced state of parties
to upset this Government, urging the great objections there were to
eternal changes, and she repeated the same thing to him when he was at
Windsor on a visit not long ago. Derby expressed his entire concurrence
with her, and he promised to act in conformity with her wishes, and he
has entirely done so. Nothing could be more temperate and harmless than
the few remarks he made on Tuesday night, but leaving himself quite
unfettered on every point.

[Sidenote: OPPOSITION TO THE COMMERCIAL TREATY.]

In the meantime there is apparently a strong feeling of doubt and
quasi-hostility getting up against the Commercial Treaty, and it
looks as if the English and French Governments would both have great
difficulties in the matter. Public opinion here remains suspended till
the Treaty is produced, and till we are informed what the immediate
sacrifices may be that we shall have to make for it, and what are the
prospective advantages we obtain in return. The French Protectionists
are more impatient and have begun to pour out their complaints and
indignation without waiting to see the obnoxious Convention. Thiers
is said to be furious. So far from any Commercial Treaty like this
cementing the alliance, and rendering war between the two countries
more difficult, it is much more likely to inflame the popular antipathy
in France, to make the alliance itself odious, and render the chances
of war between the two countries more probable. In maturing his scheme
Louis Napoleon has given it all the appearance of a conspiracy, which
is in accordance with his character and his tastes. The whole thing was
carried on with the most profound secrecy, and the secret was confined
to a very few people, viz. the Emperor himself, Fould, Rouher (Minister
of Commerce), Michel Chevalier, and Cobden. All the documents were
copied by Madame Rouher, and Rouher was so afraid that some guesses
might be made if he was known to be consulting books and returns that
were preserved in the Library of the Council of State, that he never
would look at any of them, and made Chevalier borrow all that he had
occasion to refer to. Now the Emperor springs this Treaty upon his
reluctant Chambers and the indignant Protectionist interest. His manner
of doing the thing, which he thinks is the only way by which it can
be done at all, naturally adds to the resentment the measure excites.
They feel themselves in a manner taken in. The objections here are of
a different kind and on other grounds, but Gladstone kept his design
nearly as close as the Emperor did, never having imparted it to the
Cabinet till the last moment before Parliament met. I do not know how
the Cabinet looked at it, only that they were not unanimous.

[Sidenote: THE REFORM BILL OF 1860.]

While, however, it seems at least doubtful how the Government will
fare when they produce this Treaty, it appears certain that they will
get into a scrape with their Reform Bill. I had imagined from all I
heard that the Government were certain to bring forward a measure so
moderate as to insure the support or at least prevent the opposition
of the Conservatives, or certainly of a large proportion of them.
Everything rendered this probable. The assurances conveyed to the
Government by Walpole, the professions of Disraeli, the apathy of the
country, and the total failure of Bright's attempts to get up the
steam, all encouraged them to take this course, and the Duke of Bedford
told me Lord John was not so tied and bound by his declarations last
year that he would not concur in any moderate measure that the Cabinet
might frame. A few days ago, however, I asked Clarendon what the Bill
would be, and he alarmed me by his reply that 'it would be as bad as
possible,' John Russell having insisted upon the franchise being in
accordance with his pledges, and upon his consistency being entirely
preserved. This meant of course a 6_l._ franchise, which everybody
denounces as full of mischief and danger.

Just now Henry Lennox came to me and told me that all the dissensions
and jealousies of the Conservative party and the Carlton Club had been
suddenly appeased, and that from being split into little sections
and coteries, squabbling among themselves and forming plots to oust
Disraeli, and elevate one man or another in his place, they were
suddenly reunited as one man in opposition to the Bill that they hear
is to be offered to them, and that Disraeli will be higher than ever in
their confidence and support. The Government estimate their majority at
four, leaving out of calculation the Irish Catholics, who will probably
all vote against them on every question, and the Conservatives boast
of having 320 men who will cling together with immoveable constancy
in opposition to the 6_l._ clause. That they will be able to carry it
under these circumstances seems impossible. Lord John is himself to
bring on the Reform Bill. The best thing that could happen (unless they
are warned in time and alter their measure) would be that he should be
beaten on the 6_l._ franchise, go out upon it and the rest stay in; but
whether they would think themselves bound to stand or fall with him
and break up the Government for his sake, I have at present no idea.
The Queen would no doubt do all in her power to induce Palmerston to
let him go, replace him, and carry on the Government without him. His
loss would be a gain in every possible way, and the Government would be
strengthened instead of being weakened by his absence, even though he
should throw himself into the arms of Bright and join him in a Radical
opposition to his former colleagues.


_Bath, February 15th._--When I left London a fortnight ago the world
was anxiously expecting Gladstone's speech in which he was to put the
Commercial Treaty and the Budget before the world. His own confidence
and that of most of his colleagues in his success was unbounded, but
many inveighed bitterly against the Treaty, and looked forward with
great alarm and aversion to the Budget. Clarendon shook his head,
Overstone pronounced against the Treaty, the 'Times' thundered against
it, and there is little doubt that it was unpopular, and becoming more
so every day. Then came Gladstone's unlucky illness, which compelled
him to put off his _exposé_, and made it doubtful whether he would not
be physically disabled from doing justice to the subject. His doctor
says he ought to have taken two months' rest instead of two days'.
However, at the end of his two days' delay he came forth, and _consensu
omnium_ achieved one of the greatest triumphs that the House of Commons
ever witnessed. Everybody I have heard from admits that it was a
magnificent display, not to be surpassed in ability of execution, and
that he carried the House of Commons completely with him. I can well
believe it, for when I read the report of it the next day (a report I
take to have given the speech verbatim) it carried me along with it
likewise. For the moment opposition and criticism were silenced, and
nothing was heard but the sound of praise and admiration. In a day or
two, however, men began to disengage their minds from the bewitching
influence of this great oratorical power, to examine calmly the
different parts of the wonderful piece of machinery which Gladstone had
constructed, and to detect and expose the weak points and objectionable
provisions which it contained. I say _it_, for, as the Speaker writes
to me, it must be taken as a whole or rejected as a whole, and he adds
the first will be its fate.

[Sidenote: MR. GLADSTONE'S BUDGET.]

Clarendon, who has all along disapproved of the Treaty, wrote to me
that Gladstone's success was complete, and public opinion in his
favour. He says: 'I expect that the London feeling will be reflected
from the country, so that there will be no danger of rejection, though
I think that the more the whole thing is considered, the less popular
it will become. The non-provision for the enormous deficit that will
exist next year will strike people, as well as the fact that the Budget
is made up of expedients for the present year. The non-payment of the
Exchequer bonds is to all intents and purposes a loan; the war tax on
tea and sugar, the windfall of the Spanish payment, the making the
maltsters and hopgrowers pay in advance, &c., are all stopgaps. If
anybody proposes it, I shall not be surprised if an additional 1_d._
Income Tax in place of the war duties was accepted by Gladstone. He has
a fervent imagination, which furnishes facts and arguments in support
of them; he is an audacious innovator, because he has an insatiable
desire for popularity, and in his notions of government he is a far
more sincere Republican than Bright, for his ungratified personal
vanity makes him wish to subvert the institutions and the classes that
stand in the way of his ambition. The two are converging from different
points to the same end, and if Gladstone remains in office long enough
and is not more opposed by his colleagues than he has been hitherto,
we shall see him propose a graduated Income Tax.' These are only
objections to the Budget, and speculations (curious ones) as to the
character and futurity of Gladstone.

In another letter he says: 'Gladstone made a fair defence of the
Treaty, though there are things in it which deserve the severest
criticism and will get it, such as tying ourselves down about the
exportation of coal (which is a munition of war), letting in French
silks free while ours are to pay thirty per cent., and establishing a
differential duty of nearly fifty per cent. in favour of light French
wines against the stronger wines of Spain and Portugal, for that will
be the operation of the Treaty.' Since all this was written there has
been a meeting of the Conservative party, and I hear this morning
that Derby has decided to take the field with all his forces with a
Resolution against the condition about the exportation of coal, and
confining himself to that, which will very likely be carried. On the
other hand, the publicans and licensed victuallers appear to be in
arms against that part of the Budget which more immediately interests
them, and are waging a fierce war in the Press by their paper, the
'Morning Advertiser,' so that in spite of his great triumph and all the
admiration his eloquence and skill elicited, it is not all sunshine and
plain sailing with his measures. Delane writes to me that Gladstone
will find it hard work to get his Budget through, that Peel when he
brought forward his Budget had a majority of ninety, all of which he
required to do it, whereas Palmerston cannot command a majority of nine.


_London, February 22nd._--I returned to town on Monday. The same
night a battle took place in the House of Commons, in which Gladstone
signally defeated Disraeli, and Government got so good a majority that
it looks like the harbinger of complete success for their Treaty and
their Budget. Everybody agrees that nothing could be more brilliant and
complete than Gladstone's triumph, which did not seem to be matter of
much grief to many of the Conservative party, for I hear that however
they may still act together on a great field-day, the hatred and
distrust of Disraeli is greater than ever in the Conservative ranks,
and Derby himself, when he heard how his colleague had been demolished,
did not seem to care much about it. They say that he betrays in
the House of Commons a sort of consciousness of his inferiority to
Gladstone, and of fear of encountering him in debate.


_February 26th._--On Friday night Gladstone had another great triumph.
He made a splendid speech, and obtained a majority of 116, which puts
an end to the contest. He is now _the_ great man of the day, but these
recent proceedings have strikingly displayed the disorganised condition
of the Conservative party and their undisguised dislike of their
leader. A great many of them voted with Government on Friday night, and
more expressed satisfaction at the result being a defeat of Disraeli.
The Treaty and Budget, though many parts of both are obnoxious to
criticism more or less well founded, seem on the whole not unpopular,
and since their first introduction to have undoubtedly gained in
public favour. This fact and the state of the Opposition prove the
impossibility of any change of Government. Gladstone too, as he is
strong, seems disposed to be merciful, and has expressed his intention
of taking fairly into consideration the various objections that may
be brought forward, and to consent to reasonable alterations when
good cases are made out for them. There seems no doubt that his great
measures were not approved of by the majority of the Cabinet, but the
malcontents do not seem to have been disposed to fight much of a battle
against the minority, which included both Palmerston and Lord John.

It is curious how this great question has thrown into the background
all the questions about Italy and foreign policy, in regard to which
public interest seems to be for the moment suspended, while Italian
affairs are at a dead lock. It would be very inconsistent with the
Emperor's character if he had given up his design of appropriating
Savoy, but he has certainly postponed it, and will probably employ
his versatile imagination in weaving some fresh web by means of which
he may get it into his power. I have been reading the Italian Blue
Book, which is a creditable compilation. John Russell's positions
are not unsound, but he is too controversial in his tone, and though
he treats Austria with a decent consideration, and in no unfriendly
spirit, he might as well have avoided arguing with Count Rechberg upon
points and principles on which it was impossible they should ever
agree. Throughout this compilation the embarrassment and perplexity
of the Emperor Napoleon are conspicuous, and the difficulties into
which he got himself by his vacillations and incompatible objects and
obligations. His desire to adhere to the engagements he contracted at
Villafranca is obvious throughout, and the advice he gave the Pope
seems to have been the best possible, and given in all sincerity.[1]

Footnote 1: The Emperor told Metternich the other day that he had
made one great mistake, which he had never ceased to regret, that
immediately after Villafranca he ought to have marched 100,000 men
into Tuscany on the plea of embarking them at Leghorn, and continued
to occupy the country till the restoration of the Grand Duke was
accomplished, but that he had never contemplated the invincible
resistance of the whole population.--C. C. G.


[Sidenote: MR. GLADSTONE'S RADICALISM.]

