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BEGIN PROJECT GUTENBERG ETEXT OF "NEW NETHERLAND"





BEGIN PROJECT GUTENBERG ETEXT "MICHAELIUS"



Reference material and source.

Michaelius, Reverend Jonas.  "Letter of Reverend Jonas
Michaelius, 1628."  In J. Franklin Jameson, ed., Narratives
of New Netherland, 1609-1664 (Original Narratives of Early
American History).  NY: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1909.



INTRODUCTION

THE established church in the United Netherlands was the
Reformed Church.  Its polity was that of Geneva or of
Presbyterianism.  The minister and ruling or lay elders of
the local church formed its consistory, corresponding to the
Scottish or American kirk session.  The next higher power,
administrative or judicial, resided in the classis, consisting
of all the ministers in a given district and one elder from
each parish therein, and corresponding to the presbytery.  It
had power to license and ordain, install and remove ministers.
Above this body stood the provincial synod, and above that
the (occasional)national synods.  In 1624 the synod of North
Holland decreed that supervision over the churches in the
East Indies should belong to the churches and classes within
whose bounds were located the various "chambers" of the East
India Company.  The same rule was applied in the case of the
West India Company's settlements.  Under this rule the first
minister sent out to New Netherland was placed under the
jurisdiction of the Classis of Amsterdam, since the colony
was under the charge of the Amsterdam Chamber.  Many extracts
from the minutes of that classis, and what remains of its
correspondence with the ministers in New Netherland, are
printed in the volumes published by the State of New York
under the title _Ecclesiastical Records, State of New York_
(six volumes, Albany, 1901-1905).  From 1639, if not earlier,
a committee of the classis, called "Deputati ad Res Exteras,"
was given charge of most of the details of correspondence
with the Dutch Reformed churches in America, Africa, the East
and foreign European countries.

As mentioned by Wassenaer, "comforters of the sick," who were
Ecclesiastical officers but not ministers, were first sent
Out to New Netherland.  The first minister was Reverence
Jonas Jansen Michielse, or, to employ the Latinized form of
his name which he, according to clerical habit, was accustomed
to use, Jonas Johannis Michaelius.  Michaelius was born in
North Holland in 1577, entered the University of Leyden as a
student of divinity in 1600, became minister at Nieuwbokswoude
in 1612 and at Hem, near Enkhuizen, in 1614.  At some time
between April, 1624, and August, 1625, he went out to San
Salvador (Bahia, Brazil), recently conquered by the West
India Company's fleet, and after brief service there to one
Of their posts on the West African coast.  Returning thence,
He was, early in 1628, sent out to Manhattan, where he arrived
April 7.  It is not known just when he returned to Holland,
but he appears to have been under engagement for three years.
In 1637-1638 we find the classis vainly endeavoring to send
him again to New Netherland, but prevented by the Company,
which had a veto upon all such appointments in its dominions.

About half a century ago the following precious letter of
Michaelius, describing New Netherland as it appeared in its
earliest days to the eyes of an educated clergyman of the
Dutch Church, was discovered in Amsterdam, and printed by
Mr. J.J.Bodel Nijenhuis in the _Kerk-historisch Archief_,
part I.  An English translation of it, with an introduction,
was then privately printed in a pamphlet by Mr. Henry C.
Murphy, an excellent scholar in New Netherland history, who
was at that time minister of the United States to the
Netherlands.  This pamphlet, entitled _The First Minister of
the Dutch Reformed Church in the United States_ (The Hague,
1858), was reprinted in 1858 in _Documents relative to the
Colonial History of the State of New York_, II. 757-770, in
1881 in the _Collections of the New York Historical Society_,
XIII, and in 1883, at Amsterdam, by Frederik Muller and Co.,
who added a photographic fac-simile of full size and a
transcript of the Dutch text.  In 1896 a reduced fac-simile
of the original letter, with an amended translation by
Reverence John G. Fagg, appeared in the _Year Book_ of the
(Collegiate) Reformed Protestant Dutch Church of New York
City, and also separately for private circulation, and in
1901 the Dutch text with Reverend Mr. Fagg's translation
was printed in _Ecclesiastical Records_, I. 49-68, which
also contains a photographic fac-simile of the concluding
portion of the manuscript.  Another is in _Memorial History_,
I. 166.  The original is in the New York Public Library
(Lenox Building).  Reverend Adrianus Smoutius, to whom the
letter was addressed, was an ultra-Calvinist clergyman, who
led a stormy life, but from 1620 to 1630 was a minister of
the collegiate churches of Amsterdam, and as such a member
of the classis under whose charge Michaelius served.

For many years this letter of August 11, 1628, was supposed
to be the earliest extant letter or paper written at
Manhattan.  But a letter of three days earlier was recently
discovered, which Michaelius wrote on August 8 to Jan Foreest,
a magistrate of Hoorn and secretary to the Executive Council
(Gecommitteerde Raden) of the States of the Province of
Holland.  This letter mentions epistles also sent to two
clergymen in Holland and to the writer's brother.  It was
printed by Mr. Dingman Versteeg in _Manhattan in 1628_ (New
York, 1904).  All these letters were presumably prepared to
be sent home on the same ship.  The two which are extant
parallel each other to a large extent.  That which follows,
though second in order of time, is intrinsically a little
more interesting than the other.  Mr. Fagg's translation
has in the main been followed.



LETTER OF REVEREND JONAS MICHAELIUS, 1628

The Reverend, Learned and Pious Mr. Adrianus Smoutius,
Faithful Minister of the Holy Gospel of Christ in his
Church, dwelling upon the Heerengracht, not far from the
West India House at Amsterdam.  By a friend, whom God
Preserve.

The Peace of Christ to You.

Reverend Sir, Well Beloved Brother in Christ, Kind Friend!


THE favorable opportunity which now presents itself of
writing to your Reverence I cannot let pass, without
embracing it, according to my promise.  And, first to
unburden myself in this communication of a sorrowful
circumstance, it pleased the Lord, seven weeks after we
arrived in this country, to take from me my good partner,
who had been to me, for more than sixteen years, a virtuous,
faithful, and altogether amiable yoke-fellow; and I now find
myself alone with three children,<1> very much discommoded,
without her society and assistance.  But what have I to say?
The Lord himself has done this, against whom no one can
oppose himself.  And why should I even wish to, knowing that
all things must work together for good to them that love
God?  I hope therefore to bear my cross patiently, and by
the grace and help of the Lord, not to let the courage fail
me which in my duties here I so especially need.

<1> Two daughters and a son, Jan, whom he had placed in the
house and custody of skipper Jan Jansen Brouwer.

The voyage was long, namely, from the 24th of January till
the 7th of April, when we first set foot upon land here.  Of
storm and tempest which fell hard upon the good wife and
children, though they bore it better as regards sea-sickness
and fear than I had expected, we had no lack, particularly
in the vicinity of the Bermudas and the rough coasts of this
country.  Our fare in the ship was very poor and scanty, so
that my blessed wife and children, not eating with us in the
cabin, on account of the little room in it, had a worse lot
than the sailors themselves; and that by reason of a wicked
cook who annoyed them in every way; but especially by reason
of the captain himself,<1> who, although I frequently
complained of it in the most courteous manner, did not concern
himself in the least about correcting the rascal; nor did he,
even when they were all sick ,given them anything which could
do them any good, although there was enough in the ship:  as
he himself knew very well where to find it in order, out of
meal times, to fill his own stomach.  All the relief which
he gave us, consisted merely in liberal promises, with a
drunken head; upon which nothing followed when he was sober
but a sour face; and he raged at the officers and kept himself
constantly to the wine, both at sea and especially here while
lying in the river; so that he daily walked the deck drunk
and with an empty head, seldom coming ashore to the Council
and never to Divine service.  We bore all with silence on
board the ship; but it grieves me, when I think of it, on
account of my wife; the more, because she was so situated
as she was--believing that she was with child--and the time
so short which she had yet to live.  On my first voyage I
roamed about with him a great deal, even lodged in the same
hut, but never knew that he was such a brute and drunkard.
But he was then under the direction of Mr. Lam,<2> and now
he had the chief command himself.  I have also written to
Mr. Godyn<3> about it, considering it necessary that it
should be known.

<1> "Evert Croeger, with whom, prior to this, I had made
long voyages, but never before did I know him well."--Letter
of August 8 to Jan Foreest.
<2> Admiral Jan Dirckszoon Lam, who in 1625 and 1626 was in
command of a Dutch squadron on the west coast of Africa.
<3> Probably Samuel Godyn, a prominent director of the company.

Our coming here was agreeable to all, and I hope, by the grace
of the Lord, that my service will not be unfruitful.  The
people, for the most part, are rather rough and unrestrained,
but I find in almost all of them both love and respect towards
me; two things with which hitherto the Lord has everywhere
graciously blessed my labors, and which in our calling, as
your Reverence well knows and finds, are especially desirable,
in order to make our ministry fruitful.

>From the beginning we established the form of a church; and
as Brother Bastiaen Crol<1> very seldom comes down from Fort
Orange, because the directorship of that fort and the trade
there is committed to him, it has been thought best to choose
two elders for my assistance and for the proper consideration
of all such ecclesiastical matters as might occur, intending
the coming year, if the Lord permit, to let one of them
retire, and to choose another in his place from a double
number first lawfully proposed to the congregation.  One of
those whom we have now chosen is the Honorable Director<2>
himself, and the other is the storekeeper of the Company, Jan
Huygen,<3> his brother-in-law, persons of very good character,
as far as I have been able to learn, having both been formerly
in office in the Church, the one as deacon, and the other as
elder in the Dutch and French churches, respectively, at
Wesel.<4>

<1> Sebastian Janszoon Krol came out to New Netherland in 1626
as a "comforter of the sick" at Manhattan, but before long
went up to Fort Orange, where he was chief agent for the
company most of the time to March, 1632.  Then, on Minuit's
recall, he was director-general till Wouter van Twiller's
arrival in April, 1633.
<2> Peter Minuit, born of Huguenot parentage in 1550 in Wesel,
west Germany, was made director general of New Netherland in
December, 1625, arrived in May, 1626, bought Manhattan Island
of the Indians that summer, and remained in office till
recalled early in 1632.  In 1636-1637 he made arrangements
with Blommaert and the Swedish government, in consequence of
which he conducted the first Swedish colony to Delaware Bay,
landing there in the spring of 1638, and establishing New
Sweden on territory claimed by the Dutch.  During the ensuing
summer he perished in a hurricane at St. Christopher, in the
West Indies.
<3> Probably the ame as Jan Huych, comforter of the sick.
<4> Jan Huyghens was deacon of the Dutch Reformed church at
Wesel in 1612; and probably Minuit was elder in the French
church there.

At the first administration of the Lord's Supper which was
observed, not without great joy and comfort to many, we had
fully fifty communicants--Walloons and Dutch; of whom, a
portion made their first confession of faith before us, and
others exhibited their church certificates.  Others had
forgotten to bring their certificates with them, not thinking
that a church would be formed and established here; and some
who brought them, had lost them unfortunately in a general
conflagration, but they were admitted upon the satisfactory
testimony of others to whom they were known, and also upon
their daily good deportment, since one cannot observe strictly
all the usual formalities in making a beginning under such
circumstance.

We administer the Holy Supper of the Lord once in four months,
provisionally, until a larger number of people shall otherwise
require.  The Walloons and French have no service on Sundays,
otherwise than in the Dutch language, for those who understand
no Dutch are very few.  A portion of the Walloons are going
back to the Fatherland, either because their years here are
expired, or else because some are not very serviceable to the
Company.  Some of them live far away and could not well come
in time of heavy rain and storm, so that they themselves
cannot think it advisable to appoint any special service in
French for so small a number, and that upon an uncertainty.
Nevertheless, the Lord's Supper is administered to them in
the French language, and according to the French mode, with a
sermon preceding, which I have before me in writing, so long
as I can not trust myself extemporaneously.<1>  If in this and
in other matters your Reverence and the Reverend Brethren of
the Consistory, who have special superintendence over us here,
deem it necessary to administer to us any correction, instruction
or good advice, it will be agreeable to us and we shall thank
your Reverence therefor; since we must all have no other object
than the glory of God in the building up of his kingdom and the
salvation of many souls.  I keep myself as far as practicable
within the pale of my calling, wherein I find myself sufficiently
occupied.  And although our small consistory embraces at the
most--when Brother Crol is down here--not more than four persons,
all of whom, myself alone excepted, have also public business to
attend to, I still hope to separate carefully the ecclesiastical
from the civil matters which occur, so that each one will be
occupied with his own subject.

<1> That is, to preach extempore in French.

And though many things are mixti generis, and political and
ecclesiastical persons can greatly assist each other, nevertheless
the matters and officers proceeding together must not be mixed
but kept separate, in order to prevent all confusion and
disorder.  As the Council of this place consists of good people,
who are, however, for the most part simple and have little
experience in public affairs, I should have little objection
to serve them in any difficult or dubious affair with good
advice, provided I considered myself capable and my advice
should be asked; in which case I suppose that I should not do
amiss nor be suspected by any one of being a polupragmov or
allotrioepiskopos.<1>

<1> I Peter iv. 15; a meddler or "busy-body in other men's
matters."

In my opinion it would be well that the Honorable Directors
should furnish this place with plainer and more precise
instructions to the rulers, that they may distinctly know
how to conduct themselves in all possible public difficulties
and events; and also that I should some time have here all
such _Acta Synolalia_, as have been adopted in the synods of
Holland; both the special ones of our quarter,<1> and those
which are provincial and national, in relation to ecclesiastical
difficulties; or at least such of them as in the judgment of
the Honorable Brethren at Amsterdam would be most likely to
be of service to us here.  In the meantime, I hope matters
will go well here, if only on our part we do our best in all
sincerity and honest zeal; whereunto I have from the first
entirely devoted myself, and wherein I have also hitherto, by
the grace of God, had no just cause to complain of any one.
And if any dubious matters of importance come before me, and
especially if they will admit of any delay, I shall refer
myself to the good and prudent advice of the Honorable Brethren,
to whom I have already wholly commended myself.

<1> I.e., acts of the synod of North Holland.  North Holland
was not at this time a province, but merely a part of the
province of Holland, the chief of the seven United Provinces.
The national _Acta_ would probably be those of the six
fundamental synodical conventions of 1568-1586 and the Synod
of Dort.

As to the natives of this country, I find them entirely savage
and wild, strangers to all decency, yea, uncivil and stupid as
garden poles, proficient in all wickedness and godlessness;
devilish men, who serve nobody but the Devil, that is, the
spirit which in their language they call Menetto; under which
title they comprehend everything that is subtle and crafty and
beyond human skill and power.  They have so much witchcraft,
divination, sorcery and wicked arts, that they can hardly be
held in by any bands or locks.  They are as thievish and
treacherous as they are tall; and in cruelty they are
altogether inhuman, more than barbarous, far exceeding the
Africans.<1>

<1> He had served on the west coast of Africa; see the
introduction.

I have written concerning this matter to several persons
elsewhere, not doubting that Brother Crol will have written
sufficient to your Reverence, or to the Honorable Directors;
as also of the base treachery and the murders which the
Mohicans, at the upper part of this river, had planned against
Fort Orange, but which failed through the gracious interposition
of our Lord, for our good--who, when it pleases Him, knows how
to pour, unexpectedly, natural impulses into these unnatural
men, in order to prevent them.  How these people can best be
led to the true knowledge of God and of the Mediator Christ,
is hard to say.  I cannot myself wonder enough who it is that
has imposed so much upon your Reverence and many others in the
Fatherland, concerning the docility of these people and their
good nature, the proper principia religionis and vestigia legis
naturae which are said to be among them; in whom I have as yet
been able to discover hardly a single good point, except that
they do not speak so jeeringly and so scoffingly of the godlike
and glorious majesty of their Creator as the Africans dare to
do.  But it may be because they have no certain knowledge of
Him, or scarcely any.  If we speak to them of God, it appears
to them like a dream; and we are compelled to speak of him,
not under the name of Menetto, whom they know and serve--for
that would be blasphemy--but of one great, yea, most high,
Sackiema, by which name they--living without a king--call him
who has the command over several hundred among them, and who
by our people are called Sackemakers; and as the people listen,
some will begin to mutter and shake their heads as if it were
a silly fable; and others, in order to express regard and
friendship for such a proposition, will say Orith (That is good).
Now, by what means are we to lead this people to salvation, or
to make a salutary breach among them?  I take the liberty on
this point of enlarging somewhat to your Reverence.

Their language, which is the first thing to be employed with
them, methinks is entirely peculiar.  Many of our common
people call it an easy language, which is soon learned, but
I am of a contrary opinion.  For those who can understand
their words to some extent and repeat them, fail greatly
in the pronunciation, and speak a broken language, like the
language of Ashdod.<1>  For these people have difficult
aspirates and many guttural letters, which are formed more
in the throat than by the mouth, teeth and lips, to which
our people not being accustomed, make a bold stroke at the
thing and imagine that they have accomplished something
wonderful.  It is true one can easily learn as much as is
sufficient for the purposes of trading, but this is done
almost as much by signs with the thumb and fingers as by
speaking; and this cannot be done in religious matters.
It also seems to us that they rather design to conceal
their language from us than to properly communicate it,
except in things which happen in daily trade; saying that
it is sufficient for us to understand them in that; and
then they speak only half sentences, shortened words, and
frequently call out a dozen things and even more; and all
things which have only a rude resemblance to each other,
they frequently call by the same name.  In truth it is a
made-up, childish language; so that even those who can best
of all speak with the savages, and get along well in trade,
are nevertheless wholly in the dark and bewildered when
they hear the savages talking among themselves.

<1> An allusion to Nehemiah xiii. 24.

It would be well then to leave the parents as they are, and
begin with the children who are still young.  So be it.  But
they ought in youth to be separated from their parents; yea,
from their whole nation.  For, without this, they would
forthwith be as much accustomed as their parents to the
heathenish tricks and deviltries, which are kneaded naturally
in their hearts by themselves through a just judgment of God;
so that having once, by habit, obtained deep root, they would
with great difficulty be emancipated therefrom.  But this
separation is hard to effect.  For the parents have a strong
affection for their children, and are very loth to part with
them; and when they are separated from them, as we have
already had proof, the parents are never contented, but take
them away stealthily, or induce them to run away.  Nevertheless,
although it would be attended with some expense, we ought, by
means of presents and promises, to obtain the children, with
the gratitude and consent of the parents, in order to place
them under the instruction of some experienced and godly
schoolmaster, where they may be instructed not only to speak,
read, and write in our language, but also especially in the
fundamentals of our Christian religion; and where, besides,
they will see nothing but good examples of virtuous living;
but they must sometimes speak their native tongue among
themselves in order not to forget it, as being evidently a
principal means of spreading the knowledge of religion through
the whole nation.  In the meantime we should not forget to
beseech the Lord, with ardent and continual prayers, for His
blessing; who can make things which are unseen suddenly and
opportunely to appear; who gives life to the dead; calls that
which is not as though it were; and being rich in mercy has
pity on whom He will; as He has compassionated us to be His
people; and has washed us clean, sanctified us and justified
us, when we were covered with all manner of corruption, calling
us to the blessed knowledge of His Son, and out of the power
of darkness to His marvellous light.  And this I regard so
much the more necessary, as the wrath and curse of God, resting
upon this miserable people, is found to be the heavier.
Perchance God may at last have mercy upon them, that the
fulness of the heathen may be gradually brought in and the
salvation of our God may be here also seen among these wild
savage men.  I hope to keep a watchful eye over these people,
and to learn as much as possible of their language, and to
seek better opportunities for their instruction than hitherto
it has been possible to find.

As to what concerns myself and my household affairs:  I find
myself by the loss of my good and helpful partner very much
hindered and distressed--for my two little daughters are yet
small; maid servants are not here to be had, at least none
whom they can advise me to take; and the Angola slave women<1>
are thievish, lazy, and useless trash.  The young man whom I
took with me, I discharged after Whitsuntide, for the reason
that I could not employ him out-of-doors at any working of
the land, and in-doors he was a burden to me instead of an
assistance.  He is now elsewhere at service among the farmers.

<1> Slavery was introduced into New Netherland two or three
years before this, a number of negroes, some of them from
Angola, having been imported in 1625 or 1626.

The promise which the Honorable Directors of the Company had
made me of some morgens or acres of land for me to sustain
myself, instead of a free table which otherwise belonged to
me, is void and useless.  For their Honors well knew that
there are no horses, cows, or laborers to be obtained here
for money.  Every one is short in these particulars and
wants more.  I should not mind the expense if the opportunity
only offered, for the sake of our own comfort, although there
were no profit in it (the Honorable Directors nevertheless
remaining indebted to me for as much as the value of a free
table), for refreshment of butter, milk, etc., cannot be
here obtained; though some is indeed sold at a very high
price, for those who bring it in or bespeak it are jealous
of each other.  So I shall be compelled to pass through the
winter without butter and other necessities, which the ships
do not bring with them to be sold here.  The rations, which
are given out here, and charged for high enough, are all hard
stale food, such as men are used to on board ship, and
frequently not very good, and even so one cannot obtain as
much as he desires.  I began to get considerable strength,
by the grace of the Lord, but in consequence of this hard
fare of beans and gray peas, which are hard enough, barley,
stockfish, etc., without much change, I cannot fully recuperate
as I otherwise would.  The summer yields something, but what
is that for any one who does not feel well?  The savages also
bring some things, but one who has no wares, such as knives,
beads, and the like, or seewan, cannot come to any terms with
them.  Though the people trade such things for proper wares,
I know not whether it is permitted by the laws of the Company.
I have now ordered from Holland almost all necessaries; and I
hope to pass through the winter, with hard and scanty food.

The country yields many good things for the support of life,
but they are all too unfit and wild to be gathered.  Better
regulations should be established, and people brought here
who have the knowledge and implements for seeking out all
kinds of things in their season and for securing and gathering
them.  No doubt this will gradually be done.  In the meanwhile,
I wish the Honorable Directors to be courteously enquired of,
how I can best have the opportunity to possess a portion of
land, and (even at my own expense) to support myself upon it.
For as long as there is no more accommodation to be obtained
here from the country people, and I shall be compelled to
order everything from the Fatherland at great expense and
with much risk and trouble, or else live here upon these poor
and hard rations alone, it will badly suit me and my children.
We want ten or twelve more farmers with horses, cows and
laborers in proportion, to furnish us with bread, milk products,
and suitable fruits.  For there are convenient places which
can be easily protected and are very suitable, which can be
bought from the savages for trifling toys, or could be occupied
without risk, because we have more than enough shares which
have never been abandoned but have been always reserved for
that purpose.

The business of furs is dull on account of the new war of the
Maechibaeys<1> against the Mohicans at the upper end of this
river.  There have occurred cruel murders on both sides.  The
Mohicans have fled and their lands are unoccupied and are very
fertile and pleasant.  It grieves us that there are no people,
and that there is no order from the Honorable Directors to
occupy the same.  Much timber is cut here to carry to the
Fatherland, but the vessels are too few to take much of it.
They are making a windmill to saw lumber and we also have a
gristmill.  They bake brick here, but it is very poor.  There
is good material for burning lime, namely, oyster shells, in
large quantities.  The burning of potash has not succeeded;
the master and his laborers are all greatly disappointed.

<1> Mohawks.

We are busy now in building a fort of good quarry stone, which
is to be found not far from here in abundance.  May the Lord
only build and watch over our walls.  There is good opportunity
for making salt, for there are convenient places, the water
is salt enough, and there is no want of heat in summer.  Besides,
what the waters yield, both of the sea and rivers, in all kinds
of fish; and what the land possesses in all kinds of birds,
game, and woods, with vegetables, fruits, roots, herbs and
plants, both for eating and medicinal purposes, and with which
wonderful cures can be effected, it would take too long to tell,
nor could I yet tell accurately.  Your Reverence has already
obtained some knowledge thereof and will be able to obtain from
others further information.  The country is good and pleasant,
the climate is healthy, notwithstanding the sudden changes of
cold and heat.  The sun is very warm, the winter is fierce and
severe and continues fully as long as in our country.  The
best remedy is not to spare the wood, of which there is enough,
and to cover one's self with rough skins, which can also easily
be obtained.

The harvest, God be praised, is in the barns, and is larger
than ever before.  There ha been more work put on it than
before.  The ground is fertile enough to reward labor, but they
must clear it well, and till it, just as our lands require.
Until now there has been distress because many people were not
very industrious, and also did not obtain proper sustenance
for want of bread and other necessaries.  But affairs are
beginning to go better and to put on a different appearance,
if only the Directors will send out good laborers and exercise
all care that they be maintained as well as possible with what
this country produces.

I had intended and promised [to write] to the Honorable
Brethren, Rudolphus Petri, Joannes Sylvius and Domine
Cloppenburg, who, with your Reverence, were charged with the
superintendence of these regions;<1> but as this would take
long and the time is short, and my occupations at the present
time many, your Reverence will please to give my friendly and
kind regards to their Reverences, and to excuse me, on condition
that I remain their debtor to fulfill my promise--God willing--
the next time.  Be pleased also to give my sincere respects to
the Reverend Domine Triglandius, and to all the Brethren of
the Consistory<2> besides, to all of whom I have not thought
it necessary to write particularly at this time, as they are
made by me participants in these tidings, and are content to
be fed from the hand of your Reverence.  If it shall be
convenient for your Reverence or any of the Reverence Brethren
to write to me a letter concerning matters which might be
important in any degree to me, it would be very interesting
to me, living here in a wild country without any society of
our order, and would be a spur to write more assiduously to
the Reverend Brethren concerning what may happen here.  And
especially do not forget my hearty salutations to the beloved
wife and brother-in-law of your Reverence, who have shown me
nothing but friendship and kindness above my deserts.  If
there were anything in which I could in return serve or gratify
your Reverence, I should be glad to do so, and should not be
delinquent in anything.

<1> This duty had been committed to them by the synod of North
Holland.  The preachers named in the text were all at this
time active in Amsterdam; Sylvius and Triglandius since 1610,
and Johannes Cloppenburg since 1621.
<2> Of Amsterdam.

Concluding then herewith, and commending myself to your
Reverence's favor and to your holy prayers to the Lord,

Reverence and Learned Sir, Beloved Brother in Christ, and
Kind Friend:

Heartily commending your Reverence and all of you to Almighty
God, to continued health and prosperity, and to eternal
Salvation, by His Grace.

>From the island of Manhatas in New Netherland, this 11th of
August, Anno 1628, by me, your Reverence's very obedient
servant in Christ,

JONAS MICHAELIUS.




END PROJECT GUTENBERG ETEXT "MICHAELIUS"




BEGIN PROJECT GUTENBERG ETEXT "NOVUM BELGIUM"



Reference material and source.

Jogues, Father Isaac.  "Novum Belgium, 1646." In J. Franklin
Jameson, ed., Narratives of New Netherland, 1609-1664 (Original
Narratives of Early American History).  NY: Charles Scribner's
Sons, 1909.



INTRODUCTION

At some time before his death in 1800, Father Jean Joseph
Casot, the last of the old race of Jesuits in Canada, seeing
his order about to expire under the restrictions then imposed
by the British government, and determined that all the materials
for its history should not perish by reason of his death, made
a selection from among its papers, and placed the portion thus
preserved in the custody of the Augustinian nuns of the Hotel
Dieu of Quebec.  There they remained safe till in 1843 they
were restored to the Society, then revived and under the charge
of Father Martin, as superior of the Jesuits in Canada.  Among
these papers was the following, in which Father Jogues, at the
time of his last sojourn in New France, described New Netherland
as he had seen it three years before.

Father Martin presented a transcript of the document, accompanied
with an English translation, to the regents of the University of
the State of New York.  The translation was then published, in
1851, in volume IV. of O'Callaghan's _Documentary History of
the State of New York_ (pp. 21-24 of the octavo edition, pp.
15-17 of the edition in quarto).  The French original was
printed for the first time in 1852 in an appendix to Father
Martin's translation of Bressani's _Breve Relatione_.  In 1857,
Dr. John Gilmary Shea printed in the _Collections of the New
York Historical Society_, second series, III. 215-219, a
translation which, after revision by the present editor, is
printed in the following pages.  Dr. Shea made separate
publication of the French text in his Cramoisy series in
1862, and in the same year published another edition of original
and translation.  Both likewise appear in Thwaites's _Jesuit
Relations_, XXVIII. 105-115.  Dr. Thwaites also gives a
facsimile of the first page of the original manuscript which
Father Jogues wrote at Three Rivers, with hands crippled by
the cruel usage of the Mohawks.



