[Illustration]




THE PREHISTORIC WORLD:
 or,
VANISHED RACES.

By E. A. ALLEN

Author of “The Golden Gems of Life.”

Each of the following well-known Scholars reviewed one or more Chapters, and
made valuable suggestions:

              C. C. ABBOTT, M.D.,
 Author of“Primitive
              Industry.”

              Prof. F. W. PUTNAM,
 Curator of Peabody Museum of Archæology
              and Ethnology, Harvard University.

              A. F. BANDELIER,
 Explorer for Archæological Institute
              of America, author of “Archæological Tour
 in Mexico.”

              Prof. CHARLES RAU,
 Curator of Archæological Department
              of Smithsonian Institution.

              ALEXANDER WINCHELL, LL.D.,
 Professor of
              Geology and Paleontology, University of Michigan.

              CYRUS THOMAS, PH.D.,
 Of the Bureau of
              Ethnology.

      G. F. WRIGHT,
 Of the United States Geological Survey, Professor in
      Theological Seminary, Oberlin, Ohio.

      NASHVILLE:
 CENTRAL PUBLISHING HOUSE,
 1885.


      Copyright by
 FERGUSON, ALLEN, AND RADER, 1885.


frontispiece

Contents

           Chapter I:
          INTRODUCTION.

           Chapter II:
          EARLY GEOLOGICAL PERIODS.

           Chapter III:
          MEN OF THE RIVER DRIFT.

           Chapter IV:
          CAVE-MEN.

           Chapter V:
          ANTIQUITY OF THE PALEOLITHIC AGE.

           Chapter VI:
          THE NEOLITHIC AGE IN EUROPE.

           Chapter VII:
          THE BRONZE AGE IN EUROPE.

           Chapter VIII:
          THE IRON AGE IN EUROPE.

           Chapter IX:
          EARLY MAN IN AMERICA.

           Chapter X:
          THE MOUND BUILDERS.

           Chapter XI:
          THE PUEBLO COUNTRY.

           Chapter XII:
          THE PREHISTORIC AMERICANS.

           Chapter XIII:
          THE NAHUA TRIBES.

           Chapter XIV:
          THE MAYA TRIBES.

           Chapter XV:
          THE CULTURE OF THE CIVILIZED TRIBES.

           Chapter XVI:
          ANCIENT PERU.

Contents

      Chapter I: INTRODUCTION.

      Difficulties of the subject—Lesson to be learned—The pursuit of
      knowledge—Recent advances—Prehistoric past of the Old World—Of
      the New—Of Mexico and the South—The Isles of the Pacific—Similar
      nature of the relics—The wonders of the present age—History of
      popular opinion on this subject—The teachings of the Bible—Nature
      of the evidence of man’s antiquity—The steps leading up to this
      belief—Geology—Astronomy—Unfolding of life—Nature of our inquiry.

       Chapter II: EARLY GEOLOGICAL PERIODS.

      Necessity of a general acquaintance with the outlines of
      Geology—A time in which no life was possible on the globe—Length
      of this period—History of life commences at the close of this
      period—On the formation of rocks—The record imperfect—The three
      great periods in animal life on the globe—Paleozoic Age—Animal
      and vegetable life of this period—Ideal scenes in this period—The
      Mesozoic Age—Animal and vegetable life of this period—Advance
      noted—Abundance of reptilian life—First appearance of
      birds—Nature’s methods of work—the Cenozoic Age Geological
      outline—Sketch of the Eocene Age—Of the Miocene Age—What is
      sufficient proof of the presence of man—Discussion on the Thenay
      flints—The Pliocene Age—Animal and vegetable life of this age—Was
      man present during this age?—Discussion of this subject—Summing
      up of the evidence—Conclusion.

       Chapter III: MEN OF THE RIVER DRIFT.

      Beginning of the Glacial Age—Interglacial Age—Man living in
      Europe during this age—Map of Europe—Proof of former elevation of
      land—The animals living in Europe during this age—Conclusions
      drawn from these different animals—The vegetation of this
      period—Different climatic conditions of Europe during the Glacial
      Age—Proofs of the Glacial Age—Extent of Glacial Ice—Evidence of
      warm Interglacial Age—The primitive state of man—Early English
      civilization—Views of Horace—Primitive man destitute of
      metals—Order in which different materials were used by man for
      weapons—Evidence from the River Somme—History of Boucher De
      Perthes’s investigations. Discussion of the subject—Antiquity of
      these remains—Improvement during the Paleolithic Age—Description
      of the flint implements—Other countries where these implements
      are found—What race of men were these tribes—The Canstadt
      race—Mr. Dawkins’s views—When did they first appear in Europe?
      The authorities on this question—Conclusion.

       Chapter IV: CAVE-MEN.

      Other sources of information—History of cave explorations—The
      formation of caves—Exploration in Kent’s Cavern—Evidence of two
      different races—The higher culture of the later race—Evidence of
      prolonged time—Exploration of Robin Hood Cave—Explorations in
      Valley of the River Meuse—M. Dupont’s conclusions—Explorations in
      the Valley of the Dordogne—The station at Schussenreid—Cave-men
      not found south of the Alps—Habitations of the Cave-men—Cave-men
      were hunters—Methods of cooking—Destitute of the potter’s
      art—Their weapons—Clothing—Their skill in drawing—Evidence of a
      government—Of a religious belief—Race of the Cave-men—Distinct
      from the Men of the Drift—Probable connection with the Eskimos.

       Chapter V: ANTIQUITY OF THE PALEOLITHIC AGE.

      Interest in the Antiquity of man—Connected with the Glacial
      Age—The subject difficult—Proofs of a Glacial Age—State of
      Greenland to-day—The Terminal Moraine—Appearance of the North
      Atlantic—Interglacial Age—Causes of the Glacial Age—Croll’s
      Theory—Geographical causes—The two theories not antagonistic—The
      date of the Glacial Age—Probable length of the Paleolithic
      Age—Time Since the close of the Glacial Age—Summary of results.

       Chapter VI: THE NEOLITHIC AGE IN EUROPE.

      Close of the first cycle—Neolithic culture connected with the
      present—No links between the two ages—Long lapse of time between
      the two ages—Swiss lake villages—This form of villages widely
      scattered—Irish cranogs—Fortified villages—Implements and weapons
      of Neolithic times—Possessed of pottery—Neolithic
      agriculture—Possessed of domestic animals—Danish
      shell-heaps—Importance of flint—The art of navigation—Neolithic
      clothing—Their mode of burial—The question of race—Possible
      remnants— Connection with the Turanian race—Arrival of the Celts.

       Chapter VII: THE BRONZE AGE IN EUROPE.

      Races of Men, like Individuals—Gradual change of Neolithic Age to
      that of Bronze—The Aryan family—First Aryans Neolithic—Origin of
      Bronze—How Great discoveries are made—Gold the first metal—Copper
      abundant—No Copper Age—The discovery of Tin—Explanation of an
      Alloy—Bronze, wherever found, the same composition—What is meant
      by the Bronze Age—Knowledge in other directions—Gradual Growth of
      Culture—Three Centers of Bronze production—Habitations during the
      Bronze Age—The Bronze Ax—Implements of Bronze—Personal
      ornaments—Ornaments not always made of Bronze—Advance in Arts of
      living—Advance in Agriculture—Warlike Weapons—How they worked
      Bronze—Advance in Government—Trade in the Bronze Age—Religion of
      the Bronze Age—Symbolical figures—Temples of the Bronze
      Age—Stonehenge.

       Chapter VIII: THE IRON AGE IN EUROPE.

      Bronze not the best metal—Difficulties attending the discovery of
      Iron—Probable steps in this discovery—Where this discovery was
      first made—Known in Ancient Egypt—How this knowledge would
      spread—Iron would not drive out Bronze—The primitive
      Iron-worker—The advance in government—Pottery and ornaments of
      the Iron Age—Weapons of early Iron Age—The battle-field of
      Tilfenau—Trade of early Iron Age—Invention of Money—Invention of
      Alphabetic Writing—Invasion of the Germanic Tribes—The cause of
      the Dark Ages—Connection of these three ages—Necessity of
      believing in an Extended Past—Attempts to determine the
      same—Tiniere Delta—Lake Bienne—British Fen-lands—Maximum and
      Minimum Data—Mr. Geikie’s conclusions—The Isolation of the
      paleolithic Age.

       Chapter IX: EARLY MAN IN AMERICA.

      Conflicting accounts of the American Aborigines—Recent
      discoveries—Climate of California in Tertiary Times—Geological
      changes near its close—Description of Table Mountain—Results of
      the discoveries there—The Calaveras skull—Other relics—Discussion
      of the question—Early Californians Neolithic—Explanation of
      this—Date of the Pliocene Age—Other discoveries bearing on the
      Antiquity of man—Dr. Koch’s discovery—Discoveries in the Loess of
      Nebraska—In Greene County, Ill.—In Georgia—Difficulties in
      detecting a Paleolithic Age in this country—Dr. Abbott’s
      discoveries—Paleolithic Implements of the Delaware—Age of the
      deposits—The race of Paleolithic man—Ancestors of the
      Eskimos—Comparison of Paleolithic Age in this country with that
      in Europe—Eskimos one of the oldest races in the World.

       Chapter X: THE MOUND BUILDERS.