_February 27th._--Gladstone is said to have become subject to much
excitement, and more bitter in controversy in the House of Commons than
was his wont. The severe working of his brain and the wonderful success
he has obtained may account for this, and having had his own way and
triumphed over all opposition in the Cabinet, it is not strange that
he should brook none anywhere else. He has not failed to show a little
of the cloven foot, and to alarm people as to his future designs.
Clarendon, who watches him, and has means of knowing his disposition,
thinks that he is moving towards a Democratic union with Bright, the
effect of which will be increased Income Tax and lowering the estimates
by giving up the defences of the country, to which Sidney Herbert will
never consent, and already these old friends and colleagues appear to
be fast getting into a state of antagonism. Aberdeen told Clarendon
that they would never go on together, and he thought Sidney Herbert
would retire from the Cabinet before the end of the session. This of
course implies that Gladstone's policy is to be in the ascendant, and
that he is to override the Cabinet.

There has been a dispute about the introduction of the Reform Bill.
Lord John's colleagues wished him to defer bringing it on, till more
progress had been made in the fiscal and commercial measures, and
represented the inconvenience of having the two discussions going on at
the same time, but nothing would induce him to postpone it, and for the
absurd reason that he wanted to bring in this Bill on the _same day_
on which he had introduced the great Reform Bill in 1831, and to this
fanciful object he insisted on sacrificing all others.


_Hatchford, March 7th._--Lord John Russell brought in his Reform Bill
last week without exciting the smallest interest, or even curiosity,
amidst profound indifference in the House and in the country. His
measure was very moderate, and his speech temperate. It produces no
enthusiasm, or satisfaction, or alarm. It will probably pass without
any violent debates, and perhaps with very slight alterations. If the
opponents should succeed in making some, Lord John is not prepared
to adhere obstinately to his measure, but will come to terms. It was
settled that no discussion should take place at the time, and nobody
was inclined for any. It hardly delayed the progress of Gladstone's
measures, so we heard no more complaints of Lord John's pertinacity in
bringing it on upon March 1st.

[Sidenote: ASCENDENCY OF THE EMPEROR NAPOLEON.]

The Treaty, the Budget, and the Reform Bill had thrown foreign affairs
into the background, but the interest in them was suddenly aroused,
and speedily absorbed every other, by the Emperor's speech and M.
Thouvenel's despatches, all so mortifying and provoking to us. Up
to this moment Palmerston had been highly elated, and he and Lord
John had been exulting in the fancied glory of being the Liberators
of Italy, and of having procured the complete success of their own
objects. As Clarendon wrote to me, 'The Emperor must greatly enjoy
the helplessness of Europe, and in feeling that he may do just what
he likes with perfect impunity. Russia is crippled, Austria rotten,
Germany disunited, and England, though growling, occupied in gnawing
the Treaty bone he has tossed to her. All must submit to the laws made
known to them through the "Moniteur."' If it were not so melancholy
to see the miserable figure which England cuts in all this, it would
be amusing to see it happen _regnante_ Palmerston, and after all his
incurable meddling and blustering to see him obliged to eat so much
dirt. He may (though probably he does not) think he has lived too long
to be reserved at the last period of his political career for such
mortification. The Emperor said to somebody, '_L'Europe boudera, mais
ne fera rien_,' and he is quite right. We seem to have arrived at the
last act of the Italian drama, but it is still very uncertain how the
_dénouement_ will be worked out and what the Emperor's final will and
pleasure will be. The Romagna seems to present the greatest difficulty;
all the rest will find a tolerably easy solution. France will take what
she wants of Savoy and give the rest to Switzerland, who upon those
conditions is desirous of annexation, and Piedmont does not seem to
care much about it. In this way the question of Savoy will be settled,
if not by general consent, at least with general acquiescence and
without any opposition.


_March 9th._--After all it is not improbable that Palmerston will have
the gratification of seeing Tuscany annexed to Sardinia. Cavour has
taken the line which Clarendon and I agreed that he would very likely
do, and sets France and Austria at defiance. We have seen France and
Sardinia joined in making war upon Austria, and now we have France
and Austria joined in diplomacy against Sardinia. Nothing can be more
curious than to see the unravelling of this web. Next week the Italian
States will severally vote their annexation to Sardinia, or their
separate existence. If, as is almost certain, the former is their
decision, the King will accept their resolution, and Piedmontese troops
will march into Tuscany. Then we shall see what the Emperor Napoleon
will do, and what he will permit Austria to do.


_Savernake, March 18th._--The affair of Savoy has been summarily
settled by the will of the Emperor and the connivance of Cavour. The
whole affair now appears to have been a concerted villainy between
these worthies, which as the plot has been developed excites here the
most intense disgust and indignation. The feeling is the stronger
because we have no choice but that of sulky and grumbling acquiescence.
The one redeeming point in the French act of violence _was_ the
apparent respect paid to Treaties and to the claims of Switzerland,
Thouvenel having only the other day said that Faucigny and Chablais
should be ceded at once to Switzerland; and now we hear that nothing
of the kind is to be done, and that France seizes everything.[1]
It is in vain that the Houses of Parliament are advised to cease
barking, as they certainly do not mean to bite, and that the 'Times'
recommends silence and moderation; such enormities as are unblushingly
exhibited to the world excite an indignation which breaks through every
restraint, and people _will not_ hold their peace, happen what may. The
Opposition have turned the current of their wrath upon our Government,
and have proved clearly enough that they had ample and timely notice
of the Emperor's intentions, and that nevertheless they continued to
urge with all their might that policy which was certain to lead to the
annexation of Savoy. That the Emperor and Cavour have been plotting
together seems now quite certain, but we are still ignorant, and may
perhaps ever remain so, of the details of their delusive operations.

[Sidenote: THE TREATY, THE BUDGET, AND THE BILL.]

The three great subjects which have occupied public attention all
this year have been the Italian and its branches, Gladstone's Treaty
and Budget, and the Reform Bill. Up to the present time the two first
have absorbed all interest, and the new Reform Bill has been received
with almost complete apathy, nobody appearing to know or care what
its effects would be, and most people misled by an apparent show
of moderation and harmlessness in its details. But in the course
of the last week the 'Times' set to work, in a series of very able
articles, to show the mischievous and dangerous effects that the
proposed franchise will produce, and these warnings, supported by
ample statistical details, have begun to arouse people from their
indifference and to create some apprehensions. I am informed that
John Russell framed his Bill in utter ignorance of these important
details, and, with the mixture of levity and obstinacy which has
always distinguished him, has plunged the country into this dilemma
for the sake of his own selfish and ambitious objects. But what is
incomprehensible is that in such a numerous Cabinet as the present,
and containing many men who certainly once had strong Conservative
opinions, he should not have met with a more strenuous opposition, and
have been forced to alter his most obnoxious propositions, and I think
those who were better informed than Lord John, and saw whither his
plan of Reform was leading them, are more to blame than himself. It is
impossible to meet with any man who approves of this Bill, and who does
not abhor the idea of any Reform whatever. All say that if the members
voted by ballot there would be almost unanimity against it, and yet
such is the disorganised state of the Conservative party, and such the
want of moral courage and independence generally, that this Bill will
most likely pass unaltered.

The prevailing hope is that the House of Lords will amend it, but Derby
told somebody (I think it was Clarendon) that if those who dreaded the
mischief of the measure in the House of Commons had not the courage and
honesty to oppose it there and correct it, the House of Lords should
not, so far as his influence went, incur the odium of doing the work
which the House of Commons ought itself to do. Lyndhurst told me the
other day that Derby had told Lady Lyndhurst he was so disgusted with
the state of affairs at home and abroad, that he had serious thoughts
of withdrawing from public life, and Clarendon told me that an eminent
Conservative, who had begged not to be quoted, had said that he knew
Derby was violently discontented with Disraeli, and prepared to
dissolve their political connexion.

Footnote 1: [It is within my own knowledge that M. Thouvenel expressed
at that time the desire of the Emperor to do anything he could _to
help Lord Palmerston_, and accordingly he proposed, unofficially, to
surrender and annex a considerable portion of the Faucigny district,
down to the Fort de l'Ecluse, in the Jura, to the Canton of Geneva,
provided the British Government would assent to the acquisition by
France of the rest of Savoy. Lord Palmerston rejected the proposal,
saying to the person who conveyed it to him, 'We shall shame them out
of it.'--H. R.]


_Wells, March 21st._--I came here from Savernake on Monday. On Friday
last in the House of Lords the Commercial Treaty and Budget, but the
latter especially, were powerfully assailed by Grey, Overstone, and
Derby, and very considerably damaged _in argument_, but probably in
nothing else. The Government are as weak in the Lords as the Opposition
are in the Commons, where, however, Disraeli seems to have made a very
good speech against the Reform Bill on Monday night.


[Sidenote: LORD JOHN DENOUNCES NAPOLEON.]

_Torquay, March 28th._--The past week has been remarkable for the
speech in which John Russell denounced in strong language the conduct
of France, declared that we could no longer trust her, and that we
must renew our intimacies with the other Powers. Whether all this was
sincere and meant all it seems to do is yet to be discovered. The week
was near being still more remarkable, for the Reform Bill was within
an ace of falling to the ground by the House being counted out in the
midst of a debate. This would have been very ridiculous, but would
have been hailed with delight by the House of Commons, and without
dissatisfaction by the country. Clarendon writes to me in a strain
of bitter hostility to the Bill and disgust at everything, complains
of the general apathy and the impossibility of rousing any spirit of
opposition to what all abhor. Derby told him that if twenty-five or
even twenty Liberals would _take the lead_ in opposing this Bill, the
whole Conservative party would support them. Clarendon wrote to me
when I was at Bath that the time would probably come when Gladstone
would propose a graduated Income Tax, and lo! it has nearly come, for
Gladstone gave notice the other night to people to be prepared for it.
The Triumvirate of Palmerston, John Russell, and Gladstone, who have
it all their own way, dragging after them the Cabinet, the House of
Commons, and the country, will probably be the ruin of this country.
They are playing into the Emperor Napoleon's hands, who has only to be
patient and bide his time, and he will be able to treat all Europe,
England included, in any way he pleases. Nothing but some speedy change
of Government and of system can avert the impending ruin.


_London, April 2nd._--One day last week (as mentioned above), on one
of the numerous discussions of the Savoy question in the House of
Commons, John Russell electrified the House and rather astonished the
country by delivering a very spirited speech, denouncing in strong
terms the conduct of the Emperor Napoleon, and declaring the necessity
of cultivating relations with the other Great Powers for the purpose of
putting an effectual check upon the projects of French aggrandisement
and annexation. I must own that my first impression was that this
speech was made merely to deceive the House and the country, and was
only a part of the collusive system between our Government and the
French, by virtue of which Louis Napoleon has been enabled to work out
all his objects and designs; but though it is impossible to doubt that
John Russell and Palmerston have all along been aware of the Emperor's
intentions with regard to Savoy, and that they have been more intent
upon procuring advantages for Sardinia and provoking Austria than upon
thwarting the projects of France, I am inclined to see Lord John's
speech in another light from what I hear since I came to town. He made
it without any previous consultation with his colleagues, it having
been one of those _impromptus_ which he is so apt to indulge in, and
Palmerston, seeing the way in which it was received in the House and by
the Press, approved of its tone and expressed a full concurrence with
it. Flahault, who went to Paris a few days ago, called on Palmerston
before he went and asked if he wished him to say or do anything there.
Palmerston said he might inform the Government that Lord John's speech
expressed the unanimous opinion of the Cabinet here. In my opinion his
speech was a great imprudence, and will probably involve the necessity
of our eating a great deal of humble pie. We have long ago declared
that though we disapprove very much of the annexation of Savoy,
we should take no steps to prevent it; but Lord John made a great
distinction between the question of Savoy and Nice and that of Faucigny
and Chablais, and though he did not commit himself to any positive
course, he gave it to be inferred that something more would be required
from us, in the way of opposition to the seizure of the latter, than
there was any necessity for our making to that of the former. But the
Emperor makes no such distinctions, and if, as is most probable, he
does not admit our right to draw them, we shall be in an unpleasant
fix, and have to back out of the position we have assumed in a way
neither dignified nor creditable.