NOVUM BELGIUM, BY FATHER ISAAC JOGUES, 1646


NEW HOLLAND, which the Dutch call in Latin Novum Belgium,--in
their own language, Nieuw Nederland, that is to say, New Low
Countries--is situated between Virginia and New England. The
mouth of the river, which some people call Nassau, or the Great
North River, to distinguish it from another which they call the
South River, and which I think is called Maurice River on some
maps that I have recently seen, is at 40 deg. 30 min. The
channel is deep, fit for the largest ships, which ascend to
Manhattes Island, which is seven leagues in circuit, and on
which there is a fort to serve as the commencement of a town
to be built here, and to be called New Amsterdam.

This fort, which is at the point of the island, about five
or six leagues from the [river's] mouth, is called Fort
Amsterdam; it has four regular bastions, mounted with several
pieces or artillery. All these bastions and the curtains were,
in 1643, but mounds, most of which had crumbled away, so that
one entered the fort on all sides. There were no ditches. For
the garrison of the said fort, and another which they had built
still further up against the incursions of the savages, their
enemies, there were sixty soldiers. They were beginning to
face the gates and bastions with stone. Within the fort there
was a pretty large stone church,<1> the house of the Governor,
whom they called Director General, quite neatly built of brick,
the storehouses and barracks.

<1> See De Vries, p. 212, supra, and the _Representation of
New Netherland_.

On the island of Manhate, and in its environs, there may well
be four or five hundred men of different sects and nations:
the Director General told me that there were men of eighteen
different languages; they are scattered here and there on the
river, above and below, as the beauty and convenience of the
spot invited each to settle: some mechanics however, who ply
their trade, are ranged under the fort; all the others were
exposed to the incursions of the natives, who in the year 1643,
while I was there, actually killed some two score Hollanders,
and burnt many houses and barns full of wheat.

The river, which is very straight, and runs due north and south,
is at least a league broad before the fort.  Ships lie at anchor
in a bay which forms the other side of the island, and can be
defended by the fort.

Shortly before I arrived there, three large ships of 300 tons
each had come to load wheat; two found cargoes, the third
could not be loaded, because the savages had burnt a part of
the grain. These ships had come from the West Indies, where
the West India Company usually keeps up seventeen ships of
war.

No religion is publicly exercised but the Calvinist, and orders
are to admit none but Calvinists, but this is not observed; for
besides the Calvinists there are in the colony Catholics, English
Puritans, Lutherans, Anabaptists, here called Mnistes,<1> etc.

<1> Mennonistes, Mennonites.

When any one comes to settle in the country, they lend him
horses, cows, etc.; they give him provisions, all which he
returns as soon as he is at ease; and as to the land, after
ten years he pays in to the West India Company the tenth of
the produce which he reaps.

This country is bounded on the New England side by a river
they call the Fresche River,<1> which serves as a boundary
between them and the English. The English, however, come very
near to them, choosing to hold lands under the Hollanders,
who ask nothing, rather than depend on the English Milords,
who exact rents, and would fain be absolute. On the other side,
southward, towards Virginia, its limits are the river which
they call the South River, on which there is also a Dutch
settlement,<2> but the Swedes have one at its mouth extremely
well supplied with cannons and men.<3> It is believed that
these Swedes are maintained by some Amsterdam merchants , who
are not satisfied that the West India Company should alone
enjoy all the commerce of these parts.<4> It is near this river
that a gold mine is reported to have been found.

<1> Connecticut.
<2> Fort Nassau, at the mouth of Timber Creek.
<3> He probably means Fort Nya Elfsborg, on the Jersey side
of Delaware Bay, below Salem.
<4> The reference is to aid rendered by Samuel Blommaert, an
Amsterdam merchant, formerly a director of the Dutch West India
Company, in fitting out the first Swedish expedition in 1637,
and in engaging Peter Minuit to command it.  Blommaert's letters
to the Swedish chancellor, Count Axel Oxenstjerna, thirty-eight
in number, 1635-1641, letters of great importance to the history
of New Sweden, have just been published in the _Bijdragen en
Mededeelingen_ of the Utrecht Historical Society, vol. XXIX.

See in the work of the Sieur de Laet of Antwerp, the table
and chapter on New Belgium, as he sometimes calls it, or the
map "Nova Anglia, Novu Belgium et Virginia."<1>

<1> De Laet, _Histoire du Nouveau Monde, table of contents,
bk. III. ch. XII., and map.

It is about fifty years since the Hollanders came to these
parts.<1> The fort was begun in the year 1615; they began to
settle about twenty years ago, and there is already some
little commerce with Virginia and New England.

<1> An exaggeration.  There is no evidence of Dutch visits
before Hudson's.

The first comers found lands fit for use, deserted by the
savages, who formerly had fields here.  Those who came later
have cleared the woods, which are mostly oak. The soil is
good. Deer hunting is abundant in the fall. There are some
houses built of stone; lime they make of oyster shells, great
heaps of which are found here, made formerly by the savages,
who subsist in part by that fishery.

The climate is very mild. Lying at 40 2/3 degrees there are
many European fruits, as apples, pears, cherries. I reached
there in October, and found even then a considerable quantity
of peaches.

Ascending the river to the 43d degree, you meet the second
[Dutch] settlement, which the tide reaches but does not pass.
Ships of a hundred and a hundred and twenty tons can come up
to it.

There are two things in this settlement (which is called
Renselaerswick, as if to say, settlement of Renselaers, who
is a rich Amsterdam merchant)--first, a miserable little fort
called Fort Orenge, built of logs, with four or five pieces
of Breteuil cannon, and as many pedereros. This has been
reserved and is maintained by the West India Company. This
fort was formerly on an island in the river; it is now on the
mainland, towards the Hiroquois, a little above the said island.

Secondly, a colony sent here by this Renselaers, who is the
patron.  This colony is composed of about a hundred persons,
who reside in some twenty-five or thirty houses built along
the river, as each found most convenient. In the principal
house resides the patron's agent; the minister has his apart,
in which service is performed. There is also a kind of bailiff
here, whom they call the seneschal,<1> who administers justice.
All their houses are merely of boards and thatched, with no
mason work except the chimneys. The forest furnishing many
large pines, they make boards by means of their mills, which
they have here for the purpose.

<1> The schout.

They found some pieces of ground all ready, which the savages
had formerly cleared, and in which they sow wheat and oats for
beer, and for their horses, of which they have great numbers.
There is little land fit for tillage, being hemmed in by hills,
which are poor soil. This obliges them to separate, and they
already occupy two or three leagues of country.

Trade is free to all; this gives the Indians all things cheap,
each of the Hollanders outbidding his neighbor, and being
satisfied provided he can gain some little profit.

This settlement is not more than twenty leagues from the
Agniehronons,<1> who can be reached by land or water, as the
river on which the Iroquois lie,<2> falls into that which
passes by the Dutch; but there are many low rapids, and a fall
of a short half league, where the canoe must be carried.

<1> The Mohawks.
<2> Mohawk River.

There are many nations between the two Dutch settlements,
which are about thirty German leagues apart, that is, about
fifty or sixty French leagues.<1> The Wolves, whom the Iroquois
call Agotsaganens,<2> are the nearest to the settlement of
Renselaerswick and to Fort Orange. War breaking out some years
ago between the Iroquois and the Wolves, the Dutch joined the
latter against the former; but four men having been taken and
burnt, they made peace. Since then some nations near the sea
having killed some Hollanders of the most distant settlement,
the Hollanders killed one hundred and fifty Indians, men, women
and children, they having, at divers times, killed forty
Hollanders, burnt many houses, and committed ravages, estimated
at the time that I was there at 200,000 l. (two hundred thousand
livres).<3>  Troops were raised in New England.  Accordingly,
in the beginning of winter, the grass being trampled down and
some snow on the ground, they gave them chase with six hundred
men, keeping two hundred always on the move and constantly
relieving one another; so that the Indians, shut up in a large
island, and unable to flee easily, on account of their women
and children, were cut to pieces to the number of sixteen
hundred, including women and children. This obliged the rest
of the Indians to make peace, which still continues. This
occurred in 1643 and 1644.<4>

<1> One hundred and fifty English miles.
<2> The Mohicans.
<3> Livres tournois or francs, worth two or three times as
much as francs at the time.
<4> See _The Journal of New Netherland_.

>From Three Rivers in New France, August 3, 1646.




END PROJECT GUTENBERG ETEXT "NOVUM BELGIUM"




BEGIN PROJECT GUTENBERG ETEXT "JOURNAL OF NEW NETHERLAND"



Reference material and source.

"Journal of New Netherland, 1647." In J. Franklin Jameson,
ed., Narratives of New Netherland, 1609-1664 (Original
Narratives of Early American History).  NY: Charles Scribner's
Sons, 1909.



INTRODUCTION

AN account of the great Indian war which so desolated the
province of New Netherland, and of some other actions of
Kieft's administration, written from his point of view or
that of his supporters, must be regarded as an important
piece of evidence.  It is the more to be welcomed because
on the whole our evidences for New Netherland history come
mainly from opponents of the provincial administration and
of the West India Company.  The archives of the company
disappeared almost completely many years ago, the bulk of
them having apparently been sold as waste paper not many
years before Brodhead went to Holland upon his memorable
search.  Of Kieft's papers, we may suppose that the greater
part were lost when the Princess was shipwrecked on the Welsh
coast in September, 1647, and the deposed director and all
his possessions were lost.

The document which follows was found by Broadhead in the
Royal Library of the Hague.  It is still there and is
designated No. 78 H 32.  I has an outside cover forming a
title-page, with ornamental lettering, but it is not the
"book ornamented with water-color drawings" which Kieft is
known to have sent home.  A photograph of the first page,
which the editor has procured, does nothing to show the
authorship, for it is written in the hand of a professional
scrivener.  Mr. Van Laer, archivist of the State of New York,
assures the editor that it is not the hand of Keift or that
of Cornelis van Tienhoven, the provincial secretary.<1>  But
that it was either inspired by Kieft, or emanated from one
of his supporters, is plain not only from its general tone
but from its citations of documents.  Of the documents to
which its marginal notes refer, some of those that we can
still trace are noted in the archives of the Netherlands as
"from a copy-book of Director Kieft's."  The rest, or the
original copy-book, may have perished with him.

<1> Mr. J.H. Innes tells me that it resembles that of Augustin
Herrman.

The piece was first printed in 1851, in the _Documentary
History of the State of New York_, IV. 1-17.  It was printed
for the second time in 1856, in _Documents relating to the
Colonial History of New York_, I. 179-188.  For the present
issue this early and imperfect translation has been revised
with great care by Dr. Johannes de Hullu of the National
Archives of the Netherlands, who has used for this purpose
the original manuscript in the Royal Library.


JOURNAL OF NEW NETHERLAND, 1647

Journal of New Netherland, 1647, described in the Years 1641,
1642, 1643, 1644, 1645 and 1646.

Brief Description of New Netherland.


NEW NETHERLAND (so called because it was first frequented and
peopled by the free Netherlanders) is a province in the most
northern part of America lying between New England (which
bounds it on the northeast side) and Virginia lying to the
southwest of it.  The ocean washes its whole length along a
clean sandy coast, very similar to that of Flanders or Holland,
having except the rivers few bays or harbors for ships; the
air is very temperate, inclining to dryness, healthy, little
subject to sickness.  The four seasons of the year are about
as in France, or the Netherlands.  The difference is, the
spring is shorter because it begins later, the summer is
warmer because it comes on more suddenly, the autumn is long
and very pleasant, the winter cold and liable to much snow.
Two winds ordinarily prevail:  the N.W. in winter and the
S.W. in summer; the other winds are not common; the N.W.
corresponds with our N.E. because it blows across the
country from the cold point as our N.E. does.  The S.W. is
dry and hot like our S.E. because it comes from the warm
countries; the N.E. is cold and wet like our S.W. for similar
reasons.  The character of the country is very like that of
France; the land is fairly high and level, especially broken
along the coast by small rocky hills unfit for agriculture;
farther in the interior are pretty high mountains (generally
exhibiting great appearance of minerals) between which flow
a great number of small rivers.  In some places there are even
some lofty ones of extraordinary height, but not many.  Its
fertility falls behind no province in Europe in excellence of
fruits and seeds.  There are three principal rivers, to wit:
the Fresh, the Mauritius and the South River,<1> all three
reasonably wide and deep, adapted for the navigation of
large ships twenty-five leagues up and of common barks even
to the falls.  From the River Mauritius off to beyond the
Fresh River stretches a channel that forms an island, forty
leagues long, called Long Island, which is the ordinary
passage from New England to Virginia, having on both sides
many harbors to anchor in, so that people make no difficulty
about navigating it in winter.  The country is generally
covered with trees, except a few valleys and some large
flats of seven or eight leagues and less; the trees are as
in Europe, viz. Oak, hickory, chestnut, vines.  The animals
are also of the same species as ours, except lions and some
other strange beasts, many bears, abundance of wolves which
harm nobody but the small cattle, elks and deer in abundance,
foxes, beavers, otters, minks and such like.  The birds which
are natural to the country are turkeys like ours, swans,
geese of three sorts, ducks, teals, cranes, herons, bitterns,
two sorts of partridges, four sorts of heath fowls, grouse or
pheasants.  The river fish is like that of Europe, viz., carp,
sturgeon, salmon, pike, perch, roach, eel, etc.  In the salt
waters are found codfish, haddock, herring and so forth, also
abundance of oysters and clams.

<1> Connecticut, Hudson and Delaware.

The Indians are of ordinary stature, strong and broad shouldered;
olive color, light and nimble of foot, subtle of mind, of few
words which they previously well consider, hypocritical,
treacherous, vindictive; brave and obstinate in self-defence,
in time of need right resolute to die.  They seem to despise
all the torments that can be inflicted on them without once
uttering a sigh--go almost naked except a lap which hangs
before their private parts, and on the shoulders a deer skin
or a mantle, a fathom square, of woven Turkey feathers or
peltries sewed together.  They now make great use of duffel
cloths, blue or red, in consequence of the frequent visits of
the Christians.  In winter they make shoes of deer skins,
manufactured after their fashion.  Except their chiefs, they
have generally but one wife whom they frequently change
according to caprice; she must do all the work, as well corn-
planting as wood-cutting and whatever else is to be done.
They are divided into various nations.  They differ even in
language, which would be altogether too long to be narrated
in this short space.  They dwell together in tribes, mostly
of one consanguinity, over which commands a chief who is
general and is generally called Sackema, possessing not much
authority and little advantage, unless in their dances and
other ceremonies.  They have no knowledge at all of God, no
divine worship, no law, no justice; the strongest does what
he pleases and the youths are master.  Their weapons are the
bow and arrow, in the use of which they are wonderful adepts.
They live by hunting and fishing in addition to maize which
the women plant.


By Whom and How New Netherland was peopled.

The subjects of the Lords States General had for a considerable
time frequented this country solely for the purpose of the fur
trade.  Then, in the year 1623, the Chartered West India Company
caused four forts to be erected in that country--two on the
River Mauritius and one on each of the other [rivers]; the biggest
stands on the point where the Mauritius River begins, and the
other one,<1> mentioned heretofore, which their Honors named New
Amsterdam; and six and thirty leagues upwards another called
Orange.  That on the South River is called Nassauw and that on
Fresh River, the Good Hope.  The Company has since continually
maintained garrisons there.  In the beginning their Honors had
sent a certain number of settlers thither, and at great expense
had three sawmills erected, which never realised any profit of
consequence, on account of their great heaviness, and a great
deal of money was expended for the advancement of the country,
but it never began to be settled until every one had liberty
to trade with the Indians, inasmuch as up to this time no one
calculated to remain there longer than the expiration of his
bounden time, and therefore they did not apply themselves to
agriculture.  Yea, even the colony of Renselaerwyck was of
little consequence; but as soon as it was permitted, many
servants, who had some money coming to them from the Company,
applied for their discharge, built houses and formed plantations,
spread themselves far and wide, each seeking the best land, and
to be nearest the Indians in order thus to trade with them
easily, others bought barks with which to trade goods at the
North and at the South, and as the Lords Directors gave free
passage from Holland thither, that also caused some to come.
On the other hand, the English came also from both Virginia and
New England.  Firstly, many servants, whose time with their
masters had expired, on account of the good opportunity to plant
tobacco here, afterwards families and finally entire colonies,
forced to quit that place both to enjoy freedom of conscience
and to escape from the insupportable government of New England
and because many more commodities were easier to be obtained
here than there, so that in place of seven farms and two or
three plantations which were here, one saw thirty farms, as
well cultivated and stocked with cattle as in Europe, and a
hundred plantations which in two or three [years] would have
become well arranged farms.  For after the tobacco was out of
the ground, corn was thrown in there without ploughing.  In
winter men were busy preparing new lands.  Five English colonies
which by contract had [settled] under us on equal terms as the
others.  Each of these was in appearance not less than a
hundred families strong, exclusive of the colony of Rensselaers
Wyck which is prospering, with that of Myndert Meyndertsz<2>
and Cornelis Melyn,<3> who began first, also the village New
Amsterdam around the fort, a hundred families, so that there
was appearance of producing supplies in a year for fourteen
thousand souls, without straining the country, and had there
been no want of laborers or farm servants twice as much could
have been raised, considering that fifty lasts of rye and fifty
lasts of peas still remained over around the fort after a large
quantity had been burnt and destroyed by the Indians, who in a
short time nearly brought this country to nought and had well
nigh destroyed this good hope, in manner following--

<1> East River, apparently.
<2> The colony of Hackensack, belonging to Meyndert Meyndertsen
van Keren and others.
<3> Cornelis Melyn's colony embraced all Staten Island except
De Vries's plantation.


The Causes of the New Netherland War and the Sequel thereof.

We have already stated that the cause of the population of
New Netherland was the liberty to trade with the Indians.
We shall now prove that it also is the cause of its ruin,
producing two contrary effects, and that not without reason
as shall appear from the following.

This liberty then which in every respect should have been
most gratefully received, of which use should have been made
as of a precious gift, was very soon perverted to a great
abuse.  For every one thought that now the time had come to
make his fortune, withdrew himself from his comrade, as if
holding him suspect and the enemy of his gains, and sought
communication with the Indians from whom it appeared his
profit was to be derived.  That created first a division of
power of dangerous consequence, in opposition to Their High
Mightinesses' motto<1>--produced altogether too much
familiarity with the Indians which in a short time brought
forth contempt, usually the father of hate--not being
satisfied with merely taking them into their houses in the
customary manner, but attracting them by extraordinary
attention, such as admitting them to the table, laying
napkins before them, presenting wine to them and more of
that kind of thing, which they did not receive like Esop's
man, but as their due and desert, insomuch that they were
not content but began to hate when such civilities were not
shewn them.  To this familiarity and freedom succeeded
another evil.  As the cattle usually roamed through the
woods without a herdsman, they frequently came into the
corn of the Indians which was unfenced on all sides,
committing great damage there; this led to frequent complaints
on their part and finally to revenge on the cattle without
sparing even the horses, which were valuable in this country.
Moreover many of ours took the Indians into service, making
use of them in their houses and thus, whilst they were being
employed, laying open before those Indians our entire
circumstances; and sometimes becoming weary of their work,
they took leg-bail and stole much more than the amount of
their wages.  This freedom caused still great mischief, for
the inhabitants of Renselaerswyck who were as many traders
as persons, perceiving that the Mohawks were craving for
guns, which some of them had already received from the English,
paying for each as many as twenty beavers and for a pound of
powder as much as ten to twelve guilders, they came down in
greater numbers than was their wont where people were well
supplied with guns, purchasing these at a fair price, thus
realizing great profit; afterwards they obtained some from
their Heer Patroon for their self-defence in time of need, as
we suppose.  This extraordinary gain was not kept long a
secret, the traders coming from Holland soon got scent of it,
and from time to time brought over great quantities, so that
the Mohawks in a short time were seen with firelocks, powder
and lead in proportion.  Four hundred armed men knew how to
use their advantage, especially against their enemies
dwelling along the river of Canada,<2> against whom they have
now achieved many profitable forays where before they derived
little advantage; this causes them also to be respected by
the surrounding Indians even as far as the sea coast, who
must generally pay them tribute, whereas, on the contrary,
they were formerly obliged to contribute to these.  On this
account the Indians endeavored no less to procure guns, and
through the familiarity which existed between them and our
people, they began to solicit them for guns and powder, but
as such was forbidden on pain of death and it could not
remain secret in consequence of the general conversation,
they could not obtain them.  This added to the previous
contempt greatly augmented the hatred which stimulated them
to conspire against us, beginning first by insults which they
everywhere indiscreetly uttered railing at us as Materiotty
(that is to say) the cowards--that we might indeed be
something on water, but of no account on land, and that we
had neither a great sachem nor chiefs.

<1> Eendracht maakt macht, union makes strength.
<2> Father Jogues speaks more than once of the ill effects
of the Dutch practice of selling fire-arms to the Indians.

[Here two pages are wanting.]

he of Witqueschreek living northeast of the island Manhatans,
perpetrated another murderous deed in the house of an old
man,<1> a wheelwright, with whom he was acquainted (having
been in his son's service) being well received and supplied
with food, pretending a desire to buy something and whilst
the old man was taking from the chest the cloth the Indian
wanted the latter took up an ax and cut his head off, further
plundering the house, and ran away.  This outrage obliged
the Director to demand satisfaction from the sachem, who
refused it, saying that he was sorry that twenty Christians
had not been murdered<2> and that this Indians had only
avenged the death of his uncle who, it was alleged, had been
slain by the Dutch twenty-one years before.  Whereupon all
the commonalty were called together by the Director to
consider this affair, who all appeared and presently twelve
men delegated from among them<3> answered the propositions,
and resolved at once on war should the murderer be refused;
that the attack should be made on [the Indians] in the
autumn when they were hunting; meanwhile an effort should
be again made by kindness to obtain justice, which was
accordingly several times sought for but in vain.

<1> Claes Smits Rademaker.
<2> "Note A [in the original].  Capt. Patricx letter 21 August
1641."  I do not find this letter in print.  Captain Patrick,
formerly a soldier under the Prince of Orange, was one of the
early members of the colony of Massachusetts Bay, but had
left that colony in 1639 and settled with his Dutch wife at
Greenwich.  Concerning his death, at the hands of a Dutch
Trooper, see Winthrop, II. 153-154, in this series.
<3> "Note B.  Their answer and resolution dated the 29th August,
1641."  This document, "from Director Kieft's copy-book," is
in _N.Y. Col. Doc._, I. 415.

The time being come many difficulties were alleged and
operations were postponed until the year 1642, when it was
resolved to avenge the perpetrated outrage.  Thereupon spies
looked up the Indians who lay in their dwelling-place
suspecting nothing, and eighty men were detailed under the
command of Ensign Hendrick van Dyck and sent thither.  The
guide being come with the troops in the neighborhood of the
Indian wigwams lost his way in consequence of the darkness
of the night.  The ensign became impatient, and turned back
without having accomplished anything.  The journey, however,
was not without effect, for the Indians who remarked by the
trail made by our people in marching that they had narrowly
escaped discovery, sought for peace which was granted them
on condition that they should either deliver up the murderer
or inflict justice themselves; this they promised, but without
any result.

Some weeks after this Miantonimo, principal sachem of Sloops
Bay,<1> came here with one hundred men, passing through all
the Indian villages<2> soliciting them to a general war
against both the English and the Dutch,<3> whereupon some of
the neighboring Indians attempted to set our powder on fire
and to poison the Director or to inchant him by their devilry,
as their ill will was afterwards made manifest as well in fact
as by report.  Those of Hackingsack, otherwise called Achter
Col, had with their neighbors killed an Englishman, a servant
of one David Pietersen, and a few days after shot dead in an
equally treacherous manner a Dutchman, who sat roofing a
house in the colony of Meyndert Meyndertz,<4> which was
established there against he advice of the Director and will
of the Indians, and which by the continual damage which their
cattle committed caused no little dissatisfaction to the Indians,
and contributed greatly to the war.  The commonalty began then
to be alarmed, and not without reason, having the Indians daily
in their houses.  The murderers were frequently demanded,
either living or dead, even with a promise of reward; they
always returned a scoffing answer laughing at us.  Finally,
the commonalty, very much displeased with the Director,
upbraided him for conniving with the Indians, and [declared]
that an attempt was making to sell Christian blood;<5> yea,
that the will of the entire commonalty was surrendered to him,
and in case he would not avenge blood they should do it
themselves, be the consequences what they might.  The Director
advised Pacham the sachem,<6> who interested himself in this
matter, warning him that we should wait no longer inasmuch as
no satisfaction had been given.

<1> I.e., of the Narragansetts.
<2> "Note C.  The English Manifest, Page 2."  This means that
now rare pamphlet, _A Declaration of Former Passages and
Proceedings betwixt the English and the Narrowgansets_ (Cambridge,
1645), published by order of the Commissioners of the United
Colonies.  See its text, and the particular passage here referred
To, in _Records of Plymouth Colony_, IX. 50.
<3> "Note D.  Capt. Patricx letter dated 2 Jan'y, 1642."  I have
nowhere seen this letter.
<4> "Note E.  The order in the Director's letter and in the
deposition thereupon."  See De Vries, p. 215, supra.
<5> "Note F.  Resolve of the 12 delegates dated 21 Jan'y, 1642."
See _N.Y. Col. Doc., I. 414-415.
<6> Of the Haverstraw Indians.

Meanwhile God wreaked vengeance on those of Witquescheck without
our knowledge through the Mahicanders dwelling below Fort Orange,
who slew seventeen of them, and made prisoners of many women and
children.  The remainder fled through a deep snow to the
Christians' houses on and around the island Manhatens.  They were
most humanely received being half dead of cold and hunger; they
supported them for fourteen days, even corn was sent to them by
the Director.  A short time after, another panic seized the
Indians which caused them to fly to divers places in the vicinity
of the Dutch.  This opportunity to avenge the innocent blood
induced some of the Twelve Men to represent to the Director that
it was now time, whereupon they received for answer that they
should put their request in writing which was done by three in
the name of them all,<1> by a petition to be allowed to attack
those of Hackingsack in two divisions--on the Manhatens and on
Pavonia.  This was granted after a protracted discussion too
long to be reported here, so that the design was executed that
same night; the burghers slew those who lay a small league from
the fort, and the soldiers those at Pavonia, at which two places
about eighty Indians were killed and thirty taken prisoners.
Next morning before the return of the troops a man and a woman
were shot at Pavonia who had come through curiosity either to
look at or plunder the dead; the soldiers had rescued a young
child which the woman had in her arms.

<1> "Note G.  Their Petition dated 24th Feb. 1643."  _N.Y. Col.
Doc._, I. 193.  Its true date was February 22.

The Christians residing on Long Island also requested by
petition<1> to be allowed to attack and slay the Indians
thereabout; which was refused, as these especially had done
us no harm, and shewed us every friendship--(yea, had even
voluntarily killed some of the Raritans, our enemies,
hereinbefore mentioned).  Yet notwithstanding<2> some Christians
attempted secretly with two waggons to steal maize from these
Indians, out of their cabins, which they perceiving endeavored
to prevent, thereupon three Indians were shot dead, two houses
standing opposite the fort were in return forthwith set on
fire.  The Director knowing nought of this sent at once some
persons to enquire the reason of it.  The Indians showing
themselves afar off, called out--"Be ye our friends? ye are
mere corn stealers"--forth with behaving as enemies.  This
induced one of the proprietors of the burnt houses to upbraid
therewith one Maryn Adriaenzen, who at his request had led the
freemen in the attack on the Indians, and who being reinforced
by an English troop had afterwards undertaken two bootless
expeditions in the open field.  Imagining that the Director
had accused him, he being one of the signers of the petition
he determined to revenge himself.<3>  With this resolution he
proceeded to the Director's house armed with a pistol, loaded
and cocked, and a hanger by his side; coming unawares into the
Director's room, he presents his pistol at him, saying, "What
devilish lies art thou reporting of me?" but by the promptness
of one of the bystanders, the shot was prevented, and he
himself immediately confined.  A short time after, Marine's
man and another entered the fort, each carrying a loaded gun
and pistol.  The first fired at the Director who having had
notice withdrew towards his house, the balls passing into the
wall alongside the door behind him; the sentinel firing
immediately on him who had discharged his gun, brought him
down.  Shortly afterwards some of the commonalty collected
before the Director, riotously demanding the prisoner; they
were answered that their request should be presented in order
and in writing, which about 25 men did; they therein asked the
Director to pardon the criminal.  The matters were referred to
them to decide conscientiously thereupon, in such wise that
they immediately went forth, without hearing parties or seeing
any complaints or documents.  They condemn him in a fine of
five hundred guilders, and to remain three months away from
the Manhatens, but on account of the importance of the affair
and some considerations, it was resolved to send the criminal
with his trial to Holland, which...<4>

<1> "Note H.  Their petition and the answer thereto, dated 27
Feb. 1643."  Printed in _N.Y. Col. Doc._, I. 416-417.
<2> "Note I.  Contains the information thereupon."
<3> "Note K.  His trial therefor."
<4> Gap in manuscript.