      Meaning of “MOUND BUILDERS”—Location of Mound Building tribes—All
      Mounds not the work of men—Altar Mounds—Objects found on the
      Altars—Altar Mounds possibly burial Mounds—Burial Mounds—Mounds
      not the only Cemeteries of these tribes—Terraced Mounds—Cahokia
      Mound—Historical notice of a group of Mounds—The Etowal
      group—Signal Mounds—Effigy Mounds—How they represented different
      animals—Explanation of the Effigy Mounds—Effigy Mounds in other
      localities—Inclosures of the Scioto Valley—At Newark, Ohio—At
      Marietta, Ohio—Graded Ways—Fortified Inclosures—Ft. Ancient,
      Ohio—Inclosures of Northern Ohio—Works of unknown import—Ancient
      Canals in Missouri—Implements and Weapons of Stone—Their
      knowledge of Copper—Ancient mining—Ornamental pipes—Their
      knowledge of pottery—Of Agriculture—Government and Religion—Hard
      to distinguish them from the Indians.

       Chapter XI: THE PUEBLO COUNTRY.

      Description of the Pueblo Country—Historical outline—Description
      of Zuñi—Definition of a Pueblo—Old Zuñi—Inscription Rock—Pueblo
      of Jemez—Historical notice of Pecos—Description of the Moqui
      tribes—The Estufa—Description of the San Juan country—Aztec
      Springs—In the Canyon of the McElmo—The Ruins on the Rio
      Mancos—On Hovenweep Creek—Description of a Cliff-house—Cliff
      Town—Cave Houses—Ruins on the San Juan—Cave Town—The Significance
      of Cliff-houses—Moqui traditions—Ruins in Northern New
      Mexico—Ruins in the Chaco Cañon—Pueblo Bonito—Ruins in
      South-western Arizona—The Rio Verde Valley—Casa Grande—Ruins on
      the Gila—Culture of the Pueblo Tribes—Their Pottery—Superiority
      of the Ancient pottery—Conclusion.

       Chapter XII: THE PREHISTORIC AMERICANS.

      Different views on this Subject—Modern System of
      Government—Ancient System of Government—Tribal Government
      universal in North America—The Indians not Wandering
      Nomads—Indian houses Communal in character—Indian Methods of
      Defense—Mandan Villages—Indians sometimes erected Mounds—Probable
      Government of the Mound Builders—Traditions of the Mound Builders
      among the Iroquois—Among the Delawares—Probable fate of the Mound
      Builders—The Natchez Indians possibly a remnant of the Mound
      Builders—Their early Traditions—Lines of resemblance between the
      Pueblo Tribes and the Mound Builders—The origin of the
      Indians—America Inhabited by the Indians from a very early
      time—Classification of the Indian Tribes—Antiquity of the Indian
      Tribes.

       Chapter XIII: THE NAHUA TRIBES.

      Early Spanish discoveries in Mexico—The Nahua tribes
      defined—Climate of Mexico—The Valley of Anahuac—Ruins at
      Tezcuco—The Hill of Tezcocingo—Ruins at Teotihuacan—Ancient
      Tulla—Ruins in the Province of Querataro—Casa Grandes in
      Chihuahua—Ancient remains in Sinaloa—Fortified Hill of
      Quemada—The Pyramid of Cholula—Fortified Hill at Xochicalco—Its
      probable use—Ruins at Monte Alban—Ancient remains at Mitla—Mr.
      Bandelier’s investigations—Traditions in regard to Mitla—Ruins
      along the Panuco River—Ruins in Vera Cruz—Pyramid of
      Papantla—Tusapan—Character of Nahua Ruins.

       Chapter XIV: THE MAYA TRIBES.

      The geographical location of the Maya tribes—Description of
      Copan—Statue at Copan—Altar at Copan—Ruins at
      Quiriga—Patinamit—Utatlan—Description of Palenque—The Palace at
      Palenque—The Temple of the Three Inscriptions—Temple of the
      Beau-relief—Temple of the Cross—Temple of the Sun—Maler’s Temple
      of the Cross—Significance of the Palenque crosses—Statue at
      Palenque—Other ruins in Tobasco and Chiapas—Ruins in
      Yucatan—Uxmal—The Governor’s House—The Nunnery—Room in
      Nunnery—The Sculptured Façades—Temple at
      Uxmal—Kabah—Zayi—Labna—Labphak—Chichen-Itza—The Nunnery—The
      Castillo—The Gymnasium—M. Le Plongon’s researches—The tradition
      of the Three Brothers—Chaac-Mal—Antiquity of Chichen-Itza.

       Chapter XV: THE CULTURE OF THE CIVILIZED TRIBES.

      Different views on this question—Reasons for the same—Their
      architecture—Different styles of houses—The communal house—The
      teepan—The teocalli—State of society indicated by this
      architecture—The gens among the Mexicans—The phratry among the
      Mexicans—The tribe—The powers and duties of the council—The head
      chiefs of the tribe—The duties of the “Chief-of-Men”—The mistake
      of the Spaniards—The Confederacy—The idea of property among the
      Mexicans—The ownership of land—Their laws—Enforcement of the
      laws—Outline of the growth of the Mexicans in power—Their tribute
      system—How collected—Their system of trade—Slight knowledge of
      metallurgy—Religion—Quetzalcohuatl—Huitzilopochtli—Mexican
      priesthood—Human sacrifice—The system of Numeration—The calendar
      system—The Calendar Stone—Picture-writing—Landa
      Alphabet—Historical outline.

       Chapter XVI: ANCIENT PERU.

      First knowledge of Peru—Expeditions of Pizarro—Geography of
      Peru—But a small part of it inhabitable—The tribes of ancient
      Peru—How classified—Sources of our knowledge of Peru—Garcillaso
      De La Vega—Origin of Peruvian civilization—The Bolson of
      Cuzco—Historical outline—Their culture—Divided into phratries and
      gentes—Government—Efforts to unite the various tribes—Their
      system of colonies—The roads of the Incas—The ruins of Chimu—The
      arts of the Chimu people—The manufacture of Pottery—Excavation at
      Ancon—Ruins in the Huatica Valley—The construction of a Huaca—The
      ruins at Pachacamac—The Valley of the Canete—The Chincha
      Islands—Tiahuanuco—Carved gateway—The Island of
      Titicaca—Chulpas—Aboriginal Cuzco—Temple of the Sun—The
      Fortress—General remarks.


1. Pyramids and Sphinx.
2. Paleozoic Forest.
3. The Pterodactyl.
4. Ichthyosauri.
5. The Labyrinthodon.
6. The Paleotherium.
7. Miocene Mammals.
8. Cut Bones of a Whale.
9. Mastodon.
10. Map of Europe.
11. Scratched Stone.
12. Interglacial Bed.
13. Paleolithic Flints.
14. Flint Implements.
15. Section of Gravel-pit.
16. Paleolithic Flint, England.
17. Flint Flakes.
18. Spear-head Type.
19. Hatchet Type.
20. Neanderthal Man.
21. Gailenreuth.
22. Spear-head, Lower Breccia, Kent’s Cavern.
23. Flake, Cave-earth, Kent’s Cavern.
24. Spear-head, Cave-earth, Kent’s Cavern.
25. Harpoon, Pin, Awl, and Needle, Kent’s Cavern.
26. Robin Hood Cave.
27. Horse incised on Piece of Rib.
28. Bone Implements, Cresswell Crags.
29. Bone Implements, Dordogne Caves.
30. Rock Shelter, Bruniquel.
31. Whale and Seal incised on Bone.
32. Cave-bear incised on Slate.
33. Glove incised on Bear’s Tooth.
34. Reindeer grazing.
35. Group of Reindeers.
36. Man, and other Animals.
37. Fish incised on Bear’s Tooth.
38. Ibex.
39. Mammoth, La Madeline Cave, France.
40. Reindeer carved on Dagger Handle.
41. Flower on Reindeer’s Horn.
42. Ornamented Reindeer Horn, use unknown.
43. Eskimo Art.
44. The Mammoth.
45. Antarctic Ice-sheet.
46. Earth’s Orbit.
47. Lake Village.
48. Foundation Lake Village.
49. Irish Crannog.
50. Fortified Camp, Cissbury.
51. Neolithic Axes.
52. Neolithic Weapons.
53. Hafted Hatchet in Sheath.
54. Ax in Sheath.
55. Sheath with two Hatchets.
56. Chisels in Sheath.
57. Horn Hoe.
58. Miner’s Pick.
59. Polishing Stone.
60. Neolithic Boat-making.
61. Neolithic Cloth.
62. Spindle Whorl.
63. Weaver’s Comb.
64. Chambered Burial Mound.
65. Dolmen, England.
66. Dolmen, France.
67. Dolmen, once covered with Earth.
68. Menhir.
69. Stone Circle, England.
70. Chambered Tomb, France.
71. Bronze Axes, First Form.
72. Bronze Axes, Second Form.
73. Bronze Axes, Third Form.
74. Hammer.
75. Chisel.
76. Bronze Knives.
77. Crescent, use unknown.
78. Bracelet.
79. Hair-pin.
80. Bronze Pendants.
81. Necklace and Beads.
82. Ornamental Designs.
83. Bronze Sickle.
84. Clay Vessel and Support.
85. Bronze Weapons.
86. Mold.
87. Burial Mound.
88. Avebury Restored.
89. Stonehenge Restored.
90. Ancient Tower, Scotland.
91. Ornaments.
92. Gold Ornament.
93. Swords.
94. Ornamental Sword-sheath.
95. Lance-head and Javelin.
96. Shields.
97. Gallic Coin.
98. Imaginary Section of Table Mountain.
99. Calaveras Skull.
100. Implement found in Loess.
101. Spear-shaped Paleolithic Implement.
102. Paleolithic Implement, Argillite.
103. Stone Implement.
104. Mound Prairie.
105. Mound and Circle.
106. Altar Mound.
107. Plan and Section of Altar.
108. Burial Mounds.
109. Burial Mounds.
110. Grave Creek Mound.
111. Cross-section St. Louis Mound.
112. Terraced Mound.
113. Elevated Square, Marietta.
114. Cahokia Mound.
115. Temple Mound inclosed in a Circle.
116. Etowah Mound, Georgia.
117. Hill Mounds.
118. Miamisburg Mound.
119. Effigy Mounds.
120. Elephant Mound.
121. Emblematic Mounds.
122. Grazing Elks—Fox in the distance.
123. Eagle Mound.
124. Hawks and Buffaloes.
125. Goose and Duck.
126. Turtle.
127. Salamander and Muskrat.
128. Man-shaped Mound.
129. Emblematic Mound Inclosure.
130. Bird Mound surrounded by a Stone Circle.
131. The Big Serpent Mound.
132. The Alligator Mound.
133. High Bank Works.
134. Square and Circle Embankment.
135. Square inscribed in a Circle.
136. Circle and Ditch.
137. Mound Builders’ Works, Newark, Ohio.
138. Eagle Mound.
139. Gateway of Octagon.
140. Observatory Mound.
141. Works at Marietta, Ohio.
142. Graded Way, Piketon, Ohio.
143. Fortified Hill, Hamilton, Ohio.
144. Fort Ancient, Ohio.
145. Fortified Headland.
146. Inclosure, Northern Ohio.
147. Square Inclosure, Northern Ohio.
148. Sacrificial Pentagon.
149. Festival Circle.
150. Crescent Works.
151. Triangular Works.
152. Arrow Points.
153. Ax found in a Mound.
154. Weapons of Stone from Tennessee.
155. Copper Ax.
156. Copper Bracelets.
157. Ancient Mine, Michigan.
158. Sculptured Face.
159. Face of a Female.
160. Beaver.
161. Otter.
162. Birds on Pipes.
163. Group of Clay Vessels.
164. Bowls with Human Faces.