[Sidenote: SCHEMES OF THE EMPEROR.]

The accounts from Paris are that this speech has made the French
very insolent, and the Emperor more popular than he has been for a
long time, as even his enemies say that they will rally round him
to chastise English impertinence. Then as to forming alliances with
the other Powers, which of course will be taken (as was intended) as
a menace to France, nothing could be more ill-advised than such an
announcement, for the other Great Powers have neither the ability nor
the inclination to join us in any coalition, present or prospective,
against France. Russia and Austria hate us, as well they may, for
we have done them both all the injury in our power, besides heaping
every sort of insult upon them. Austria is totally ruined, hopelessly
bankrupt and torn to pieces with internal disaffection and discontent.
Russia is hampered with her great serf question, and overwhelmed with
financial embarrassments, which she owes in great measure to the
Crimean War, and the unfortunate dissension and estrangement between
her and Austria are attributable to the same cause and to our policy.
Prussia, the only one of the three that is able to make any efforts,
and that has no cause of enmity against us, is always selfish and
timorous, and is more occupied in trying to supplant Austria in Germany
than in taking defensive measures against French ambition; nor is
there in Germany any such strong sentiment of national independence
as might induce the various States to sink their minor jealousies and
partisanships in a general union, to meet any aggression that may
proceed from France. Among the many schemes which the Imperial brain is
supposed to be continually engendering, it is far from impossible that
one may be the reconstruction of the kingdom of Westphalia, or at least
of some Rhenish kingdom with the concurrence of Prussia, by concluding
a bargain of partition with her. He might then replace old Jerome on
the throne, and so get rid of his obnoxious son, of course taking as
much of such acquired territory as he wanted for himself. All this
is mere vague conjectural speculation, but it is _on the cards_, and
it is at least as probable as that we should be able to form another
coalition, like that which overthrew the first Napoleon, strong enough
to cope with the present Napoleon. People are beginning at last to
doubt whether the war we waged against Russia four years ago was really
a wise and politic measure; but the whole country went mad upon that
subject, I never could understand why. Palmerston took it up to make
political capital out of it, and made himself popular by falling in
with the public humour, and making the country believe that he was the
only man really determined to make war on Russia, and able to bring the
war to a successful end. Aberdeen, who was wise enough to see the folly
of quarrelling with Russia and sacrificing all our old alliances to a
new and deceitful one with France, was unable to stem the torrent, and
fell under its violence. His fault was his not resigning office when he
found it impossible to carry out his policy and maintain peace.

_A propos_ of the Russian War, I heard lately an anecdote for the first
time that surprised me. Everybody knows that we beat up for allies and
even mercenary aid against Russia in every direction, but it is not
known that our Government earnestly pressed the Portuguese Government
to join in the war, and to send a contingent to the Crimea, and that
on the refusal of the latter to do so, the Ministers made the Queen
appeal personally to Lavradio and urge him to persuade his Government
to comply with our wishes; but Lavradio represented to Her Majesty, as
he had done to her Ministers, that Portugal had no quarrel with Russia,
and no interest in joining in the war; on the contrary, Portugal was
under obligations to the Emperor of Russia, and she therefore would
have nothing to do with the contest. This was a most extraordinary
proceeding, and it was contrary to all usage as well as all propriety
to make the Queen interpose in person on such an occasion.


[Sidenote: DANGER OF WAR WITH FRANCE.]

_April 4th._--Clarendon has just been here talking over the state of
affairs, in the course of which he alluded to what had passed in the
autumn of '58 between the Emperor and him, and between His Majesty
and Palmerston. In September he had a long conversation with the
Emperor, in the course of which he asked Clarendon, 'Supposing I find
myself compelled to go to war with Austria, what part would England
take in the contest?' Clarendon replied that it would depend upon
the circumstances of the case and the cause that would be shown for
such a war, and that he must not be misled by the language of the
English Press and the prejudice which no doubt existed in England
against Austria and her system of government, which would not be
sufficient to make us take any part against her. On comparing notes
with Palmerston afterwards, Clarendon found that Louis Napoleon had
put the same question to Palmerston, who had given him the same
answer. When they went to Compiègne in November of the same year,
they both had conversations separately of the same character, and
when they afterwards compared notes and Clarendon asked Palmerston
what impression the Emperor's words had left on his mind, Palmerston
replied he thought either that the Emperor had abandoned the design he
had certainly been meditating to go to war, or he had resolved upon
it, but did not choose to acknowledge his intentions to them, and
this Clarendon said was exactly the same opinion as he had formed.
This, however, was not above six weeks before his famous speech to the
Austrian Ambassador (which was a declaration of war), and therefore
the latter conjecture was the correct one. We talked over Lord John's
speech and his letter in answer to Thouvenel. Clarendon said that this
despatch was entirely written by Palmerston himself, that anybody as
well acquainted with their styles as he was must be quite certain of
this, but that _he_ knew it to be the case. He had a conversation with
Palmerston the other day, who praised Lord John's speech and said it
would do good, and he thought _the question of Savoy was in a very
satisfactory state_.

Palmerston, he told me, had said more to Flahault[1] than I had been
apprised of. Flahault went to him, and found him just going to the
House of Commons. Flahault asked him to let him get into his carriage,
which he did, and when Flahault asked what he should say to the
Emperor, and Palmerston told him to say that the Emperor had better
read Lord John's speech, and understand that he (Palmerston) agreed in
every word of it, Flahault said, 'Then you mean that you have no longer
any confidence in the Emperor, or place any reliance upon his word.'
Palmerston replied, 'I do mean this. After having been repeatedly
deceived and misled by his professions and assurances, it is impossible
that I can place any further confidence in him.' Then said Flahault,
'There will be war,' to which Palmerston rejoined that he hoped not,
that nobody could be more anxious to avoid war than he was.

This was very spirited and becoming, and Clarendon said he highly
approved of such a tone. I said that I had all along suspected that
there was a secret understanding and collusion between Palmerston and
the Emperor, and that Palmerston had given His Majesty to understand
that if he would set Italy free, he might do what he pleased with
regard to Savoy, but that what had recently passed seemed to negative
that idea. Clarendon replied he had no doubt Palmerston had very often
said to Persigny what, if repeated by Persigny to the Emperor with some
exaggerations and suppressions, would convey as much to His Majesty,
for Palmerston had a dozen times said to him (Clarendon) that the
liberation and settlement of Italy was of far greater consequence than
the preservation of Savoy to Piedmont.

Footnote 1: [Count de Flahault was at this time French Ambassador in
London.]


_April 8th._--To The Grove on Thursday afternoon, and returned
yesterday. On Good Friday morning George Lewis and I were left alone,
when we talked over the questions of the day, and he quite amazed me
by the way in which he spoke of his principal colleagues. I asked
him if John Russell was not exceedingly mortified at the ill-success
of his Reform Bill and its reception in the House of Commons and in
the country. George Lewis said he did not think he felt this, that
at present his mind was entirely occupied with foreign politics, and
he was rejoicing in the idea of having been largely instrumental to
the liberation of Italy; and as to Reform, that he was satisfied
with having redeemed the pledge he gave to Bright to propose a 6_l._
franchise, and having done this he did not care about the result, as he
had never pledged himself to carry it. The most strange thing to me is,
that George Lewis seemed not to be alive to the culpable levity of such
conduct, or to the censure to which his own conduct is obnoxious in
consenting to act with such a man, and to be a party to such a measure.

With regard to Palmerston, he said that Palmerston thought of nothing
but his pro-Sardinian and anti-Austrian schemes, and he was gratified
by seeing everything in that quarter turning out according to his
wishes, that in the Cabinet he took very little part and rarely spoke.
Gladstone George Lewis evidently distrusts, and his financial schemes
and arrangements are as distasteful to him as possible. He is provoked
at Gladstone's being able to bear down all opposition, and carry all
before him by the force of his eloquence and power of words, and what
I have said of his conduct in supporting John Russell is still more
applicable to it in reference to Gladstone and his measures, which he
thinks more dangerous by far than he does Lord John's Reform Bill and
6_l._ clause. I asked him what was to be the end of this Bill, and
he said he did not expect it to pass, that probably the debates on
it would be so spun out and so many delays interposed that either it
would fail in the House of Commons itself, or even if it passed, the
House of Lords would say it came up too late for them to examine and
consider it, and it would be thrown out there. I gathered in the course
of conversation that Palmerston (whose whole antecedents and recorded
opinions forbid the idea of his approving such a measure) would be glad
to see the franchise raised, and that 8_l._ and 15_l._ would in his
view improve the Bill.


[Sidenote: MACHINATIONS OF NAPOLEON.]

_May 6th._--Since I wrote the above, nearly a month ago, I have been
out of the way of hearing anything on public affairs, till a day or
two ago when I called on Clarendon, when he told me some things not
without interest, partly about domestic and partly about foreign
affairs. The latter of course related to the inexhaustible subject
of the Emperor Napoleon's projects and machinations. His Majesty, it
seems, has recently had a conversation with M. de Moustier, French
Minister at Vienna, in the course of which he told him that it was an
absolute necessity to France to carry her frontier to the Rhine. About
the same time Cavour had signified (I forget whether it was to the
same de Moustier or to some other person) that Sardinia must obtain
possession of Venetia. These necessities, it can hardly be doubted,
are expressed and resolved upon by a common accord. Austria has been
already completely crippled by the late war; if threatened in Italy
she will employ all her resources in defence of her Italian territory,
and she will be quite unable, even if she were willing, to join in any
measures of resistance to the attempts of France upon Germany. Prussia
has had the egregious folly to renew her feud with Denmark upon the
affair of Schleswig-Holstein, and is about to provoke a fresh war on
that question. Denmark thus threatened appeals to France for aid, which
France is too happy to afford, as she will thereby in all probability
find a good pretext for interference, and for the furtherance of all
her designs. There seems no doubt that a Treaty of some sort has been
concluded between France and Denmark. In this difficult and menacing
posture of affairs, England will sooner or later have to play a part of
some sort, and it is disquieting enough to reflect upon our diplomacy
being under the charge of John Russell and of Palmerston.

After lingering on for several weeks with unprecedented tardiness
and delay, and a languid uninteresting discussion--debate it cannot
be called--the second reading of the Reform Bill has at last passed
without opposition. The last nights have been remarkable for the
speeches hostile to the Bill of several Liberal members, and the
increasing proofs of its prodigious unpopularity. Everybody is sick
of the subject, and those who desire that some modified and amended
measure may pass, only do so because they have a horror of seeing
another Bill brought in next year, and they hope that they may now
purge this Bill of its worst and most dangerous defects, and close the
subject for several years to come. Some think that it is impossible
to devise any means by which this Bill can be made anything like
safe and expedient, and would therefore prefer to throw it out and
run all chances for the future. At least one half of the Government,
with Palmerston himself at the head of the dissentients, regard this
Bill with alarm and aversion, and now that the difficulty, if not
impossibility, of passing it is obvious, they are prepared to make
every sort of sacrifice, even of its most vital provisions. Palmerston
told George Lewis so, and that John Russell himself would submit to an
alteration of the franchise to the amount of 15_l._ for the counties
and 8_l._ for the towns. They know that no question of resignation
is involved in this discussion, and that whatever may be the fate of
their Bill, they will still keep their places, which no concession will
endanger, and accordingly they are ready to agree to any compromise
which will secure the Bill's passing through Parliament in any shape or
way; but notwithstanding this pliant disposition, it is very doubtful
whether the Bill can pass. It will not commence its career in Committee
till the first week in June, and it is hardly possible it can reach the
House of Lords before the middle or end of July, and the Lords may very
well decline to enter on its consideration at that late period.