In this confusion mingled with great terror passed the winter
away; the season came for driving out the cattle; this obliged
many to desire peace.  On the other hand the Indians, seeing
also that it was time to plant maize, were not less solicitous
for peace, so that after some negotiation, peace was concluded
in May Ao. 1643 [more] in consequence of the importunity of
some than because it was generally expected that it would be
durable.

The Indians kept still after this peace, associating daily
with our people; yea, even the greatest chiefs came to visit
the Director.  Meanwhile Pachem, a crafty man, ran through
all the villages urging the Indians to a general massacre.  To
this was added moreoever that certain Indians called Wappingers,
dwelling sixteen leagues up the river, with whom we never had
any the least trouble, seized on a boat coming from Fort Orange
wherein were only two men, and full four hundred beavers.  This
great booty stimulated<1> others to join them, so that they
seized two boats more, intending to overhaul the fourth also,
from which they were driven off with the loss of six Indians.
Nine Christians including two women were murdered in these
captured barks, one woman and two children remaining prisoners.
The other Indians, so soon as their maize was ripe, were
likewise roused, and through semblance of selling beavers
killed an old man and an old woman, leaving another man with
five wounds, who however fled to the fort in a boat with a
little child on his arm, who in the first outbreak had lost
father and mother, and now grandfather and grandmother, being
thus twice through God's merciful blessing rescued from the
hands of the Indians, before it was two years old.  Nothing
was now heard but murders, most of which were committed under
pretence of coming to put the Christians on their guard.

<1> "Note M.  Their acknowledgement made before the English
16 January, 1643, English style."

Finally they took the field and attacked the farms at Pavonia.
There were here at the time two ships of war and a privateer
who saved considerable cattle and grain.  Nevertheless it was
not possible to prevent the destruction of four farms on
Pavonia, which were burnt, not by open force, but by stealthily
creeping through the brush with fire in hand, thus igniting
the roofs which are all either of reed or straw; one covered
with plan was saved at that time.

The commonalty were called together; they were sore distressed.
They chose eight, in the stead of the previous twelve<1>, persons
to aid in consulting for the best; but the occupation every one
had to take care of his own, prevented anything beneficial being
adopted at that time--nevertheless it was resolved that as many
Englishmen as were to be got in the country should be enlisted,
who were indeed now proposing to depart; the third part of these
were to be paid by the commonalty; this promise was made by the
commonalty but was not followed by the pay.

<1> "Note N.  Resolve of 13 Sept'r 1643."  _N.Y. Col. Doc._, I.
194.

Terror increasing all over the land the Eight Men assembled,
drew<1> up a proposal in writing wherein they asked that
delegates should be sent to the north, to our English neighbors,
to request an auxiliary force of one hundred and fifty men, for
whose pay a bill of exchange should be given for twenty-five
thousand guilders, and that New Netherland should be so long
mortgaged to the English as security for the payment thereof.
One of the most influential among the Eight Men had by letter<2>
enforced by precedents previously endeavored to persuade the
Director to this course, as they had also a few days before
Resolved<3> that the provisions destined for Curacao should be
unloaded from the vessels and the major portion of the men
belonging to them detained, and to send the ships away thus
empty.  This was not yet agreed to nor considered expedient
by the Director.

[Here four pages are wanting.]

[An expedition was despatched consisting of ---- regular
soldiers] under the command of the sergeant,<4> forty burghers
under their Captain Jochem Pietersen,<5> thirty-five Englishmen
under Lieutenant Baxter,<6> but to prevent all confusion,
Councillor La Montagne<7> was appointed general.  Coming to
Staten Island, they marched the whole night, finding the houses
empty and abandoned by the Indian; they got five or six hundred
skepels of corn, burning the remainder without accomplishing
anything else.

<1> "Note O.  Dated 6th Octob. 1643."
<2> "Note P.  Dated 9th March, 1643."
<3> "Note Q.  In their resolution 30th September, 1643."
<4> Pieter Cock.
<5> Jochem Pietersen Kuyter, one of the Twelve Men and of the
Eight Men.
<6> George Baxter, an exile from New England, now English
secretary under Kieft.  The number of English colonists in New
Netherland, especially on Long Island, was rapidly increasing.
<7> Dr. Johannes la Montagne, a Hugeunot physician, who with
Kieft constituted the council of the province.

Mayane, a sachem, residing eight leagues northeast of us,
between Greenwich (that lies within our jurisdiction) and
Stantfort,<1> which is English,--a bold Indian who alone dared
to attack with bow and arrows three Christians armed with guns,
one of whom he shot dead--whilst engaged with the other, was
killed by the third Christian and his head brought hither.  It
was then known and understood for the first time, that he and
his Indians had done as much injury, though we never had any
difference with him.  Understanding further that they lay in
their houses very quiet and without suspicion on account of
the neighborhood of the English, it was determined to hunt
them up and attack them, and one hundred and twenty men were
went thither under the preceding command.  The people landed
at Greenwich in the evening from three yachts, marched the
entire night but could not find the Indians, either because
the guide brought this about on purpose, as was believed, or
because he had himself gone astray.  Retreat was made to the
yachts in order to depart as secretly as possible.  Passing
through Stantfort some Englishmen were encountered who
offered to lead ours to the place where some Indians were.
Thereupon four scouts were sent in divers directions to
discover them, who at their return reported that the Indians
had some notice of our people by the salute which the
Englishmen gave us, but without any certainty, whereupon
five and twenty of the bravest men were at once commanded to
proceed thither to the nearest village.  With great diligence
they made the journey, killing eighteen or twenty Indians,
capturing an old man, two women and some children, to exchange
for ours.  The other troops found the huts empty, and further
came hither with the yachts.

<1> Stamford.

The old Indian captured above having promised to lead us to
Wetquescheck, which consisted of three castles, sixty-five
men were despatched under Baxter and Pieter Cock, who found
them empty, though thirty Indians could have stood against
two hundred soldiers since the castles were constructed of
plank five inches thick, nine feet high, and braced around
with thick balk full of port-holes.  Our people burnt two,
reserving the third for a retreat.  Marching eight or nine
leagues further, they discovered nothing but some huts, which
they could not surprize as they were discovered.  They came
back having killed only one or two Indians, taken some women
and children prisoners and burnt much corn.  Meanwhile we
were advised that Pennewitz,<1> one of the oldest and most
experienced Indians in the country, and who in the first
conspiracy had given the most dangerous advice--to wit, that
they should wait and not attack the Dutch until all suspicion
had been lulled, and then divide themselves equally through
the houses of the Christians and slaughter all these in one
night--was secretly waging war against us with his tribe,
who killed some of our people and set fire to the houses.  It
was therefore resolved to send thither a troop of one hundred
and twenty men.  The burghers under their company, the English
under the Sergeant Major Van der Hyl<2> (who within a few days
had offered his services and was accepted), the veteran
soldiers under Pieter Cock, all under the command of Mr. La
Montagne, proceed hence in three yachts, land in Scouts Bay
on Long Island,<3> and march towards Heemstede<4> (where there
is an English colony dependent on us.)  Some sent forward in
advance dexterously killed an Indian who was out as a spy.
Our force was divided into two divisions--Van der Hil with
fourteen English towards the smallest, and eighty men towards
the largest village named Matsepe,<5> both which were very
successful, killing about one hundred and twenty men; of ours
one man remained on the field and three were wounded.

<1> Chief of the Canarsee tribe, in western Long Island.
<2> John Underhill, whose unctuous piety and profligate life
have an important place in Winthrop and other New England
historians.  With Captain John Mason he had the leading part
in the crushing of the Pequots in 1637.  Banished from
Massachusetts and restored, this amusing reprobate had gone
to the Dutch, "having good offers made him by the Dutch governor
(he speaking the Dutch tongue and his wife a Dutch woman)," but
had now settled at Stamford.  Later he lived at Flushing and at
Oyster Bay, where he died in 1672.
<3> Now called Manhasset Bay.
<4> Now Hempstead, Long Island, where early in 1644 Robert
Fordham and other English from Stamford had formed a colony
under New Netherland jurisdiction.
<5> Mespath, now Newtown, Long Island.
<6> Stamford.

Our forces being returned from this expedition, Capt. Van der
Hil was despatched to Stantfort,<1> to get some information
there of the Indians.  He reported that the guide who had
formerly served us, and was supposed to have gone astray in
the night, had now been in great danger of his life among the
Indians, of whom there were about five hundred together.  He
offered to lead us there, to shew that the former mischance
was not his fault.  One hundred and thirty men were accordingly
despatched under the aforesaid Genl Van der Hil and Hendrick
van Dyck, ensign.  They embarked in three yachts, and landed at
Greenwich, where they were obliged to pass the night by reason
of the great snow and storm.  In the morning they marched
northwest up over stony hills over which some must creep.  In
the evening about eight o'clock they came within a league of
the Indians, and inasmuch as they should have arrived too
early and had to cross two rivers, one of two hundred feet
wide and three deep, and that the men could not afterwards there
rest in consequence of the cold, it was determined to remain
there until about ten o'clock.  The order was given as to the
mode to be observed in attacking the Indians--they marched
forward towards the houses, the latter being set up in three
rows, street fashion, each row eighty paces long, in a low
recess protected by the hills, affording much shelter from the
northwest wind.  The moon was then at the full, and threw a
strong light against the hills so that many winter days were
not brighter than it then was.  On arriving there the Indians
were wide awake, and on their guard, so that ours determined
to charge and surround the houses, sword in hand.  They demeaned
themselves as soldiers and deployed in small bands, so that we
got in a short time one dead and twelve wounded.  They were also
so hard pressed that it was impossible for one to escape.  In a
brief space of time there were counted one hundred and eighty
dead outside the houses.  Presently none durst come forth,
keeping within the houses, discharging arrows through the holes.
The general perceived that nothing else was to be done, and
resolved with Sergeant Major Van der Hil, to set the huts on
fire, whereupon the Indians tried every means of escape, not
succeeding in which they returned back to the flames preferring
to perish by the fire than to die by our hands.  What was most
wonderful is, that among this vast collection of men, women and
children not one was heard to cry or to scream.  According to
the report of the Indians themselves the number then destroyed
exceeded five hundred.  Some say, full seven hundred, among
whom were also twenty-five Wappingers, our God having collected
together there the greater number of our enemies, to celebrate
one of their festivals in their manner, from which escaped no
more than eight men in all, and three of them were severely
wounded.

The fight ended, several fires were built in consequence of
the great cold.  The wounded, fifteen in number, among whom
was the general, were dressed, and the sentinels being posted
the troops bivouacked there for the remainder of the night.  On
the next day, the party set out very early in good order, so
as to arrive at Stantfort in the evening.  They marched with
great courage over that wearisome range of hills, God affording
extraordinary strength to the wounded, some of whom were badly
hurt; and came in the afternoon to Stantfort after a march of
two days and one night and little rest.  The English received
our people in a very friendly manner, affording them every
comfort.  In two days they reached here.  A thanksgiving was
proclaimed on their arrival.

[The remainder is wanting.]

<1> Stamford.




  ETEXT "JOURNAL OF NEW NETHERLAND."





BEGIN PROJECT GUTENBERG ETEXT "REPRESENTATION OF NEW NETHERLAND"




Reference material and sources.

Adriaen van der Donck, The Representation of New
Netherland, 1650.  In J. Franklin Jameson, ed.,
Narratives of New Netherland, 1609-1664 (Original
Narratives of Early American History).  NY: Charles
Scribner's Sons, 1909.




INTRODUCTION

The fussy incompetence of Kieft and the disastrous results
of the Indian war he had aroused led at last to his removal,
and in May, 1647, a new director-general arrived, Petrus
Stuyvesant, who had made a good record as governor of Curacao
in the West Indies.  Stuyvesant, the last of the Dutch
governors, was a man of character, brave, honest, capable and
energetic; but he was proud, headstrong and tyrannical, and
had such high notions of a governor's prerogative that from
the first he conceived a prejudice against the opponents of
Kieft, and presently Kuyter and Melyn were condemned to severe
punishment for attempting to bring the latter to justice.

The new director-general was bent on pursuing a vigorous policy
toward encroaching English and Swedish neighbors, on repressing
the high claims of the patroon's officers at Rensselaerswyck,
on putting the province in good condition for defence, on
suppressing illegal trading, especially the supplying of fire-
arms to the Indians, and on regulating with a strong hand all
the doings of his small body of subjects.  But such a policy
costs money, and to obtain it by taxation he found himself
compelled in August, 1647, like many another arbitrary ruler,
to summon reluctantly the representatives of the people.
Carefully as the functions of the Nine Men were limited, they
constituted a permanent element in the governmental system, as
the Twelve Men and Eight Men had not.  It was inevitable that
sooner or later they should become the mouthpiece of popular
discontent, which was rapidly increasing under the unprosperous
condition of the province and the burdensome taxes, customs
and other restrictions imposed upon its economic life.

In December, 1648, the board was partly renewed.  One of the
new members, Adriaen van der Donck, a lawyer from Breda, who
from 1641 to 1646 had been schout for the patroon at
Renssellaerwyck, soon became the leading spirit of the new
board.  Their sense of popular grievances increasing, they
planned to send a deputation to the mother country to
remonstrate.  Stuyvesant opposed, arrested Van der Donck,
seized some of his papers, and expelled him from the board.
Nevertheless, a bold memorial to the States General was
prepared, and was signed on July 26, 1649, "in the name and
on the behalf of the commonalty of New Netherland," by Van
der Donck and ten others, present or former members of the
board of Nine Men.  In this memorial, which is printed in
_Documents relating to the Colonial History of New York_, I.
259-261, the representatives request the Dutch government to
enact measures for the encouragement of emigration to the
province, to grant "suitable municipal [or civil] government,
...somewhat resembling the laudable government of the
Fatherland," to accord greater economic freedom, and to
settle with foreign governments those disputes respecting
colonial boundaries and jurisdiction the constant agitation
of which so unsettled the province and impeded its growth.

The following document accompanied the memorial, bearing date
two days later, July 28, 1649, and was signed by the same
eleven men.  It is considered probable that Adriaen van der
Donck was its main author.  Its first part, descriptive of
the province, reads like a preliminary sketch for his
_Beschryvinge van Nieuw-Nederlant_ ("Description of New
Netherland"), a very interesting work published at Amsterdam
six years later (1665, second edition 1656), and of which a
translation appears in the _Collections of the New York
Historical Society_, second series, I. 125-242.

With respect to the remaining, or political portion of its
contents, it is only fair for the reader to remember that
it is a body of ex parte statements, and should be compared
with those made on behalf of the administration by Secretary
van Tienhoven in his _Answer_, the document immediately
following this.  Stuyvesant, whatever his faults of temper--
love of autocratic power, lack of sympathy with the life of
a community already far from austere, vindictiveness even--
conceived of his province as a political community, not
solely as a commercial possession, and honestly tried to
govern it with an eye to its own best interest.  The directors,
moreover, could truthfully say that many of their narrowest
actions were prescribed by their instructions from the West
India Company.  While the States General were often capable
of taking a statesmanlike view of New Netherland, and as it
lost control of the former found itself involved in greater
and greater financial embarrassments, which made it increasingly
difficult to do justice to the latter.  We may also set down
on the credit side of the account that though the administration
was slow to concede representative institutions to the province,
it did not a little to organize local self-government, Kieft
granting village rights, with magistrates and local courts of
justice, to Hampstead in 1644, to Flushing in 1645, to Brooklyn
in 1646, while Stuyvesant bestowed such rights on a dozen towns
during his seventeen years' rule and gave New Amsterdam a
somewhat restricted municipal government in 1653.

Of those whose signatures follow Van der Donck's at the end
of the _Representation_, Augustin Herrman was a Bohemian of
Prague, who had served in Wallenstein's army, had come out to
New Netherland in 1633 as agent of a mercantile house of
Amsterdam, and had become an influential merchant.  A man of
various accomplishments, he probably made the drawing of New
Amsterdam which is reproduced at the foot of Van der Donck's
map in this volume.  Later he made for Lord Baltimore a fine
map of Maryland, and received as his reward the princely estate
of Bohemia Manor.  Arnoldus van Hardenberg, another merchant,
had been a victim of judicial oppression by both Kieft and
Stuyvesant.  Jacob van Couwenhoven had come out in 1633 and
resided at first at Rensselaerswyck; he was afterward of note
as speculator and brewer in New Amsterdam.  Oloff Stevensz
van Cortlant had been store-keeper for the Company and deacon
of the church; later he was burgomaster of New Amsterdam.
Michiel Jansz and Thomas Hall were farmers, the latter, the
first English settler in New York State, having come to
Manhattan as a deserter from George Holmes's abortive expedition
of 1635 against Fort Nassau on South River.  Elbert Elertsz
was a weaver, Hendrick Kip a tailor.  Govert Loockermans, on
the other hand, brother-in-law to both Couwenhoven and
Cortlandt, was the chief merchant and Indian trader of the
province, often in partnership with Isaac Allerton the former
Pilgrim of Plymouth.  Lastly, Jan Everts Bout, a farmer, had
formerly been superintendent for Pauw at Pavonia.  Characterizations
of these men, by an unfriendly hand, may be seen at the end
of Van Tienhoven's _Answer_ to this _Representation_.

Three of the signers, Van der Donck, Couwenhoven and Bout,
were deputed to go to the Netherlands and present the
_Representation_ to the States General, while Stuyvesant sent
Secretary van Tienhoven to counteracat their efforts.  The
Voluminous papers which both parties presented to their High
Mightinesses were referred to a committee, which in April,
1650, submitted a draft of a reformed and more liberal government
for the province.  The delegates caused their _Representation_
to be printed, in a pamphlet of forty-nine pages, now very
rare, under the title, _Vertoogh van Nieu-Neder-Land, Weghens
de Ghelegentheydt, Vruchtbaerheydt, en Soberen Staet desselfs_
(Hague, 1650), i.e., "Representation of New Netherland, concerning
its Location, Productiveness and Poor Condition."  Much discussion
was aroused.  "The name of New Netherland," wrote the Amsterdam
chamber of the Company to Stuyvesant, "was scarcely ever
mentioned before, and now it would seem as if heaven and earth
were interested in it."  So effective an exposition of the
colony's value and of its misgovernment could not fail to awaken
consideration and sympathy.  Nevertheless, the company, aided
by the _Answer_ which Van Tienhoven submitted in November, 1650,
were able to ride out the storm, and to temporize until the
outbreak of the war of 1652-1654 with England put a new face on
colonial affairs.  A few concessions were made--the export duty
on tobacco was taken off, and a municipal government allowed to
New Amsterdam, now a town of 700 or 800 inhabitants (1653).  But
no serious alteration in the provincial government resulted.
"Our Grand Duke of Muscovy," wrote one of Stuyvesant's subordinates
to Van der Donck, "keeps on as of old."  Disaffection among the
Dutch settlers never ceased till the English conquest, though on
the other hand the English settlers on Long Island were much
better disposed toward Stuyvesant's government, and were treated
by him with more favor.

Van der Donck's two companions returned to New Netherland before
long.  He, however, remained in the old country until the summer
of 1653, occupied with the business of his mission, with legal
studies, taking the degree of doctor of laws at he University of
Leyden, and with the preparation of his _Beschryvinge van Nieus-
Nederlant_.  The States General gave him a copyright for it in
May, 1653, but the first edition was not published till 1655.  In
that year the author died, leaving to his widow his estate, or
"colonie," which he called Colendonck.  The name of Yonkers,
where it was situated, perpetuates his title of gentility
(Jonkheer van der Donck).

The original manuscript of the _Representation_ is still preserved
in the archives of the Netherlands, and a translation of it was
printed in 1856 in _Documents relating to the Colonial History
of New York_, I. 271-318, and reprinted in _Pennsylvania Archives_,
second series, V. 124-170.  A translation of the printed tract,
the text of which differs but very slightly from that of the
manuscript, was made by Hon. Henry C. Murphy and printed in
1849 in the _Collections of the New York Historical Society_,
second series, II. 251-329.  It exists also in a separate form
as a pamphlet, and, combined with the _Breeden Raedt_, in a
volume privately printed in an edition of 125 copies by Mr.
James Lenox.  It is this translation which, revised by Professor
A. Clinton Crowell, is printed in the following pages.




THE REPRESENTATION OF NEW NETHERLAND, 1650

The Representation of New Netherland concerning its
Location, Productiveness, and Poor Condition.

AMONG all the people in the world, industrious in
seeking out foreign lands, navigable waters and trade,
those who bear the name of Netherlanderse, will very
easily hold their place with the first, as is sufficiently
known to all those who have in any wise saluted the
threshold of history, and as will also be confirmed by
the following relation.  The country of which we propose
to speak, was first discovered in the year of our Lord
1609, by the ship Half Moon, of which Hendrik Hutson was
master and supercargo--at the expense of the chartered
East India Company, though in search of a different
object.  It was subsequently called New Netherland by
our people, and very justly, as it was first discovered
and possessed by Netherlanders, and at their cost; so
that even at the present day, those natives of the
country who are so old as to recollect when the Dutch
ships first came here, declare that when they saw them,
they did not know what to make of them, and could not
comprehend whether they came down from Heaven, or were
of the Devil.  Some among them, when the first one
arrived, even imagined it to be a fish, or some monster
of the sea, and accordingly a strange report of it spread
over the whole land.  We have also heard the savages
frequently say, that they knew nothing of any other part
of the world, or any other people than their own, before
the arrival of the Netherlanders.  For these reasons,
therefore, and on account of the similarity of climate,
situation and fertility, this place is rightly called New
Netherland.  It is situated on the northerly coast of
America, in the latitude of 38, 39, 40, 41 and 42 degrees,
or thereabouts, coast-wise.  It is bounded on the northeast
by New England, and on the southwest by Virginia.  The
coast runs nearly southwest and northeast, and is washed by
the ocean.  On the north is the river of Canada, a large
river running far into the interior.  The northwest side is
still partially unknown.

The land is naturally fruitful, and capable of supporting
a large population, if it were judiciously allotted according
to location.  The air is pleasant here, and more temperate
than in the Netherlands.  The winds are changeable, and blow
from all points, but generally from the southwest and
northwest; the former prevailing in summer, and the latter
in winter, at times very sharply, but constituting, nevertheless,
the greatest blessing to the country as regards the health of
the people, for being very strong and pure, it drives far
inland or consumes all damps and superfluous moisture.  The
coast is generally clean and sandy, the beach detached and
broken into islands.  Eastward from the North River lies Long
Island, about forty leagues in length, forming a fine wide
river, which falls at either end into the ocean, and affording
a very convenient passage between the shores which is protected
from the dangers of the sea by a great number of good bays and
other places of anchorage, so that vessels even in winter can
readily pass east and west.  Towards the south approaching
the South River, there are several inlets, but they are muddy
and sandy, though after proper experiments they could be used.
Inside these again there are large streams and meadows, but
the waters are for the most part shallow.  Along the seacoast
the land is generally sandy or gravelly, not very high, but
tolerably fertile, so that for the most part it is covered
over with beautiful trees.  The country is rolling in many
places, with some high mountains, and very fine flats and
maize lands, together with large meadows, salt and fresh, all
making very fine hay land.  It is overgrown with all kinds of
trees, standing without order, as in other wildernesses,
except that the maize lands, plains and meadows have few or
no trees, and these with little pains might be made into good
arable land.

The seasons are the same as in the Netherlands, but the
summer is warmer and begins more suddenly.  The winter is
cold, and further inland, or towards the most northerly part,
colder than in the Netherlands.  It is also subject to much
snow, which remains long on the ground, and in the interior,
three, four and five months; but near the seacoast it is
quickly dissolved by the southerly winds.  Thunder, lightning,
rain, showers, hail, snow, frost, dew and the like, are the
same as in the Netherlands, except that in the summer sudden
gusts of wind are somewhat more frequent.

The land is adapted to the production of all kinds of
winter and summer fruits, and with less trouble and
tilling than in the Netherlands.  It produces different
kinds of woods, suitable for building houses and ships,
whether large or small, consisting of oaks of various
kinds, as post-oak, white smooth bark, white rough bark,
gray bark, black bark, and still another kind which they
call, from its softness, butter oak, the poorest of all,
and not very valuable; the others, if cultivated as in
the Netherlands, would be equal to any Flemish or Brabant
oaks.  It also yields several species of nut wood, in
great abundance, such as oil-nuts, large and small; walnut
of different sizes, in great abundance, and good for fuel,
for which it is much used, and chestnut, the same as in
the Netherlands, growing in the woods without order.
There are three varieties of beech--water beech, common
Beech, and hedge beech--also axe-handle wood, two species
of canoe wood, ash, birch, pine, fir, juniper or wild
cedar, linden, alder, willow, thorn, elder, and many other
kinds useful for many purposes, but unknown to us by name,
and which we will be glad to submit to the carpenters for
further examination.

The indigenous fruits consist principally of acorns, some
of which are very sweet; nuts of different kinds, chestnuts,
beechnuts, but not many mulberries, plums, medlars, wild
cherries, black currants, gooseberries, hazel nuts in great
quantities, small apples, abundant strawberries throughout
the country, with many other fruits and roots which the
savages use.  There is also plenty of bilberries or blueberries,
together with ground-nuts and artichokes, which grow under
ground.  Almost the whole land is full of vines, in the wild
woods as well as on the maize lands and flats; but they grow
principally near to and upon the banks of the brooks, streams
and rivers, which are numerous, and run conveniently and
pleasantly everywhere, as if they were planted there.  The
grapes comprise many varieties, some white, some very fleshy,
and only fit to make raisins of, others on the contrary juicy;
some are very large and others small.  The juice is pleasant,
and some of it as white as French or Rhenish wine; some is
a very deep red, like Tent,<1> and some is paler.  The vines
run much on the trees, and are shaded by their leaves, so
that the grapes ripen late and are a little sour; but with
the intelligent assistance of man, as fine wines would
undoubtedly be made here as in any other country.  In regard
to other fruits, all those which grow in the Netherlands
also grow very well in New Netherland, without requiring as
much care to be bestowed upon them as is necessary there.
Garden fruits succeed very well, yet are drier, sweeter, and
more agreeable than in the Netherlands; for proof of which
we may easily instance musk-melons, citrons or watermelons,<2>
which in New Netherland grow right in the open fields, if
the briars and weeds are kept from them, while in the
Netherlands they require the close care of amateurs, or
those who cultivate them for profit in gardens, and then
they are neither so perfect by far, nor so palatable, as
they are in New Netherland.  In general all kinds of
pumpkins and the like are also much drier, sweeter and more
delicious, which is caused by the temperateness and amenity
of the climate.

The tame cattle are in size and other respects about the
same as in the Netherlands, but the English cattle and swine
thrive and grow best, appearing to be better suited to the
country than those from Holland.  They require, too, less
trouble, expense and attention; for it is not necessary in
winter to look after such as are dry, or the swine, except
that in the time of a deep snow they should have some
attention.  Milch cows also are much less trouble than they
are in Holland, as most of the time, if any care be requisite,
it is only for the purpose of giving them occasionally a
little hay.

The wild animals are principally lines,<3> but they are few;
bears, of which there are many, elks and deer in great numbers,
some of which are entirely white, and others wholly black.
The savages say that the white deer are of very great
consequence in the estimation of the other deer, and are
exceedingly beloved, regarded and honored by the others, but
that the reverse is true of the black deer.  There are various
other large animals in the interior, but they are unknown to
the Christians.  There are also wolves, dangerous only to
small cattle, beavers, otters, weasels, wild cats, foxes,
raccoons, minks, hares, musk-rats, about as large as cats,
pole-cats and squirrels, some of which can fly.  There are
also ground-hogs and other small animals, but they are for
the most part, as we have said, not known to the Christians.

<1> A deep-red Spanish wine.
<2> The original has water-limoenen, water-citrons, for the
watermelon, little known in Dutch gardens at this time, was
regarded rather as a citron than as a melon.
<3> Panthers.

Of birds this country is by no means without its share.
There are great numbers of birds of prey, as eagles of two
kinds--the bald-headed, which has the head, tail and
principal wing-feathers white, and the common kind; hawks,
buzzards, sparrow-hawks, crows, chicken-hawks, and many
others, yet all are birds of prey and capable of being
trained and used for hunting, though they differ somewhat
in shape from those in the Netherlands.  There is also a
bird which has its head like a cat, and its body like a
large owl, colored white.<1>  We know no name for it in the
Netherlands, but in France it is called grand duc, and is
esteemed very highly.