165. Bottle-shaped Vessels (Smith. Inst.)
166. Water Cooler.
167. Pottery Vessels.
168. Agricultural Implements.
169. Idols.
170. Map of the Pueblo Country.
171. Zuñi.
172. Ground Plan.
173. End View.
174. Old Zuñi.
175. Inscription Rock.
176. Wolpi.
177. Watch Tower.
178. Ruins at Aztec Springs.
179. Ruins in the McElmo Cañon.
180. Tower on the Rio Mancos.
181. Ruins in the Hovenweep Canyon.
182. Two-storied House in the Mancos Cañon.
183. View of the Cliff in which the House is Situated.
184. Plan of the House.
185. Doorway of the House.
186. Room of the House.
187. Cliff Town, Rio Mancos.
188. Caves used as Houses, Rio Mancos.
189. Ruins in the San Juan Cañon.
190. Cave Town.
191. Battle Rock, McElmo Cañon.
192. Restoration of Pueblo Bonito.
193. Plan of Pueblo Bonito.
194. Different Styles of Masonry.
195. Room in Pueblo Bonito.
196. Casa Grandes, on the Gila.
197. Indented and Corrugated Ware.
198. Painted Pueblo Pottery.
199. Long House of the Iroquois.
200. Stockaded Onondaga Village.
201. Pomeiock.
202. Mandan Village.
203. Ruins near the La Platte, Valley of the San Juan.
204. Stone Mask, found in Tennessee.
205. Map of Mexico.
206. Bas-relief Tezcuco.
207. Montezuma’s Bath.
208. Aqueduct, Tezcocingo.
209. Teotihuacan.
210. Casas Grandes.
211. Quemada.
212. Pyramid of Cholula.
213. Xochicalco.
214. Enlarged View of the Ruins.
215. Wall at Mitla.
216. Ornamentation at Mitla.
217. Hall at Mitla.
218. Papantla.
219. Tusapan.
220. Map of Central America.
221. Ruins of Copan.
222. Statue, Copan.
223. Statue, Copan.
224. Hieroglyphics, Top of Altar.
225. Bas-relief, East Side of Altar.
226. Portrait, Copan.
227. Plan of Palenque.
228. General View of Palace, Palenque.
229. Cross-section of Palace, Palenque.
230. Trefoil Arch.
231. Entrance to Principal Court.
232. Stone Tablet.
233. Palace, Palenque.
234. Ruined Temple of the Three Tablets.
235. Elevation Temple of the Three Tablets.
236. The Beau-relief.
237. Temple of the Cross.
238. Tablet of the Cross.
239. The Sun.
240. Maler’s Cross.
241. Statue, Palenque.
242. Bas-relief, on the left hand of the Altar of the Cross.
243. Plan of Uxmal.
244. The Governor’s House, Uxmal.
245. Two-headed Monument, Uxmal.
246. End View.
247. Ground Plan.
248. Figure over the Doorway.
249. Ornament over the Doorway.
250. Elephant’s Trunk.
251. Plan of Nunnery.
252. Room in Nunnery.
253. Façade, Southern Building.
254. Façade, Eastern Building.
255. Serpent Façade, Western Building.
256. Temple, Uxmal.
257. Arch, Kabah.
258. Zayi.
259. Plan of Zayi.
260. Gateway at Labna.
261. Castillo, Chichen-Itza.
262. Gymnasium at Chichen-Itza.
263. Ring.
264. Building at end of Gymnasium.
265. Painted Stucco Work.
266. Queen Consulting the H-men.
267. Chaac-mol.
268. Bearded Itza.
269. Arizona Ruin.
270. Tribute Sheet.
271. Yucatan Axes.
272. Carpenter’s Ax.
273. Mexican Carpenter.
274. Copper Tool.
275. Huitzilopochtli.
276. Mexican Numeration Signs.
277. Maya and Mexican Day Signs.
278. Maya Months.
279. Calendar Stone.
280. Sign of Rain.
281. Sign of a Cycle.
282. Indian Picture-writing.
283. Chapultepec.
284. Amen.
285. Historical Sheet.
286. Chilapi Tribute.
287. Child-training.
288. Migration Chart.
289. Landa Alphabet.
290. Maya T.
291. Maya Picture-writing.
292. Hieroglyphics, Tablet of the Cross.
293. Map of Peru.
294. Fortress, Huatica Valley.
295. Ruins at Pachacamac.
296. Relics from Guano Deposits.
297. Burial Towers.
298. Palace.
299. Section of Palace Walls.
300. Ornamentation on Walls.
301. Adobe Ornament.
302. Gold and Silver Vases.
303. Bronze Knives and Tweezers.
304. Water-jar.
305. Water-jars from Ancon.
306. Cloth Found in Grave.
307. Wall in Huatica Valley.
308. Burial Mound, or Huaca.
309. Fortress Mound.
310. Temple Wall.
311. Fortress, Huatica Valley.
312. General View of Pachacamac.
313. View of the Temple.
314. Relics from Graves at Pachacamac.
315. Relics found buried in Guano Deposits.
316. Prehistoric Pottery-ware.
317. Silver Cylinder Head.
318. Terrace Wall, Tiahuanuco.
319. Method of joining Stones, Tiahuanuco.
320. Gateway, Tiahuacuno.
321. Ruins on the Island of Titicaca.
322. Ruins, Island of Coati.
323. Burial Tower.
324. Terrace Wall at Cuzco.
325. Temple of the Sun.
326. Fortress Wall.
327. Section of Fortress Wall.
328. Quippos.

Full-page Engravings

1. Cliff Houses, Rio Mancos Cañon.
2. Engraved Title Page.
3. Paleozoic Forest.
4. Rock Shelter at Bruniquel.
5. Antarctic Ice Sheet.
6. Lake Village, Switzerland.
7. Pueblo of Zuñi.
8. Cliff-town, Rio Mancos.
9. Restoration of Pueblo Bonito.
10. Painted Pueblo Pottery.
11. Pyramid of Cholula.
12. Copan Statue.
13. General View of Palace.
14. Bas-relief on the left-hand of the Altar of the Cross.
15. Plan of Uxmal.
16. The Governor’s House, Uxmal.
17. Room in Nunnery.
18. Zayi.
19. Castillo, Chichen-Itza.
20. Tribute Sheet.
21. Huitzilopochtli.
22. Calendar Stone.
23. Historical Sheet.
24. Pachacamac.




 IN
      this volume the author has sought to lay before the reader a
      description of life and times lying beyond the light of history.
      This is indeed an extensive subject, and calls for some
      explanation, both as to the general design of the work and what
      steps have been taken to secure correct information.