[Sidenote: CONFUSION OF PARTIES.]

_May 9th._--A correspondence appears in the newspapers between Lord
Grey and John Russell, couched in terms of no small bitterness. Such a
correspondence between men of such eminence and of the same political
colour shows up to the world the insincerity with which, for political
motives at the time urgent, they have spoken in their places in
Parliament. It is no new thing that members of the same Cabinet should
often differ, and that vehemently on particular questions, and yet when
these questions come under Parliamentary discussion, that they should
exhibit to the world the semblance of an agreement and concurrence
which is remote from the truth. But though this is well understood to
be of not unfrequent occurrence, and sooner or later the details of
the truth often leak out, it is much to be regretted that men should
exhibit themselves and each other in the way which this correspondence
does, for such exhibitions cannot fail to excite suspicions of the
sincerity, conscientiousness, and truth of public men. When Governments
are entirely of one party colour, either wholly Whig or wholly Tory,
and when they are presided over by some man of supereminent authority,
such differences and consequent difficulties are not likely to happen
often; but as of late years parties have been broken up, and composite
Governments have been formed, combining men of the most opposite
original principles, and imbued with very different and incompatible
opinions on various subjects, it must be continually happening that
candid discussions and disputes in the Cabinet should be followed by
insincere and untruthful declarations and argumentations in public. The
understood practice from time immemorial has been, that a dissentient
from the general opinion of his colleagues upon any _important_
question must either consent to merge his own opinion in theirs,
or retire from office; and then the conduct of the dissentient was
regulated by his view of the _importance_ of the matter at issue. Of
course if a man were to break off from his colleagues upon every matter
of difference, however small, no Government could possibly go on for
many months or perhaps weeks, but it is impossible in these days not
to be struck with the fact that so many men are indisposed to consider
anything of sufficient importance to resign their offices rather than
sacrifice their enlightened consciences and mature judgements.


_May 12th._--Not more than three months ago Gladstone was triumphant
and jubilant; he had taken the House of Commons and the country captive
by his eloquence, and nothing was heard everywhere but songs of praise
and admiration at his marvellous success and prodigious genius. There
never was a greater reaction in a shorter time. Everybody's voice is
now against him, and his famous Treaty and his Budget are pronounced
enormous and dangerous blunders. Those who were most captivated now
seem to be most vexed and ashamed of their former fascination. They are
provoked with themselves for having been so duped, and a feeling of
resentment and bitterness against him has become widely diffused in and
out of the House of Commons, on his own side as well as on the other.
It was the operation of this feeling which caused the narrow majority
on the Paper Duties the other night, when it seems as if a little more
management and activity might have put him in a minority, and it is
the same thing which is now encouraging the House of Lords, urged on
by Derby, to throw out the Resolution when it comes before them. Derby
has announced that he shall exert himself to the utmost to procure the
rejection of the Bill in the House of Lords, and if he perseveres he
will probably obtain a very unwise and perilous success, which he will
before long have to regret.


[Sidenote: REPEAL OF THE PAPER DUTIES.]

_May 17th._--Clarendon dined with Derby about a week ago, when Derby
explained to him all his reasons for persisting in his opposition to
the Paper Duties Bill. Clarendon said he did not talk rashly and in
Rupert vein, but gave a well-considered and well-argued statement
of the grounds on which he purposed to proceed. Clarendon evidently
sympathised with him, but not without much apprehension and doubt as
to the expediency of his course. Derby appears to have taken and to be
taking prodigious pains with his case, and he said that his object was
to have a great financial debate in the Lords on the Treaty and the
Budget. Granville tells me they shall be beaten by a large majority,
and he owns that the debate will be almost all one way. There is
nothing on the Treasury Bench or behind it able to grapple with Derby,
Monteagle, Overstone, and Grey on such a question, though Granville
expects Argyll to get up the question and to speak well on it, and
he expects something from Newcastle and Ripon, but Clarendon told me
(which of course he had from Lewis) the curious fact that Palmerston
himself views with pleasure the prospect of the rejection of the
Bill. A queer state of things indeed when the Prime Minister himself
secretly desires to see the defeat of a measure so precious to his own
Chancellor of the Exchequer.

Frederick Cadogan came over from Paris the other day, and told
Clarendon that Cowley was in very bad spirits about the aspect of
foreign affairs, that all intimacy and confidence between the Emperor
and him was at an end, and that it was more and more evident that
His Majesty meant to follow his own devices, whatever they might be,
without reference to anybody, or caring for the opposition or the
assent of any other Powers.

The Garibaldi expedition is supposed to have given great umbrage to
France, but not without some suspicions that secretly she is not sorry
for it, and thinks in its complications she may find matter to turn to
her own account. Everybody believes that Cavour has covertly connived
at it, though he pretends to oppose it. Certainly no resolute attempts
were made to obstruct the expedition by the Sardinian Government, and
none whatever by France, who, if she really cared to stop it, might
easily have done so by sending ships from Toulon for the purpose.

Talking of Neapolitan affairs, Pahlen told me yesterday an almost
incredible anecdote, but of which he said there was no doubt of the
truth. There is just arrived a new Neapolitan Minister, Count Ludolph,
grandson of the Ludolph who was formerly here. He has replaced the
former Minister, who by his own desire was recently recalled, and he
had begged for his recall because he had been grossly insulted by
Palmerston at the Queen's Drawing Room, his story being that in that
room, in the Queen's presence (who was of course out of hearing),
Palmerston had attacked him on the proceedings of his Government and
the conduct of the King, telling him that a revolution would probably
be the consequence thereof, which would be nothing more than they
deserved, and which would be seen in this country with universal
satisfaction. The man was so flabbergasted by this unexpected and
monstrous _sortie_ that he had not presence of mind to make a suitable
answer, and to _riposter_ with the spirit which the occasion required
of him. I must endeavour to find out if this is true. Palmerston has
always been noted for the vivacity and often acerbity of his language
in despatches, but in oral communications and in speeches he has never
been reproached with intemperance or incivility, but, on the contrary,
has always evinced self-control and gentlemanlike and polite behaviour
and language.


_May 28th._--Epsom engaged all my attention last week, and I could
not find time to notice the debate in the Lords on the Paper Duties,
and the extraordinary majority, so much greater than anybody
expected. Lyndhurst undertook to speak on the constitutional part of
the question, and got leave to speak early (between Granville and
Monteagle) that he might go home to celebrate his birthday, which fell
on that day, when he completed his eighty-eighth year. He made a very
good speech, and met with an enthusiastic reception. Lady Palmerston
was in the gallery, openly expressing her wishes that the Bill might
be rejected by a large majority. Her language on this and other
occasions so shocked some of the more zealous Whigs, that the Duke of
Bedford was asked by one or more of them to remonstrate with her on
the way she talked, but she knows very well that Palmerston is of the
same mind, though he cannot avow his real sentiments in the way she
does. Palmerston said to Gladstone, 'Of course you are mortified and
disappointed, but your disappointment is nothing to mine, who had a
horse with whom I hoped to win the Derby, and he went amiss at the last
moment.' The affair has gone off very quietly, the House of Commons
not being the least disposed to quarrel with the Lords about it. Even
John Russell, who had talked very absurdly, held moderate and prudent
language in the House.[1]

Footnote 1: [A Bill for abolishing the duty on paper was carried in
the House of Commons on March 12 by a majority of 245 to 192. It was
rejected on May 21 by the House of Lords by a majority of 193 to 104.
The dispute was eventually settled by a resolution for removing so much
of the duty on paper as exceeded the Excise duty at home.]


[Sidenote: REFORM BILL WITHDRAWN.]

_June 15th._--At Ascot last week. Palmerston was there, and went up
to town on Thursday (going reluctantly) to assist at the withdrawal
by John Russell of the Reform Bill. There was a Cabinet the preceding
day, at which Palmerston said, 'We must now settle what is to be done
about the Reform Bill.' John Russell said, 'I know what my opinion
is, and if anybody wishes to hear it I am ready to give it.' They all
said they did wish it, when he announced that he thought it ought
to be withdrawn. Everybody agreed except Gladstone, who made a long
speech in favour of going on with it, which nobody replied to, and
there it ended. A discussion took place as to what should be said, and
strong opinions expressed that nothing but moderate language should be
employed, which John Russell agreed to, and he acted up to it by making
a very becoming speech, which would have been faultless if he had not
announced another Reform Bill on the earliest possible occasion. This,
too, he did entirely off his own bat, and without any consultation or
agreement with his colleagues. Fortunately these announcements are
no longer so important or so binding as heretofore, and I think it
probable, unless there is some great change in public opinion (which is
not likely), that when the time draws near Palmerston and a majority of
the Cabinet will not consent to a fresh attempt.


_July 8th._--I have been so ill till within the last few days that I
have not had energy enough to do anything. I have known but little, and
that little I could not bring myself to write down here. In fact, it is
high time that I should close these records once for all, which I am
morally and physically incapable of continuing with any probability of
making them interesting. It is not very consistent with this opinion to
fill a page or two with the recent transaction in the House of Commons,
with reference to the duty on paper. Everybody allows that Palmerston
got out of his difficulty with consummate tact and discretion, and
that Gladstone's conduct was inexcusable. The Resolutions concocted
by Palmerston had been fully discussed and agreed to in the Cabinet
(reluctantly of course by Gladstone), and Palmerston's speech was
received with general approbation in the House. It was excellent, fair
and moderate, the argument logically consistent with the Resolutions,
but displeasing to Gladstone and the highflyers because it made a sort
of excuse for the Lords, or rather it set forth the grounds on which
the Lords might think themselves justified in acting as they did,
without having any of the motives and designs which the Gladstones and
Brights attributed to them. All this elicited great applause from the
Opposition side of the House, and their cheers were very offensive
to and grated on the ears of the ultra-Liberals. Everything would
have ended quietly, and the Resolutions would have passed without a
debate, but Gladstone could not stand it, and, urged by spite and
mortification, he must needs get up and make a most violent speech,
really, though not avowedly, in opposition to Palmerston, and with the
object of provoking a long and acrimonious debate. In this he only
partially succeeded, and not for long. The debate lasted one night
more, but nothing could be made of the Amendments. Palmerston kept his
temper and displayed great firmness and resolution. The House was with
him. Bright, partly from being very unwell, and probably partly from
some discretion, made a moderate speech; everybody seemed determined to
bring the matter to an end, and the Resolutions were very triumphantly
carried. Granville told me yesterday morning that it was a toss up
whether Gladstone resigned or not, and that if he did, it would break
up the Liberal party, to which I replied that I was confident he would
not resign, and if he did, it would have no effect on the bulk of the
Liberal party.


[Sidenote: RADICAL ELEMENT IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.]

_July 17th._--I met Charles Villiers at dinner at the Travellers'
last night and had some talk with him, particularly about Gladstone.
He thinks it far better that he should not resign, as he could, and
probably would, be very mischievous out of office. He says people do
not know the House of Commons, and are little aware that there is an
obscure but important element in it of a Radical complexion, and that
there are sixty or seventy people who would constitute themselves
followers of Gladstone, and urge him on to every sort of mischief.
They are already doing all they can to flatter and cajole him, and
once out of office, his great talents and oratorical powers would make
him courted by all parties, even the Tories, who would each and all be
very glad to enlist him in their service. It is impossible to calculate
on the course of a man so variable and impulsive, but at present it
looks as if he had made up his mind to swallow his mortifications
and disappointments and to go on with his present colleagues, though
Charles Villiers says he is very dejected and uneasy in his mind, and
very gloomy in the Cabinet.