<1> The cat-owl or great barred own, bubo Virginianus.  It
is not white, but neither is the grand duc, the European bubo.
Van der Donck, in his _Beschryvinge_, says, "of a light ash
color."

The other birds found in this country are turkies, the same
as in the Netherlands, but they are wild, and are plentiest
and best in winter; several kinds of partridges, some
smaller than in the Netherlands, others larger, curlews,
wood and water snipes, pheasants, heath-hens, cranes, herons,
bitterns, multitudes of pigeons resembling ringdoves, but a
little smaller; quails, merlins, thrushes, shore-runners,
but in some respects different from those of the Netherlands.
There are other small birds, some of which sing, but the
names of most of them are unknown to us, and would take too
long to enumerate.  Water fowl are found here of different
kinds, but all very good and fit to eat; such as the swans,
similar to those in Netherlands and full as large; three
kinds of geese, gray geese, which are the largest and best,
bernicles and white-headed geese, ducks of different kinds,
widgeons, divers, coots, cormorants and several others,
but not so abundant as the foregoing.

The river fish are almost the same as in the Netherlands,
comprising salmon, sturgeon, twelves, thirteens,<1> shad,
carp, perch, pike, trout, roach, thickhead, suckers,
sunfish, eel, nine-eyes or lampreys, both much more
abundant and larger than in the Netherlands, besides many
other valuable fish which we are unable to name.

<1> Striped bass and drum-fish.

In the salt water are caught codfish, haddock, weakfish,
herring, mackerel, thornbacks, flounders, plaice, sheepshead,
blackfish, sea-dogs, panyns and many others; also lobsters,
crabs, great cockles, from which the Indians make the white
and black zeewant, oysters and muscles in great quantities
with many other kinds of shell-fish very similar to each
other, for which we know no names, besides sea and land
tortoises.

The venomous animals consist, for the most part, of adders
and lizards, though they are harmless or nearly so.  There
are snakes of different kinds, which are not dangerous and
flee before men if they possibly can, else they are usually
beaten to death.  The rattlesnakes, however, which have a
rattle on the tail, with which they rattle very loudly when
they are angry or intend to sting, and which grows every
year a joint larger, are very malignant and do not readily
retreat before a man or any other creature.  Whoever is
bitten by them runs great danger of his life, unless great
care be taken; but fortunately they are not numerous, and
there grown spontaneously in the country the true snakeroot,
which is very highly esteemed by the Indians as an unfailing
cure.

The medicinal plants found in New Netherland up to the
present time, by little search, as far as they have come to
our knowledge, consist principally of Venus' hair, hart's
tongue, lingwort, polypody, white mullein, priest's shoe,
garden and sea-beach orach, water germander, tower-mustard,
sweet flag, sassafras, crowfoot, platain, shepherd's purse,
mallows, wild marjoram, crane's bill, marsh-mallows, false
eglantine, laurel, violet, blue flag, wild indigo, solomon's
seal, dragon's blood, comfrey, milfoil, many sorts of fern,
wild lilies of different kinds, agrimony, wild leek, blessed
thistle, snakeroot, Spanish figs which grow out of the
leaves,<2> tarragon and numerous other plants and flowers;
but as we are not skilled in those things, we cannot say
much of them; yet it is not to be doubted that experts
would be able to find many simples of great and different
virtues, in which we have confidence, principally because
the Indians know how to cure very dangerous and perilous
wounds and sores by roots, leaves and other little things.

<2> Probably the prickly pear.

It is certain that the Indigo silvestris grows here
spontaneously without human aid.  It could be easily
cultivated if there were people who would undertake it;
at least, the other species would grow very well and
yield a good profit.  We have seen proof of this in the
colony of Renselaerswyck, though it was all sown too late
and upon a barren rock where there was little earth.  It
came up very well, but in consequence of the drought turned
very yellow and withered, and was neglected; nevertheless
it was evident that if it were well covered it would succeed.
Madder plants also would undoubtedly grow well both in
field and gardens, and better than in Zeeland.

There may be discovered casually or by little search,
different minerals, upon some of which tests have been
made according to our limited means, and which are found
good.  We have attempted several times to send specimens
of them to the Netherlands, once with Arent van Corenben
by way of New Haven and of England, but the ship was
wrecked and no tidings of it have ever been received.<1>
After that Director William Kieft also had many different
specimens with him in the ship the Princess, but they were
lost in her with him.<2>  The mountains and mines
nevertheless remain, and are easily to be found again
whenever it may be thought proper to go to the labor and
expense.  In New England they have already progressed so
far as to make castings of iron pots, tankards, balls and
the like out of their minerals, and we firmly believe all
that is wanting here is to have a beginning made; for there
are in New Netherland two kinds of marcasite, and mines of
white and yellow quicksilver, of gold, silver, copper,
iron, black lead and hard coal.  It is supposed that tin
and lead will also be found; but who will seek after them
or who will make use of them as long as there are not
more people?

<1> Arent Corssen.  Van der Donck says that he and Kieft
saw an Indian painting his face with a shining mineral.
They had it assayed, and it proved to contain gold.  Arent
Corssen, sent to Holland with a bag of it, embarked early
in 1646 in the "great ship" of New Haven, Captain George
Lamberton, for whose return into the harbor as a phantom
ship, months afterward, see Cotton Mather's _Magnalia_,
I. 84 (ed. of 1853), and Longfellow's poem, "The Phantom
Ship."

<2> In August, 1647, some months after Stuyvesant's
arrival, Kieft sailed for Holland.  With him sailed his
enemy Domine Bogardus, and the chief victims of his and
Stuyvesant's persecution, Kuyter and Melyn.  The ship
was wrecked on the Welsh coast.  Kieft was drowned; his
opponents escaped.

Fuller's earth is found in abundance, and [Armenian] bole;
also white, red, yellow, blue and black clay very solid
and greasy, and should be suitable for many purposes;
earth for bricks and for tiles, mountain-chrystal, glass
like that of Muscovy,<1> green serpentine stone in great
abundance, blue limestone, slate, red grindstone, flint,
paving stone, large quantities of all varieties of quarry
stone suitable for hewing mill-stones and for building
all kinds of walls, asbestos and very many other kinds
applicable to the use of man.  There are different paints,
but the Christians are not skilled in them.  They are
seen daily on the Indians, who understand their nature
and use them to paint themselves in different colors.  If
it were not that explorers are wanting, our people would
be able to find them and provide themselves with them.

<1> Mica.

Of the Americans or Natives, their Appearance, Occupations,
and Means of Support.

The natives are generally well set in their limbs, slender
round the waist, broad across the shoulders, and have
black hair and dark eyes.  They are very nimble and fleet,
well adapted to travel on foot and to carry heavy burdens.
They are foul and slovenly in their actions, and make
little of all kinds of hardship; to which indeed they are
by nature and from their youth accustomed.  They are like
the Brazilians in color, or as yellow as the people who
sometimes pass through the Netherlands and are called
Gypsies.  The men generally have no beard, or very little,
which some even pull out.  They use very few words, which
they consider well.  Naturally they are very modest,
simple and inexperienced; though in their actions high-
minded enough, vigorous and quick to comprehend or learn,
be it right or wrong, whenever they are so inclined.  They
are not straightforward as soldiers but perfidious,
accomplishing all their enterprises by treachery, using
many strategems to deceive their enemies, and usually
ordering all their plans, involving any danger, by night.
The desire of revenge appears to be born in them.  They
are very obstinate in defending themselves when they
cannot run, which however they do when they can; and they
make little of death when it is inevitable, and despire
all tortures which can be inflicted upon them while dying,
manifesting no sorrow, but usually singing until they are
dead.  They understand how to cure wounds and hurts, or
inveterate sores and injuries, by means of herbs and
roots, which grow in the country, and which are known to
them.  Their clothing, both for men and women, is a
piece of duffels or leather in front, with a deer skin or
elk's hide over the body.  Some have bears' hides of which
they make doublets; others have coats made of the skins
of raccoons, wild-cats, wolves, dogs, otters, squirrels,
beavers and the like, and also of turkey's feathers.  At
present they use for the most part duffels cloth, which
they obtain in barter from the Christians.  They make
their stockings and shoes of deer skins or elk's hide,
and some have shoes made of corn-husks, of which they
also make sacks.  Their money consists of white and black
zeewant, which they themselves make.  Their measure and
valuation is by the hand or by the fathom; but their corn
is measured by deontas, which are bags they make themselves.
Ornamenting themselves consists in cutting their bodies,
or painting them with various colors, sometimes even all
black, if they are in mourning, yet generally in the face.
They hang zeewant, both white and black, about their heads,
which they otherwise are not want to cover, but on which
they are now beginning to wear hats and caps bought of the
Christians.  They also put it in their ears, and around
their necks and bodies, wherewith after their manner they
appear very fine.  They have long deer's hair which is
dyed red, and of which they make rings for the head, and
other fine hair of the same color, to hang from the neck
like tresses, of which they are very proud.  They frequently
smear their skin and hair with difference kinds of grease.
They can almost all swim.  They themselves make the boats
they use, which are of two kinds, some of entire trees,
which they hollow out with fire, hatchets and adzes, and
which the Christians call canoes; others are made of bark,
which they manage very skilfully, and which are also called
canoes.

Traces of the institution of marriage can just be perceived
among them, and nothing more.  A man and woman join
themselves together without any particular ceremony other
than that the man by previous agreement with the woman gives
her some zeewant or cloth, which on their separation, if it
happens soon, he often takes again.  Both men and women
are utterly unchaste and shamelessly promiscuous in their
intercourse, which is the cause of the men so often changing
their wives and the women their husbands.  Ordinarily they
have but one wife, sometimes two or three, but this is
generally among the chiefs.  They have also among them
different conditions of persons, such as noble and ignoble.
The men are generally lazy, and do nothing until they
become old and unesteemed, when they make spoons, wooden
bowls, bags, nets and other similar articles; beyond this
the men do nothing except fish, hunt and go to war.  The
women are compelled to do the rest of the work, such as
planting corn, cutting and drawing fire-wood, cooking,
taking care of the children and whatever else there is to
be done.  Their dwellings consist of hickory saplings,
placed upright in the ground and bent arch-wise; the tops
are covered with barks of trees, which they cut for this
purpose in great quantities.  Some even have within them
rough carvings of faces and images, but these are generally
in the houses of the chiefs.  In the fishing and hunting
seasons, they lie under the open sky or little better.
They do not live long in one place, but move about several
times in a year, at such times and to such places as it
appears best and easiest for them to obtain subsistence.

They are divided into different tribes and languages,
each tribe living generally by itself and having one of
its number as a chief, though he has not much power or
distinction except in their dances or in time of war.
Among some there is not the least knowledge of God, and
among others very little, though they relate many strange
fables concerning Him.

They are in general much afraid of the Devil, who torments
them greatly; and some give themselves up to him, and
hold the strangest notions about him.  But their devils,
they say, will have nothing to do with the Dutch.  No
haunting of spirits and the like are heard of among them.
They make offerings to the Devil sometimes, but with few
solemnities.  They believe in the immortality of the soul.
They have some knowledge of the sun, moon and stars, of
which they are able to name many, and they judge tolerably
well about the weather.  There is hardly any law or
justice among them, except sometimes in war matters, and
then very little.  The nearest of blood is the avenger.
The youngest are the most courageous, and do for the most
part what they please.  Their weapons formerly were the
bow and arrow, which they employ with wonderful skill, and
the cudgel, but they now, that is, those who lives near
the Christians or have many dealings with them, generally
use firelocks and hatchets, which they obtain in trade.
They are exceedingly fond of guns, sparing no expense for
them; and are so skilful in the use of them that they
surpass many Christians.  Their food is coarse and simple,
drinking water as their only beverage, and eating the
flesh of all kinds of animals which the country affords,
cooked without being cleansed or dressed.  They eat even
badgers, dogs, eagles and such like trash, upon which
Christians place no value.  They use all kinds of fish,
which they commonly cook without removing the entrails,
and snakes, frogs and the like.  They know how to preserve
fish and meat until winter, and to cook them with corn-
meal.  They make their bread of maize, but it is very
plain, and cook it either whole or broken in a pestle
block.  The women do this and make of it a pap or porridge,
which some of them call Sapsis,<1> others Enimdare, and
which is their daily food.  They mix this also sometimes
with small beans of different colors, which they plant
themselves, but this is held by them as a dainty dish
more than as daily food.

<1> Probably a misprint for sapaan.  For the next word,
the manuscript has Duundare.

By whom New Netherland was first Possessed and what its
Boundaries are.

That New Netherland was first found, claimed and possessed
by Netherlanders, has already been stated; but inasmuch
as a dispute has arisen, not only with the Swedes (which
is of little moment) but especially with the English,
who have already entered upon and seized a great part
thereof, it is necessary to speak of each claim in
particular and somewhat at large.  But because this
matter has been treated upon by various ingenious minds
in its length and breadth, and as those claims are so
absurd as to require only a few reasons in answer to
them, we will be as brief as in any wise practicable.

After Their High Mightinesses, the Lords States General,
were pleased, in the year of our Lord 1622,<1> to include
this province in their grant to the Honorable West India
Company, their Honors deemed it necessary to take into
possession so naturally beautiful and noble a province,
which was immediately done, as opportunity offered, the
same as in all similar beginnings.  Since the year of our
Lord 1623, four forts have been built there by order of
the Lords Directors,<2> one on the south point of the
Manhatans Island, where the East and North Rivers unite,
called New Amsterdam, where the staple-right<3> of New
Netherland was designed to be; another upon the same
River, six-and-thirty Dutch miles [leagues] higher up,
and three leagues below the great Kochoos<4> fall of the
Mohawk River, on the west side of the river, in the colony
of Renselaerswyck, and is called Orange; but about this
river there a been as yet no dispute with any foreigners.
Upon the South River lies Fort Nassau and upon the Fresh
River, the Good Hope.  In these four forts there have
been always from the beginning to the present time some
garrisons, although they are all now in a very bad
condition, not only in themselves but also as regards
garrisons.

<1> 1621.
<2> Heeren Majores, the managers or directors of the Company.
<3> Staple-right is a privilege granted to the inhabitants
of a place, whereby the masters of vessels or merchants
trading along their coasts are compelled to discharge their
cargoes there for sale, or else pay duties.
<4> Cohoes.

These forts, both to the south and north, are so situated
as not only to close and control the said rivers, but also
to command the plantations between them, as well as those
round about them, and on the other side of the river as
far as the ownership by occupation extends.  These the
Honorable Company declared they owned and would maintain
against all foreign or domestic powers who should attempt
to seize them against their consent.  Yet, especially on
the northeast side of New Netherland this has been not at
all regarded or observed by the English living to the
eastward; for notwithstanding possession was already fully
taken by the building and occupation of Fort Good Hope,
and there was no neglect from time to time in warning them,
in making known our rights, and in protesting against their
usurpation and violence, they have disregarded all these
things and have seized and possessed, and still hold, the
largest and best part of New Netherland, that is, on the
east side of the North River, from Cape Cod, (by our people
in 1609 called New Holland, and taken possession of [if we
are correctly informed] by the setting up of the arms of
their High Mightinesses,)<1> to within six leagues of the
North River, where the English have now a village called
Stamford, from whence one could travel now in a summer's
day to the North River and back again, if one knows the
Indian path.  The English of New Haven also have a trading
house which lies east or southeast of Magdalen Island, and
not more than six leagues from the North River, in which
this island lies, on the east bank twenty-three and a half
leagues above Fort Amsterdam.<1>  This trading post was
established for no other purpose than to divert the trade
of the North River or to destroy it entirely, for the
river is now quite free.  They have also endeavored several
times, during eight or nine years past, to buy of the Indians
a large quantity of land, (which would have served more
than any other thing to draw off the trade), as we have
understood from the Indians; for the post is situated not
more than three or four leagues from the eastern bounds of
the colony of Renselaerswyck.

<1> See De Laet, p. 37, supra.  The words in square brackets
appear in the manuscript, but not in the printed pamphlet.
<2> Magdalen Island is in the Hudson near Annandale.  It
appears that the nearest post to the lower Hudson possessed
hitherto by the New Englanders was that which the New Haven
people established in 1646 on the Housatonic near the
present Derby, Connecticut; and that their nearest post to
the upper Hudson was that which Governor Hopkins, of
Connecticut, set up in 1641 at Woronoco, now Westfield,
Massachusetts.

This and similar difficulties these people now wish to lay
to our charge, all under the pretence of a very clear
conscience, notwithstanding King James, of most glorious
memory, chartered the Virginia Companies upon condition
that they should remain an hundred miles from each other,
according to our reckoning.<1>  They are willing to avail
themselves of this grant, but by no means to comply with
the terms stipulated in it.

<1> The hundred miles of the Virginia patent of 1606 were
English miles.

All the islands, bays, havens, rivers, kills and places,
even to a great distance on the other side of New Holland
or Cape Cod, have Dutch names, which our Dutch ship-masters
and traders gave to them.<1>  These were the first to
discover and to trade to them, even before they had names,
as the English themselves well know; but as long as they
can manage it and matters go as they please, they are
willing not to know it.  And those of them who are at the
Fresh River have desired to enter into an agreement and to
make a yearly acknowledgement or an absolute purchase,
which indeed is proof positive that our right was well
known to them, and that they themselves had nothing against
it in conscience, although they now, from time to time,
have invented and pretended many things in order to screen
themselves, or thereby to cause at least delay.

<1> An exaggeration, yet the number of such names is
considerable, as may be seen by consulting the appendix to
Asher's _Bibliography of New Netherland_.

Moreover the people of Rhode Island, when they were at
variance with those of the Bay,<1> sought refuge among the
Dutch, and sojourn among them.  For all these things, and
What we shall relate in the following pages, there are
Proofs and documents enough, either with the secretary of
the Company or with the directors.

<1> Massachusetts Bay.  The most conspicuous instance is
Mrs. Anne Hutchinson.

In short, is it just this with the English, they are
willing to know the Netherlanders, and to use them as a
protection in time of need, but when that is past, they
no longer regard them, but play the fool with them.  This
happens so only because we have neglected to populate the
land; or, to speak more plainly and truly, because we have,
our of regard for our own profit, wished to scrape all the
fat into one or more pots, and thus secure the trade and
neglect population.

Long Island, which, on account of its convenient bays and
havens, and its good well situated lands, is a crown of
the province, they have also seized at once, except on the
west and two Dutch villages--Breuckelen and Amersvoort,<1>
not of much importance--and some English villages, as
Gravesande, Greenwich and Mespat, (from which<2> the people
were driven off during the war, and which was afterwards
confiscated by Director Kieft; but as the owners appealed
therefrom, it remains undecided.)  There are now a very
few people in the place.  Also, Vlissengen, which is a
pretty village and tolerably rich in cattle.  The fourth
and last village is Heemstede, which is superior to the
rest, for it is very rich in cattle.

<1> Brooklyn and Flatlands.
<2> I.e., from Mespath or Newtown.  Gravesend had been
settled by Lady Deborah Moody, Greenwich in 1639 by Captain
Daniel Patrick and Robert Feake, Mespath by Francis Doughty
in 1642, Flushing and Hempstead by other English in 1645 and
1644.

As we are now on the subject of Long Island, we will, because
the English claim it, speak of it somewhat particularly.  The
ocean on the south, and the East River on the north side of
it, shape this island; and as we have said, it is, on account
of its good situation, of its land, and of its convenient
harbors, and anchoring places, a crown of New Netherland.  The
East River separates it from Manathans Island as far as the
Hellegat.  It is tolerably wide and convenient; and has been
inhabited by our freemen from the first, according as
opportunities offered.  In the year 1640 a Scotchman, with
an English commission, came to Director William Kieft.  He
laid claim to the island, but his pretension was not much
regarded; for which reason he departed without accomplishing
anything, having influenced only a few simple people.
Director Kieft also afterwards sent and broke up the English
who wished to begin a settlement at Oyster Bay, and thus it
remained for a long time.<1>

<1> James Farrett, as agent for Lord Stirling, made grants
at Oyster Bay to a company of men from Lynn, who began a
settlement there.  Stirling had received a grant of Long
Island from the Council of New England in April, 1635.

In the year 1647, a Scotchman came here, who called himself
Captain Forester,<1> and claimed this island for the Dowager
of Sterling, whose governor he gave himself out to be.  He
had a commission dated in the eighteenth year of King James's
reign, but it was not signed by His Majesty or any body else.
Appended to it was an old seal which we could not decipher.
His commission embraced the whole of Long Island, together
with five leagues round about it, the main land as well as
the islands.  He had also full authority from Mary, dowager
of Sterling, but this was all.  Nevertheless the man was
very consequential, and said on his first arrival that he
came here to see Governor Stuyvesant's commission, and if
that was better than his, he was willing to give way; if
not, Governor Stuyvesant must yield to him.  To make the
matter short, the Director took copies of the papers and
sent the man across<2> in the Falconer; but as this vessel
put into England, the man did not reach Holland, having
escaped there, and never troubling the captain afterwards.
The English have since boasted of this very loudly, and
have also given out that he had again arrived at Bastock,<3>
but we have not heard of him.  It is to be apprehended that
if he came now, some new act would be committed, for which
reason it would be well to hasten the redress of New Netherland.

<1> Andrew Forester, of Dundee.
<2> Across the ocean.
<3> Boston.

Of the Fresh River.

After Fort Good Hope, begun in the year 1623,<1> on the Fresh
River, was finished, some time had elapsed when an English
bark arrived there.  Jacob van Curler, factor of the Company,
by order of Director Wouter van Twiller, protested against
it, but notwithstanding his protest they did, a year or two
afterwards, come there with some families.  A protest was
also made against them; but it was very manifest that these
people had little respect for it, for notwithstanding frequent
protests, they have finally seized and possessed the whole of
the Fresh River, and have proceeded so far in their shameless
course as, in the year 1640, to seize the Company's farms at
the fort, paying no regard to the protests which we made.
They have gone even still further, and have belabored the
Company's people with sticks and heavy clubs; and have forcibly
thrown into the river their ploughs and other instruments,
while they were on the land for the purpose of working, and
have put their horses to the pound.  The same things happened
very frequently afterwards.  They also took hogs and cows
belonging to the fort, and several times sold some of them
for the purpose, as they said, of repairing the damage.
Against all these acts, and each one in particular, protests
were repeatedly made, but they were met with ridicule.
Several sharp letters about this were written in Latin to
their governors; of which letters and protests, minutes or
copies remain with the Company's officers, from which a much
fuller account of these transactions could be made.  But all
opposition was in vain, for having had a smack of the goodness
and convenience of this river, and discovered the difference
between the land there and that more easterly, they would
not go back; nor will they put themselves under the protection
of Their High Mightinesses, unless they be sharply summoned
thereto, as it is desirable they should be at the first
opportunity.

<1> A misprint for 1633.  The narrative below relates to the
English settlers at Hartford, founded in 1635.  See De Vries,
pp. 203, 204, supra.

Of the Right of the Netherlanders to the Fresh River.

To speak from the beginning, our people had carefully
explored and discovered the most northerly parts of New
Netherland and some distance on the other side of Cape Cod,
as we find it described, before the English were known here,
and had set up our arms upon Cape Cod as an act of possession.
In the year 1614 our traders<1> had not only traded at the
Fresh River, but had also ascended it before any English
had ever dreamed of going there, which they did first in the
year 1636, after our fort, the Good Hope, had been a long
time in esse and almost all the lands on both sides the river
had been purchased by our people from the Indians, which
purchase took place principally in the year 1632.  Kievets-
hoeck<2> was also purchased at the same time by one Hans den
Sluys,<3> an officer of the company.  On this cape the States'
arms had been affixed to a tree in token of possession; but
the English who now possess the Fresh River have torn them
down and carved a ridiculous face in their place.  Whether
this was done by authority or not, cannot be positively
asserted; it is however supposed that it was.  It has been
so charged upon them in several letters, and no denial has
been made.  Besides they have, contra jus gentium, per fas
et nefas,<4> invaded the whole river, for the reason, as
they say, that the land was lying idle and waste, which was
no business of theirs and not true; for there was already
built upon the river a fort which continued to be possessed
by a garrison.  There was also a large farm<5> near the
fort, belonging to the Dutch or the Company.  Most of the
land was bought and appropriated and the arms of their High
Mightinesses were set up at Kievets Hoeck, which is situated
at the mouth of the river, so that everything was done that
could be done except that the country was not all actually
occupied.  This the English demanded in addition, just as
if it were their right, since they were in greater numbers,
to establish laws for our nation in its own purchased lands
and limits, and direct how and in what manner it should
introduce people into the country, and if it did not turn
our exactly according to their desire and pleasure, that
they have the right to invade and appropriate these waters,
lands and jurisdiction to themselves.

<1> Adriaen Block.
<2> Saybrook Point.  Kievit, or kiewit, is the bird pewit.
<3> Hans Eencluys in the manuscript, according to _N.Y. Col.
Doc._, I. 287.
<4> "Contrary to the law of nations, regardless of right
or wrong."
<5> Brouwerye, brewery, in the printed pamphlet, but
bouwery in the manuscript.

Of the Roden-Berch,<1> by the English called New Haven, and
other Places of less Importance.

The number of villages established by the English, from New
Holland or Cape Cod to Stamford, within the limits of the
Netherlanders, is about thirty, and they may contain five
thousand men capable of bearing arms.  Their cattle, cows
and horses are estimated at thirty thousand; their goats
and hogs cannot be stated; neither of them can be fully known
because there are several places which cannot well pass for
villages, but which nevertheless are beginnings of villages.
Among all these, Roden-Berch, or New Haven, is the first.
It has a governor, contains about three hundred and forty
families, and is counted as a province or one of the members
of New England, of which there are four in all.<2>

<1> Red Hill.
<2> I.e., of the United Colonies of New England, the
confederation formed in 1643.

This place was begun eleven years ago, in the year 1638, and
since then the people have broken off and formed Milford,
Stratford, Stamford and the trading house before spoken of,
etc.

Director Kieft has caused several protests to be drawn up,
in Latin and in other languages, commanding them by virtue
of his commissions from the Lords States General, His
Highness the Prince of Orange and the Most Noble Directors
of the Chartered West India Company, to desist from their
proceedings and usurpations, and warning them, in case they
did not, that we would, as soon as a fit opportunity should
present, exact of them satisfaction therefor.  But it was
knocking at a deaf man's door, as they did not regard these
protests or even take any notice of them; on the contrary
they have sought many subterfuges, circumstances, false
pretences and sophistical arguments to give color to their
doings, to throw a cloud upon our lawful title and valid
rights, and to cheat us out of them.  General Stuyvesant
also has had many questions with them, growing out of this
matter, but it remains as it was.  The utmost that they
have ever been willing to come to, is to declare that the
dispute could not be settled in this country, and that they
desired and were satisfied that Their High Mightinesses
should arrange it with their sovereign.  It is highly
necessary that this should be done, inasmuch as the English
have already seized, and are in possession of, almost half
of New Netherland, a matter which may have weighty
consequences in the future.  It is therefore heartily to
be desired that Their High Mightinesses will be pleased to
take this subject into serious consideration before it
shall go further, and the breach become irreparable.

We must now pass to the South River, called by the English
Delaware Bay, first speaking of the boundaries; but in
passing we cannot omit to say that there has been here,
both in the time of Director Kieft and in that of General
Stuyvesant, a certain Englishman, who called himself Sir
Edward Ploeyden, with the title of Earl Palatine of New
Albion, who claimed that the land on the west side of the
North River to Virginia was his, by gift of King James of
England,<1> but he said he did not wish to have any strife
with the Dutch, though he was very much piqued at the Swedish
governor, John Prins, at the South River, on account of some
affront given him, too long to relate.  He said also that
when an opportunity should offer he would go there and
take possession of the river.  In short, according to the
claims of the English, it belongs to them, and there is
nothing left for the subjects of Their High Mightinesses
--one must have this far, and another that far, but they
all agree never to fall short.

<1> Plowden claimed under a patent from the viceroy of Ireland
under Charles I., June, 1634.  The history of his shadowy
principality of New Albion is best accounted by Professor
Gregory B. Keen in Winsor's _Narrative and Critical History
of America_, III. 457-468.  The best account of the Swedish
colony in the South River is by the same writer, ibid., IV.
443-500.

Of the South River and the Boundaries there.