      History is a word of varied import. In general, when we talk
      about history, we mean those accounts of past events, times, and
      circumstances of which we have written records. Not necessarily
      meaning alphabetical writing, because hieroglyphic records have
      furnished much true history. Hieroglyphic writing, which long
      preceded alphabetical writing, is itself a comparatively recent
      art. In no country do we find any records carrying us further
      back than a few thousand years before the Christian era. We have
      every reason to believe that the historical part of man’s life on
      the globe is but an insignificant part of the whole. This
      historic period is not the same in all countries. It varies from
      a few centuries in our own country to a few thousands of years in
      Oriental lands. In no country is there a hard and fast line
      separating the historic period from the prehistoric. In the dim
      perspective of years the light gradually fades away, the mist
      grows thicker and thicker before us, and we at last find
      ourselves face to face with the unknown past.

      This extensive period of time is not, however, utterly lost to
      us. We have simply to gather our information in some other way.
      Enthusiastic explorers, digging beneath the ashes of Vesuvius,
      have brought to light the remains of an entombed city. Of this
      city we indeed have historic records, but even if all such
      records had long since disappeared, we would gather much
      information as to the nationality of the inhabitants, their
      customs, and manners, by a simple inspection of the relics
      themselves. Everywhere over the earth, entombed beneath the feet
      of the living, or crumbling on the surface, are the few relics of
      a past far antedating the relics of Pompeii. They are the proofs
      positive that some people inhabited the land in far away times.

      Our object is to gather together the conclusions of the
      scientific world as to primitive man. We wish to see how far back
      in the geological history of the globe we can find evidence of
      man’s existence, and we desire to learn his surroundings and the
      manner of his life. There can be no more important field than for
      us to thus learn of the past. To read the story of primitive man,
      to walk with him the earth in ages long ago, with him to wage war
      on the huge animals of a previous epoch, to recede with him
      before the relentless march of the ice of the Glacial Age, to
      watch his advance in culture, to investigate whether there are
      any races of men now living which are the direct descendants of
      this primeval man.

      The author makes no claims to original investigations. He trusts,
      however, it will not be considered impertinent for a mere
      loiterer in the vestibule of the temple of science to attempt to
      lay before others the results of the investigations of our
      eminent scholars. He has endeavored faithfully to perform this
      task. As far as possible technical language has been avoided.
      This is because he has written not for the distinctively
      scientific men, but rather for the farmer, the mechanic, and the
      man of business. Constant references are made to the authorities
      consulted. The reader his a right to know who vouches for the
      statements made in the text.

      The pleasantest part of an author’s duty is to return thanks for
      assistance. After the manuscript was prepared with what care
      could be bestowed on it, it was determined to submit it to some
      of our best American scholars for criticism. Accordingly, each of
      the gentlemen named on the title page were requested to review
      one or more chapters. As far as possible, each one was asked to
      review that chapter or chapters for which, either by reason of
      the position they held, or the interest they were known to take
      in such subjects, they would by common assent be acknowledged as
      eminently fitted to sit in judgment. In justice to them, it
      should be stated that they were not expected to concern
      themselves with the literary merits or demerits of the
      manuscript, but to criticise the scientific statements made
      therein. To each and all of these gentlemen the author would
      acknowledge his deep obligations.

      We are indebted to Rev. J. P. MacLean, the well-known
      archaeologist, both for many valuable suggestions, and for the
      use of wood-cuts on pages 60, 138 and 396. We are also under
      obligation to Rev. S. D. Peet, editor of the _American
      Antiquarian,_ for cuts illustrative of the effigy mounds of
      Wisconsin. The officials of the Smithsonian Institution, and the
      Bureau of Ethnology have our thanks for many cuts, for which
      credit is given them throughout the work.

      Finally, the author wishes to say that it was the intention to
      make this work the joint production of the author and his
      partner, Mr. S. C. Ferguson, but before any progress was made it
      was deemed advisable to change the programme. While the literary
      work has all been performed by the author, the many details
      necessarily connected with the publication of a book were
      attended to by Mr. Ferguson.

      E. A. ALLEN.

      Cincinnati, _January_ 1, 1885.

      Ruins of Cannar




      T HOU unrelenting Past! Strong are the barriers round thy dark
      domain—
            And fetters, sure and fast, Hold all that enter thy
            unbreathing reign.


      Far in thy realm, withdrawn, Old empires sit in sullenness and
      gloom;
            And glorious ages, gone, Lie deep within the shadow of thy
            womb.


            Full many a mighty name Lurks in thy depths, unuttered,
            unrevered: With thee are silent fame, Forgotten arts, and
            wisdom disappeared.
      W. C. BRYANT.




      The Prehistoric World

Chapter I
INTRODUCTION.


      Difficulties of the subject—Lesson to be learned—The pursuit of
      knowledge—Recent Advances—Prehistoric past of the Old World—Of
      the New—Of Mexico and the South—The Isles of the Pacific—Similar
      nature of the relics—The wonders of the present age—History of
      popular Opinion on this subject—The teachings of the Bible—Nature
      of the evidence of man’s antiquity—Geology—Astronomy—Unfolding of
      life—Nature of our inquiry.

      WHO

      can read the book of the past? Who can tell us the story of
      Creation’s morn? It is, not written in history, neither does it
      live in tradition. There is mystery here; but it is hid by the
      darkness of bygone ages. There is a true history here, but we
      have not learned well the alphabet used. Here are doubtless
      wondrous scenes; but our stand-point is removed by time so vast,
      the mist of years is so thick before us, that only the ruder
      outlines can be determined. The delicate tracery, the body of the
      picture, are hidden from our eye. The question as to the
      antiquity and primitive history of man, is full of interest in
      proportion as the solution is beset with difficulties. We
      question the past; but only here and there a response is heard.
      Surely bold is he who would attempt, from the few data at hand,
      to reconstruct the history of times and people so far removed. We
      quickly become convinced that many centuries, and tens of
      centuries, have rolled away since man’s first appearance on the
      earth. We become impressed with the fact, “that multitudes of
      people have moved over the surface of the Earth, and sunk into
      the night of oblivion, without leaving a trace of their
      existence: without a memorial through which we might have at
      least learned their names.”[1]

      To think of ourselves, is to imagine for our own nation an
      immortality. We are so great, so strong, surely nothing can move
      us. Let us learn humility from the past: and when, here and
      there, we come upon some reminder of a vanished people, trace the
      proofs of a teeming population in ancient times, and recover
      somewhat of a history, as true and touching as any that poets
      sing, let us recognize the fact, that nations as well as
      individuals pass away and are forgotten.

      The past guards its secret well. To learn of it we must seek new
      methods of inquiry. Discouraged by the difficulties in the way,
      many have supposed it hidden from the present by a veil which
      only thickens as time passes. In the remains of prehistoric times
      they have failed to recognize the pages of history. They saw only
      monuments of ancient skill and perseverance: interesting
      sketches, not historical portraits. Some writers have held that
      we must give up the story of the past, “whether fact or
      chronology, doctrine or mythology—whether in Europe, Asia,
      Africa, or America—at Thebes, or Palenque—on Lycian shore, or
      Salisbury plain—lost is lost and gone is gone for evermore.” Such
      is the lament of a gifted writer,[2] amongst the first to ponder
      over the mysteries of the past. At the present day, with better
      means at hand, a more hopeful view is taken. But here a caution
      is necessary; for, in attempting to reconstruct the history of
      primitive times, such is the interest which it inspires, that
      many allow imagination to usurp the place of research, and write
      in terms too glowing for history.[3]

      The human mind is sleepless in the pursuit of knowledge. It is
      ever seeking new fields of conquest. It must advance: with it,
      standing still is the precursor of defeat. If necessary it
      invents new methods of attack, and rests not until it gains its
      objective point, or demonstrates the hopelessness of its quest.
      The world needs but be informed that on a given point knowledge
      is dim and uncertain, when there are found earnest minds applying
      to the solution of the mystery all the energies of their natures.
      All the resources of science are brought to bear; every
      department of knowledge is made to contribute of its store: and
      soon a mass of facts is established and a new science is added to
      the department of human knowledge.

      Thus, with our knowledge of prehistoric times, what so seemingly
      vain as to attempt to roll back the flight of time, and learn the
      condition of primeval man? All the light of ancient history makes
      but little impression on the night of time. By its aid we can but
      dimly see the outlines of the fortieth century back; beyond is
      gloom soon lost in night. But a few short years ago, men did not
      think it possible to gain further information. With the materials
      at hand this could not be done. The triumph of the intellect was
      simply delayed, not hopelessly repulsed. Geology was but just
      beginning to make good its claim to a place among the sciences.
      This unfolded to man the physical history of the world as read
      from the rocks, and deals with times so vast and profound that we
      speak no longer of years, but of ages. And with the aid of
      Geology grand secrets were wrung from the past, and new light was
      thrown on the manners and customs of primitive man. Thus the
      foundation for still another science was laid, called Archæology,
      or the science of Human Antiquities. These two sister sciences
      are the keys by whose aid we have not only acquired much
      information of a past that seemed a hopeless enigma—but, as
      Columbus on the waste of waters could perceive traces of land as
      yet invisible, so can the present seekers after knowledge trace
      the signs of a satisfactory solution of many of the great
      questions relating to the origin and history of the vanished
      races of mankind.

      In whatever land we commence our investigations, we quickly come
      upon the evidences of an ancient life long antedating all
      historical information. Ancient Egypt has been a fruitful theme
      for the antiquarians pen. The traveler has moralized over the
      ruins of her past greatness, and many pointed illustrations of
      national growth and decay have been drawn from her history.