I asked him if he had seen Senior's last Journals, relating his visit
to Paris, which he had not. I told him they were very interesting, and
that all his interlocutors, however varying in opinions upon other
subjects, were agreed as to the certainty of the Emperor's meditating
fresh wars and aggressions, and sooner or later a war with us. He said
he thought it probable that any attempt on Belgium would be deferred
till after King Leopold's death (who is seventy-five years old), at
which time in all probability the annexation would be attempted, and
with very reasonable prospects of being assented to by the Belgians
themselves, an idea which had not struck me, but which I think
exceedingly likely.


_Buxton, August 11th._--I came here for my health and to try and
patch myself up a fortnight ago, since which I have heard and learnt
nothing of what is passing in the world but what I read in the
newspapers. The session of Parliament was drawing to a close, and it
was understood that there was to be one more fight in the House of
Commons (on the removal of the Customs duties on paper), and then the
remaining business was to be hurried through as quickly as possible.
The Opposition made strenuous efforts to obtain a majority, and were
sanguine of success. The Speaker wrote me an account of what passed,
and I shall copy out the greatest part of his letter. 'The division of
thirty-three on the Paper Duties was a surprise to all on the spot. As
late as eleven that evening Sir George Grey told us the division seemed
very doubtful. The Irishmen held off indignant at Palmerston's having
mentioned with approval the landing of Garibaldi on the mainland. This
was held to be an insult to the Pope, so More O'Farrell, Monsell, Sir
John Acton, and eight or ten more would not vote at all. It seemed
doubtful to the last. It is a great thing for the Government in many
ways, not the least in having won the battle without the Pope and his
men. It puts the Government in so much better and stronger a position
with that party. The great result is to give some life to half-dead,
broken-down, tempest-tossed Gladstone. When after the division he rose
to propose the second Resolution, he was cheered by the Free-traders as
he had not been cheered since the Budget Speech. Colonel Taylor tells
me they had been led to success by promises from two quarters. First
the paper-makers and the "Times" engaged to bring fifty men to the
post, and only brought five. The Irishmen promised to be twenty-five,
but were only eleven, the others standing off and not voting. I have a
long letter from Cobden, angry about fortifications and Volunteers.'
This morning I received another letter from the Speaker, enclosing
Cobden's, which he has sent me to read. He says, 'It is written in
rather a spirit of exaggeration, but it is the fault of Cobden's mind
to see one object so strongly, that his view cannot embrace another at
the same time.' Cobden's is well written, and contains much that is
true, but he has evidently been so cajoled and flattered at Paris that
he is now completely bamboozled, and so credulous that he takes for
gospel all the Emperor says, and complains bitterly of 'all that is
going on at home' and especially of the tone of Palmerston's and Sidney
Herbert's speeches. 'Believing,' he says, 'that the new French tariff
will realise a complete revolution in the commercial relations of the
two countries, and having taken pains to impress this opinion on the
Government, I am amazed at the course they are taking. The language of
Palmerston and Sidney Herbert, coupled with the fortification scheme
(he says), cuts the ground, on which I urged the Emperor to enter on
the Free Trade policy, from under my feet. Nine tenths of his motives
for making the plunge into that policy now were political rather than
politico-economical; he aimed at conciliating the English people, and
I did not hesitate to assure him that if he entered without reserve
on the Free Trade path, it would be taken as a proof of his pacific
intentions by the British public.'


[Sidenote: CONCLUSION OF THESE JOURNALS.]

_London, November 13th._--At the end of three months since I last wrote
anything in this book, I take my pen in hand to record my determination
to bring this journal (which is no journal at all) to an end. I have
long seen that it is useless to attempt to carry it on, for I am
entirely out of the way of hearing anything of the slightest interest
beyond what is known to all the world. I therefore close this record
without any intention or expectation of renewing it, with a full
consciousness of the smallness of its value or interest, and with great
regret that I did not make better use of the opportunities I have had
of recording something more worth reading.




 INDEX.


 Aberdeen, Rt. Hon. Earl of, formation of Government, difficulties
 attending it, i. 17, 18;
    in part owing to Lord J. Russell, 19, 20;
    the new Ministry's first appearance, 24;
    discontent of Whigs, 25;
    list of Cabinet, 29;
    meeting of Parliament, 39;
    judicious answers of, in the House, 45;
    harmony of Government of, 65;
    divided Cabinet of, on Russo-Turkish question, 67;
    impending war viewed by, 69;
    attacks of Tory press on, 70;
    explanations of policy of, demanded in Parliament, 71;
    confidence of, in Russian Emperor shaken, 73;
    chances, hopes, of peace, 75;
    proposed Convention considered, 76, 79;
    Cabinet of, summoned on Eastern crisis, 91;
    agreement as to policy, 94;
    wish of, to resign, on failure of peace policy, 96;
    Cabinet discussion as to meeting of Parliament, 102;
    Protocol agreed on by four Powers, 109;
    charged by Lord Derby with imparting State secrets to the 'Times,'
    146;
    denial, and defence against Lord Malmesbury, 147;
    attacks upon peace policy of, 166;
    difference of opinion of, between him and Lord Clarendon, 184;
    goes to Windsor to resign, 232

 Adair, Sir Robert, death of, i. 291

 Albert, H.R.H. Prince, attacks on, by Tory press, i. 126;
    charges against him of taking part in State affairs, 127;
    vindication of, in Parliament, 133;
    letter of, to King of Prussia, 183;
    visit of, to France, 183;
    conversation with the French Emperor, 186;
    made Prince Consort by patent, ii. 112;
    visits Brussels, 117

 Alliance, the Holy, correspondence concerning, between Emperor of
 Russia and Prince Regent, i. 287

 Alma, battle of the, i. 187

 Anglesey, the Marquis of, death of, i, 155;
    character of, 155-56

 Anson, General, letters of, hinting discontent in Indian Army, ii. 106;
    death of, from cholera, 112

 Ashburton, Lady, death of; character of, ii. 107

 Austria, policy of Austrians at Milan, i. 47;
    Emperor of, stabbed, 46;
    mediation attempted by, 72;
    hesitates to side against Russia, 135;
    fears to declare war against Russia, 170;
    new declaration of neutrality, 187;
    declares war against Sardinia, 244;
    armistice of Villafranca, peace concluded, 258


  Bank, the, of England, empowered to exceed limits of Bank Act of 1844,
  ii. 130

  Baraguay d'Hilliers, mission of, to Constantinople, i. 103;
    veto of, against British Fleet entering Black Sea, 119;
    recalled by French Government from Constantinople, 160

  Beauvale and Melbourne, Lord, death of, i. 34;
    character and career of, 35, 36;
    -- Lady, grief of, on her husband's death, i. 37

 Bedford, seventh Duke of, disheartened about politics, i. 14;
    papers and correspondence of, 48;
    his part in political crisis of 1852, 84;
    conversation of, on Lord J. Russell's position and circumstances,
    148;
    endeavour of, to persuade him to withdraw Reform Bill, 152;
    conversation of, on Lord J. Russell's retirement, 294;
    attempts reconciliation between Palmerston and Lord John, 180;
    confers with Mr. Greville, 181

 Berry, Miss Mary, death of, i. 10;
    character of, 10, 11

 Bickersteth, Dr., made Bishop of Ripon, ii. 68

 Bomba, King of Naples, tyranny and insolence of, ii. 59

 Brigade, the Light, charge of, i. 197

 Bright, Mr. J., bitter speech of, against Lord J. Russell, i. 162;
    letter of, on the war, 194;
    speech on the war, 211

 Brunnow, Baron, severe comment of, on Lord J. Russell as Foreign
 Secretary, i. 32;
    conversation of, with Lord Clarendon, on Russia, 54;
    dreads having to leave this country, 65;
    first to arrive at Paris Congress, ii. 17

 Buckle, Mr., dines with Mr. Grote, ii. 175


 Cambridge, H.R.H. Princess Mary of, offer of marriage to, from Prince
 Napoleon, i. 133

 Canada Clergy Reserves Bill, i. 61

 Canning, Lord, attacks of press on, ii. 127;
    defended by Lord Granville at Mansion House, 128;
    by Palmerston, 129;
    defended by the 'Times,' 142;
    proclamation of, to people of Oude, 191

 Canrobert, Field-Marshal, letters of, on British army, i. 221

 Cardwell, Mr., motion of, against Lord Ellenborough's Despatch, ii.
 194;
    motion withdrawn, 198

 Cavour, M. de, Italian Minister, policy of, ii. 232;
    return of, to office, 284;
    share in annexation of Savoy, 296

 Clanricarde, Marquis of, announces a defence in House of Lords, ii.
 172;
    withdraws announcement, 178

 Clarendon, Rt. Hon. Earl of, his account of Czar's proposals about
 Turkey, i. 53;
    France, 54;
    conversation of, with Brunnow, 54;
    opinion of Russian assurances, 65;
    fears of, on Eastern question, 67;
    difficulties of, between Aberdeen and Palmerston, 100;
    his despatch on Turkish relations, 101;
    abortive attempts at negotiation, 108;
    disagreement with Aberdeen, 108;
    disgust of, at Austrian neutrality, 187;
    visit to French Emperor, and freedom of press, 251;
    conversation with King of Sardinia, 302;
    on better feeling between Walewski and Persigny, 307;
    united policy of, with Palmerston, 314;
    attends Paris Congress, ii. 17;
    favourable views of peace, 36;
    on atrocities at Naples, 63;
    on the Palmerston Government of 1855, 47;
    dictatorial policy towards Brazil, 70;
    conversation of, with the Queen, on Palmerston, 111;
    pressed to take office by the Queen, 256;
    on Mr. Gladstone's Budget, 290;
    on French commercial treaty, 291

 Cobden, Richard, motion of, on the China question carried, ii. 91;
    defeat of, with Manchester men, at general election, 101;
    declines office under Palmerston, 257;
    commercial treaty with France, 285;
    opposition to treaty, 287;
    his belief in French Emperor, and in Free Trade policy, 314

 Cockburn, Sir Alexander, made Lord Chief Justice Common Pleas, ii. 65;
    anecdote of, 66

 Codrington, General Sir William, appointed to command British forces in
 Crimea, i. 292

 Commons, House of: Disraeli's amendment on the Villiers resolutions, i.
 9;
    Palmerston's motion carried, 12;
    debate, Disraeli's Budget, 13-15;
    Disraeli's attack on Aberdeen Government, 41;
    Jew and Maynooth questions carried, 44;
    Government defeats on detached questions, 58;
    debate on Gladstone's Budget, 59;
    Income Tax majority, 61;
    Lord J. Russell on Irish Church, 66;
    damage to Government thereby, 68;
    debate, India Bill, 68;
    discussion of Turkish question, 80;
    session closed by Palmerston's speech, 80;
    vindication of Prince Albert by Lord J. Russell, 132;
    Reform Bill introduced by Lord J. Russell, 139;
    debate on Blue Books, 139;
    bitterness of the Opposition on the war, 150;
    debate on Mr. Gladstone's financial speech, 159;
    Mr. J. Baring's motion defeated, 161;
    Russell's Oaths Bill defeated, 161;
    encounter between Disraeli and Lord J. Russell, 162;
    Church Rates Bill and University Bill, admission of Dissenters,
    debate on, 166;
    an appointment cancelled, 171;
    session wound up, 172;
    defence of Government war policy by Mr. S. Herbert, 208;
    Foreign Enlistment Bill carried, 209;
    motion of Mr. Roebuck to enquire into conduct of war, 229;
    the motion carried, 231;
    Palmerston's first speech as Prime Minister, 242;
    war debate, 259;
    indiscreet revelations of Lord J. Russell, 269;
    debate on the Address (Peace), ii. 13;
    debate on opening of British Museum on Sunday, 19;
    Disraeli's attack on Government, 22;
    Appellate Jurisdiction Bill defeated, 50;
    debate on supposed treaty between France and Austria, 85;
    dispute between Disraeli and Palmerston, 85, 86;
    Cobden's motion on China question carried against the Government,
    92;
    dissolution of Parliament, 96;
    attack of Disraeli, at outbreak in India, 116;
    debate on the Divorce Bill, 118;
    debate on the Conspiracy Bill, 160;
    Bill defeated, 162;
    resignation of Lord Palmerston, 162;
    Disraeli attacked by B. Osborne, 177;
    debate on India Bill, 182;
    debate on Disraeli's Budget, 187;
    debate on India, 191;
    debate on Lord Ellenborough's Despatch, 195;
    collapse of debate, 198;
    India Bill passed, 205;
    debate on Disraeli's Reform Bill, 226;
    debate on Lord John's Reform Resolutions, 234;
    debate, Resolutions carried, Bill defeated, 237;
    debate on want of confidence, 251;
    Government defeated, 252;
    debate on Gladstone's Budget, 290;
    majority for Budget, 292;
    debate on Russell's Reform Bill, 298;
    debate on Paper Duties Bill, carried, 311, 314