As we have now come to speak of the South River and the most
southerly portion of New Netherland, we will, although this
is well performed by others, relate everything from the
beginning, and yet as briefly as is practicable.  The
boundaries, as we find them, extend as far as Cape Henlopen,
many miles south of Cape Cornelius, to the latitude of
thirty-eight degrees.  The coast stretches, one course with
another, west-southwest and west, and although this Cape
Henlopen is not much esteemed, it is nevertheless proper
that it should be brought to our attention, as very important,
not only in regard to the position of the country, but also
as relates to the trade with the Indians at the South River,
which the English and Swedes are striving after very hard,
as we will show.  If the boundaries of this country were
settled, these people would conveniently and without further
question be ousted, and both the enjoyment of the productions
of the land and the trade be retained for the subjects of
Their High Mightinesses.

Of the South Bay and South River.

The South Bay and South River, by many called the second
great river of New Netherland, is situated at the latitude
of 38 degrees 53 minutes.  It has two headlands or capes--
the more northerly bearing the name of Cape May, the more
southerly that of Cape Cornelius.  The bay was called New
Port-May, but at the present time is known as Godyn's Bay.
These names were given to the places about the time of
their first discovery, before any others were given them.
The discovery, moreover, took place at the same time with
that of the North River, and by the same ship and persons,
who entered the South Bay before they came to the North
Bay, as all can read at length in the _Nieuwe Werelt_ of
Johannes de Laet.

At the same time that the forts were laid out on the
North and Fresh rivers, since the year 1623, Fort Nassau
was erected upon this river, which, in common parlance,
is called the South River.  It was the first of the four,
and was built with the same object and design as all the
others, as hereinbefore related.  It lies on the east bank,<1>
but it would have done as well on the west bank, fifteen
leagues up the river.  The bay runs for the most part
north and south; is called New Port-May or Godyn's Bay;
and is nine leagues long before you come to the river, and
six leagues wide, so that from one shore you cannot see
the other.  On account of certain bars it is somewhat
dangerous for inexperienced navigators, but not so for
those who are acquainted with the channels.  This bay and
river are compared by its admirers with the river Amazon,
that is, by such of them as have seen both; it is by everyone
considered one of the most beautiful, and the best and
pleasantest rivers in the world of itself and as regards its
surroundings.  Fourteen streams empty into this river, the
least of them navigable for two or three leagues; and on
both sides there are tolerably level lands of great extent.
Two leagues from Cape Cornelius, where you enter on the
west side, lies a certain creek, which might be taken for an
ordinary river or stream, being navigable far up, and
affording a beautiful roadstead for ships of all burdens.
There is no other like it in the whole bay for safety and
convenience.  The main channel for navigation runs close by
it; this place we call the Hoere-kil.  From whence this
name is derived we do not know;<2> it is certain that this
place was taken and colonized by Netherlanders, years before
any English or Swedes came there.  The States' arms were
also set up at this place in copper, but as they were thrown
down by some mischievous savages, the commissary there very
firmly insisted upon, and demanded, the head of the offender.
The Indians not knowing otherwise brought a head, saying it
was his; and the affair was supposed to be all settled, but
some time afterwards, when our people were working
unsuspectingly in their fields, the Indians came in the
guise of friendship, and distributing themselves among the
Dutch in proportionate numbers, surprised and murdered them.
By this means the colony was again reduced to nothing; but
it was nevertheless sealed with blood and dearly enough
bought.

<1> Fort Nassau stood at the mouth of Timber Creek, opposite
the present site of Philadelphia.
<2> Harlot's creek, from the behavior of the Indian women.
The story below is that of the short-lived colony of
Swanendael, 1631-1632.

There is another kill on the east side called the Varckens
Kil,<1> three leagues up from the mouth of the river.  Here
some English had settled, but Director Kieft protested
against their proceedings, and drove them away, assisted
somewhat by the Swedes, who agreed with him to keep out the
English.  The Swedish governor, considering an opportunity
then offered to him, caused a fort to be built at this place,
called Elsenborch,<2> and manifests there great boldness
towards every one, even as respects the Company's boats or
all which go up the South River.  They must strike the flag
before this fort, none excepted; and two men are sent on
board to ascertain from whence the yachts or ships come.
It is not much better than exercising the right of search.
It will, to all appearance, come to this in the end.  What
authority these people can have to do this, we know not;
nor can we comprehend how officers of other potentates,
(at least as they say they are, yet what commission they
have we do not yet know,) can make themselves master of,
and assume authority over, lands and goods belonging to
and possessed by other people, and sealed with their
blood, even without considering the Charter.  The Minquas-
kil<3> is the first upon the river, and there the Swedes
have built Fort Christina.  This place is well situated,
as large ships can lie close against the shore to load
and unload.  There is, among others, a place on the river,
(called Schuylkil, a convenient and navigable stream,)
heretofore possessed by the Netherlanders, but how is it
now?  The Swedes have it almost entirely under their
dominion.  Then there are in the river several beautiful
large islands, and other places which were formerly possessed
by the Netherlanders, and which still bear the names given
by them.  Various other facts also constitute sufficient
and abundant proof that the river belongs to the
Netherlanders, and not to the Swedes.  Their very beginnings
are convincing, for eleven years ago, in the year 1638, one
Minne-wits,<4> who before that time had had the direction
at the Manathans, on behalf of the West India Company,
arrived in the river with the ship Kalmer-Sleutel [Key of
Calmar], and the yacht Vogel-Gryp [Griffin], giving out to
the Netherlanders who lived up the river, under the Company
and Heer vander Nederhorst, that he was on a voyage to the
West Indies, and that passing by there, he wished to arrange
some matters and to furnish the ship with water and wood,
and would then leave.  Some time afterwards, some of our
people going again, found the Swedes still there but then
they had already made a small garden for raising salads,
pot-herbs and the like.  They wondered at this, and inquired
of the Swedes what is meant, and whether they intended to
stay there.  They excused themselves by various reasons and
subterfuges, but some notwithstanding supposed that such
was their design.  The third time it became apparent, from
their building a fort, what their intentions were.  Director
Kieft, when he obtained information of the matter, protested
against it, but in vain.  It was plainly and clearly to be
seen, in the progress of the affair, that they did not
intend to leave.  It is matter of evidence that above
Maghchachansie,<5> near the Sankikans, the arms of Their
High Mightinesses were erected by order of Director Kieft,
as a symbol that the river, with all the country and the
lands around there, were held and owned under Their High
Mightinesses.  But what fruits has it produced as yet, other
than continued derision and derogation of dignity?  For the
Swedes, with intolerable insolence, have thrown down the
arms, and since they are suffered to remain so, this is
looked upon by them, and particularly by their governor,
as a Roman achievement.  True, we have made several protests,
as well against this as other transactions, but they have
had as much effect as the flying of a crow overhead; and it
is believed that if this governor had a supply of men, there
would be more madness in him than there has been in the
English, or any of their governors.  This much only in
regard to the Swedes, since the Company's officers will be
able to make a more pertinent explanation, as all the
documents and papers remain with them; to which, and to
their journals we ourselves refer.

<1> Hog Creek, now called Salem Creek, where New Haven men
settled in 1641 at or near the present site of Salem, New
Jersey.
<2> Fort Nya Elfsborg, 1643-1654, a little further down
the Delaware River.
<3> Christina Creek; the fort was in what is now Wilmington,
Delaware.
<4> Peter Minuit.
<5> Apparently within the present bounds of Philadelphia,
where Andries Hudde, acting under orders from Kieft,
purchased land and set up the arms of the States General
in September, 1646.  The Sankikans occupied northern New
Jersey, with an important village at or near Trenton.

The English have sought at different times and places to
incorporate this river which they say is annexed to their
territory, but this has as yet been prevented by different
protests.  We have also expelled them by force, well knowing
that if they once settled there, we should lose the river
or hold it with much difficulty, as they would swarm there
in great numbers.  There are rumors daily, and it is
reported to us that the English will soon repair there with
many families.  It is certain that if they do come and
nestle down there, they will soon possess it so completely,
that neither Hollanders nor Swedes, in a short time, will
have much to say; at least, we run a chance of losing the
whole, or the greatest part of the river, if very shortly
remarkable precaution be not used.  And this would be the
result of populating the country; but the Directors of the
Company to this day have had no regard to this worth the
while, though the subject has been sufficiently brought
before them in several documents.  They have rather opposed
and hindered this; for it has been with this matter as with
the rest, that avarice has blinded wisdom.  The report now
is that the English intend to build a village and trading
house there; and indeed if they begin, there is nobody in
this country who, on the Company's behalf, can or apparently
will, make much effort to prevent them.  Not longer ago than
last year, several free persons,<1> some of whom were of our
own number and who had or could have good masters in
Fatherland, wished to establish a trading house and some
farms and plantations, upon condition that certain privileges
and exemptions should be extended to them; but this was
refused by the General, saying, that he could not do it, not
having any order or authority from the noble Lords Directors;
but if they were willing to begin there without privileges,
it could in some way be done.  And when we represented to
His Honor that such were offered by our neighbors all around
us, if we would only declare ourselves willing to be called
members of their government, and that this place ran a
thousand dangers from the Swedes and English, His Honor
answered that it was well known to be as we said, (as he
himself did, in fact, well know,) and that reason was also
in our favor, but that the orders which he had from the
Directors were such that he could not answer for it to them.
Now we are ignorant in these matters, but one thing or the
other must be true, either it is the fault of the Director
or of the Managers,<2> or of both of them.  However it may
be, one shifts the blame upon the other, and between them
both every thing goes to ruin.  Foreigners enjoy the country
and fare very well; they laugh at us too if we say anything;
they enjoy privileges and exemptions, which, if our
Netherlanders had enjoyed as they do, would without doubt,
next to the help of God, without which we are powerless,
have enabled our people to flourish as well or better than
they do; ergo, the Company or their officers have hitherto
been and are still the cause of its not faring better with
the country.  On account of their cupidity and bad management
there is not hope, so long as the land is under their
government, that it will go on any better; but it will grow
worse.  However, the right time to treat this subject has
not yet come.

<1> Persons who came to New Netherland, not as colonists
under the patroons, or as employees of the West India Company,
but on their own account.
<2> I.e., of the governor (director-general) of New Netherland
or of the directors of the company.


Of the Situation and Goodness of the Waters.

Having given an account of the situation of the country and
its boundaries, and having consequently spoken of the
location of the rivers, it will not be foreign to our purpose
to add a word as to the goodness and convenience of the
waters; which are salt, brackish, or fresh, according to their
locality.  There are in New Netherland four principal rivers;
the most southerly is usually called the South River, and the
bay at its entrance, Godyn's Bay.  It is so called not because
it runs to the south, but because it is the most southerly
river in New Netherland.  Another which this lies south of or
nearest to, and which is the most noted and the best, as
regards trade and population, is called Rio Montanjes, from
certain mountains, and Mauritius River, but generally, the
North River, because it reaches farthest north.  The third is
the East River, so called because it runs east from the
Manathans.  This is regarded by many not as a river but as a
Bay, because it is extremely wide in some places and connects
at both ends with the sea.  We however consider it a river
and such it is commonly reckoned.  The fourth is called the
Fresh River, because the water is for the most part fresh,
more so than the others.  Besides these rivers, there are
many bays, havens and inlets, very convenient and useful,
some of which might well be classed among rivers.  There are
numerous bodies of water inland, some large, others small,
besides navigable kills like rivers, and many creeks very
advantageous for the purpose of navigating through the
country, as the map of New Netherland will prove.  There
are also various waterfalls and rapid streams, fit to erect
mills of all kinds upon for the use of man, and innumerable
small rivulets over the whole country, like veins in the body;
but they are all fresh water, except some on the sea shore,
(which are salt and fresh or brackish), very good both for
wild and domestic animals to drink.  The surplus waters
are lost in the rivers or in the sea.  Besides all these
there are fountains without number, and springs all through
the country, even at places where water would not be expected;
as on cliffs and rocks whence they issue like spring veins.
Some of them are worthy of being well guarded, not only
Because they are all (except in the thickets) very clear and
pure, but because many have these properties, that in the
winter they smoke from heat, and in summer are so cool that
the hands can hardly be endured in them on account of the
cold, not even in the hottest of the summer; which circumstance
makes them pleasant for the use of man and beast, who can
partake of them without danger; for if any one drink thereof,
it does him no harm although it be very warm weather.  Thus
much of the proprietorship, location, goodness and fruitfulness
of these provinces, in which particulars, as far as our little
experience extends, it need yield to no province in Europe.
As to what concerns trade, in which Europe and especially
Netherland is pre-eminent, it not only lies very convenient
and proper for it, but if there were inhabitants, it would be
found to have more commodities of and in itself to export to
other countries than it would have to import from them.
These things considered, it will be little labor for intelligent
men to estimate and compute exactly of what importance this
naturally noble province is to the Netherland nation, what
service it could render it in future, and what a retreat it
would be for all the needy in the Netherlands, as well of
high and middle, as of low degree; for it is much easier for
all men of enterprise to obtain a livelihood here than in
the Netherlands.

We cannot sufficiently thank the Fountain of all Goodness
for His having led us into such a fruitful and healthful
land, which we, with our numerous sins, still heaped up
here daily, beyond measure, have not deserved.  We are also
in the highest degree beholden to the Indians, who not only
have given up to us this good and fruitful country, and for
a trifle yielded us the ownership, but also enrich us with
their good and reciprocal trade, so that there is no one in
New Netherland or who trades to New Netherland without
obligation to them.  Great is our disgrace now, and happy
should we have been, had we acknowledged these benefits as
we ought, and had we striven to impart the Eternal Good to
the Indians, as much as was in our power, in return for what
they divided with us.  It is to be feared that at the Last
Day they will stand up against us for this injury.  Lord of
Hosts! Forgive us for not having conducted therein more
according to our reason; give us also the means and so direct
our hearts that we in future may acquit ourselves a we ought
for the salvation of our own souls and of theirs, and for
the magnifying of thy Holy Name, for the sake of Christ.
Amen.

To speak with deference, it is proper to look beyond the
trouble which will be incurred in adjusting the boundaries
and the first cost of increasing the population of this
country, and to consider that beginnings are difficult and
that sowing would be irksome if the sower were not cheered
with the hope of reaping.  We trust and so assure ourselves
that the very great experience of Their High Mightinesses
will dictate better remedies than we are able to suggest.
But it may be that Their High Mightinesses and some other
friends, before whom this may come, may think strange that
we speak as highly of this place as we do, and as we know
to be true, and yet complain of want and poverty, seek
relief, assistance, redress, lessening of charges, population
and the like, and show that the country is in a poor and
ruinous condition; yea, so much so, as that without special
aid and assistance it will utterly fall off and pass under
foreign rule.  It will therefore be necessary to point out
the true reasons and causes why New Netherland is in so
bad a state, which we will do as simply and truly as
possible, according to the facts, as we have seen, experienced,
and heard them; and as this statement will encounter much
opposition and reproach from many persons who may take
offence at it, we humbly pray Their High Mightinesses and
all well wishers, who may chance to read this, that they
do not let the truth yield to any falsehoods, invented and
embellished for the purpose, and that they receive no other
testimony against this relation than that of such impartial
persons as have not had, either directly or indirectly, any
hand therein, profited by the loss of New Netherland, or
otherwise incurred any obligation to it.  With this remark
we proceed to the reasons and sole cause of the evil which
we indeed have but too briefly and indistinctly stated in
the beginning of our petition to Their High Mightinesses.


Of the Reasons and Causes why and how New Netherland is so
Decayed.

As we shall speak of the reasons and causes which have
brought New Netherland into the ruinous condition in which
it is now found to be, we deem it necessary to state first
the difficulties.  We represent it as we see and find it,
in our daily experience.  To describe it in one word, (and
none better presents itself,) it is *bad government,* with
its attendants and consequences, that is, to the best of
our knowledge, the true and only foundation stone of the
decay and ruin of New Netherland.  This government from
which so much abuse proceeds, is twofold, that is; in the
Fatherland by the Managers, and in this country.  We shall
first briefly point out some orders and mistakes issuing
from the Fatherland, and afterwards proceed to show how
abuses have grown up and obtained strength here.

The Managers of the Company adopted a wrong course at first,
and as we think had more regard for their own interest than
for the welfare of the country, trusting rather to flattering
than true counsels.  This is proven by the unnecessary
expenses incurred from time to time, the heavy accounts of
New Netherland,<1> the registering of colonies--in which
business most of the Managers themselves engaged, and in
reference to which they have regulated the trade--and finally
the not peopling the country.  It seems as if from the first,
the Company have sought to stock this land with their own
employees, which was a great mistake, for when their time
was out they returned home, taking nothing with them, except
a little in their purses and a bad name for the country, in
regard to its lack of sustenance and in other respects.  In
the meantime there was no profit, but on the contrary heavy
monthly salaries, as the accounts of New Netherland will show.

<1> In 1644 the Bureau of Accounts of the West India Company
reported that since 1626 the company had expended for New
Netherland 515,000 guilders, say $250,000.  At the time of
the report the company was practically bankrupt.

Had the Honorable West India Company, in the beginning, sought
population instead of running to great expense for unnecessary
things, which under more favorable circumstances might have
been suitable and very proper, the account of New Netherland
would not have been so large as it now is, caused by building
the ship New Netherland at an excessive outlay,<1> by erecting
three expensive mills, by brick-making, by tar-burning, by
ash-burning, by salt-making and the like operations, which
through bad management and calculation have all gone to
nought, or come to little; but which nevertheless have cost
much.  Had the same money been used in bringing people and
importing cattle, the country would now have been of great
value.

<1> A ship of eight hundred tons, built in the province in
1631.

The land itself is much better and it is more conveniently
situated than that which the English possess, and if there
were not constant seeking of individual gain and private
trade, there would be no danger that misfortunes would press
us as far as they do.

Had the first Exemptions been truly observed, according to
their intention, and had they not been carried out with
particular views, certainly more friends of New Netherland
would have exerted themselves to take people there and make
settlements.  The other conditions which were introduced
have always discouraged individuals and kept them down, so
that those who were acquainted with the business, being
informed, dared not attempt it.  It is very true that the
Company have brought over some persons, but they have not
continued to do so, and it therefore has done little good.
It was not begun properly; for it was done as if it was not
intended.

It is impossible for us to rehearse and to state in detail
wherein and how often the Company have acted injuriously
to this country.  They have not approved of our own country-
men settling the land, as is shown in the case of Jacob
Walingen and his people at the Fresh River, and quite
Recently in the cases at the South River; while foreigners
Were permitted to take land there without other opposition
than orders and protests.  It could hardly be otherwise, for
the garrisons are not kept complete conformably to the
Exemptions, and thus the cause of New Netherland's bad
condition lurks as well in the Netherlands as here.  Yea,
the seeds of war, according to the declaration of Director
Kieft, were first sown by the Fatherland; for he said he had
Express orders to exact the contribution from the Indians;
Which would have been very well if the land had been peopled,
But as it was, it was premature.

Trade, without which, when it is legitimate, no country is
prosperous, is by their acts so decayed, that it amounts to
nothing.  It is more suited for slaves than freemen, in
consequence of the restrictions upon it and the annoyances
which accompany the exercise of the right of inspection.  We
approve of inspection, however, so far as relates to contraband.

This contraband trade has ruined the country, and contraband
goods are now sent to every part of it by orders given by the
Managers to their officers.  These orders should be executed
without partiality, which is not always the case.  The
Recognition<1> runs high, and of inspection and confiscation
there is no lack; hence legitimate trade is entirely diverted,
except a little, which exists pro forma, as a cloak for
carrying on illicit trading.  In the mean time the Christians
are treated almost like Indians, in the purchase of the
necessaries with which they cannot dispense.  This causes great
complaint, distress and poverty:  as, for example, the merchants
sell those goods which are liable to little depreciation at a
hundred per cent. and more profit, when there is particular
demand or scarcity of them.  And the traders who come with
small cargoes, and others engaged in the business, buy them up
from the merchants and sell them again to the common man, who
cannot do without them, oftentimes at a hundred per cent.
advance, or higher and lower according to the demand.  Upon
liquors, which are liable to much leakage, they take more, and
those who buy from them retail them in the same manner, as we
have described in regard to dry wares, and generally even more
cunningly, so that the goods are sold through first, second
and sometimes third hands, at one and two hundred per cent.
advance.  We are not able to think of all the practices which
are contrived for advancing individual and private gain.  Little
attention is given to populating the land.  The people, moreover,
have been driven away by harsh and unreasonable proceedings,
for which their Honors gave the orders; for the Managers wrote
to Director Kieft to prosecute when there was no offence, and
to consider a partial offence an entire one, and so forth.  It
has also been seen how the letters of the Eight Men were
treated, and what followed thereupon;<2> besides there were
many ruinous orders and instructions which are not known to us.
But leaving this at present, with now and then a word, at a
convenient point, let us proceed to examine how their officers
and Directors have conducted themselves from time to time,
having played with the managers as well as with the people, as
a cat does with a mouse.  It would be possible to relate their
management from the beginning, but as most of us were not here
then and therefore not eye-witnesses, and as a long time has
passed whereby it has partly escaped recollection, and as in
our view it was not so bad then as afterwards when the land
was made free and freemen began to increase, we will pass by
the beginning and let Mr. Lubbert van Dincklaghen, Vice Director
of New Netherland, describe the government of Director Wouter
van Twiller of which he is known to have information, and will
only speak of the last two sad and dire confusions (we would
say governments if we could) under Director Kieft, who is now
no more, but the evil of it lives after him; and of that
under Director Stuyvesant which still stands, if indeed that
may be called standing which lies completely under foot.

<1> Export duty.
<2> Nevertheless, the remonstrance of the Eight Men, October
28, 1644, _N.Y. Coll. Doc._, I. 209, did cause the reform of
the system of provincial government and the recall of Kieft.

The Directors here, though far from their masters, were close
by their profit.  They have always known how to manage their
own matters very properly and with little loss, yet under
pretext of the public business.  They have also conducted
themselves just as if they were the sovereigns of the country.
As they desired to have it, so it always had to be; and as
they willed so was it done.  "The Managers," they say, "are
masters in Fatherland, but we are masters in this land."  As
they understand it it will go, there is no appeal.  And it
has not been difficult for them hitherto to maintain this
doctrine in practice; for the people were few and for the
most part very simple and uninformed, and besides, they needed
the Directors every day.  And if perchance there were some
intelligent men among them, who could go upon their own feet,
them it was sought to oblige.  They could not understand at
first the arts of the Directors which were always subtle and
dark, so that these were frequently successful and occasionally
remained effective for a long time.  Director Kieft said
himself, and let it be said also by others, that he was
sovereign in this country, or the same as the Prince in the
Netherlands.  This was repeated to him several times here and
he never made any particular objection to it.  The refusing
to allow appeals, and other similar acts, prove clearly that
in our opinion no other proof is needed.  The present Director
does the same, and in the denial of appeal, he is also at
home.  He likes to assert the maxim "the Prince is above the
law," and applies it so boldly to his own person that it
confutes itself.  These directors, having then the power in
their hands, could do and have done what they chose according
to their good will and pleasure; and whatever was, was right,
because it was agreeable to them.  It is well known that those
who assume power, and use it to command what they will,
frequently command and will more than they ought, and, whether
it appear right or not, there are always some persons who
applaud such conduct, some out of a desire to help on and to
see mischief, others from fear; and so men still complain
with Jan Vergas de clementia ducis, of the clemency of the
duke.<1>  But in order that we give nobody cause to suspect
that we blow somewhat too hard, it will be profitable to
illustrate by examples the government of Mr. Director Kieft
at its close, and the administration of Mr. Director Stuyvesant
just prior to the time of our departure.  We frankly admit,
however, that we shall not be able to speak fully of all the
tricks, because they were conducted so secretly and with such
duplicity and craft.  We will nevertheless expose some of
their proceedings according to our ability, and thus let the
lion be judged of from his paw.

<1> Juan de Vargas, the chief member of the Duke of Alva's
"Council of Blood," who complained that the duke's methods
were too lenient.

Casting our eyes upon the government of Director Kieft, the
church first meets us, and we will therefore speak of the
public property ecclesiastical and civil.  But as this man
is now dead, and some of his management and doings are freely
represented by one Jochem Pietersz Cuyter and Cornelis Melyn,<1>
we will dispose of this point as briefly as we possibly can.

<1> Stuyvesant, soon after his arrival, at the instance of
Kieft, condemned Kieft's chief opponents, Kuyter and Melyn,
for lese-majesty, and banished them, forbidding them to appeal.
On reaching Holland, however, after their dramatic escape from
the shipwreck of the Princess, they appealed, and secured a
reversal of their condemnation.

Before the time that Director Kieft brought the unnecessary
war upon the country, his principal aim and endeavors were
to provide well for himself and to leave a great name after
him, but without any expense to himself or the Company, for
this never did anything remarkable for the country by which
it was improved.  Thus he considered the erection of a church
a very necessary public work, the more so as it was in
contemplation to build one at that time at Renselaers-Wyck.
With this view he communicated with the churchwardens--of which
body he himself was one--and they willingly agreed to and
seconded the project.  The place where it should stand was
then debated.  The Director contended that it should be placed
in the fort, and there it was erected in spite of the others,
and, indeed, as suitably as a fifth wheel of a wagon; for
besides that the fort is small and lies upon a point of land
which must be very valuable in case of an increase of population,
the church ought to be owned by the congregation at whose cost
it was built.  It also intercepts and turns off the southeast
wind from the grist-mill which stands close by, for which
reason there is frequently in summer a want of bread from its
inability to grind, though not from this cause alone.  The mill
is neglected and, in consequence of having had a leaky roof
most of the time, has become considerably rotten, so that it
cannot now go with more than two arms, and it has been so for
nearly five years.  But to return to the church--from which
the grist-mill has somewhat diverted us--the Director then
resolved to build a church, and at the place where it suited
him; but he was in want of money and was at a loss how to
obtain it.  It happened about this time that the minister,
Everardus Bogardus, gave his step-daughter in marriage; and
the occasion of the wedding the Director considered a good
opportunity for his purpose.  So after the fourth or fifth
round of drinking, he set about the business, and he himself
showing a liberal example let the wedding-guests subscribe
what they were willing to give towards the church.  All then
with light heads subscribed largely, competing with one another;
and although some well repented it when they recovered their
senses, they were nevertheless compelled to pay--nothing could
avail to prevent it.  The church was then, contrary to every
one's wish, placed in the fort.  The honor and ownership of
that work must be judged of from the inscription, which is in
our opinion ambiguous, thus reading:  "1642.  Willem Kieft,
Director General, has caused the congregation to build this
church."<1>  But whatever be intended by the inscription, the
people nevertheless paid for the church.

<1> The inscription was in existence till 1835.  This third
church stood near what is now called the Bowling Green. The
inscription, though susceptible of misconstruction, is not
really ambiguous.  Its proper interpretation is:  "1642,
Willem Kieft being Director General, the congregation caused
this church to be built."

We must now speak of the property belonging to the church,
and, to do the truth no violence, we do not know that there
has ever been any, or that the church has any income except
what is given to it.  There has never been any exertion made
either by the Company or by the Director to obtain or establish
any.

The bowl has been going round a long time for the purpose of
erecting a common school and it has been built with words, but
as yet the first stone is not laid.  Some materials only are
provided.  The money nevertheless, given for the purpose, has
already found its way out and is mostly spent; or may even
fall short, and for this purpose also no fund invested in
real estate has ever been built up.

The poor fund, though the largest, contains nothing except
the alms collected among the people, and some fines and
donations of the inhabitants.  A considerable portion of this
money is in the possession of the Company, who have borrowed
it from time to time, and kept it.  They have promised, for
years, to pay interest.  But in spite of all endeavor neither
principal nor interest can be obtained from them.

Flying reports about asylums for orphans, for the sick and
aged,<1> and the like have occasionally been heard, but as
yet we can not see that any attempt, order or direction has
been made in relation to them.  From all these facts, then,
it sufficiently appears that scarcely any proper care or
diligence has been used by the Company or its officers for
any ecclesiastical property whatever--at least, nothing as
far as is known--from the beginning to this time; but on the
contrary great industry and exertion have been used to bind
closely to them their minions, or to gain new ones as we
shall hereafter at the proper time relate.  And now let us
proceed to the consideration of what public measures of a
civil character had been adopted up to the time of our
departure, in order to make manifest the diligence and care
of the Directors in this particular.

<1> Seventeenth-century Dutch towns abounded in institutions
of this sort.

There was not at first, under the government of Director
Kieft, so much opportunity as there has since been, because
the recognition of the peltries was then paid in the
Fatherland, and the freemen gave nothing for excise; but
after that public calamity, the rash war, was brought upon
us, the recognition of the peltries began to be collected in
this country, and a beer-excise was sought to be established,
about which a conference was had with the Eight Men, who were
then chosen from the people.  They did not approve of it as
such, but desired to know under what regulations and upon
what footing it would take place, and how long it would
continue.  Director Kieft promised that it should not continue
longer than until a ship of the Company should arrive with a
new Director, or until the war should be at an end.  Although
it was very much distrusted by all, and therefore was not
consented to, yet he introduced it by force.  The brewers who
would not agree to it had their beer given over to the soldiers.
So it was enforced, but it caused great strife and discontent.