      Here was the seat of an ancient civilization, which was in the
      zenith of its power many centuries before Christ. The changes
      that have passed over the earth since that time are far more
      wonderful than any ascribed to the wand of the magician. Nations
      have come and gone, and the land of the Pharaohs has become an
      inheritance for strangers; new sciences have enriched human life,
      and the fair structure of modern civilization has arisen on the
      ruins of the past. Many centuries, with their burden of human
      hopes and fears, have sped away into the past, since
      “Hundred-gated Thebes” sheltered her teeming population, where
      now are but a mournful group of ruins. Yet to-day, far below the
      remorseless sands of her desert, we find the rude flint-flakes
      that require us to carry back the time of man’s first appearance
      in Egypt to a past so remote that her stately ruins become a
      thing of yesterday in comparison to them.

      In the New World, mysterious mounds and gigantic earth-works
      arrest our attention. Here we find deserted mines, and there we
      can trace the sites of ancient camps and fortifications. The
      Indians of the prairies seem to be intruders on a fairer
      civilization. We find here evidences of a teeming population. In
      the presence of their imposing ruins, we can not think that
      nomadic savages built them. They give evidences rather of a
      people having fixed habitations and seem to imply the possession
      of a higher civilization than that of the Indians. These
      questions demand solution; but how shall we solve the problem?
      Save here and there a deserted camp, or a burial mound,
      containing perhaps articles of use or adornment, all traces have
      vanished. Their earth-works and mounds are being rapidly leveled
      by the plow of modern times, and the scholar of the future can
      only learn from books of their mysterious builders.

      In Mexico, and farther south, we find the ruins of great cities.
      To the student of antiquity, these far surpass in interest the
      ruined cities of the Nile or Euphrates valley. Babylon of old,
      with its walls, towers, and pleasure resorts, was indeed
      wonderful. In our own land cities, if not as ancient, yet fallen
      in more picturesque ruin, reward the labors of the explorer.
      Uxmal, Copan, and Palenque, invite our attention. Here are
      hieroglyphics in abundance, but no Rosetta Stone supplies the key
      by whose aid a Champollion can unravel the mystery.

      The luxuriant vegetative growth of the tropics, with its fierce
      storms, is every year hastening the obliteration of these ruins,
      and we must improve the time well, if we would learn from them
      what they have to say of the past.

      The isles of the Pacific give evidence that, long before the dawn
      of authentic history, man lived there. Indeed, as the islands
      which gem that ocean, from their configuration and position, seem
      to be but the elevated plateaus and mountain peaks of a continent
      that has gone down beneath the blue wave of the Pacific, so,
      throughout Polynesia can be traced the fragmentary remains of a
      civilization, the greater portion of which has been completely
      buried by the waters of oblivion, leaving only here and there a
      trace to reconstruct, if we can, the entire structure.

      The earliest remains of man are very similar in all lands. They
      consist of weapons of war and of the chase, implements of
      domestic use, and articles of personal adornment. Few and simple
      as they are, they are capable of imparting useful information as
      to early times. By their aid we become eye-witnesses of the daily
      life of primitive man. We learn that though lacking in almost
      every thing we consider essential for comfort and happiness, yet
      they were actuated by much the same hopes and fears as the men of
      the present age. The great burden of life was the same then as
      now. There was the same round of daily labor made necessary by
      the same ceaseless struggle for existence. Rude forts and warlike
      implements show there was the same encroachment of the strong on
      the weak as now.

      This is a wonderful age in many respects. In none, however, more
      wonderful than in the wide-spread diffusion of knowledge. The
      ordinary people now understand more of nature’s secrets than the
      wise men of old. They are to-day interested in researches that a
      former generation would have relegated to the scholar and the man
      of leisure. No department of knowledge is retained for the
      researches of a favored few. The farmer, the mechanic, and the
      man of business are alike interested in a knowledge of
      prehistoric times. The rude implements of the past appeal to the
      curiosity of all. We arise from a study of the past with clearer
      ideas of man’s destiny. Impressed with the great advancement in
      man’s condition from the rude savagery of the drift, to the
      enlightened civilization of to-day, what may we not hope the
      advancement will be during the countless ages we believe a
      beneficent Providence has in store for his creature, man?

      A history of the popular opinion of the antiquity of man is not
      only of interest, but should teach a lesson to all who think
      others are wrong because not holding the same views as they do.
      Hardly fifty years have passed since scientific men began to
      attribute to the human race an antiquity more remote than that
      assigned them by history and tradition. At first these views met
      with general opposition, much as did the theory of the present
      system of astronomy when it was first proclaimed. We laugh now at
      the ignorant fear’s and prejudices used to combat both.

      It was claimed that the Bible taught that man had lived on the
      globe scarcely six thousand years. The Bible is the book to which
      the Anglo-Saxon mind clings with the greatest reverence. The
      memories of childhood are associated with its pages, and its very
      appearance recalls the prayers of long ago. It is not strange
      then that the Christian world guards with jealous care against
      any thing which may be thought to weaken the force of its
      statements.

      But it is human nature to go to extremes: and, when we give our
      support to one way of thinking, we find it difficult to be
      patient with those of the contrary opinion.

      Now, the researches of some of the most eminent men and learned
      divines have amply shown, that there are no data given in the
      Scriptures on which to base an estimate as to the antiquity of
      man. Happily the Christian mind no longer shrinks from the
      conclusions reached by the scientist: and, indeed, it is the
      contemplation of the stupendous periods of Geological times, and
      the infinite greatness of the works of Creation as disclosed by
      Astronomy, with the extreme lowness of man’s first condition as
      made evident by Archæology, that lend new force to the words,
      “What is man, that thou art mindful of him!”

      The evidences on which we predicate an extreme antiquity for man
      are necessarily cumulative. It is not from one source alone that
      we obtain information, but from many. Eminent men in nearly every
      department of knowledge have lent their aid to the elucidation of
      this subject. It can only be understood by those who will fairly
      weigh the facts that modern discoveries have unrolled before
      their eyes. There are many who have not done this, and are
      consequently unable to project their mental vision so far back
      into the very night of time, as is now demanded for the beginning
      of man’s first appearance on the earth. And, indeed, so
      enormously has this period been extended—so far back does it
      require us to go—that even the most enlightened investigator may
      well recoil in dismay when he first perceives the almost infinite
      lapse of years that are required by his calculation since the
      creation of man.

      At this day the scholar must be ready to explain the steps by
      which he reaches his conclusions. Not necessarily explaining the
      minutiæ of his journey hither, but the main outlines of his
      course. This seems to call for a slight outline of Geology. The
      animal and vegetable tribes which have come and gone upon the
      earth, following each other like the shadows of passing clouds on
      a Summer’s day, have left their remains in the rocks which at
      that time were forming. A close investigation of these remains
      shows that they form the record book of nature, wherein we are
      permitted to read somewhat of her secrets. This had long been a
      sealed book to man; but science, as we have seen, constantly
      extending her domain, at length taught him the alphabet.

      And the Geologist now unfolds the past age of our world with a
      variety of detail, and a certainty of conclusion well calculated
      to inspire us with grateful admiration.

      It is no longer a question that many ages must have rolled away,
      during which our world was totally unfit for life of any kind,
      either animal or vegetable.

      The nebular theory of Laplace, as modified by the modern
      astronomers, so satisfactorily explains many of the phenomena of
      the solar system, that it takes rank almost as a demonstrated
      fact. According to the terms of this theory, our Earth, now so
      dependent on the sun for light and warmth, was itself a glowing
      orb, and as a bright star radiated its light and heat into space.
      Grand conception, and probably true. It is now useless to
      speculate as to how many cycles of almost infinite years had
      begun and ended, before Earth’s fading fires gave notice that
      they must soon expire in night.

      The stages through which the Earth passed in turn await the sun,
      save that there is no further beneficent luminary to give him
      light and heat: when time shall have quenched his fiery glow,
      death and night shall reign supreme, where now is life and light.

      Time is long, and nature never hurries. She builds for infinite
      years, and recks not the time of building. The human mind is far
      too feeble to comprehend the duration of time that sped away and
      was gone ere the slowly falling temperature of the Earth admitted
      the formation of a crust over her surface. When that came, the
      first great scene was closed. The star had expired, the planet
      rolled in her annual course around the still glowing central sun.
      Now came the formative age of the world, when the great
      continents were outlined.

      The atmosphere gradually freed itself from its weight of
      water-vapor, the rains descended, and the ocean took form and
      contour. We are concerned only with the outlines of Geology, not
      with its details. It is full of the most interesting facts, but
      is foreign to our present purpose. We will only say, there is a
      marked progression in the scale and importance of life forms.

      The lower forms of animals appear first to be followed in time by
      the higher. It is true that some forms have survived through all
      the changes of Geological time to the present: yet, speaking
      generally, some forms of life are peculiar to each age, and the
      general phase of animal life is different with each period. They
      thus form epochs in the history of the world as read from the
      rocks, and though the beginning and ending of each age may blend
      by insensible gradations with that of the preceding and
      following, yet, taken as a whole, we observe in each such
      singularities of form and structure as to give name to each
      particular age.