 Condé, Prince de, death of, ii. 178

 Conservative party, tone of, against Lord Aberdeen, i. 17;
    violence of Tories towards Gladstone, 22;
    suicidal conduct of, 61

 Conspiracy Bill, the, 161;
    defeated, ii. 162

 Corruption, electoral, during Aberdeen Government, i. 64

 Council, Privy, at Windsor, i. 107;
    Privy Council, licenses issued by, for export of stores to neutral
    ports, 153;
    meeting to consider question of trade with Russia, 193;
    meeting of, to appoint Day of Humiliation, 122

 Cowley, Lord, Ambassador at Paris, conversation of, with French
 Emperor, i. 105;
    correspondence of Clarendon with, on Louis Napoleon's letter to the
    Czar, 137;
    anecdote of, with Walewski, 311;
    views of Paris Congress, ii. 24, 25;
    enlightens French Emperor on Russian intrigue, 62;
    coldness of Emperor to, at Paris, 69;
    mission to Vienna, 223

 Crimea, landing in, of British forces, i. 187

 Crimean war, new light on causes of, i. 55;
    anecdote connected with, ii. 202

 Croker, Rt. Hon. J. W., death of, ii. 120


 D'Aumale, Duc, at the Grove, ii. 273

 Delane, Mr. John, editor of 'Times,' letter to, from Lord Aberdeen, i.
 74;
    conversation of, with Lord Aberdeen, 111;
    with Mr. Greville, 202;
    urges the building of wooden houses for the troops, 202

 Delhi, capture of, ii. 130

 Denison, Rt. Hon. Sir E., elected Speaker, ii. 106

 Derby, Rt. Hon. the Earl of, resignation of, i. 15;
    Liberal negotiations thereon, 15, 16;
    speech of, on Canada Clergy Reserves Bill, 61;
    scene in House, 61;
    sent for by the Queen, fails in forming a Government, 234;
    attacks the Government on China question, ii. 91;
    readiness of, to join with Gladstone, 95;
    sent for by the Queen, 165;
    forms a Ministry, 172;
    Liberal programme of, 175;
    helped by Mr. Greville, 179;
    resolves to remain in office, 184;
    on defeat of Reform Bill, to dissolve, 240;
    speech of, 240;
    speech of, at Mansion House, 244;
    defeat of, and resignation, 251;
    opposition of, to the Paper Duties Bill, 308

 Devonshire, the Duke of, death of, ii. 154

 Disraeli, Rt. Hon. Benjamin, Budget of, public opinion on, i. 14;
    on his own Budget, comments of, and on the Irish brigade, 32;
    bitter attack of, on the Government, Charles Wood, and Graham, 41;
    effect of, on his own party, 42;
    agrees to attack and vilify Peel, 44;
    tries to force debate on Eastern question, 73;
    attacks Lord J. Russell, 162;
    his motion on Ward debate defeated, 259;
    reviews the session, ii. 51;
    triumph over Palmerston on Paris treaty, 85;
    waning influence in the country, 94;
    speech on outbreak in India, 116;
    political chat with Mr. Greville, 143;
    suggests a fusion of parties, 155;
    becomes Chancellor of the Exchequer, 172;
    sanguine views of, 176;
    attacked by Bernal Osborne, 177;
    proposes his Budget, 187;
    violent speech at Slough, 198;
    his Reform Bill, 226;
    opposition to, 228;
    continued opposition to, by Liberals, 229;
    Reform Bill thrown out, 237

 Drouyn de Lhuys, French Ambassador in London, i. 254;
    cause of his visit, 255;
    his resignation, 261;


 Ellesmere, Lord, death of, and character, ii. 88, 91

 England, unpopularity of, abroad, how caused, i. 46;
    rancour of Northern Powers against, 49;
    friendly tone of French Emperor towards, 49;
    home difficulties, India, Eastern question, 51;
    English and French fleets sail for Dardanelles, 69;
    hopes of peace, 78, 79;
    dangers at Constantinople, two ships of each fleet go up
    Dardanelles, 85, 90;
    British and French fleets enter Black Sea, 111;
    proposals of negotiation with Russia and Turkey, 124;
    Blue Books on Eastern question well received by public, 135;
    popularity of war, 136;
    war declared, 149;
    union of English and French policy as to Spain, 172;
    attack of allied forces on the Redan repulsed, 263;
    peace concluded, ii. 39;
    England's balance-sheet after war, 72;
    accused by France of harbouring assassins, 157

 Evans, General, proposes to embark troops after Inkerman, ii. 37


 Flahault, Count de, French Ambassador at London, conversation of, with
 Palmerston, ii. 303

 Fould, M. Achille, invited to Windsor, ii. 110;
    letter of French Emperor to, 283

 Free trade, letter of French Emperor on, with France, ii. 283


 Garibaldi expedition, ii. 309

 Gibson, Mr. Milner, motion of, carried against Conspiracy Bill, ii. 162

 Gladstone, Rt. Hon. W. E., famous Budget of, i. 59;
    popularity consequent on, 59, 60;
    attempt to extort money from, 62;
    failing prestige as a financier, 150;
    failure of his Exchequer Bill, 157;
    his great speech on Budget, 159;
    speech against Lord J. Russell, 232;
    joins Lord Palmerston's Government, 238;
    reported leader of Opposition, ii. 68;
    strong feeling against, on the China debate, 94;
    speech of, the question, 95;
    his article in 'Quarterly,' 190;
    appointed Lord High Commissioner of Ionian Islands, 222;
    speech of, on his Budget, 290;
    second speech, and majority, 292;
    reaction against his Budget, 308

 Graham, Rt. Hon. Sir James, on Eastern question, opinion of, i. 88;
    indiscreet speech of, at dinner to Admiral C. Napier, 145

 Granville, Rt. Hon. Earl of, conversation of, with Lord J. Russell on
 Reform Bill, i. 143;
    superseded by Lord John as President of Council, 163;
    conversation of, with Mr. Greville on Russian answer to Proposals,
    ii. 5;
    at coronation of Czar at Moscow, 54;
    on its cost, 55;
    sent for by the Queen, 252;
    unable to form a Government, 252