>From this time forward the Director began to divide the people
and to create factions.  Those who were on his side could do
nothing amiss, however bad it might be; those who were opposed
to him were always wrong even if they did perfectly right, and
the order to reckon half an offence a whole one was then
strictly enforced.  The jealousy of the Director was so great
that he could no bear without suspicion that impartial persons
should visit his partisans.

After the war was, as the Director himself said, finished--
though in our opinion it will never be finished until the
country is populated--every one hoped that this impost would
be removed, but Director Kieft put off the removal until the
arrival of a new Director, which was longed for very much.
When finally he did appear,<1> it was like the crowning of
Rehoboam, for, instead of abolishing the beer-excise, his
first business was to impose a wine-excise and other
intolerable burdens, so that some of the commonalty, as they
had no spokesman, were themselves constrained to remonstrate
against it.  Instead however of obtaining the relief which
they expected, they received abuse from the Director.
Subsequently a written answer was given them, which the
Director had, as usual, drawn up at such length and with such
fulness that plain and simple people, such as are here, must
be confused, and unable to make anything out of it.  Further
attempts have accordingly been made from time to time to
introduce new taxes and burdens.  In fine it was so managed
in Director Kieft's time, that a large yearly sum was
received from the recognition and other sources, calculated
to amount annually to 16,000 guilders,<2> besides the
recognition which was paid in the Fatherland and which had
to be contributed by the poor commonalty; for the goods were
sold accordingly, and the prices are now unbearably high.  In
Director Stuyvesant's administration the revenue has reached
a much higher sum, and it is estimated that about 30,000
guilders<3> are now derived yearly from the people by
recognitions, confiscations, excise and other taxes, and yet
it is not enough; the more one has the more one wants.  It
would be tolerable to give as much as possible, if it was
used for the public weal.  And whereas in all the proclamations
it is promised and declared that the money shall be employed
for laudable and necessary public works, let us now look for
a moment and see what laudable public works there are in this
country, and what fruits all the donations and contributions
have hitherto borne.  But not to confuse matters, one must
understand us not to refer to goods and effects that belong
to the Honorable Company as its own, for what belongs to it
particularly was never public.  The Company's effects in
this country may, perhaps, with forts, cannon, ammunition,
warehouses, dwelling-houses, workshops, horses, cattle, boats,
and whatever else there may be, safely be said to amount to
from 60,000 to 70,000 guilders,<4> and it is very probable
that the debts against it are considerably more.  But passing
these by, let us turn our attention to the public property,
and see where the money from time to time has been used.
According to the proclamations during the administration of
Director Kieft, if we rightly consider, estimate and examine
them all, we cannot learn or discover that anything--we say
anything large or small--worth relating, was done, built or
made, which concerned or belonged to the commonalty, the
church excepted, whereof we have heretofore spoken.  Yea,
he went on so badly and negligently that nothing has ever
been designed, understood or done that gave appearance of
design to content the people, even externally, but on the
contrary what came from the commonalty has even been mixed
up with the effects of the Company, and even the Company's
property and means have been everywhere neglected, in order
to make friends, to secure witnesses and to avoid accusers
about the management of the war.  The negroes, also, who came
from Tamandare<5> were sold for pork and peas, from the
proceeds of which something wonderful was to be performed,
but they just dripped through the fingers.  There are also
various other negroes in this country, some of whom have been
made free for their long service, but their children have
remained slaves, though it is contrary to the laws of every
people that any one born of a free Christian mother should
be a slave and be compelled to remain in servitude.  It is
impossible to relate everything that has happened.  Whoever
did not give his assent and approval was watched and, when
occasion served, was punished for it.  We submit to all
intelligent persons to consider what fruit this has borne,
and what a way this was to obtain good testimony.  Men are
by nature covetous, especially those who are needy, and of
this we will hereafter adduce some few proofs, when we come
to speak of Director Kieft's government particularly.  But
we shall now proceed to the administration of Director
Stuyvesant, and to see how affairs have been conducted up
to the time of our departure.

<1> Stuyvesant arrived from Holland by way of the West Indies
in May, 1647.
<2> Equivalent to $6,400.
<3> $12,000.
<4> From $24,000 to $28,000.
<5> A bay on the coast of Brazil, where the Dutch admiral
Lichthart defeated the Portugese in a naval engagement, in
September, 1645.

Mr. Stuyvesant has almost all the time from his first arrival
up to our leaving been busy building, laying masonry, making,
breaking, repairing and the like, but generally in matters of
the Company and with little profit to it; for upon some things
more was spent than they were worth; and though at the first
he put in order the church which came into his hands very much
out of repair, and shortly afterwards made a wooden wharf,
both acts very serviceable and opportune, yet after this time
we do not know that anything has been done or made that is
entitled to the name of a public work, though there has been
income enough, as is to be seen in the statement of the yearly
revenue.  They have all the time been trying for more, like
dropsical people.  Thus in a short time very great discontent
has sprung up on all sides, not only among the burghers, who
had little to say, but also among the Company's officers
themselves, so that various protests were made by them on
account of the expense and waste consequent upon unnecessary
councillors, officers, servants and the like who are not known
by the Managers, and also on account of the monies and means
which were given in common, being privately appropriated and
used.  But it was all in vain, there was very little or no
amendment; and the greater the endeavors to help, restore and
raise up everything, the worse has it been; for pride has
ruled when justice dictated otherwise, just as if it were
disgraceful to follow advice, and as if everything should come
from one head.  The fruits of this conduct can speak and bear
testimony of themselves.  It has been so now so long, that
every day serves the more to condemn it.  Previously to the
23rd of July 1649, nothing had been done concerning weights
and measures or the like; but at that time they notified the
people that in August then next ensuing the matter would be
regulated.  The fiscaal would then attend to it, which was
as much as to say, would give the pigeons to drink.  There is
frequently much discontent and discord among the people on
account of weights and measures, and as they are never
inspected, they cannot be right.  It is also believed that
some of easy consciences have two sets of them, but we cannot
affirm the fact.  As to the corn measure, the Company itself
has always been suspected, but who dare lisp it?  The payment
in zeewant, which is the currency here, has never been placed
upon a good footing, although the commonalty requested it,
and showed how it should be regulated, assigning numerous
reasons therefor.  But there is always misunderstanding and
discontent, and if anything is said before the Director of
these matters more than pleases him, very wicked and spiteful
words are returned.  Those moreover whose office requires
them to speak to him of such things are, if he is in no good
fit, very freely berated as clowns, bear-skinners, and the
like.

The fort under which we are to shelter ourselves, and from
which as it seems all authority proceeds, lies like a molehill
or a tottering wall, on which there is not one gun-carriage or
one piece of cannon in a suitable frame or on a good platform.
>From the first it has been declared that it should be repaired,
laid in five angles, and put in royal condition.  The
commonalty's men have been addressed for money for the purpose,
but they excused themselves on the ground that the people were
poor.  Every one, too, was discontented and feared that if the
Director once had his fort to rely upon, he would be more
cruel and severe.  Between the two, nothing is done.  He will
doubtless know how to lay the blame with much circumstance
upon the commonalty who are innocent, although the Director
wished to have the money from them, and for that purpose
pretended to have an order from Their High Mightinesses.  Had
the Director laid out for that purpose the fourth part of the
money which was collected from the commonalty during his time,
it certainly would not have fallen short, as the wine-excise
was expressly laid for that object.  But it was sought in a
thousand ways to shear the sheep though the wool was not yet
grown.  In regard, then, to public works, there is little
difference between Director Kieft and Director Stuyvesant,
for after the church was built the former was negligent, and
took personal action against those who looked him in the eye.
The latter has had much more opportunity to keep public works
in repair than his predecessor had, for he has had no war on
his hands.  He has also been far more diligent and bitter in
looking up causes of prosecution against his innocent
opponents than his predecessor ever was.


The Administration of Director Kieft in Particular.

Sufficient has been said of what Director Kieft did in regard
to the church and its affairs, and in regard to the state,
such as buildings and taxes or revenue.  It remains for us
to proceed to the council-house and produce thence some
examples, as we promised.  We will, in doing so, endeavor to
be brief.

The Council then consisted of Director Kieft and Monsieur
la Montagne.  The Director had two votes, and Monsieur la
Montagne one; and it was a high crime to appeal from their
judgments.  Cornelis vander Hoykens sat with them as fiscaal,<1>
and Cornelis van Tienhoven as secretary,<2> and whenever any
thing extraordinary occurred, the Director allowed some, whom
it pleased him--officers of the company for the most part--
to be summoned in addition, but that seldom happened.
Nevertheless it gave discontent.  The Twelve Men, and afterwards
the Eight,<3> had in court matters neither vote nor advice;
but were chosen in view of the war and some other occurrences,
to serve as cloaks and cats-paws.  Otherwise they received no
consideration and were little respected if they opposed at
all the views of the Director, who himself imagined, or
certainly wished to make others believe, that he was sovereign,
and that it was absolutely in his power to do or refuse to do
anything.  He little regarded the safety of the people as the
supreme law, as clearly appeared in the war, although when the
spit was turned in the ashes, it was sought by cunning and
numerous certificates and petitions to shift the blame upon
others.  But that happened so because the war was carried too
far, and because every one laid the damage and the blood
which was shed to his account.  La Montagne said that he had
protested against it, but that it was begun against his will
and to his great regret, and that afterwards, when it was
entered upon, he had helped to excuse it to the best of his
ability.  The secretary, Cornelius van Tienhoven, also said
that he had no hand in the matter, and nothing had been done
by him in regard to it except by the express orders of the
Director.  But this was not believed, for there are those
who have heard La Montagne say that if the secretary had not
brought false reports the affair would never have happened.<4>
There are others also who know this, and every one believes
it to be so; and indeed it has plausability.  Fiscal van der
Hoytgens was not trusted on account of his drinking, wherein
all his science consists.  He had also no experience here,
and in the beginning frequently denounced the war as being
against his will.  So that the blame rests, and must rest
only upon the Director and Secretary Tienhoven.  The
Director was entrusted with the highest authority, and if
any body advised him to the land's ruin, he was not bound
to follow the advice and afterwards endeavor to shift the
burden from his own neck upon the people, who however
excuse themselves although in our judgment they are not all
entirely innocent.  The cause of this war we conceive to
have been the exacting of the contribution, (for which the
Director said he had the order of the Managers,)<5> and
his own ungovernable passions, which showed themselves
principally in private.  But there are friends whom this
business intimately concerns, and as they have already
undertaken it, we will leave the matter with them and
proceed to cite one or two instances disclosing the
aspiration after sovereignty.  Passing by many cases for
the sake of brevity, we have that of one Francis Doughty,
an English minister, and of Arnoldus van Herdenberch, a
free merchant.  But as both these cases appear likely to
come before Their High Mightinesses at full length, we
will merely give a summary of them.  This minister, Francis
Doughty, during the first troubles in England, in order to
escape them, came to New England.<6>  But he found that he
might, in conformity with the Dutch reformation, have
freedom of conscience, which, contrary to his expectation,
he missed in New England, he betook himself to the protection
of the Dutch.  An absolute ground-brief<7> with the privileges
allowed to a colony was granted to him by the Director.  He
had strengthened his settlement in the course of one year by
the addition of several families, but the war coming on, they
were driven from their lands with the loss of some men and
many cattle, besides almost all their houses and what other
property they had.  They afterwards returned and remained a
while, but consuming more than they were able to raise, they
came to the Manathans where all the fugitives sojourned at
that time, and there Master Doughty officiated as a minister.
After the flame of war was out and the peace was concluded--
but in such a manner that no one much relied upon it--some
of the people again returned to their lands.  The Director
would have been glad, in order that all things should be
completely restored, if it had pleased this man likewise to
go back upon his land; but inasmuch as the peace was doubtful,
and he had not wherewith to begin, Master Doughty was in no
haste.  He went however, some time afterwards, and dwelt
there half a year, but again left it.  As peace was made,
and in hope that some others would make a village there, a
suit was brought against the minister, and carried on so
far that his land was confiscated.  Master Doughty, feeling
himself aggrieved, appealed from the sentence.  The Director
answered, his sentence could not be appealed from, but must
prevail absolutely; and caused the minister for that remark
to be imprisoned twenty-four hours and then to pay 25 guilders.
We have always considered this an act of tyranny and regarded
It as a token of sovereignty.  The matter of Arnoldus van
Herdenberch was very like it in its termination.  After
Zeger Theunisz was murdered by the Indians in the Beregat,<8>
and the yacht had returned to the Manathans, Arnoldus van
Hardenbergh was with two others appointed by the Director
and Council curators over the estate, and the yacht was
searched.  Some goods were found in it which were not entered,
whereupon the fiscaal went to law with the curators, and
claimed that the goods were confiscable to the Company.  The
curators resisted and gave Herdenberch charge of the matter.
After some proceedings the goods were condemned.  As he found
himself now aggrieved in behalf of the common owners, he
appealed to such judges as they should choose for the purpose.
The same game was then played over again.  It was a high
crime.  The fiscaal made great pretensions and a sentence was
passed, whereof the contents read thus:  "Having seen the
written complaint of the Fiscaal vander Hoytgens against
Arnoldus van Hardenberch in relation to appealing from our
sentence dated the 28th April last past, as appears by the
signature of the before-named Sr. A. van Hardenberch, from
which sentence no appeal can be had, as is proven to him by
the States General and His Highness of Orange:  Therefore the
Director General and Council of New Netherland, regarding the
dangerous consequences tending to injure the supreme authority
of this land's magistracy, condemn the before-named Arnold van
Herdenberch to pay forthwith a fine of 25 guilders, or to be
imprisoned until the penalty be paid; as an example to others."
Now, if one know the lion from his paw, he can see that these
people do not spare the name of Their High Mightinesses, His
Highness of Orange, the honor of the magistrates, nor the words,
"dangerous consequences," "an example to others," and other such
words, to play their own parts therewith.  We have therefore
placed this act by the side of that which was committed against
the minister Doughty.  Many more similar cases would be found
in the record, if other things were always rightly inserted in
it, which is very doubtful, the contrary sometimes being observed.
It appears then sufficiently that everything has gone on rather
strangely.  And with this we will leave the subject and pass on
to the government of Director Stuyvesant, with a single word,
however, touching the sinister proviso incorporated in the
ground-briefs, as the consequences may thence be very well
understood.  Absolute grants were made to the people by the
ground-briefs, and when they thought that everything was right,
and that they were masters of their own possessions, the ground-
briefs were demanded from them again upon pretence that there
was something forgotten in them; but that was not it.  They
thought they had incommoded themselves in giving them, and
therefore a proviso was added at the end of the ground-brief,
and it was signed anew; which proviso directly conflicts with
the ground-brief, so that in one and the same ground-brief is a
contradiction without chance of agreement, for it reads thus in
the old briefs:  "and take in possession the land and the valleys
appertaining of old thereto," and the proviso says, "no valley
to be used before the Company," all which could well enough be
used, and the Company have a competency.  In the ground-briefs
is contained also another provision, which is usually inserted
and sticks in the bosom of every one:  to wit, that they must
submit themselves to all taxes which the council has made or
shall make.<9>  These impositions can be continued in infinitum,
and have already been enforced against several inhabitants.
Others also are discouraged from undertaking anything on such
terms.

<1> Cornelis van der Huygens was schout-fiscaal (sheriff and
public prosecutor) of New Netherland from 1639 to 1645.  He
was drowned in the wreck of the Princess in 1647, along with
Kieft.
<2> Cornelis van Tienhoven was a figure of much importance in
New Netherland history.  An Utrecht man, he came out as book-
Keeper in 1633, and served in that capacity under Van Twiller.
In 1638, at the beginning of Kieft's administration, he was
made provincial secretary, and continued in that office under
Stuyvesant, supporting with much shrewdness and industry the
measures of the administration.  His endeavors to counteract
this _Representation_ of the commonalty of New Netherland are
described in the introduction, and are exhibited in the piece
which follows.
<3> The Twelve Men were representatives chosen at the request
of Kieft, to advise respecting war against the Weckquasgeeks,
by an assembly of heads of families convened in August, 1641.
They counselled delay, but finally, in January, 1642, consented
to war.  When they proceeded to demand reforms, especially
popular representation in the Council, Kieft dissolved them.
After the Indian outbreak of August, 1643, the Eight Men were
elected, also at the instance of Kieft, and did their part
in the management of the ensuing warfare; but they also, in
the autumns of 1643 and 1644, protested to the West India
Company and the States General against Kieft's misgovernment,
and demanded his recall.
<4> This is intended to connect Kieft's massacre of the
refugee Tappaans at Pavonia, February 25-26, 1643, with a
previous reconnaissance of their position by Van Tienhoven.
<5> Demand of tribute which Kieft made of the river Indians
in 1639 and 1640.
<6> Reverend Francis Doughty, Adriaen van der Donck's father-
in-law, came to Massachusetts in 1637, but was forced to
depart on account of heresies respecting baptism. He is
reputed one of the first, if not the first, Presbyterian
ministers in America.  Further details regarding him, from
an unfriendly pen, may be seen in Van Tienhoven's reply, post.
The conditions on which he and his associates settled at
Mespath (Newtown) may be seen in _N.Y. Col. Doc._, XIII. 8; the
Patent, in O'Callaghan's _History of New Netherland_, I. 425.
<7> Conveyance.
<8> Shrewsbury Inlet.
<9> Mr. Murphy cites the clause, from a ground-brief or patent
issued in 1639.  After describing the land conveyed, it is
declared to be "upon the express condition and stipulation that
the said A.B. and his assigns shall acknowledge the Nobel Lords
Managers aforesaid as their masters and patroons under the
sovereignty of the High and Mighty Lord States General, and
shall be obedient to the Director and Council here, as all good
citizens are bound to be, submitting themselves to all such
taxes and imposts as have been or may be, hereafter, imposed
by the Noble Lords."


The Administration of Director Stuyvesant in Particular

We wish much we were already through with this administration,
for it has grieved us, and we know ourselves powerless;
nevertheless we will begin, and as we have already spoken of
the public property, ecclesiastical and civil, we will consider
how it is in regard to the administration of justice, and
giving decisions between man and man.  And first, to point as
with a finger at the manners of the Director and Council.  As
regards the Director, from his first arrival to this time, his
manner in court has been to treat with violence, dispute with
or harass one of the two parties, not as becomes a judge, but
as a zealous advocate, which has given great discontent to
every one, and with some it has gone so far and has effected
so much, that many of them dare bring no matter before the
court, if they do not stand well or tolerably so with the
Director.  For whoever has him opposed, has as much as the sun
and moon against him.  Though he has himself appointed many of
the councillors, and placed hem under obligation to him, and
some pretend that he can overpower the rest by plurality of
votes, he frequently puts his opinion in writing, and that so
fully that it covers several pages, and then he adds verbally,
"Monsieur, this is my advice, if any one has aught to say
against it, let him speak."  If then any one rises to make
objection, which is not easily done, though it be well grounded,
His Honor bursts out immediately in fury and makes such gestures,
that it is frightful; yea, he rails out frequently at the
Councillors for this thing and the other, with ugly words which
would better suit the fish-market than the council chamber; and
if this be all endured, His Honor will not rest yet unless he
has his will.  To demonstrate this by examples and proof, though
easily done, would nevertheless detain us too long; but we all
say and affirm that this has been his common practice from the
first and still daily continues.  And this is the condition and
nature of things in the council on the part of the Director,
who is its head and president.  Let us now briefly speak of the
councillors individually.  The Vice Director, Lubbert van
Dincklagen,<1> has for a long time on various occasions shown
great dissatisfaction about many different matters, and has
protested against the Director and his appointed councillors,
but only lately, and after some others made resistance.  He
was, before this, so influenced by fear, that he durst venture
to take no chances against the Director, but had to let many
things pass by and to submit to them.  He declared afterwards
that he had great objections to them, because they were not
just, but he saw no other way to have peace, as the Director
said even in the council, that he would treat him worse than
Wouter van Twiller had ever done, if he were not willing to
conform to his wishes.  This man then is overruled.  Let us
proceed farther.  Monsieur la Montagne had been in the council
in Kieft's time, and was then very much suspected by many.  He
had no commission from the Fatherland, was driven by the war
from his farm, is also very much indebted to the Company, and
therefore is compelled to dissemble.  But it is sufficiently
known from himself that he is not pleased, and is opposed to
the administration.  Brian Newton,<2> lieutenant of the soldiers,
is the next.  This man is afraid of the Director, and regards
him as his benefactor.  Besides being very simple and inexperienced
in law, he does not understand our Dutch language, so that he
is scarcely capable of refuting the long written opinions, but
must and will say yes.  Sometimes the commissary, Adrian Keyser,
is admitted into the council, who came here as secretary.  This
man has not forgotten much law, but says that he lets God's
water run over God's field.  He cannot and dares not say
anything, for so much can be said against him that it is best
that he should be silent.  The captains of the ships, when
they are ashore, have a vote in the Council; as Ielmer Thomassen,
and Paulus Lenaertson,<3> who was made equipment-master upon
his first arrival, and who has always had a seat in the council,
but is still a free man.  What knowledge these people, who all
their lives sail on the sea, and are brought up to ship-work,
have of law matters and of farmers' disputes any intelligent
man can imagine.  Besides, the Director himself considers them
so guilty that they dare not accuse others, as will appear
from this passage at Curacao, before the Director ever saw New
Netherland.  As they were discoursing about the price of
carracks, the Director said to the minister and others, "Domine
Johannes,<4> I thought that I had brought honest ship-masters
with me, but I find that I have brought a set of thieves";
and this was repeated to these councillors, especially to the
equipment-master, for Captain Ielmer was most of the time at
sea.  They have let it pass unnoticed--a proof that they were
guilty.  But they have not fared badly; for though Paulus
Lenaertssen has small wages, he has built a better dwelling-
house here than anybody else.  How this has happened is
mysterious to us; for though the Director has knowledge of
these matters, he nevertheless keeps quiet when Paulus
Lenaertssen begins to make objections, which he does not
easily do for any one else, which causes suspicion in the
minds of many.  There remains to complete this court-bench,
the secretary and the fiscaal, Hendrick van Dyck,<5> who had
previously been an ensign-bearer.  Director Stuyvesant has
kept him twenty-nine months out of the meetings of the
council, for the reason among others which His Honor assigned,
that he cannot keep secret but will make public, what is
there resolved.  He also frequently declared that he was a
villain, a scoundrel, a thief and the like.  All this is
well known to the fiscaal, who dares not against him take the
right course, and in our judgment it is not advisable for
him to do so; for the Director is utterly insufferable in
word and deed.  What shall we say of a man whose head is
troubled, and has a screw loose, especially when, as often
happens, he has been drinking.  To conclude, there is the
secretary, Cornelius van Tienhoven.  Of this man very much
could be said, and more than we are able, but we shall select
here and there a little for the sake of brevity.  He is
cautious, subtle, intelligent and sharp-witted--good gifts
when they are well used.  He is one of those who have been
longest in the country, and every circumstance is well known
to him, in regard both to the Christians and the Indians.
With the Indians, moreover, he has run about the same as an
Indian, with a little covering and a small patch in front,
from lust after the prostitutes to whom he has always been
mightily inclined, and with whom he has had so much to do
that no punishment or threats of the Director can drive him
from them.  He is extremely expert in dissimulation.  He
pretends himself that he bites when asleep, and that he shows
externally the most friendship towards those whom he most
hates.  He gives every one who has any business with him--
which scarcely any one can avoid--good answers and promises
of assistance, yet rarely helps anybody but his friends; but
twists continually and shuffles from one side to the other.
In his words and conduct he is shrewd, false, deceitful and
given to lying, promising every one, and when it comes to
perform, at home to no one.  The origin of the war was
ascribed principally to him, together with some of his friends.
In consequence of his false reports and lies the Director was
led into it, as is believed and declared both by the honest
Indians and Christians.  Now, if the voice of the people,
according to the maxim, be the voice of God, one can with
truth say scarcely anything good of this man or omit anything
bad.  The whole country, save the Director and his party,
cries out against him bitterly, as a villain, murderer and
traitor, and that he must leave the country or there will be
no peace with the Indians.  Director Stuyvesant was, at first
and afterwards, well admonished of this; but he has nevertheless
kept him in office, and allowed him to do so much, that all
things go according to his wishes, more than if he were
President.  Yea, he also says that he is well contented to
have him in his service, but that stone does not yet rest.  We
firmly believe that he misleads him in many things, so that he
does many bad things which he otherwise would not do; in a word,
that he is an indirect cause of his ruin and dislike in the
country.  But it seems that the Director can or will not see it;
for when it was represented to him by some persons he gave it
no consideration.  It has been contrived to disguise and manage
matters so, that in the Fatherland, where the truth can be
freely spoken, nobody would be able to molest him in order to
discover the truth.  We do not attempt it.  Having established
the powers of the Council, it is easy to understand that the
right people clung by each other, in order to maintain the
imaginary sovereignty and to give a gloss to the whole business.
Nine men were chosen to represent the whole commonalty, and
commissions and instructions were given that whatever these
men should do, should be the act of the whole commonalty.<6>
And so in fact it was, as long as it corresponded with the
wishes and views of the Director.  In such cases they
represented the whole commonalty; but when it did not so
correspond, they were then clowns, usurers, rebels and the
like.  But to understand this properly it will be best briefly
to state all things chronologically, as they have happened
during his administration, and in what manner those who have
sought the good of the country have been treated with injustice.

<1> Lubbertus van Dincklagen, doctor of laws, was sent out as
schout-fiscaal of New Netherland in 1634, quarrelled with Van
Twiller, and was sent back by him in 1636.  In 1644 he was
Provisionally appointed as Kieft's successor, but Stuyvesant
was finally made Director, and Van Dincklagen went out with
him as vice-director and second member of the Council.  He
opposed some of Stuyvesant's arbitrary acts, supplied the three
bearers of this _Representation_ with letters of credence to the
States General, was expelled from the Council by Stuyvesant in
1651, and died in 1657 or 1658.
<2> An Englishman who had served under the company several years
at Curacao.
<3> Ielmer (said to =Ethelmar) Tomassen was skipper of the
Great Gerrit in 1647, when Stuyvesant made him company's
storekeeper and second in military command; in 1649 and 1650, of
the Falcon.  Paulus Leendertsen van der Grift was captain in the
West India Company's service from at least 1644.  In 1647
Stuyvesant made him superintendent of naval equipment.  In the
first municipal government of New Amsterdam, 1653, he was made
a schepen (magistrate and councillor), later a burgomaster.
<4> Reverend Johannes Backerus, minister for the Company at
Curacao from 1642 to 1647, was transferred to Amsterdam when
Stuyvesant came out, in order to fill the vacancy left by
Reverend Everardus Bogardus, minister at Manhattan from 1633
to 1647, who, after long quarrelling with Kieft, had gone
home in the same ship with him, the ill-fated Princess.
<5> Ensign Hendrick van Dyck came out in 1640 as commander
of the militia; again with Stuyvesant in 1647 as schout-fiscaal.
In 1652 Stuyvesant removed him from that office.  His defence
of his official career, a valuable document, may be seen in
_N.Y. Col. Doc._, I. 491-513.
<6> See the introduction.