      In the fullness of time man appears; and it is our pleasant task
      to trace the evidence of his primitive state, his growth in
      culture, and his advancement made before the dawn of history. Our
      inquiry, then, is as to his prehistoric state. We use this term
      in the same sense as Dr. Wilson uses it: that is, to express the
      whole period disclosed to us by means of archæological evidence,
      as distinguished from what is known through historical records.
      We can not doubt but that this includes by far the largest
      portion of man’s existence. The time embraced within historical
      records, though different in different portions of the world, is
      but a brief period in comparison to the duration of time since he
      first went forth to possess the Earth. If we can make plain to
      our readers that man has lived in the world an extremely long
      time, going back indeed to a former Geological age—that his first
      state was very low and rude—that he has risen to his present high
      estate by means of his own exertions continued through long
      ages—and from this form a prophecy of a golden age to come in the
      yet distant future, we shall feel that we have not written in
      vain.

      The Sphinx

 [1] Von Hellwald: “Smithsonian Report,” 1866.

 [2] Palgrave,

 [3] Lubbock: “Prehistoric Times,” p. 2.




Chapter II
      EARLY GEOLOGICAL PERIODS.1


      Necessity of a general acquaintance with the outlines of
      Geology—A time in which there was no life possible on the
      globe—Length of this period—On the formation of rocks—The record
      imperfect—The three great periods in animal life on the
      globe—Paleozoic age—Animal and vegetable life of this period—The
      Mesozoic age—Animal and vegetable life of this period—Advance
      noted—Abundance of reptilian life—First appearance of
      birds—Nature’s methods of work—The Cenozoic age—Geological
      outline—Sketch of the Eocene age—Of the Miocene age—What is
      sufficient proof of the presence of man—Discussion of the Thenay
      flints—The Pliocene age—Animal and vegetable life of this age—Was
      man living during this age?—Discussion of this subject—Summing up
      the evidence—Conclusion.

      For a clear understanding of questions relating to early man, a
      more or less extensive acquaintance with Geology is required.
      This is by no means a difficult task to accomplish. What so
      interesting as to understand at least the outlines of the history
      of life on the globe? To see how, following a definite plan, the
      vast continents have grown to their present size and form; to see
      how animal and vegetable life have evolved successively higher
      and higher forms; to see where in this wondrous drama of
      creation, this strange unfolding of life, the first faint,
      indecisive traces of man’s presence are to be found; to learn
      what great changes in climate, in Geogony, and in life, had
      occurred before man’s appearance, let us pass in brief review the
      history of early geological periods.

      As we have already stated, there must have been a very long
      period of time during which no life was possible on the globe. Of
      this era we know but little; for we find no strata of rocks of an
      earlier date than we know life, in its simplest forms, to have
      existed.2 Still we are not less confident of the existence of
      this era, and the mind can dimly comprehend the scene, when a
      nearly shoreless ocean surged around the globe.3

      As to the extent of time during which there was no life, we have
      no means of determining. That it was almost infinitely long is
      made apparent by the researches of eminent scholars on the
      cooling of lava. Toward the close of this extended period of time
      faint traces of life appear. Not life as we are apt to think of
      it. No nodding flowers were kissed by the sunshine of this early
      time. The earliest forms of flowerless plants, such as sea-weeds,
      and in dry places possibly lichens covering the rocks, were the
      highest forms of vegetable life. Animal life, if present, for the
      fact is denied by some, occurs in the very lowest form, merely
      structureless bodies, with no especial organs of sense, or
      nutrition: and their motion consisting simply in protruding and
      withdrawing hair-like processes.4 Such was the beginning of life.
      This vast period of time, which includes the beginning, is known
      among geologists as Archean time.

      From the close of this age, the history of life properly
      commences. It might be well to explain the means which the
      geologist uses to interpret the history of the globe. It is now
      understood that the forces of nature have always produced the
      same results as they do now. From the very earliest time to the
      present, rocks have been forming. There, where conditions were
      favorable, great beds of limestone, formed from shells and
      corals, ground up by the action of the sea5—in other places,
      massive beds of sandstone or of sand, afterward consolidated into
      sandstone—were depositing. On the land surface, in places, great
      beds of vegetable _débris_ were being converted into coal. Now we
      can easily see how the remains of organic bodies, growing at the
      time of the formation of these beds, should be preserved in a
      fossil form. Limestone rocks are thickly studded in places with
      all sorts of marine formations. Coal fields reveal wonders of
      early vegetative growth. From sandstone rocks, and shaly beds, we
      learn strange stories of animal life at the time they were
      forming. From a careful study of these remains together with the
      formation in which they occur, not only in one locality but all
      over the earth, geologists have gradually unfolded the history of
      life on the globe. It is admitted that, at best, our knowledge in
      that direction is fragmentary. This arises from errors in
      observation as well as that fossil formations are rare, or at
      least localities where they are known to exist are but few. So
      our knowledge of the past is as if we were examining some record
      from which pages, chapters, and even volumes, have been
      extracted.

      Paleozoic Forest

      In consequence of this imperfect record we can not, as yet, trace
      a gradual successive growth from the low forms of animal and
      plant life, that characterized the closing period of Archean
      time, to the highly organized types of the present. The record
      suddenly ceases and when we again pick up the thread we are
      surrounded by more advanced types, higher forms of life. Though
      we may hope that future discoveries will do much toward
      completing the records, we can not hope that they will ever
      really be perfected. So, from our present stand-point, the
      history of life on the globe falls naturally into three great
      divisions.6 This is no more than we might expect, when we reflect
      that nature’s laws are universal in their action, and that the
      world, as a whole, has been subjected to the same set of changes.

      The period following on after Archean time is called, by
      geologists, Paleozoic time.

      During the long course of time embraced in this age, the forms of
      life present wide differences from those of existing time.

      This period produced the great beds of coal we use to-day. But
      the vegetation of the coal period would present strange features
      to our eyes. The vegetation commenced with the lowest orders of
      flowerless plants, such as sea-weeds; but, before it was brought
      to a close, there was a wonderful variety and richness of plants
      of the flowerless or Cryptogamic division. In some of the warmest
      portions of the globe, we have to-day tree-ferns growing four or
      five feet high. During the closing part of the Paleozoic time,
      there were growing all over the temperate zone great tree-ferns
      thirty feet or so in height. Some varieties of rushes in our
      marshes, a foot or two in height, had representatives in the
      marshes of the coal period standing thirty feet high, and having
      woody trunks.7 Near the close of the Paleozoic time, vegetation
      assumed a higher form of life. Flowering plants are represented.
      Pines were growing in the coal measures.

      In animal life a similar advance is noted. The class of animals
      having no backbone, or invertebrate animals, were largely
      represented. But, toward the close of the Paleozoic time, we meet
      with representatives of the backbone family. The waters swarmed
      with fishes.8 Besides these, there were amphibians; 9 and
      reptiles in the closing portions.10

      The Pterodactyl

      Thus we see what a great advance was made in life during this
      period. The forms of life during the early stages of this age
      were inferior in this, also, that they were all water species.11
      But, before it closes, we have a rich and varied terrestrial
      vegetation, and also air-breathing animals. The class Mammalia,
      to which man belongs, had no representative on the earth during
      the extended Paleozoic time.

      We can easily see, from the foregoing, how appropriately this
      period has been named that of old life forms. In imagination we
      can recall a scene of this old age. The air is sultry and full of
      vapors. The soil seems hot and steaming. This is a veritable
      forest, but we see none of the beautiful flowers which we
      associate with tropical vegetation to-day. In the branches of the
      graceful tree-ferns, we will look in vain for birds. They were
      yet far in the future. Neither were there any of the higher
      orders of animals present. Not a single representative of the
      great class of mammals enlivened the depths of the forest. There
      were fishes in the waters, but not the fishes of to-day. Some
      true reptiles and amphibians disported themselves in swampy
      jungles, but they were unimportant. Almost the only sound to
      break the stillness, was the hum of marsh-loving insects, the
      whistling of the wind, and the roar of the tempests, which we may
      well believe raged with the more than tropic severity of the
      present.12

      The time at last came for the dawning of a new era. Vast changes
      had been taking place in the geography of both continents. The
      region to the south-west of the Green Mountains was upturned. The
      Alleghany Mountains were formed, and the region east of the
      Mississippi River became part of the stable land of the
      continent.13 In Europe, nearly as great changes occurred. The
      conditions of life must have been greatly modified by these
      geographical changes. The life-forms bear testimony to this
      changed condition. Old forms die away, and are succeeded by those
      approaching more nearly our own times. The name of this period is
      the Mesozoic time, or the period of middle life forms.14 It is
      instructive to notice the steady advance in the type of life,
      both animal and vegetable. The abundant flowerless vegetation of
      the coal formation of the preceding epoch dwindles away. But the
      flowering trees increase in number and importance until, in the
      closing period of Mesozoic time, we have trees with deciduous
      leaves. A great many of our forest trees had representatives in
      the forests of that epoch.