 Greville, Charles C., Mr., opinion of, on Wellington's funeral, i. 7;
    attends no Council during nine months of Lord Derby's Ministry, 28;
    goes to Windsor, 28;
    visits Bowood, discusses Reform, 30;
    comments of, on Disraeli's oratory, 42;
    remarkable prediction of, as to France, 47;
    conversation of, with Disraeli, 60;
    visits Ascot, 68;
    conversations with Clarendon on war, 75;
    with Graham on Eastern question, 88;
    with Clarendon, 89;
    his conviction on party strife, 94;
    his view of Palmerston's position, 94;
    remarks on the Queen's sagacity, 101;
    opinion of, on Lord J. Russell's Reform Bill, 104;
    conversation of, with Graham on Palmerston, 106;
    conference of, with Duke of Bedford, on Palmerston, 110;
    on his resignation, 112;
    share of, in conciliatory overtures to Palmerston, 113, 114, 115;
    letter of, to the 'Times' on Palmerston, 114;
    strong letter of, to Graham, 119;
    final judgment of, on Palmerston's resignation, 120;
    _id._, 121, 122;
    visit to Bowood, 122;
    conversation of, on Russian designs, 123;
    on alterations in Reform Bill, 124;
    comments of, on virulence of Tory press, 128;
    letters of, to 'Morning Herald' and 'Times,' vindicating Prince
    Albert, 130;
    praises Clarendon, as compared with Palmerston, 135;
    on Stratford's despatches, 136;
    his opinion of Emperor Napoleon's conduct, 138;
    on Lord J. Russell's discontent, 148;
    and straitened circumstances, 148;
    strongly disapproves of war, 149;
    on the weakness of the Government, 153;
    ridicules notion of Fast Day, 153;
    on the weakness of Government, 158;
    and break-down of parties, 158;
    on rashness of Gladstone, 159;
    conversation of, with Lord Cowley, on French Emperor and the Court,
    160;
    his article in 'Edinburgh Review,' 160;
    on change of Government plans, 163;
    on Lord J. Russell's want of delicacy and consideration, 164;
    on Lord John's deplorable position, 167;
    on the character of Aberdeen's Government, 173;
    _continued_, 174-75;
    effect of quarrel with Russia, 177;
    and of Palmerston's resignation, 178;
    on difficulties of the campaign, 182;
    on military commanders in Crimea, 183;
    on Ministerial disagreements, 185;
    on Prince Albert's visit to France, 185;
    on victory of Alma, 188;
    on the Royal invitations, 189;
    on the Crimean expedition, 189;
    visit of, to Newmarket, and resolve to give up race-horses, 191;
    on the defence of Sebastopol, 195;
    and issue of war, 196;
    nomination of Sheriffs, 198;
    on gallantry of English forces, 200;
    criticises accounts of Inkerman, 201;
    on Lord Raglan as a general, 204;
    the sufferings of the army, 204;
    opinion of, on Bright's letter, 207;
    his review of the year (1854), 211, 212;
    conference of, with Lord Cowley and Clarendon on French alliance,
    212, 213;
    on Austria, 214;
    on Lord J. Russell's position, 218;
    on Russian diplomacy, 219;
    on deplorable state of the army, 224;
    on chances of peace, 227;
    negotiations, 228;
    condemns Lord J. Russell's resignation, 230;
    on his real motives, 233;
    comments of, on Palmerston's Government, 239;
    on Austrian policy, 226;
    on Palmerston's reception in House, 245;
    on the weakness of Palmerston and his Government, 248;
    literary occupations of, 254;
    on visit of French Emperor, his reception, 257;
    visit of, to Paris, 261;
    visits Thiers, and dines at the Tuileries, 265;
    conversation with Emperor, 265;
    picture of Versailles, 268;
    of St. Cloud, 270;
    severe comment of, on Lord J. Russell's revelations in the House,
    272;
    Lord John's conduct explained by, 288;
    at Newmarket, adieu to the turf, 291;
    on Lord Stanley, 293;
    talk with Disraeli, intimate, 294;
    on further peace negotiations, converses with Mr. C. Villiers and
    Sir G. Lewis, 299, 300;
    on Palmerston's arrogance towards Russia, 306;
    on the poet Rogers, 307;
    converses with Sir. G. C. Lewis on the folly of the war, 309;
    discusses peace proposals to Russia, 310;
    on the faint hopes of peace, i. 3;
    confers with Sir G. C. Lewis, 3, 4;
    favourable views of Russian policy, 5;
    confers with Lord Granville, 6;
    hopes of peace, 7;
    Russia's acceptance of terms explained by, 8, 9;
    talk of, with Disraeli, on _his_ prospects, 11;
    on life peerages, 15;
    on Peace Congress at Paris, 17;
    on Sabbatarianism, 19;
    on Kars and Nicolaieff--with Sir G. Lewis--20;
    on blunders of Government, 22;
    visits Paris, 23;
    his view of the negotiations, 24, 25;
    with Madame de Lieven, 26;
    at Tuileries, and Emperor's speech, 27;
    dines with Walewski, 27;
    confers with Lord Cowley on Austrian policy, 28-29;
    on bitterness in French society, 29;
    confers with M. Thiers on necessity of peace, 31;
    on terms of peace with Russia, 33;
    confers with Graham--gloomy views--40, 41;
    discussion of E. Ellice's plan for new arrangement of Government,
    43;
    opinion of, on his own Journal, 44;
    on Sunday bands, 46;
    conversation with Thackeray on American enlistment question, 48;
    on Madame Ristori, 49;
    on O'Donnell and Espartero in Spain, 53;
    on fatal delay after battle of Alma, 53;
    on our interference at Naples, 56;
    growing intimacy between France and Russia, 57;
    on English Democracy, _à la_ Guizot, 57;
    on French intrigue with Russia, 58-59;
    pressure on King Bomba, 60;
    converse with Lord Clarendon on Russian intrigue, 61;
    _id._, on the Bolgrad question, 62;
    _id._, on Neapolitan atrocities, 63;
    on Cockburn's appointment, Lord Chief Justice, 65;
    on the proposed Conference at Paris (a farce), 67;
    on Low Church Bishops, 68;
    on state of England after war, 72;
    on the Neufchâtel dispute, 74;
    goes to hear Spurgeon preach, 83;
    on Palmerston and Disraeli, 85;
    on our relations with France, 86;
    on Lord J. Russell's and Mr. Gladstone's opposition in the House,
    92, 93;
    on the pending dissolution, 94;
    antagonism of, towards Palmerston, 99;
    on the defeat of Bright, Cobden, and Co., 105;
    breakfasts with M. Fould at Lord Granville's, 110;
    on alarming condition of India, 113;
    and perils of mutiny, 115;
    on the life peerages, 121;
    attends Council at Balmoral, 122;
    conversation with Lord Clarendon, on progress of mutiny, 124;
    on the Queen's attention to public business, 126;
    urges Lord Palmerston and Granville to defend Lord Canning, 128;
    on difficulties of the Government, and Lord J. Russell's position,
    134;
    letter of, to Duke of Bedford urging Lord John to be patient, 135;
    on the East India Company and the Government, 136;
    on style of Queen's speech, 137;
    on health of Lord Palmerston, 140;
    fears as to Lucknow, 143;
    on Crown jewels of Hanover, 148;
    on slave labour in French colonies, 150;
    enormous difficulties of Indian policy, 151;
    conversation with Clarendon on French feeling against England, 158;
    on drowsiness of Ministers, 160;
    review of Palmerston crisis, 162;
    shows how the catastrophe might have been avoided, 169;
    political coincidences, 173;
    on the Derby Ministry, 175;
    meets the Duke d'Aumale, 178;
    on relations with France, 179;
    on Marshal Pelissier, 181;
    on Whigs and Peelites, 181;
    possibility of union, 184;
    on the proposed resolutions for India Bill, 185;
    with Lord Cowley on relations of France and England, 188;
    with Lord Derby on state of parties, 190;
    visits Littlecote House, 192;
    on the Ellenborough debate, 196-97;
    on Palmerston's discomfiture, 199;
    at Norman Court, 201;
    confers with Brunnow on the Russian War, 206;
    on Lord John and Stanley, 209;
    on the Queen's letter to the Prince of Wales, 213;
    confers with Clarendon on Compiègne visit, 215;
    on Napoleon's designs, 216;
    on electric telegraph (1859), 220;
    on general opposition to Austrian war, 224;
    Lord Cowley's mission, 225;
    on Cavour's policy, 232-33;
    on Marliani, 239;
    on fears of war, 242;
    on treachery of French Emperor, 244;
    resigns clerkship of Council, 245;
    doubts as to Lord John's intentions, 249;
    on peace after Solferino, 259;
    visits Ireland, 264;
    on Irish National Education, 265;
    return to London, 268;
    on quarrel with China, 269;
    on Clarendon's interview with the Queen, 270;
    on French Emperor and the 'Times,' 274;
    on Disraeli's commanding position, 276;
    on Italian affairs and French Emperor, 281-82;
    negotiation of French Commercial Treaty, 285;
    on Tory opposition to Reform, 288;
    on French Emperor's mistake after Villafranca, 293;
    on Gladstone's democratic opinions, 294;
    on French Emperor's designs, 303, 305;
    on Senior's Journals, 313;
    visits Buxton, 313;
    close of his Journal, 315

 Grey, Rt. Hon. Sir George, statement of, in the House, on a cancelled
 appointment, i. 171

 Guards, the, return of, from Crimea, ii. 50

 Guise, Duke of, death of, ii. 178


 Handel Concerts, the, at Crystal Palace, ii. 109

 Hardinge, Rt. Hon. Lord, struck with paralysis, ii. 50

 Havelock, General Sir H., heroism, peril of, at Lucknow, ii. 132;
    death of, 151

 Hayward, Mr., dinner at his house, political, i. 6

 'Herald, Morning,' the, virulence of, against Prince Albert, i. 129,
 130


 Income tax, the, carried, i. 61

 India, East, Company, charter of, expiring, Bill for future government
 of, passed (1853), i. 51;
    opposed by 'Times,' 52;
    difficulty of the question, 52;
    petition of, to Parliament, ii. 159-60;
    failure of Bill on, 182;
    the Bill withdrawn, 187;
    India Bill passed, in Commons, 205

 Inkerman, battle of, i. 199


 Jervis, Rt. Hon. Sir J., Chief Justice, Common Pleas, death of (1856),
 ii. 65

 Jewish question, the, Lord Stanley's Liberal vote thereon, i. 44;
    Disraeli's silence on, 44;
    Oaths Bill defeated, 161;
    acquiesced in by the Lords, ii. 199;
    Bill passed, 205


 Labouchere, Rt. Hon. H., takes office under Palmerston as Colonial
 Secretary, i. 295

 Lancashire, distress in, ii. 139

 Lansdowne, Rt. Hon. Marquis of, unwillingness to accept Premiership,
 i. 2;
    letter of, to Mr. C. Greville on Palmerston's resignation, 114;
    position of, at crisis, 115;
    Dukedom refused by, ii. 120

 Leopold, King of Belgians, his _démêlés_ with French Emperor, i. 102

 'Leviathan,' afterwards 'Great Eastern,' the, attempted launch of,
 ii. 128

 Lewis, Sir G. Cornewall, joins the Palmerston Government as Chancellor
 of the Exchequer, i. 247;
    character of, ii. 84;
    conversation of, on Gladstone's finance, 304

 Liberal party, divisions among, i. 1;
    hostility of Radicals, 3;
    negotiations of, on Lord Derby's resignation, 15, 16;
    resentment of, against Lord J. Russell, 167;
    meeting of, at Willis's Rooms, ii. 249

 Liddell _v._ Westerton, case of, ii. 88;
    judgment reversed by Privy Council, 99

 Lieven, Madame de, on the Russian war, ii. 25;
    death of, 76;
    character of, 76-83

 Littlecote House, ii. 192

 Lords, House of, debate on Protection, and Lord Derby's abandonment of
 it, i. 7;
    Lord Derby's speech on the Duke of Wellington, 9;
    speech of Lord Derby on Aberdeen Government, 18;
    Aberdeen's statement as Prime Minister, 25, 27;
    Lord Derby's repudiation of Disraeli's Budget tactics, 33;
    Aberdeen questioned by Lord Derby, ridiculous scene in House, 39;
    Duke of Argyll against Lord Ellenborough, 46;
    debate on Clergy Reserves, 46;
    debate on Canada Clergy Bill, majority for Government, 61;
    scene in House described by Mr. Greville, 61;
    debate on Legacy Duties, 65;
    division on Succession Duties Bill, 77;
    Lord Derby's remark on, 77;
    Lord Clarendon's speech on Peace or War, 78;
    slashing speech of Lord Derby, 132;
    Prince Albert vindicated, 133;
    Lord Aberdeen's declaration in favour of peace, 137;
    Clarendon's speech in defence of Ministers, 140;
    debate on alleged secret correspondence with Russia, 146;
    debate on the war, Lord Lyndhurst's speech, 166;
    Government majority on University Bill, 169;
    attack on Government policy by Lord Derby, 208;
    debate on Foreign Enlistment Bill, 208;
    Duke of Newcastle's defence, 234;
    Limited Liability Bill forced through the House, 280;
    the Queen's Speech criticised by Lord Derby, ii. 13;
    attack on Baron Parke's life peerage, 13;
    debate on life peerages, 15;
    _id._, 21;
    debate on Maritime Law, 47;
    debate on China question, 91;
    attack of Lord Ellenborough on Government at outbreak in India, 116;
    debate on the Divorce Bill, 118;
    Lord Derby's speech as Prime Minister, 172;
    Lord Lyndhurst's speech on Jews Bill, 190;
    debate on Lord Ellenborough, 196;
    debate on Jewish question, Bill passed, 205;
    Lord Chancellor's appointment of Lunacy Commissioner rescinded, 222;
    speech of Lord Derby, 287;
    debate on Gladstone's Budget and treaty, 298;
    debate on Paper Duties Bill, 311

 Lucknow, capture of, and relief, ii. 130;
    bad news from, 142

 Ludolph, Count, Neapolitan Minister, attack of Palmerston on, ii. 309

 Lyndhurst, Rt. Hon. Lord, speech of, on the war, i. 166;
    speech of, on the Jews Bill, ii. 190


 Macaulay, Rt. Hon. T. B., on Judges' Exclusion Bill, speech of, i. 66;
    new volumes of History of England, 305;
    broken health, _id._;
    retires from Parliament, ii. 11;
    made a peer, 120;
    death of, 278

 McNeill, Sir John, report of, on suffering of troops, ii. 16

 Marliani, an emissary from Cavour, ii. 239

 Meerut, breaking out of Indian Mutiny at (May, 1857), ii. 112

 Molesworth, Rt. Hon. Sir W., death of, i. 292

 Monsell, Mr., Roman Catholic, difficulties in swearing him in as a
 Privy Councillor, i. 255

 Montalembert, M., prosecution of, by Imperial Government, ii. 214

 'Morning Post,' the, violent article against Prussia, ii. 1

 Moustier, M. de, conversation of, with French Emperor, ii. 305

 Mutiny, the Indian, progress of, ii. 121;
    day of humiliation for, 122;
    reinforcements for India, 124;
    exaggerated accounts of cruelties, &c., 136;
    defeat of Windham, 150


 Napier, Admiral Sir Chas., dinner to, on his appointment to command
 Baltic fleet, i. 145;
    unpopularity of, on account of inactivity, 187