His first arrival--for what passed on the voyage is not for
us to speak of--was like a peacock, with great state and
pomp.  The declaration of His Honor, that he wished to stay
here only three years, with other haughty expressions, caused
some to think that he would not be a father.  The appellation
of Lord General,<1> and similar titles, were never before
known here.  Almost every day he caused proclamations of
various import to be published, which were for the most part
never observed, and have long since been a dead letter,
except the wine excise, as that yielded a profit.  The
proceedings of the Eight Men, especially against Jochem Pietersz
Cuyffer and Cornelis Molyn, happened in the beginning of his
administration.  The Director showed himself so one-sided in
them, that he gave reason to many to judge of his character,
yet little to his advantage.  Every one clearly saw that
Director Kieft had more favor, aid and counsel in his suit
than his adversary, and that the one Director was the advocate
of the other as the language of Director Stuyvesant imported
and signified when he said, "These churls may hereafter
endeavor to knock me down also, but I will manage it so now,
that they will have their bellies full for the future."  How
it was managed, the result of the lawsuit can bear witness.
They were compelled to pay fines, and were cruelly banished.
In order that nothing should be wanting, Cornelis Molyn, when
he asked for mercy, till it should be seen how his matters
would turn out in the Fatherland, was threatened in language
like this, as Molyn, who is still living, himself declares,
"If I knew, Molyn, that you would divulge our sentence, or
bring it before Their High Mightinesses, I would cause you
to be hung immediately on the highest tree in New-Netherland."
Now this took place in private, and may be denied--and ought
not to be true, but what does it matter, it is so confirmed
by similar cases that it cannot be doubted.  For, some time
after their departure, in the house of the minister, where
the consistory<2> had been sitting and had risen, it happened
that one Arnoldus van Herdenbergh related the proceedings
relative to the estate of Zeger Teunisz, and how he himself
as curator had appealed from the sentence; whereupon the
Director, who had been sitting there with them as an elder,
interrupted him and replied, "It may during my administration
be contemplated to appeal, but if any one should do it, I
will make him a foot shorter, and send the pieces to Holland,
and let him appeal in that way."  Oh cruel words! what more
could even a sovereign do?  And yet this is all firmly
established; for after Jochem Pieterz Cuyffer and Cornelis
Molyn went to the Fatherland to prosecute their appeal, and
letters came back here from them, and the report was that
their appeal was granted, or would be granted, the Director
declared openly at various times and on many occasions, as
well before inhabitants as strangers, when speaking of
Jochem Pietersz Cuyter and Cornelis Molyn, "Even if they
should come back cleared and bring an order of the States,
no matter what its contents, unless their High Mightinesses
summon me, I should immediately send them back."  His Honor
has also always denied that any appeal was or could be taken
in this country, and declared that he was able to show this
conclusively.  And as some were not willing to believe it,
especially in matters against the Company or their chief
officers, a great deal which had been sought out in every
direction was cited, and really not much to the purpose.
At the first, while Director Kieft was still here, the
English minister,<3> as he had long continued to service
without proper support and as land was now confiscated,
prayed that he might be permitted to proceed to the Islands,<4>
or to the Netherlands; but an unfavorable answer was always
given him, and he was threatened with this and that; finally
it resulted in permission to leave, provided he gave a promise
under his hand, that he would not in any place in which he
should come, speak or complain of what had befallen him here
in New Netherland under Director Kieft or Stuyvesant.  This
the man himself declares.  Mr. Dincklagen and Captain Loper,<5>
who then had seats in the council, also say that this is true.
One wonders, if the Directors act rightly according to their
own consciences, what they wished to do with such certificates,
and others like them, which were secretly obtained.  The
Honorable Director began also at the first to argue very
stoutly against the contraband trade, as was indeed very
laudable, provided the object was to regulate the matter and
to keep the law enforced; yet this trade, forbidden to others,
he himself wished to carry on; but to this the people were not
willing to consent.  His Honor said, and openly asserted, that
he was allowed, on behalf of the Company, to sell powder, lead
and guns to the Indians, but no one else could do so, and that
he wished to carry their resolution into execution.  What the
resolution of the Company amounts to, is unknown to us,<6> but
what relates to the act is notorious to every inhabitant; as
the Director has by his servants openly carried on the trade
with the Indians, and has taken guns from free men who had
brought with them one or two for their own use and amusement,
paying for them according to his own pleasure, and selling
them to the Indians.  But this way of proceeding could amount
to nothing, and made little progress.  Another plan was
necessary, and therefore a merchant, Gerrit Vastrick, received
orders to bring with him one case of guns which is known of,
for the purpose, as it was said, of supplying the Indians
sparingly.  They set about with this case of guns so openly,
that there was not a man on the Manathans but knew it; and it
was work enough to quiet the people.  Everybody made his own
comment; and, as it was observed that the ship was not inspected
as others had been before, it was presumed that there were many
more guns, besides powder and lead, in it for the Governor; but
as the first did not succeed, silence was therefore observed in
regard to the rest; and it might have passed unnoticed, had not
every one perceived what a great door for abuse and opportunity
the Director so opened to all others, and to the captain and
merchant, who were celebrated for this of old, and who were now
said to have brought with them a great number of guns, which
was the more believed, because they went to the right place,
and on their return were dumb as to what they did.  This begat
so much discontent among the common people, and even among
other officers, that it is not to be expressed; and had the
people not been persuaded and held back, something extraordinary
would have happened.  It was further declared that the Director
is everything, and does the business of the whole country,
having several shops himself; that he is a brewer and has
breweries, is a part owner of ships, a merchant and a trader,
as well in lawful as contraband articles.  But he does not mind;
he exhibits the orders of the Managers that he might do so, and
says moreover that he should receive a supply of powder and lead
by the Falconer for the purpose.  In a word, the same person
who interdicts the trade to others upon pain of death, carries
it on both secretly and openly, and desires, contrary to good
rules, that his example be not followed, and if others do
follow it--which indeed too often happens secretly--that they
be taken to the gallows.  This we have seen in the case of
Jacob Reyntgen and Jacob van Schermerhoren, against whom the
penalty of death was asked, which the Director was with great
difficulty persuaded to withdraw, and who were then banished
as felons and their goods confiscated.<7>  The banishment was,
by the intervention of many good men, afterwards revoked, but
their goods, which amounted to much (as they were Scotch
merchants<8>), remained confiscated.  We cannot pass by
relating here what happened to one Joost Theunisz Backer, as
he has complained to us of being greatly maltreated, as he
in fact was.  For the man being a reputable burgher, of good
life and moderate means, was put in prison upon the declaration
of an officer of the Company, who, according to the General and
Council, had himself thrice well deserved the gallows, and for
whom a new one even had been made, from which, out of mercy,
he escaped.  Charges were sought out on every side, and finally,
when nothing could be established against him having the
semblance of crime, he was released again, after thirteen days
confinement, upon satisfactory bail for his appearance in case
the fiscaal should find anything against him.  Nothing has as
yet been done about it.  After the year and a day had passed
by, we have, as representatives of the commonalty, and upon
his request, legally solicited, as his sureties were troubling
him, that the suit should be tried, so that he might be punished
according to his deserts if he were guilty, and if not, that
he might be discharged.  But there was nothing gained by our
interposition, as we were answered with reproachful language,
and the fiscaal was permitted to rattle out anything that came
in his mouth, and the man was rendered odious beyond all
precedent, and abused before all as a foul monster.  Asked he
anything, even if it were all right, he received angry and
abusive language, his request was not complied with, and justice
was denied him.  These things produce great dissatisfaction,
and lead some to meditate leaving the country.  It happened
better with one Pieter vander Linden, as he was not imprisoned.
There are many others, for the most of them are disturbed and
would speak if they durst.  Now the Company itself carries on
the forbidden trade, the people think that they too can do so
without guilt, if they can do so without damage; and this
causes smuggling and frauds to an incredible extent, though
not so great this year as heretofore.  The publishing of a
placard that those who were guilty, whether civilly or
criminally, in New England, might have passport and protection
here, has very much embittered the minds of the English, and
has been considered by every one fraught with bad consequences.
Great distrust has also been created among the inhabitants on
account of Heer Stuyvesant being so ready to confiscate.  There
scarcely comes a ship in or near here, which, if it do not
belong to friends, is not regarded as a prize by him.  Though
little comes of it, great claims are made to come from these
matters, about which we will not dispute; but confiscating has
come to such repute in New Netherland, that nobody anywise
conspicuous considers his property to be really safe.  It were
well if the report of this thing were confined to this country;
but it has spread among the neighboring English--north and
south--and in the West Indies and Caribbee Islands.  Everywhere
there, the report is so bad, that not a ship dare come hither
from those places; and good credible people who come from
thence, by the way of Boston, and others here trading at Boston,
assure us that more than twenty-five ships would come here from
those islands every year if the owners were not fearful of
confiscation.  It is true of these places only and the report
of it flies everywhere, and produces like fear, so that this
vulture is destroying the prosperity of New Netherland,
diverting its trade, and making the people discouraged, for
other places not so well situated as this, have more shipping.
All the permanent inhabitants, the merchant, the burgher and
peasant, the planter, the laboring man, and also the man in
service, suffer great injury in consequence; for if the
shipping were abundant, everything would be sold cheaper, and
necessaries be more easily obtained than they are now, whether
they be such as the people themselves, by God's blessing, get
out of the earth, or those they otherwise procure, and be sold
better and with more profit; and people and freedom would bring
trade.  New England is a clear example that this policy succeeds
well, and so especially is Virginia.  All the debts and claims
which were left uncollected by Director Kieft--due for the most
part from poor and indigent people who had nothing, and whose
property was destroyed by the war, by which they were compelled
to abandon their houses, lands, cattle and other means--were
now demanded; and when the people declared that they were not
able to pay--that they had lost their property by the war, and
asked My Lord to please have patience, they were repulsed.  A
resolution was adopted and actually put into execution,
requiring those who did not satisfy the Company's debts, to
pay interest; but the debts in question were made in and by
the war, and the people are not able to pay either principal
or interest.  Again, the just debts which Director Kieft left
behind, due from the Company, whether they consisted of monthly
wages, or were for grain delivered, or were otherwise lawfully
contracted, these the Director will not pay.  If we oppose this
as an unusual course, we are rebuked and it has to be so.  We
have by petition and proper remonstrance effected, however, so
much, that the collection of the debts is put off for a time.

<1> Myn Heer Generael is hardly what would be meant in English
by "Lord General"; it is most like Fr. Monsieur le General.
<2> The church session, in the Reformed Church, consisting of
minister, elders and deacons.
<3> Francis Doughty.
<4> The West Indies.
<5> Jacob Loper, a Swedish naval captain in the Dutch service,
who had married the eldest daughter of Cornelis Molyn.
<6> Mr. Murphy quotes an apposite passage from a letter which
the company had written to Stuyvesant on April 7, 1648: "As
they [the Indians] urge it with such earnestness, that they
would rather renew the war with us than be without these
articles, and as a war with them, in our present situation,
would be very unwelcome, we think the best policy is to
furnish them with powder and ball but with a sparing hand."
<7> These sentences were imposed in July, 1648.
<8> Peddlers.

Besides this, the country of the Company is so taxed, and is
burdened and kept down in such a manner, that the inhabitants
are not able to appear beside their neighbors of Virginia or
New England, or to undertake any enterprise.  It seems--and
so far as is known by us all the inhabitants of New Netherland
declare--that the Managers have scarce any care or regard for
New Netherland, except when there is something to receive, for
which reason, however, they receive less.  The great extremity
of war in which we have been, clearly demonstrates that the
Managers have not cared whether New Netherland sank or swam;
for when in that emergency aid and assistance were sought from
them--which they indeed were bound by honor and by promises
to grant, unsolicited, pursuant to the Exemptions--they have
never established any good order or regulation concerning it,
although (after all) such a thing had been decreed and commanded
by Their High Mightinesses.  Neither have they ever allowed the
true causes and reasons of the war to be investigated, nor have
they attempted to punish those who had rashly begun it.  Hence
no little suspicion that it was undertaken by their orders; at
least it is certain that their officers were chosen more from
favor and friendship than merit, which did not make their
matters go on better.  But this is the loss and damage for the
most part of the stockholders.  Many of the others doubtless
knew well their objects.  In a word, they come far short in
affording that protection which they owe the country, for
there is nothing of the kind.  They understand how to impose
taxes, for while they promised in the Exemptions not to go
above five per cent., they now take sixteen.  It is a common
saying that a half difference is a great difference, but that
is nothing in comparison with this.  The evasions and objections
which are used by them, as regards merchants' goods, smuggling
and many other things, and which the times have taught them,
in order to give color to their acts, are of no force or
consideration.  They however are not now to be refuted, as it
would take too long; though we stand ready to do so if there
be any necessity for it.  These and innumerable other
difficulties, which we have not time to express, exist, tending
to the damage, injury and ruin of the country.  If the
inhabitants or we ourselves go to the Director or other
officers of the Company, and speak of the flourishing condition
of our neighbors, and complain of our own desolate and ruinous
state, we get no other answer from them than that they see and
observe it, but cannot remedy it, as they follow the Company's
orders, which they are compelled to do, and that if we have
any thing to say, we must petition their masters, the Managers,
or Their High Mightinesses, which in truth we have judged to
be necessary.  It is now more than a year since the commons-
men deemed it expedient, and proposed, to send a deputation
to Their High Mightinesses.  The Director commended the project
and not only assented to it but urged it strongly.  It was put
well in the mill, so that we had already spoken of a person to
go, but it fell through for these reasons:  When it was proposed,
the Director desired that we should consult and act according
to his wishes; which some who perceived the object would not
consent to, and the matter therefore fell asleep.  Besides,
the English, who had been depended upon and who were associated
in the affair, withdrew till the necessity of action became
greater, and the Nine Men were changed the next year,<1> when
Herr Stuyvesant again urged the matter strongly, and declared
that he had already written to the Company that such persons
would come.  After the election of the Nine Men, and before
the new incumbents were sworn in, it was determined and resolved
verbally, that they would proceed with the deputation, whatever
should be the consequences; but it remained some time before
the oath was renewed, on account of some amplification of the
commission being necessary, which was finally given and recorded
and signed; but we have never been able to obtain an authentic
copy of it, although the Director has frequently promised and
we have frequently applied for it.

<1> December, 1648.

As the Company had now been waited upon a long while in vain,
promising amendment from time to time but going on worse, a
determined resolution was taken by the commons-men to send
some person.  They made their intention known to the Director,
and requested that they might confer with the commonalty; but
their proposition was not well received, and they obtained in
reply to their written petition a very long apostil, to the
effect, that consultation must be had with the Director, and
his instructions followed, with many other things which did
not agree with out object, and were impracticable, as we think.
For various reasons which we set down in writing, we thought it
was not advisable to consult with him, but we represented to
his Honor that he should proceed; we would not send anything to
the Fatherland without his having a copy of it.  If he could
then justify himself, we should be glad he should; but to be
expected to follow his directions in this matter was not, we
thought, founded in reason, but directly antagonistic to the
welfare of the country.  We had also never promised or agreed
to do so; and were bound by an oath to seek the prosperity of
the country, as, according to our best knowledge, we are
always inclined to do.

In the above mentioned apostil it says, if we read rightly,
that we should inquire what approbation the commonalty were
willing to give to this business, and how the expense should
be defrayed; but the Director explained it differently from
what we understood it.  Now as his Honor was not willing to
convene the people however urgent our request, or that we
should do it, we went round from house to house and spoke to
the commonalty.  The General has, from that time, burned with
rage, and, if we can judge, has never been effectually appeased
since, although we did not know but that we had followed his
order herein.  Nevertheless it was perceived that the Nine
Men would not communicate with him or follow his directions
in anything pertaining to the matter.  This excited in him a
bitter and unconquerable hatred against them all, but
principally against those whom he supposed to be the chief
authors of it; and although these persons had been good and
dear friends with him always, and he, shortly before, had
regarded them as the most honorable, able, intelligent and
pious men of the country, yet as soon as they did not follow
the General's wishes they were this and that, some of them
rascals, liars, rebels, usurers and spendthrifts, in a word,
hanging was almost too good for them.  It had been previously
strongly urged that the deputation should be expedited, but
then [he said] there was still six months time, and that all
that was proper and necessary could be put upon a sheet of
paper.  Many reports also were spread among the people, and it
was sought principally by means of the English to prevent the
college of the Nine Men from doing anything; but as these
intrigues were discovered, and it was therefore manifest that
this could not be effected, so in order to make a diversion,
many suits were brought against those who were considered the
ringleaders.  They were accused and then prosecuted by the
fiscaal and other suborned officers, who made them out to be
the greatest villains in the country, where shortly before
they had been known as the best people and dearest children.
At this time an opportunity presented itself, which the
Director was as glad to have, at least as he himself said, as
his own life.  At the beginning of the year 1649, clearly
perceiving that we would not only have much to do about the
deputation but would hardly be able to accomplish it, we
deemed it necessary to make regular memoranda for the purpose
of furnishing a journal from them at the proper time.  This
duty was committed to one Adriaen vander Donck, who by a
resolution adopted at the same time was lodged in a chamber
at the house of one Michael Jansz.  The General on a certain
occasion when Vander Donck was out of the chamber, seized this
rough draft with his own hands, put Vander Donck the day after
in jail, called together the great Council, accused him of
having committed crimen laesae majestatis, and took up the
matter so warmly, that there was no help for it but either
the remonstrance must be drawn up in concert with him (and
it was yet to be written,) or else the journal--as Mine Heer
styled the rough draft from which the journal was to be
prepared--was of itself sufficient excuse for action; for
Mine Heer said there were great calumnies in it against Their
High Mightinesses, and when we wished to explain it and asked
for it, to correct the errors, (as the writer did not wish to
insist upon it and said he knew well that there were mistakes
in it, arising from haste and other similar causes, in
consequence of his having had much to do and not having read
over again the most of it,) our request was called a libel
which was worthy of no answer, and the writer of which it
was intended to punish as an example to others.  In fine we
could not make it right in any way.  He forbade Vander Donck
the council and also our meetings, and gave us formal notice
to that effect, and yet would not release him from his oath.
Then to avoid the proper mode of proof, he issued a proclamation
declaring that no testimony or other act should be valid unless
it were written by the secretary, who is of service to nobody,
but on the contrary causes every one to complain that nothing
can be done.  Director Kieft had done the same thing when he
was apprehensive that an attestation would be executed against
him.  And so it is their practice generally to do everything
they can think of in order to uphold their conduct.  Those
whose offices required them to concern themselves with the
affairs of the country, and did so, did well, if they went
according to the General's will and pleasure; if they did not,
they were prosecuted and thrown into prison, guarded by soldiers
so that they could not speak with any body, angrily abused as
vile monsters, threatened to be taught this and that, and
everything done against them that he could contrive or invent.
We cannot enter into details, but refer to the record kept of
these things, and the documents which the Director himself is
to furnish.  From the foregoing relation Their High Mightinesses,
and others interested who may see it, can well imagine what
labor and burdens we have had upon our shoulders from which we
would very willingly have escaped, but for love of the country
and of truth, which, as far as we know, has long lain buried.
The trouble and difficulty which do or will affect us, although
wanting no addition, do not grieve us so much as the sorrowful
condition of New Netherland, now lying at its last gasp; but
we hope and trust that our afflictions and the sufferings of
the inhabitants and people of the country will awaken in Their
High Mightinesses a compassion which will be a cause of rejoicing
to New Netherland.


In what Manner New Netherland should be Redressed.

Although we are well assured and know, in regard to the mode of
redress of the country, we are only children, and Their High
Mightinesses are entirely competent, we nevertheless pray that
they overlook our presumption and pardon us if we make some
suggestions according to our slight understanding thereof, in
addition to what we have considered necessary in our petition
to Their High Mightinesses.

In our opinion this country will never flourish under the
government of the Honorable Company, but will pass away and
come to an end of itself without benefiting thereby the Honorable
Company, so that it would be better and more profitable for them,
and better for the country, that they should divest themselves
of it and transfer their interests.

To speak specifically.  Provision ought to be made for public
buildings, as well ecclesiastical as civil, which, in beginnings,
can be ill dispensed with.  It is doubtful whether divine worship
will not have to cease altogether in consequence of the departure
of the minister, and the inability of the Company.  There should
be a public school, provided with at least two good masters, so
that first of all in so wild a country, where there are many
loose people, the youth be well taught and brought up, not only
in reading and writing, but also in the knowledge and fear of
the Lord.  As it is now, the school is kept very irregularly,
one and another keeping it according to his pleasure and as long
as he thinks proper.  There ought also to be an almshouse and an
orphan asylum, and other similar institutions.  The minister who
now goes home,<1> should be able to give a much fuller explanation
thereof.  The country must also be provided with godly, honorable
and intelligent rulers who are not too indigent, or indeed are
not too covetous.  A covetous chief makes poor subjects.  The
manner the country is now governed falls severely upon it, and
is intolerable, for nobody is unmolested or secure in his property
longer than the Director pleases, who is generally strongly
inclined to confiscating; and although one does well, and gives
the Heer what is due to him, one must still study always to
please him if he would have quiet.  A large population would be
the consequence of a good government, as we have shown according
to our knowledge in our petition; and although to give free
passage and equip ships, if it be necessary, would be expensive
at first, yet if the result be considered, it would be an
exceedingly wise measure, if by that means farmers and laborers
together with other needy people were brought into the country,
with the little property which they have; as also the Fatherland
has enough of such people to spare.  We hope it would then
prosper, especially as good privileges and exemptions, which we
regard as the mother of population, would encourage the
inhabitants to carry on commerce and lawful trade.  Every one
would be allured hither by the pleasantness, situation, salubrity
and fruitfulness of the country, if protection were secured
within the already established boundaries.  It would all, with
God's assistance, then, according to human judgment, go well,
and New Netherland would in a few years be a worthy place and
be able to do service to the Netherland nation, to repay richly
the cost, and to thank its benefactors.

<1> Reverend Johannes Backerus.

High Mighty Lords!  We have had the boldness to write this
remonstrance, and to represent matters as we have done from
love of the truth, and because we felt ourselves obliged to
do so by our oath and conscience.  It is true that we have not
all of us at one time or together seen, heard and met with
every detail of its entire contents.  Nevertheless there is
nothing in it but what is well known by some of us to be true
and certain;--the most is known by all of us to be true.  We
hope Their High Mightinesses will pardon our presumption and be
charitable with our plainness of style, composition and method.
In conclusion we commit Their High Mightinesses, their persons,
deliberations and measures and their people, at home and abroad,
together with all the friends of New Netherland, to the merciful
guidance and protection of the Most High, whom we supplicate
for Their High Mightinesses' present and eternal welfare.  Amen.

Done this 28th of July in New Netherland, subscribed, "ADRIAEN
VANDER DONCK, AUGUSTIJN HERMANSZ, ARNOLDUS VAN HARDENBERGH,
JACOB VAN COUWENHOVEN, OLOFF STEVENSZ" (by whose name was
written "Under protest--obliged to sign about the government
of the Heer Kieft"), "MICHIEL JANSZ, THOMAS HAL, ELBERT ELBERTSZ,
GOVERT LOKERMANS, HENDRICK HENDRICKSZ KIP and JAN EVERTSBOUT."
Below was written, "After collation with the original remonstrance,
dated and subscribed as above, with which these are found to
correspond, at the Hague, the 13th October, 1649, by me;" and was
subscribed,

"D. v. SCHELLUYNEN, Notary Public."




END PROJECT GUTENBERG ETEXT "REPRESENTATION OF NEW NETHERLAND"





BEGIN PROJECT GUTENBERG ETEXT "VAN TIENHOVEN'S ANSWER"





Reference material and sources.

Cornelius Van Tienhoven, Answer to The Representation of New
Netherland, 1650.  In J. Franklin Jameson, ed.,
Narratives of New Netherland, 1609-1664 (Original
Narratives of Early American History).  NY: Charles
Scribner's Sons, 1909.


INTRODUCTION

The origin and value of the following document have been
sufficiently described in the introduction to that which
precedes.  Cornelis van Tienhoven, secretary of the province
under Kieft and Stuyvesant, had been sent by the latter to
Holland to counteract the efforts of the three emissaries
whom the commonalty had sent thither to denounce the existing
system of government.  Working in close co-operation with the
Amsterdam Chamber of the West India Company, he played a
skilful game, and succeeded in delaying and in part averting
hostile action on the part of the States General.  The piece
which follows is his chief defensive recital of the acts of
the administration, and as such has much value.

Van Tienhoven had the reputation of a libertine, and conducted
himself as such while in Holland, finally escaping to New
Netherland in 1651 with a girl whom he had deceived, though he
had a wife in the province.  Yet Stuyvesant retained him in
his favor, promoted him in 1652 to be schout-fiscaal of New
Netherland, and used him as his chief assistant.  After a
disastrous outbreak, however, understood to have been caused
by his advice, the Company ordered Stuyvesant to exclude him
from office; and presently Van Tienhoven and his brother, a
fraudulent receiver-general, absconded from the province.

The manuscript of Van Tienhoven's _Answer_ was found by
Brodhead in the archives of the Netherlands, and is still
there.  Two translations of it, differing but slightly, have
been printed, the first in 1849 by Henry C. Murphy, in the
_Collections of the New York Historical Society_, second series,
II. 329-338, the other in the _Documents relating to the
Colonial History of New York, I. 422-432.  The former, revised
by comparison with the original manuscript at the Hague by
Professor William I. Hull, of Swarthmore College, appears in
the following pages.



ANSWER TO THE REPRESENTATION OF NEW NETHERLAND, BY CORNELIS
VAN TIENHOVEN, 1650

A Brief Statement or Answer to some Points embraced in the
Written Deduction of Adrian van der Donk and his Associates,
presented to the High and Mighty Lords States General.
Prepared by Cornelis van Tienhoven, Secretary of the Director
and Council of New Netherland.


IN order to present the aforesaid answer succinctly, he, Van
Tienhoven, will allege not only that it ill becomes the
aforesaid Van her Donk and other private persons to assail
and abuse the administration of the Managers in this country,
and that of their Governors there,<1> in such harsh and general
terms, but that they would much better discharge their duty if
they were first to bring to the notice of their lords and
patrons what they had to complain of.  But passing by this
point, and leaving the consideration thereof to the discretion
of your High Mightinesses, he observes preliminary and generally,
that it could as easily and with more truth be denied, than by
them it is odiously affirmed.

<1> In New Netherland.  Van Tienhoven prepared this answer in
Holland.

Coming then to the matter, I will only touch upon those points
as to which either the Managers or the Directors are arraigned.
In regard to point No. 1, I deny, and it never will appear,
that the Company have refused to permit our people to make
settlements in the country, and allow foreigners to take up
the land.

The policy of the Company to act on the defensive, since they
had not the power to resist their pretended friends, and could
only protect their rights by protest, was better and more prudent
than to come to hostilities.

Trade has long been free to every one, and as profitable as
ever.  Nobody's goods were confiscated, except those who had
violated their contract, or the order by which they were bound;
and if anybody thinks that injustice has been done him by
confiscation, he can speak for himself.  At all events it does
not concern these people.

As for their complaining that the Christians are treated like
the Indians in the sale of goods, this is admitted; but this
was not done by the Company, nor by the Directors, because (God
help them) they have not had anything there to sell for many
years.  Most of the remonstrants, being merchants or factors,
are themselves the cause of this, since they are the persons
who, for those articles which cost here one hundred guilders,
charge there, over and above the first cost, including insurance,
duties, laborer's wages, freight, etc., one and two hundred
per cent. or more profit.  Here can be seen at once how these
people lay to the charge of the Managers and their officers the
very fault which they themselves commit. They can never show,
even at the time the Company had their shop and magazines there
well supplied, that the goods were sold at more than fifty per
cent. profit, in conformity with the Exemptions.  The forestalling
of the goods by one and another, and their trying to get this
profit, cannot be prevented by the Director, the more so as the
trade was thrown open to both those of small and those of large
means.

It is a pure calumny, that the Company had ordered half a fault
to be reckoned for a whole one.

And, as it does not concern the inhabitants what instructions
or orders the patroon gives to his chief agent, the charge is
made for the purpose of making trouble.  For these people would
like to live without being subject to any one's censure or
discipline, which, however, they stand doubly in need of.

Again it is said in general terms, but wherein, should be
specified and proven, that the Director exercises and has
usurped sovereign power.

That the inhabitants have had need of the Directors appears by
the books of accounts, in which it can be seen that the Company
has assisted all the freemen (some few excepted) with clothing,
provisions and other things, and in the erection of houses, and
this at the rate of fifty per cent. advance above the actual
cost in the Fatherland, which is not yet paid.  And they would
gladly, by means of complaints, drive the Company from the
land, and pay nothing.

It is ridiculous to suppose Director Kieft should have said
that he was sovereign, like the Prince in the Fatherland; but
as relates to the denial of appeal to the Fatherland, it arose
from this, that, in the Exemptions, the Island of the Manhatans
was reserved as the capital of New Netherland, and all the
adjacent colonies were to have their appeal to it as the Supreme
Court of that region.<1>

<1> Art. XX.

Besides, it is to be remarked, that the patroon of the colony
of Renselaerswyck notified all the inhabitants not to appeal
to the Manhatans, which was contrary to the Exemptions, by
which the colonies are bound to make a yearly report of the
state of the colony, and of the administration of justice, to
the Director and Council on the Manhatans.<1>

<1> Art. XXVIII.

The Directors have never had any management of, or meddled
with, church property.  And it is not known, nor can it be
proven, that any one of the inhabitants of New Netherland has
contributed or given, either voluntarily or upon solicitation,
anything for the erection of an orphan asylum or an almshouse.
It is true that the church standing in the fort was built in
the time of William Kieft, and 1,800 guilders were subscribed
for the purpose, for which most of the subscribers have been
charged in their accounts, which have not yet been paid.  The
Company in the meantime has disbursed the money, so that the
Commonalty (with a few exceptions) has not, but the Company
Has, paid the workmen.  If the commonalty desire such works
As the aforesaid, they must contribute towards them as is
Done in this country, and, if there were an orphan asylum and
Almshouse, there should be rents not only to keep up the house,
But also to maintain the orphans and old people.