      Ichthyosauri

      Palms and species like the big tree of California were growing
      side by side with species akin to our own common trees. But in
      the animal world there were many strange forms. This was the age
      of reptiles. They domineered on the land, in the air, and in the
      sea. On the land there stalked huge reptiles fifty and sixty feet
      long, and, when standing erect, at least thirty feet high.15 Some
      of these huge creatures were carnivorous, living on other
      animals. Others fed on the foliage of trees. In the air, huge
      reptilian bats, veritable flying dragons with a spread of wings
      from ten to twenty feet, disported themselves.16 In the sea there
      swam great reptilian whales, seals, and walruses.17 There was a
      marvelous abundance of reptilian life. At the present day, there
      are not more than six species of reptiles in the whole world
      having a length of over fifteen feet, and not more than eighteen
      species exceeding ten feet in length. But from one limited
      locality, representing but one era of this age in England, there
      have been discovered four or five species of carnivorous reptiles
      twenty to fifty feet long, ten or twelve species of crocodiles,
      lizards, and swimming reptiles from ten to sixty feet
      long—besides multitudes of great flying reptiles and turtles.
      Doubtless similar scenes of animal life were everywhere
      represented.

      The Labyrinthodon.

      Birds made their first appearance during the Mesozoic time, and
      here we obtain a clear view of nature’s methods of work. There is
      no longer a doubt but that the first birds were simply modified
      reptiles. The first bird had a long jointed tail, and a bill well
      supplied with formidable teeth.18 It was during this period that
      the first representative of the class Mammalia, to which man
      belongs, appears.19 It is in the rocks of this era that we meet
      with remains of marsupials, the order to which opossums belong.
      This is the lowest of the Mammalian class. To the class Mammalia
      belong the most highly organized animals. They have been the
      ruling animals since the close of Mesozoic time. We must now
      watch their development with especial care. For this brief
      review, as far as it has gone, has shown a steady and gradual
      progress in life forms, the lower invariably preceding the
      higher. We therefore feel that it will be vain to seek for any
      trace of man until we find undoubted proofs of the existence of
      all the forms of animals below him. The last great division of
      time is called Cenozoic.20 This means new life forms. In this
      age, the forms of life are much nearer our own. As it was some
      time during this epoch when man makes his appearance, we deem it
      best to go into more detail, and give the subdivisions of this
      period. It has been amply sufficient to give simply the outlines
      of the other periods. In order to fix more clearly the sequence
      of life, we will give an outline showing the periods we have
      reviewed, and also the subdivisions of the Cenozoic time, which
      we are now to examine with more care.

        OUTLINE.

          LIFE.
          Archæan Time.
          _The Beginning._ Includes the long lapse of time when the
          globe could not support life, but towards its close faint
          traces of life, both animal and vegetable appeared.

          Paleozoic Time.
          _The Period of Old Life Forms._ Forests of flowerless trees;
          but pines grew in the coal measures. Animal life largely
          invertebrate; but amphibians and reptiles among the
          vertebrate appear at the close.

          Mesozoic Time.
          _The Period of Middle Life Forms._ Flowering trees increasing
          in number and importance. Deciduous trees make their
          appearance. Animal life largely reptilian. The class Mammalia
          represented by marsupials.

          Cenozoic Time.
          _Tertiary,_ or Age of Mammals.
          Eocene. Miocene. Pliocene.

          _Quaternary,_ or Age of Man.
          Glacial or Pleistocene. Recent.

      At the close of the Mesozoic time, great elevations of land took
      place in both America and Europe, especially in the northern
      portions.21 This could not fail to have a great effect on life,
      both animal and vegetable.

      During the Eocene, or first division of the Tertiary Age, we have
      simply to note the steady progress of life. There were forests of
      species of oaks, poplars, maples, hickories, and other common
      trees, and others now found only in tropical regions. Palm trees
      were growing in the upper Missouri region of the United States.
      And England was decidedly a land of Palms, as no less than
      thirteen species are known to have been growing there. Cypresses,
      yews, and pines graced the scene.22 Our special interest centers,
      however, in the mammals of this epoch.

      The Paleotherium.

      In the preceding epoch marsupials only were represented. But in
      beds of the middle and closing portions of the Eocene period we
      meet with a sudden increase of Mammalian life. Whale-like animals
      were especially abundant in the seas; and on our Western plains
      were animals like the tapirs of India, and rhinoceros-like
      animals as large as elephants23 but having no trunks, and
      diminutive little animals not larger than foxes, from which have
      come our horses. Europe also had a varied Mammalian fauna. There
      were numerous hog-like animals. Animals, like the tapirs of
      tropical Asia and America, wandered in the forests and on the
      banks of the rivers. Herds of horse-like animals, about the size
      of Shetland ponies, fed on the meadows.24 Animals that chew the
      cud were present, or at least had near representatives.25

      Among the flesh-eating animals were creatures resembling foxes,
      wolverines, and hyenas.26 This shows what a great advance had
      been made. But, besides all these, we are here presented with
      representatives of the order of Quadrumana, or four-handed
      animals. Several genera of lemurs are found in both America and
      Europe.

      Now the Quadrumana are the order below man. Therefore it seems
      that in the Eocene period, all the forms of life _below_ man are
      represented. The time seems to be at hand when we can look, with
      some confidence, for traces of the presence of man himself. We
      must therefore be more cautious in our investigations.

      The epoch following on after the Eocene is designated as the
      Miocene. We must remember that, though recent in a geological
      sense, yet it is immensely remote when measured by the standard
      of years. We must inquire into all the surroundings of this far
      away time. The geographical features must have been widely
      different from the present.

      In the first place, the elevation of land to the north must have
      been sufficient to have connected the land areas of the Northern
      Hemisphere—North America, with Asia27 and Greenland; and this
      latter country must have been united with Iceland, and, through
      the British Islands, with Europe. But, to compensate for this
      land mass to the north, large portions of Central and Southern
      Europe were beneath the waves.28 The proof of this extended mass
      of land is to be found in the wide distribution of similar
      animals and plants in the Miocene time. All the chief botanists
      are agreed that the north Polar region was the center from which
      plants peculiar to the Eocene and Miocene epochs spread into both
      Europe and America.29 We may mention that the famous big trees of
      California are simply remnants of a wide-spread growth of these
      trees in Miocene times. They can be found in a fossil state at
      various places in British America, in Greenland, and in Europe.
      They are supposed to have originated somewhere in the north, and
      spread by these land connections we have mentioned into both
      Europe and America. But this is not the only tree that grew in
      the Miocene forests of both continents. The magnolia, tulip-tree,
      and swamp cypress are other instances.30 Eleven species, growing
      in the Rocky Mountain regions in Rocene times, found their way to
      Europe in the Miocene times,31 driving before them the plants of
      a tropical growth that had hitherto flourished in England. Now
      this implies land connection between the two continents.
      Furthermore, animals both large and small are found common to the
      two countries.32 The climate over what is now the North Temperate
      Zone, and even further. north, must have been delightful. There
      is ample testimony to this effect in the rich vegetative remains
      over wide areas.

      In Spitzbergen, within twelve degrees of the pole, where now a
      dwarf willow and a few herbaceous plants form the only
      vegetation, and the ground is most of the time covered with snow
      and ice, there were growing, in Miocene times, no less than
      ninety-five species of trees, including yews, hazels, elders,
      beech, elms, and others.33 But it is in the Miocene forests of
      the continent of Europe where we meet with evidence of a
      singularly mild climate.

      There were at least eleven species of palms growing in
      Switzerland; and one variety of them grew as far north as
      Northern Germany.34

      We can not give a list of all the species. On the one hand, there
      were elms, willows, poplars, oaks, and beeches, thus far similar
      to the forest growth of temperate regions. Mingled with these
      were forests of trees like the tulip-tree, swamp cypress, and
      liquid amber or sweet gum of the southern part of the United
      States—plants whose home is in the warm and moist regions of the
      earth. But there were also representatives of the tropical
      regions—such as fig-trees, cinnamon-trees, and camphor-trees:
      these are found growing now in tropical countries. Fruit-trees of
      the cherry, plum, and almond species were also to be seen. Prof.
      Heer points out how all this should convince us that a large part
      of Europe, in the Miocene Age, possessed a climate not unlike
      that of the Madeira or Canary Islands to-day. He calls especial
      attention to the fact that these trees were nearly all of
      evergreen species, and that a severe winter would destroy them.
      He finds one hundred and thirty-one species of the Temperate
      Zone—species that can stand a moderate amount of cold, but not
      very hot and dry climates. He finds eighty-five species of
      tropical plants that could not possibly live where the Winters
      are severe. Mingled with these were nearly three hundred species
      whose natural home is in the warm, temperate portions of the
      earth. The only way you can explain this motley assemblage of
      trees is, to suppose that in what is now Europe was a climate
      free from extremes, allowing the trees to put forth flowers and
      fruits all the year round. “Reminding us,” says Prof. Heer, “of
      those fortunate zones where Nature never goes to rest.”35

      Miocene Mammals.

      Let us now inquire as to the animals that roamed through these
      great forests we have been describing. The Miocene period
      extended over a long lapse of time, and considerable change took
      place among the animals belonging to the different parts of this
      age. We will only give a general outline for the whole period.
      The marsupials lingered along into the early stages of this
      period, and then disappeared from Europe. The rhinoceros were
      present in the early stages, and continued through the entire
      age. We meet in this period animals of the elephant kind, two
      species, the mastodon and deinotherium. Antelopes and gazelles
      wandered in vast troops over the plains of Hungary, Spain, and
      Southern France. Carnivorous animals resembling tigers and hyenas
      found abundance of animal food. Herds of horse-like animals fed
      on the rich herbage of the meadows. The birds were largely
      represented. In the woods were to be seen flocks of gayly
      feathered paroquets and trogons. On the plains secretary-birds
      hunted the serpents and reptiles, which furnished them food—and
      eagles were on the watch for their prey. Cranes waded in the
      rivers for fish. Geese, herons, and pheasants must have been
      abundant.