 Napoleon III., Emperor of the French, comment on, by M. de Flahault,
 i. 31;
    story of his marriage told by Lord Clarendon, 37, 38;
    details of, by Lord Cowley, 39;
    opinion of H. M. the Queen, 40, 41;
    friendly disposition of, towards England, 49;
    increasing unpopularity of, in France, 67;
    professed desire of, for peaceful solution, 85;
    letter of, to Duchess of Hamilton, 86;
    supposed intrigue of, with Russia, 86;
    assurances of his adherence to English policy, 90;
    libellous publications against (Belgium), 102;
    sends Baraguay d'Hilliers to Constantinople, 103;
    reluctant to go to war, 131;
    said to have instigated newspaper attacks on Prince Albert, 134;
    autograph letter of, to Emperor Nicolas, 137;
    invited by Prince Albert to Windsor, 184;
    conversation of, with the Prince, 186;
    visit of, to London, 256;
    declaration of strong adherence to England, 313;
    speech of, to Imperial Guard, against Prussia, ii. 2;
    yields to Russian influence at Paris Congress, 23;
    birth of Prince Imperial, 34;
    visit of, with Empress, to Osborne, 118;
    attempted assassination of, 152;
    threatened invasion of England, 158;
    effect of Orsini attempt on, 161;
    speech of, to Baron Hübner, 217;
    prevarication, 220;
    supposed tenderness of, 262;
    letter of, to King of Sardinia, 273;
    Congress proposed by, 277;
    pamphlet of, on the Pope and the Congress, 283;
    secret planning of Commercial Treaty, 288;
    annexation of Savoy and Nice by, 296;
    distrusted by Palmerston, 303

 Nesselrode, letter to, from Lord Clarendon, i. 77;
    pacific Note of, to Buol, 100;
    anecdote of, 194;
    Esterhazy's Note to, on Austrian proposal of peace, ii. 1

 Newcastle, the Duke of, his ministerial capacity, i. 218, 219, 228;
    defends himself in House against Lord J. Russell, 234

 'Newport,' the, case of, before Judicial Committee, ii. 145

 Normanby, Rt. Hon. Marquis of, his 'Year of Revolution' taken up by
 Lord Brougham, ii. 146;
    book refuted, 147


 Olmutz, conference at, i. 92

 Orloff, Count, mission of, to Vienna, i. 131;
    his view of the war, at Paris, ii. 24


 Palmer, murderer of Cook, convicted, ii. 46

 Palmerston, Rt. Hon. Viscount, popularity of, in the House of Commons,
 i. 3;
    position in the country, 15;
    foreign opinion of, 15;
    after Disraeli's Budget declines offer of the Admiralty, 21;
    agrees to join the Government, Home Office, 23;
    speech at Tiverton, 28;
    hatred of Russia, 55;
    more vigorous policy urged by, 74;
    eager for war, 75;
    friendly relations of, with Clarendon, 78;
    attack of, on Cobden, 80;
    courted by Tories, 82;
    goes to Balmoral, 87;
    views of, on declaration of war by Turkey, 93;
    lauded by Radicals and Tories, 94;
    anecdote of, told by the Queen, 106;
    letter of, to Russell, denouncing reform, 107;
    threatens to secede from Government, 110;
    resigns on the Reform scheme, 111;
    effects of resignation, 112;
    conciliatory overtures to, 114;
    withdraws resignation, 118;
    urges the marriage of Prince Napoleon to Princess Mary of Cambridge,
    133;
    opposes Lord J. Russell's Reform Bill, 141;
    amidst divisions of Cabinet offers to resign, 152;
    more in favour at Court, 220;
    sent for by the Queen, forms a Government, 238;
    list of his Ministry, 224;
    his prospects, 240;
    speech in House, 242;
    difficulties of, in forming Government, 249;
    and mistakes, 250;
    bluster in the 'Morning Post,' 303;
    stringent terms proposed by, against Russia, 304;
    defends Sunday bands, ii. 46;
    his failing strength, 85;
    speech at Mansion House, 98;
    popularity of, 99;
    Tiverton address, 100;
    his success in the House, 109;
    his proposed Bill for dissolution of East India Company, 144;
    his decreasing energy, 160;
    resignation of, 162;
    catastrophe unexpected, 166;
    amendments on India Bill defeated, 202;
    visits Compiègne with Lord Clarendon, 215;
    forms second Administration, 253;
    distrusts Napoleon, 303;
    attack of, on Neapolitan Minister, 309

 Palmerston, Lady, interview with, on resignation of her husband, i. 115

 Parliament, meeting of (1854):
    reception of the Queen, i. 286;
    defence of Prince Albert by Lord J. Russell, i. 138;
    specially summoned in December 1854, 202;
    meeting of, after peace, ii. 11;
    close of session, 51;
    dissolved, 96;
    meeting of, 106;
    opening of, 139;
    session opens, 287

 Peelites, attitude of, on Queen's Speech, i. 6;
    eagerness for office, 25;
    refuse to join Lord Palmerston's Government, 237;
    refuse to join Lord Derby, ii. 165

 Peel, Sir Robert, lecture of, on the Czar's coronation, ii. 74

 Peerage, the Wensleydale, debate on, ii. 14

 Pelissier, Marshal, Ambassador at London, ii. 181

 Portsmouth, grand naval review at, i. 80

 Princess Royal, the marriage of, ii. 156

 Protection, abandonment of, by Lord Derby, i. 7;
    his speech thereon, 7

 Prussia, King of, private letter of, to Emperor Nicolas, towards peace,
 ii. 7;
    quarrel of, with Switzerland, as to sovereign rights, 73


 Quarterly Review, the, article in, by Mr. Gladstone, ii. 190;
    editor of, on Tory Reform Bill, 213


 Radical party, the, approve of Lord J. Russell's Reform Bill, and his
 course, i. 143;
    hatred of, against Lord Aberdeen, 169

 Raglan, Lord, commander of forces at the Alma, i. 187;
    Balaklava, 191;
    anecdotes concerning, 192;
    despatch of, on battle of Inkerman, 199;
    annoyance of the Court at his failure, 223;
    his death in Crimea, 267;
    defence of, by Sir E. Lyons, ii. 38

 Reeve, Henry, Mr., return of, from Constantinople, i. 103

 Reform, Royal Commission on, i. 30

 Roebuck, Mr. A., his motion for enquiry into Government conduct of war,
 i. 231;
    report of Sebastopol Committee, 259

 Rogers, Mr. Samuel, the poet, death of, i. 307

 Russell, Rt. Hon. Lord John, willing to serve under Lord Lansdowne, i.
 4;
    answer of, to letter from Cobden, 4;
    resolution to oppose Ballot, 5;
    literary pursuits of, Moore and Fox's papers, 6;
    leaves Foreign Office, 43;
    Anti-Catholic speech of, 68;
    resignation of Irish members thereon, 68;
    position of, at Eastern crisis, 83;
    desires to be Prime Minister, 96, 97;
    obstacles in the way of, 98;
    conference on question of resigning, 98;
    scheme for Reform Bill, 104;
    speech in defence of the Prince, 133;
    introduces his Reform Bill, 138;
    insists on his Reform Bill, 141;
    difficulties in the way of, 142;
    postpones the Bill, 143;
    attacked by Disraeli on Reform question, 143-44;
    withdraws his Reform Bill, 152;
    attack on, by Disraeli, 162;
    opposes abolition of Church Rates, 166;
    convenes a meeting of his supporters, 170;
    his views on the Ministry, 217;
    his visit to Paris, 222;
    resignation of, 229;
    speech thereupon, 231;
    speech against, by Mr. Gladstone, 232;
    sent for by the Queen, fails to form a Government, 237;
    goes to Vienna as Plenipotentiary, 241;
    joins Palmerston's Government as Colonial Secretary, 246;
    indiscreet revelations of Vienna Conference, 269;
    resignation, 271;
    estranged from his friends, 283, 285;
    elected for London, ii. 101;
    friendly tone towards Government, 140;
    opposes Conspiracy Bill, 162;
    makes overtures to Lord Granville, 182;
    attacked by the 'Times' on India Bill, 186;
    insists on taking Foreign Office under Palmerston, 256;
    French opinion of, 272;
    introduces his Reform Bill, 294;
    speech of, against French alliance, 298;
    effect of his speech on the French, 301;
    correspondence with Lord Grey, 307;
    withdrawal of his Reform Bill, 311

 Russia, Emperor Nicolas of, impending war with, i. 64;
    indignation against, 64;
    difficulties of, in Eastern crisis, 70;
    English and French fleets sail for Dardanelles, i. 69, 70;
    hopes of peace with, 75;
    war declared against, by Turkey, i. 93;
    aims at forming Holy Alliance between himself, Austria, and Prussia,
    99;
    defeated by Manteuffel, 100;
    autograph letter of, to the Queen, 105;
    Turkish fleet destroyed by, 111;
    enormous preparations of, for war, 125;
    asks for explanations from England, 130;
    secret correspondence with, published, 149;
    increased indignation of public against, 149;
    war declared against, 149;
    pretended acceptance of the 'Four Points,' 222;
    death of, 248;
    Emperor Alexander II. refuses terms of Vienna, 258;
    fall of Sebastopol, 285;
    ultimatum to, sent by Palmerston, 306;
    accepts proposals of peace, ii. 7;
    coronation of Czar at Moscow, 54

 Rutland, Duke of, death of, ii. 76


 St. Arnaud, Marshal, reluctance of, to engage in battle of Alma, i. 188

 Sardinia, Victor Emmanuel, King of, visit to Windsor with M. de Cavour,
 i. 301;
    his demands on the Allies, 302

 Seebach, M. de, Saxon Minister in Paris, action of, as mediator, i. 313

 Seymour, Sir Hamilton, delivery of Convention to Nesselrode, by, i. 77

 Solferino, battle of, ii. 258

 Stafford, Augustus, strictures of committee on, i. 62;
    damaging to Lord Derby's Government, 63, 64;
    his mission to Constantinople in aid of the wounded, 206, 207

 Stanley, Lord, declines Lord Palmerston's offer of the Colonial
 Secretaryship, i. 292;
    succeeds Lord Ellenborough at the Board of Control, then takes
    Secretaryship of State for India, ii. 211

 Stratford, Lord, his policy at Constantinople, i. 80;
    suspected by Lord Clarendon, 83;
    hostility of Emperor of Russia against him, 88;
    influence of, disputed by Baraguay d'Hilliers, 106;
    his despatches praised, 136;
    regarded as cause of war, 140;
    clamour against, for neglect of General Williams, ii. 10

 Sugden, Sir Edward, note upon, i. 19


 Tchernaya, battle of (1855), i. 283

 Thouvenel, M., despatches of, _in re_ Savoy, ii. 296

 'Times,' the, opposes the India Bill, i. 52;
    versatility of, on Eastern crisis, 174;
    letter in, defending Prince Albert, 130;
    on Lord J. Russell's position, 167;
    on French reinforcements, 202;
    attacks of, on Lord Raglan, 219;
    'runs amuck' against aristocratic element in society, 243;
    hostility of, towards Palmerston Government, ii. 157;
    letter of French Emperor to King of Sardinia published in, 274;
    opposes French Commercial Treaty, 289;
    on Lord John's Reform Bill, 297


 Victoria, H. M. the Queen's Speech, difficulties in composing,
 dissensions, i. 6;
    the Royal Family home life, 56-57;
    goes to Ireland, 82;
    comment of, on Lord Palmerston, 101;
    reply of, to autograph letter from Emperor Nicolas, 105;
    annoyance of, at attacks on the Prince, 131;
    speech of, on opening of Parliament, sends for Lord Derby, 233;
    for Palmerston, 238;
    visit of, to Paris, 281;
    pleased with the Emperor, 283;
    friendship of, for the Orleans family, 286;
    visit of, to Birmingham, ii. 202;
    letter of, to the Prince of Wales, 213


 Wales, H.R.H. the Prince of, visit to Canada, ii. 272

 Walewski, Count, presides at Congress, Paris, ii. 25

 Wellington, Duke of, lying in state of, funeral of, i. 7;
    Disraeli's pompous panegyric on, 9

 Windham, General Charles, his gallant conduct at the Redan, i. 288;
    letter from, _id._, 288;
    his defeat at Cawnpore, ii. 50

 Wortley, Rt. Hon. J. Stuart, appointed Solicitor-General, ii. 65


  THE END.


  _Spottiswoode & Co. Printers, New-street Square, London._