If any one could show that by will, or by donation of a living
person, any money, or moveable or immoveable property, has been
bestowed for such or any other public work, the remonstrants
would have done it; but there is in New Netherland no instance
of the kind, and the charge is spoken or written in anger.
When the church which is in the fort was to be built, the
Churchwardens were content it should be put there.  These
persons complain because they considered the Company's fort
not worthy of a church.  Before the church was built, the
grist-mill could not grind with a southeast wind, because the
wind was shut off by the walls of the fort.

Although the new school, towards which the commonalty has
contributed something, is not yet built, the Director has no
management of the money, but the churchwardens have, and the
Director is busy in providing materials.  In the mean time a
place has been selected for a school, where the school is
kept by Jan Cornelissen.  The other schoolmasters keep school
in hired houses, so that the youth, considering the circumstances
of the country, are not in want of schools.  It is true there
is no Latin school or academy, but if the commonalty desire it,
they can furnish the means and attempt it.

As to what concerns the deacons' or poor fund, the deacons
are accountable, and are the persons to be inquired of, as
to where the money is invested, which they have from time to
time put out at interest; and as the Director has never had
the management of it, (as against common usage), the deacons
are responsible for it, and not the director.  It is true
Director Kieft being distressed for money, had a box hung in
his house, of which the deacons had one key, and in which all
the small fines and penalties which were incurred on court
day were dropped.  With the consent of the deacons he opened
it, and took on interest the money, which amounted to a pretty
sum.

It is admitted, that the beer excise was imposed by William
Kieft, and the wine excise by Peter Stuyvesant, and that they
continued to be collected up to the time of my leaving there;
but it is to be observed here, that the memorialists have no
reason to complain about it, for the merchant, burgher, farmer
and all others (tapsters only excepted), can lay in as much
beer and wine as they please without paying any excise, being
only bound to give an account of it in order that the quantity
may be ascertained.  The tapsters pay three guilders for each
tun of beer and one stiver for each can of wine,<1> which they
get back again from their daily visitors and the travellers
from New England, Virginia and elsewhere.

<1> The stiver was the twentieth part of a gulden or guilder,
and equivalent to two cents, the guilder being equivalent to
forty cents.

The commonalty up to that time were burdened with no other
local taxes than the before mentioned excise, unless the
voluntary gift which was employed two years since for the
continuation of the building of the church, be considered
a tax, of which Jacob Couwenhoven,<1> who is one of the
churchwardens, will be able to give an account.

<1> Couwenhoven, it will be remembered, was one of the
delegates from the commonalty then in Holland.

In New England there are no taxes or duties imposed upon goods
exported or imported; but every person's wealth is there
appraised by the government, and he must pay for the following,
according to his wealth and the assessment by the magistrates:
for the building and repairing of churches, and the support
of the ministers; for the building of schoolhouses, and the
support of schoolmasters; for all city and village improvements,
and the making and keeping in repair all public roads and
paths, which are there made many miles into the country, so
that they can be used by horses and carriages, and journeys
made from one place to another; for constructing and keeping
up all bridges over the rivers at the crossings; for the
building of inns for travellers, and for the maintenance of
governors, magistrates, marshals and officers of justice, and
of majors, captains and other officers of the militia.

In every province of New England there is quarterly a general
assembly of all the magistrates of such province;<1> and there
is yearly a general convention of all the provinces, each of
which sends one deputy with his suite, which convention lasts
a long time.  All their travelling expenses, board and
compensation are there raised from the people.  The poor-rates
are an additional charge.

<1> A loose statement, only so far correct, that each New
England colony had several sessions of its magistrates each
year, sometimes monthly sessions, while their legislative
assemblies ("general courts") were commonly held more than
once a year.  Van Tienhoven's general contention is correct,
that government in New England was far more elaborate and
expensive than in New Netherland; but New England had in 1650
a population of about 30,000, New Netherland hardly more than
3,000.  The annual meeting mentioned in the next sentence is
that of the Commissioners of the United Colonies, in which,
however, each colony was represented by two deputies, not one.

The accounts will show what was the amount of recognitions
collected annually in Kieft's time; but it will not appear
that it was as large by far as they say the people were
compelled to pay.  This is not the Company's fault, nor the
Directors', but of those who charge one, two and three hundred
per cent. profit, which the people are compelled to pay
because there are few tradesmen.

It will not appear, either now or in the future, that 30,000
guilders were collected from the commonalty in Stuyvesant's
time; for nothing is received besides the beer and wine
excise, which amounts to about 4,000 guilders a year on the
Manhatans.  From the other villages situated around it there
is little or nothing collected, because there are no tapsters,
except one at the Ferry,<1> and one at Flushing.

<1> The hamlet on the East River opposite Manhattan; the
village of Bruekelen stood a mile east of the river.

If anything has been confiscated, it did not belong to the
commonalty, but was contraband goods imported from abroad;
and nobody's goods are confiscated without good cause.

The question is whether the Honorable Company or the Directors
are bound to construct any works for the commonalty out of
the recognition which the trader pays in New Netherland for
goods exported, especially as those duties were allowed to
the Company by Their High Mightinesses for the establishment
of garrisons, and the expenses which they must thereby incur,
and not for the construction of poor-houses, orphan asylums,
or even churches and school-houses, for the commonalty.

The charge that the property of the Company is neglected in
order to procure assistance from friends, cannot be sustained
by proof.

The provisions obtained for the negroes from Tamandare were
sent to Curacao, except a portion consumed on the Manhatans,
as the accounts will show; but all these are mattes which do
not concern these persons, especially as they are not
accountable for them.

As to the freemen's contracts which the Director graciously
granted the negroes who were the Company's slaves, in
consequence of their long service:  freedom was given to them
on condition that their children should remain slaves, who
are not treated otherwise than as Christians.  At present
there are only three of these children who do any service.
One of them is at the House of Hope,<1> one at the Company's
Bouwery, and one with Martin Crigier, who has brought the
girl up well, as everybody knows.

<1> Near Hartford, Connecticut.  The company's bouwery, or
farm, next mentioned, was the tract extending between the
lines of Fulton and Chambers Streets, Broadway and the North
River.  Martin Cregier was captain of the militia company.

That the Heer Stuyvesant should build up, alter and repair
the Company's property was his duty.  For the consequent loss
or profit he will answer to the Company.

The burghers upon the island of Manhatans and thereabouts
must know that nobody comes or is admitted to New Netherland
(being a conquest) except upon this condition, that he shall
have nothing to say, and shall acknowledge himself under the
sovereignty of Their High Mightinesses the States General and
the Lords Managers, as his lords and patrons, and shall be
obedient to the Director and Council for the time being, as
good subjects are bound to be.

Who are they who have complained about the haughtiness of
Stuyvesant?  I think they are such as seek to live without
law or rule.

Their complaint that no regulation was made in relation to
sewan is untrue.  During the time of Director Kieft good
sewan passed at four for a stiver, and the loose bits were
fixed at six pieces for a stiver.<1>  The reason why the
loose sewan was not prohibited, was because there is no coin
in circulation, and the laborers, farmers, and other common
people having no other money, would be great losers; and had
it been done, the remonstrants would, without doubt, have
included it among their grievances.

<1> Kieft's regulation was adopted April 16, 1641.  In
Connecticut and Massachusetts, in 1640 ad 1641, the legal
valuations varied from four beads to the penny (or stiver)
to six beads.

Nobody can prove that Director Stuyvesant has used foul
language to, or railed at as clowns, any persons or
respectability who have treated him decently.  It may be
that some profligate has given the Director, if he used any
bad words to him, cause to do so.

That the fort is not properly repaired does not concern the
inhabitants. It is not their domain, but the Company's.  They
are willing to be protected by good forts and garrisons
belonging to the Company without furnishing any aid or assistance
by labor or money for the purpose; but it appears they are not
willing to see a fort well fortified and properly garrisoned,
from the apprehension that malevolent and seditious persons
will be better punished, which they call cruelty.

Had the Director not been compelled to provide the garrisons
of New Netherland and Curacao with provisions, clothing and pay,
the fort would, doubtless, have been completed already.

Against whom has Director Stuyvesant personally made a question
without reason or cause?

A present of maize or Indian corn they call a contribution,
because a present is never received from the Indians without
its being doubly paid for, as these people, being very covetous,
throw out a herring for a codfish, as everybody who knows the
Indians can bear witness.

Francis Doughty, father-in-law of Adrian van der Donk, and an
English minister, was allowed a colony at Mestpacht, not for
himself alone as patroon, but for him and his associates,
dwelling in Rhode Island, at Cohanock and other places, from
whom he had a power of attorney, and of whom a Mr. Smith<1>
was one of the principal; for the said minister had scarcely
any means of himself to build even a hovel, let alone to
people a colony at his own expense; but was to be employed
as minister by his associates, who were to establish him on
a farm in the said colony, for which he would discharge
ministerial duties among them, and live upon the profits of
the farm.

<1> Richard Smith, a Gloucestshire man, settled early in
Plymouth Colony (Taunton).  Removing thence on account of
religious differences, he settled in what is now Rhode Island,
where he became a close friend of Roger Williams.  Between
1640 and 1643 he made the first permanent settlement in the
Narragansett country, at Cawcamsqussick (Wickford), where he
had for many years his chief residence and where his house
still stands.  His extensive trading interests brought him
to Manhattan, where for some years he had a house.

Coming to the Manhatans to live during the war, he was permitted
to act as minister for the English dwelling about there; and
they were bound to maintain him without either the Director or
the Company being liable to any charge therefor.  The English
not giving him wherewith to live on, two collections were made
among the Dutch and English by means of which he lived at the
Manhatans.

The said colony of Mespacht was never confiscated, as is shown
by the owners, still living there, who were interested in the
colony with Doughty; but as Doughty wished to hinder population,
and to permit no one to build in the colony unless he were
willing to pay him a certain amount of money down for every
morgen of land, and a certain yearly sum in addition in the
nature of ground-rent, and in this way sought to establish a
domain therein, the others interested in the colony (Mr. Smith
especially) having complained, the Director and Council finally
determined that the associates might enter upon their property
--the farm and lands which Doughty possessed being reserved to
him; so that he has suffered no loss or damage thereby.  This I
could prove also, were it not that the documents are in New
Netherland and not here.

There are no clauses inserted in the ground-briefs, contrary
to the Exemptions, but the words nog te beramen (hereafter to
be imposed) can be left out of the ground-briefs, if they be
deemed offensive.

Stuyvesant has never contested anything in court, but as
president has put proper interrogatories to the parties and
with the court's advice has rendered decisions about which
the malevolent complain; but it must be proven that anyone
has been wronged by Stuyvesant in court.

As to what relates to the second [Vice Director] Dinclagen,
let him settle his own matters.

It can be shown that Brian Newton not only understands the
Dutch tongue, but also speaks it, so that their charge, that
Newton does not understand the Dutch language, is untrue.
All the other slanders and calumnies uttered against the
remaining officers should be required to be proven.

It is true that in New Netherland it was commonly stated in
conversation that there was no appeal from a judgment in New
Netherland pronounced on the island of Manhatans, founded on
the Exemptions by which on the island of Manhatans was
established the supreme court for all the surrounding colonies,
and also that there had never been a case in which an appeal
from New Netherland had been entertained by Their High
Mightinesses, although it had been petitioned for when Hendrick
Jansen Snyder, Laurens Cornelissen and others, many years ago,
were banished from New Netherland.<1>  It would be a very
strange thing indeed if the officers of the Company could
banish nobody from the country, while the officers of the
colony of Renselaerswyck, who are merely subordinates of the
Company, can banish absolutely from the colony whomever they
may deem advisable for the good of the colony, and permit no
one to dwell there unless with their approbation and upon
certain conditions, some of which are as follows:  in the
first place, no one down to the present time can possess a
foot of land of his own in the colony, but is obliged to take
upon rent all the land which he cultivates.  When a house is
erected an annual ground-rent in beavers must be paid; and
all the farmers must do the same, which they call obtaining
the right to trade.  Where is there an inhabitant under the
jurisdiction of the Company of whom anything was asked or
exacted for trade or land?  All the farms are conveyed in fee,
subject to the clause beraemt ofte nog te beramen, (taxes
imposed or to be imposed.)

<1> Hendrick Jansen the tailor was throughout Kieft's
administration one of his bitterest and most abusive opponents,
and was several times prosecuted for slander.  In 1647 he
sailed on the Princess with Kieft and was lost.  Lourens
Cornelissen van der Wel was a sea-captain, and also prosecuted
by Kieft.

The English minister Francis Doughty has never been in the
service of the company, wherefore it was not indebted to him;
but his English congregation are bound to pay him, as may be
proven in New Netherland.

The Company has advanced the said minister, from time to time,
goods and necessaries of life amounting to about 1100 guilders,
as the Colony-Book can show, which he has not yet paid, and he
is making complaints now, so that he may avoid paying it.
Whether or not the Director has desired a compromise with
Doughty, I do not know.

Director Stuyvesant, when he came to New Netherland, endeavored
according to his orders to stop in a proper manner the contraband
trade in guns, powder and lead.  The people of the colony of
Renselaerwyck understanding this, sent a letter and petition to
the Director, requesting moderation, especially as they said
if that trade were entirely abolished all the Christians in the
colony would run great danger of being murdered, as may more at
large be seen by the contents of their petition.

The Director and Council taking the request into consideration,
and looking further into the consequences, resolved that guns
and powder, to a limited extent, be sparingly furnished by the
factor at Fort Orange, on account of the Company, taking good
care that no supply should be carried by the boats navigating
the river, until in pursuance of a further order.  It is here
to be observed that the Director, fearing one of two [evils]
and in order to keep the colony out of danger, has permitted
some arms to be furnished at the fort.  Nobody can prove that
the Director has sold or permitted to be sold anything contraband,
for his own private benefit.  That the Director has permitted
some guns to be seized has happened because they brought with
them no license pursuant to the order of the Company, and they
would under such pretences be able to bring many guns.  The
Director has paid for every one that was seized, sixteen guilders,
although they do not cost in this country more than eight or
nine guilders.

It is true that a case of guns was brought over by Vastrick, by
order of Director Stuyvesant, in which there were thirty guns,
which the Director, with the knowledge of the Vice Director and
fiscaal, permitted to be landed in the full light of day, which
guns were delivered to Commissary Keyser with orders to sell
them to the Netherlanders who had no arms, in order that in time
they might defend themselves, which Keyser has done; and it will
appear by his accounts where these guns are.  If there were any
more guns in the ship it was unknown to the Director.  The
fiscaal, whose business it was, should have seen to it and
inspected the ship; and these accusers should have shown that
the fiscaal had neglected to make the search as it ought to have
been done.

Jacob Reinsen and Jacob Schermerhorn are Scotch merchants
(pedlers) born in Waterland, one of whom, Jacob Schermerhorn,
was at Fort Orange, the other, Jacob Reintjes, was at Fort
Amsterdam, who there bought powder, lead and guns, and sent
them up to Schermerhorn, who traded them to the Indians.  It
so happened that the Company's corporal, Gerit Barent, having
in charge such of the arms of the Company as required to be
repaired or cleaned, sold to the before named Jacob Reintjes,
guns, locks, gun-barrels, etc., as can be proven by Jacob
Reintjes' own confession, by letters written to his partner
long before this came to light, and by the accusations of the
corporal.  The corporal, seduced by the solicitation of Jacob
Reintjes, sold him the arms as often as desired, though the
Latter knew that the guns and gun-barrels belonged to the
Company, and not to the corporal.  There was confiscated also
a parcel of peltries (as may be seen in the accounts) coming
chiefly from the contraband goods (as appears from the letters).
And as the said Jacob Reintjes has been in this country since
the confiscation, he would have made complaint if he had not
been guilty, especially as he was sufficiently urged to do so
by the enemies of the Company and of the Director, but his own
letters were witnesses against him.

Joost de Backer being accused also by the above named corporal
of having bought gun-locks and gun-barrels from him, and the
first information having proved correct, his house was searched
according to law, in which was found a gun of the Company which
he had procured from the corporal; he was therefore taken into
custody until he gave security [to answer] for the claim of the
fiscaal.

As the English of New England protected among them all fugitives
who came to them from the Manhatans without the passport
required by the usage of the country, whether persons in the
service of the Company or freemen, and took them into their
service, it was therefore sought by commissioners to induce the
English to restore the fugitives according to an agreement
previously made with Governors Eaton and Hopkins, but as
Governor Eaton failed to send back the runaways, although
earnestly solicited to do so, the Director and Council, according
to a previous resolution, issued a proclamation that all persons
who should come from the province of New Haven (all the others
excepted) to New Netherland should be protected; which was a
retaliatory measure.  As the Governor permitted some of the
fugitives to come back to us, the Director and Council annulled
the order, and since then matters have gone on peaceably, the
dispute about the boundaries remaining the same as before.<1>

<1> Theophilus Eaton, governor of New Haven 1639-1658, and
Edward Hopkins, governor of Connecticut seven times in the
period 1640-1654.  The recriminations and retaliations alluded
to took place in the winter of 1647-1648.  Two months before
the date of this Answer, Stuyvesant had arranged with the
Commissioners of the United Colonies at Hartford a provisional
Agreement as to boundaries between English and Dutch on Long
Island and on the mainland; but the treaty was not ratified
by the English and Dutch governments.

Nobody's goods have been confiscated in New Netherland without
great reason; and if any one feels aggrieved about it, the
Director will be prepared to furnish an answer.  That ships
or shipmasters are afraid of confiscation and therefore do
not come to New Netherland is probable, for nobody can come
to New Netherland without a license.  Whoever has this, and
does not violate his agreement, and has properly entered his
goods, need not be afraid of confiscation; but all smugglers
and persons who sail with two commissions may well be.

All those who were indebted to the Company were warned by the
Director and Council to pay the debts left uncollected by the
late William Kieft, and as some could, and others could not
well pay, no one was compelled to pay; but these debts,
amounting to 30,000 guilders, make many who do not wish to
pay, angry and insolent, (especially as the Company now has
nothing in that country to sell them on credit,) and it seems
that some seek to pay after the Brazil fashion.<1>

<1> The recent conquest of the company's province of Brazil
by the Portuguese had enabled many debtors there to avoid
paying their debts.

The memorialists have requested that the people should not
be harassed, which however has never been the case, but they
would be right glad to see that the Company dunned nobody,
not demanded their own, yet paid their creditors.  It will
appear by the account-books of the Company that the debts
were not contracted during the war, but before it.  The
Company has assisted the inhabitants, who were poor and
burdened with wives and children, with clothing, houses,
cattle, land, etc., and from time to time charged them in
account, in hopes of their being able at some time to pay
for them.

If the taxes of New England, before spoken of, be compared
with those of New Netherland, it will be found that those of
New England are a greater burden upon that country than the
taxes of New Netherland are upon our people.

The wine excise of one stiver per can, was first imposed in
the year 1647.

The beer excise of three guilders per tun, was imposed by
Kieft in 1644, and is paid by the tapster alone, and not the
burgher.

The recognition of eight in a hundred upon exported beaver
skins does not come out of the inhabitants, but out of the
trader, who is bound to pay it according to contract.

The Director has always shown that he was desirous and
pleased to see a deputation from the commonalty, who should
seek in the Fatherland from the Company as patrons and the
Lords States as sovereigns, the following:  population,
settlement of boundaries, reduction of charges upon New
Netherland tobacco and other productions, means of transporting
people, permanent and solid privileges, etc.

For which purpose he has always offered to lend a helping
hand; but the remonstrants have pursued devious paths and
excited some of the commonalty, and by that means obtained
a clandestine and secret subscription, as is to be seen by
their remonstrance, designed for no other object than to
render the Company--their patrons--and the officers in New
Netherland odious before Their High Mightinesses, so that
the Company might be deprived of the jus patronatus and be
still further injured.

The remonstrants say that we had relied upon the English,
and by means of them sought to divert the college, (as they
call it,) which is untrue, as appears by the propositions
made to them.  But it is here to be observed that the English,
living under the protection of the Netherlanders, having
taken the oath of allegiance and being domiciliated and
settled in New Netherland, are to be considered citizens of
the country.  These persons have always been opposed to them,
since the English, as well as they, had a right to say
something in relation to the deputation, and would not
consent to all their calumnies and slanders, but looked to
the good of the commonalty and of the inhabitants.

It was not written on their petition, in the margin, that
they might secretly go and speak to the commonalty.  The
intention of the Director was to cause them to be called
together as opportunity should offer, at which time they
might speak to the commonalty publicly about the deputation.
The Director was not obliged, as they say, to call the
commonalty immediately together.  It was to be considered
by him at what time each one could conveniently come from
home without considerable loss, especially as some lived
at a distance in the country, etc.

That they have not been willing to communicate, was because
all whom they now paint in such black colors would have been
able to provide themselves with weapons, and make the contrary
appear, and in that case could have produced something [in
accusation of] some of them.  And since the Director and those
connected with the administration in New Netherland are very
much wronged and defamed, I desire time in order to wait for
opposing documents from New Netherland, if it be necessary.

As to Vander Donk and his associates' report that the Director
instituted suits against some persons:  The Director going to
the house of Michael Jansen, (one of the signers of the
remonstrance,) was warned by the said Michael and Thomas Hall,
saying, there was within it a scandalous journal of Adrian
van der Donck; which journal the Director took with him, and
on account of the slanders which were contained in it against
Their High Mightinesses and private individuals, Van der
Donck was arrested at his lodgings and proof of what he had
written demanded, but he was released on the application and
solicitation of others.

During the administration both of Kieft and of Stuyvesant,
it was by a placard published and posted, that no attestations
or other public writings should be valid before a court in
New Netherland, unless they were written by the secretary.
This was not done in order that there should be no testimony
[against the Director] but upon this consideration, that most
of the people living in Netherland are country and seafaring
men, and summon each other frequently for small matters before
the court, while many of them can neither read nor write, and
neither testify intelligibly nor produce written evidence,
and if some do produce it, sometimes it is written by some
sailor or farmer, and often wholly indistinct and contrary
to the meaning of those who had it written or who made the
statement; consequently the Director and Council could not
know the truth of matters as was proper and as justice
demanded, etc. Nobody has been arrested except Van der Donk
for writing the journal, and Augustyn Heermans, the agent of
Gabri, because he refused to exhibit the writings drawn up by
the Nine Men, which were promised to the Director, who had
been for them many times like a boy.

Upon the first point of redress, as they call it, the
remonstrants advise, that the Company should abandon and
transfer the country.  What frivolous talk this is!  The
Company have at their own expense conveyed cattle and many
persons thither, built forts, protected many people who were
poor and needy emigrating from Holland, and provided them
with provisions and clothing; and now when some of them have
a little more than they can eat up in a day, they wish to be
released from the authority of their benefactors, and without
paying if they could; a sign of gross ingratitude.

Hitherto the country has been nothing but expense to the
Company, and now when it can provide for itself and yield
for the future some profit to the Company, these people are
not willing to pay the tenth which they are in duty bound to
pay after the expiration of the ten years, pursuant to the
Exemptions to which they are making an appeal.

Upon the second point they say that provision should be made
for ecclesiastical and municipal property, church services,
an orphan asylum and an almshouse.  If they are such
philanthropists as they appear, let them lead the way in
generous contributions for such laudable objects, and not
complain when the Directors have endeavored to make collections
for the building of the church and school.  What complaints
would have been made if the Director had undertaken to make
collections for an almshouse and an orphan asylum!  The
service of the church will not be suspended, although Domine
Johannes Backerus has departed, who was there only twenty-
Seven months.  His place is supplied by a learned and godly
Minister who has no interpreter when he defends the Reformed
Religion against any minister of our neighbors, the English
Brownists.<1>

<1> Referring to Reverend Johannes Megapolensis, who had been
persuaded to remain in New Netherland and assume pastoral care
of Manhattan.

The foregoing are the points which really require any answer.
We will only add some description of the persons who have
signed the remonstrance and who are the following:

Adrian van der Donk has been about eight years in New Netherland.
He went there in the service of the proprietors of the colony
of Renselaerswyck as an officer, but did not long continue such,
though he lived in that colony till 1646.

Arnoldus van Hardenburgh accompanied Hay Jansen to New Netherland,
in the year 1644, with a cargo for his brother.  He has never to
our knowledge suffered any loss or damage in New Netherland, but
has known how to charge the commonalty well for his goods.

Augustyn Heermans came on board the Maecht van Enkhuysen,<1>
being then as he still is, the agent of Gabrie<2> in trading
business.

<1> "Maid of Enkhuizen."
<2> Peter Gabry and Sons, a noted firm of Amsterdam.

Jacob van Couwenhoven came to the country with his father in
boyhood, was taken by Wouter van Twiller into the service of
the Company as an assistant, and afterwards became a tobacco
planter.  The Company has aided him with necessaries as it
is to be seen by the books, but they have been paid for.

Olof Stevensen, brother-in-law of Govert Loockmans, went out
in the year 1637 in the ship Herring as a soldier in the
service of the Company.  He was promoed by Director Kieft
and finally made commissary of the shop.  He has profited in
the service of the Company, and endeavors to give his
benefactor the world's pay, that is, to recompense good with
evil.  He signed under protest, saying that he was obliged
to sign, which can be understood two ways, one that he was
obliged to subscribe to the truth, the other that he had
been constrained by force to do it.  If he means the latter,
it must be proven.

Michael Jansen came to New Netherland as a farmer's man in
the employ of the proprietors of Renselaerswyck.  He made
his fortune in the colony in a few years, but not being
able to agree with the officers, finally came in the year
1646 to live upon the island Manhatans.  He would have come
here himself, but the accounts between him and the colony
not being settled, in which the proprietors did not consider
themselves indebted as he claimed, Jan Evertsen came over
in his stead.

Thomas Hall came to the South River in 1635, in the employ
of an Englishman, named Mr. Homs, being the same who intended
to take Fort Nassau at that time and rob us of the South
River.  This Thomas Hall ran away from his master, came to
the Manhatans and hired himself as a farmer's man to Jacob
van Curlur.  Becoming a freeman he has made a tobacco
plantation upon the land of Wouter van Twyler, and he has
been also a farm-superintendent; and this W. van Twyler
knows the fellow.  Thomas Hall dwells at present upon a
small bowery belonging to the Honorable Company.

Elbert Elbertsen came to the country as a farmer's boy at
about ten or eleven years of age, in the service of Wouter
van Twyler, and has never had any property in the country.
About three years ago he married the widow of Gerret
Wolphertsen, (brother of the before mentioned Jacob van
Couwenhoven,) and from that time to this has been indebted
to the Company, and would be very glad to get rid of paying.

Govert Loockmans, brother in law of Jacob van Couwenhoven,
came to New Netherland in the yacht St. Martin in the
year 1633 as a cook's mate, and was taken by Wouter van
Twyler into the service of the Company, in which service
he profited somewhat.  He became a freeman, and finally
took charge of the trading business for Gilles Verbruggen
and his company in New Netherland.  This Loockmans ought
to show gratitude to the Company, next to God, for his
elevation, and not advise its removal from the country.

Hendrick Kip is a tailor, and has never suffered any injury
in New Netherland to our knowledge.

Jan Evertsen-Bout, formerly an officer of the Company,
came the last time in the year 1634, with the ship Eendracht
[Union], in the service of the Honorable Michiel Paauw, and
lived in Pavonia until the year 1643, and prospered tolerably.
As the Honorable Company purchased the property of the Heer
Paauw, the said Jan Evertsen succeeded well in the service
of the Company, but as his house and barn at Pavonia were
burnt down in the war, he appears to take that as a cause
for complaint.  It is here to be remarked, that the Honorable
Company, having paid 26,000 guilders for the colony of the
Heer Paauw, gave to the aforesaid Jan Evertsen, gratis, long
after his house was burnt, the possession of the land upon
which his house and farmstead are located, and which yielded
good grain.  The land and a poor unfinished house, with a
few cattle, Michiel Jansen has bought for eight thousand
guilders.

In brief, these people, to give their doings a gloss, say
that they are bound by oath and compelled by conscience;
but if that were the case they would not assail their
benefactors, the Company and others, and endeavor to deprive
them of this noble country, by advising their removal, now
that it begins to be like something, and now that there is
a prospect of the Company getting its own again.  And now
that many of the inhabitants are themselves in a better
condition than ever, this is evidently the cause of the
ambition of many, etc.

At the Hague, 29th November, 1650.