      Our main interest centers in the order Quadrumana. We must
      remember that this order appeared in the Eocene. Several species
      were present in the Miocene. They wandered in the forests of
      France, Switzerland, Germany, and Italy, and doubtless found
      abundant food in the figs and bread-fruit, walnuts, almonds,
      dates, and other nuts growing there.36 One of the most important
      is regarded as belonging to the same genus as the Gibbons.37 This
      is the genus which has been sometimes regarded as making a nearer
      approach to man than any other monkey.38 Others, however,
      consider it as belonging to an extinct family.39 In addition to
      this species there were at least three other species: thus there
      was no absence of simian life in the Miocene.40

      From the sketch we have thus far drawn of the Miocene Age, it
      seems to have been a very favorable one in every respect. One
      writer41 affirms, that “the world never experienced a more
      beautiful period.” And indeed it seems as if the facts bear out
      this statement. A genial, temperate climate was the rule, even to
      high northern latitudes. We need not doubt but that there were
      grassy plains, wooded slopes, and rolling rivers. Was man present
      to take advantage of all these favorable surroundings? Did he
      wander through the evergreen forests, and hunt the deer,
      antelope, and hogs—the hipparions, and mastodons, and
      deinotheres—then so numerous?42 We know of no inherent
      improbability of his existence at that time. An ape belonging to
      a highly organized genus was then living in Europe. Every
      condition considered necessary for the primeval Garden of Eden
      was then satisfied. Let us stop for a minute and examine the
      nature of the evidence considered sufficient to prove the
      presence of man during any of the past geological ages.

      Should we be so fortunate as to find portions of the bones of the
      human skeleton in a geological formation in such positions that
      they could not possibly have been introduced there since the
      deposition of the containing bed, it would of course prove that
      man was at least as old as the formation itself. But it happens
      that human remains in beds of a previous geological age are very
      rare. Indeed, human remains in formations of the Pleistocene
      Age,43 during which we have ample testimony, as we shall see, of
      the presence of man, are very rare. The cases in which there can
      be no doubt can be reckoned on the fingers. The explanation of
      this state of things is not at all difficult, for it is only
      under very rare circumstances that portions of the bones of
      animals even larger than man are preserved to us in geological
      strata. Vast numbers die and vanish away without leaving a trace
      behind them for every fragmentary bone we recover. In the case of
      man we must remember that, in previous eras, he was present in
      very small numbers; that, owing to his intelligence, he would not
      be as liable to be drowned and swept away, and so mingle his
      remains with beds of river detritus then forming, as were
      animals. Mr. Lyell has made some remarks on the draining of the
      Haarlem Lake by the government of Holland in 1853, which shows
      that even favorable circumstances do not always preserve remains
      for future inspection. Though called a lake, this body of water
      was an arm of the sea, covering about forty-five thousand acres.
      The population which had lived on the shores of the lake was
      between thirty and forty thousand souls. “There had been many a
      shipwreck, and many a naval fight on those waters, and hundreds
      of Dutch and Spanish soldiers and sailors had met there with a
      watery grave,” yet not a solitary portion of the human skeleton
      was to be found in its bed.44 Thus we see that, in the majority
      of cases, we must rely on other evidence than the presence of
      human bones to prove the existence of man in the geological
      periods of the past. In the case of the Haarlem Lake again, there
      was found the wreck of one or two vessels, and some ancient
      armor. So, had it been a disputed point whether man was a denizen
      of this planet at the time when the area in question was covered
      by water, it would have been settled beyond a doubt by these
      relics of his industry, even though portions of the human frame
      itself were entirely wanting. And, in reality, proofs of this
      nature are just as satisfactory as it would be to discover human
      bones. If, on a desert island, we find arrow-heads, javelins, a
      place where there had been a fire, split bones, and other
      _débris_ of a feast, we are as much justified in asserting that
      man had been there, as we would be had we seen him with our own
      eyes. In the same manner, if we detect in any strata of the past
      any undoubted products of human industry—such as weapons, or
      implements and ornaments—in such position that we know they could
      not have been deposited there since the formation of the bed
      itself, we have no hesitancy in asserting that man himself is of
      the same antiquity as the strata containing the implements. In
      the great majority of cases, this is the only kind of evidence
      possible to advance.

      It is now well known that the first stage in the culture of any
      people, is what is called the Stone Age. That is to say, their
      weapons and implements were made from stone, or at least the
      majority of them were. We will discuss on another page this
      point, and also the grounds leading us to infer that many of the
      extremely rude forms are really the work of man.

      Let us now return to the Miocene Age, in which we are to seek for
      the presence of man. In 1867 a French geologist, by the name of
      Bourgeois, who had been searching some beds of the Miocene Age,
      near Thenay, France, found a number of flints of such a peculiar
      shape, that he concluded they could only be explained by
      supposing that man formed them. In this case there is to question
      as to the age of the stratum containing the flints. All
      geologists are agreed that it is of the Miocene Age. The question
      then is, whether the flints were artificially cut or not. On this
      question there has been a great division of opinion, and we can
      not do better than to examine and see where the Principal
      scientific men stand on this point.

      In 1872, at the scientific congress in Brussels, this question
      was referred to a committee composed of the most competent men
      from the different countries of Europe. We are sorry to say that,
      after a thorough consideration of them, the judges were unable to
      agree. Some accepted them, others rejected them, and still others
      were undecided. Some of the latter have since become convinced by
      recent discoveries.45

      Since this discovery, similar specimens have been described as
      having been found in Portugal, and from another locality in
      France. Some men of the highest authority accept these flints as
      proving the presence of man in Miocene times. This is supported
      by such men as Quatrefages, Hamy, Mortillet, and Capellini.46
      These are all known to be competent and careful geologists.
      Another class does not think the evidence strong enough to
      declare these flints of human origin, and so do not think it
      proved that man lived in Europe in Miocene times; but do believe
      that we will eventually find proofs of his existence during that
      era in the warm and tropical regions of the globe. This is the
      view of such men as Lubbock, Evans, Huxley, and Winchell. Still
      others say that, during the vast lapse of years since Miocene
      times, all the species of land mammals then alive have
      perished47—their place being taken by other species—and therefore
      it is incredible that man, the most highly specialized of all
      animals, should have survived. And hence, if these Thenay flints
      are really artificial in their origin, it is more reasonable to
      suppose they were cut by one of the higher apes, then living in
      France, than by man. This is the view of Prof. Dawkins and Prof.
      Gaudry.48 As to the last view, it is surely but reasonable to
      suppose, with Quatrefages,49 that the superior intelligence of
      man would serve to protect him from the operation of causes that
      would effect the extinction of lower animals. Hence, unless some
      evidence be produced to show that species of apes are known to
      make rude stone implements, or some evidence that they did this
      in past ages, we must believe, with Geikie and others, that these
      flints prove that Miocene man lived in France, unless indeed we
      refuse to believe that they are artificial.

      It also seems to us that those who hold to the view that man was
      living in other parts of the world, as Asia, during the Miocene
      Age, ought readily to admit that a few wandering bands might
      penetrate into Europe.50 The climate was tropical, there was an
      abundance of animal life, and, if man was living anywhere, it is
      very reasonable to suppose that, at some epoch during the course
      of the Miocene Age, he would have found his way to Europe, unless
      shut off by the sea. It therefore seems to us that the presence
      of those cut flints is conclusive of the presence of man in
      Europe during the Miocene Age. At the same time we can not affirm
      that this is the conclusion of the scientific world. They seem to
      have heeded the remark of Quatrefages, that “in such a matter
      there is no great urgency,” and are waiting for further
      discoveries.

      Thus far in our review we have noticed the steady progress in the
      forms of life. In the Miocene Age we have seen all the types of
      life below man present, and some indications of the presence of
      man himself. We must now learn what we can of the Pliocene Age,
      the last division of the Tertiary Age.

      The Pliocene Age need not detain us long. Considerable changes in
      the geography of both Europe and America were going forward
      during the Miocene Age, and the result was quite a change in
      climate. There was a steady elevation of the Pacific coast region
      of America, and, as a consequences a period of great volcanic
      outbursts in California and Oregon.51 At the same time the bridge
      connecting Asia and America was severed.52 In Europe the
      Mediterranean area was elevated; but the land connecting
      Greenland with Europe sank, allowing the cold waters of the
      Arctic to communicate with both the North Sea and the
      Atlantic—England at that time forming part of the great peninsula
      extending north and west from Europe.53 The climate during the
      Pliocene Age was cooler than that of the Miocene. This is marked
      in the vegetation of that period. The palms and the cinnamon
      trees, which in Miocene times grew in Germany, flourished no
      farther north than Italy during the Pliocene.54

      Count DeSaporta, who made special researches in the flora of this
      period, found the remains of a forest growth buried under lava on
      the side of a mountain in Cantal France, at an elevation of about
      four thousand feet above the level of the sea. This consisted
      principally of pines. This shows that probably all Northern
      Europe was covered with somber forests of pine. In the same
      section he found, buried under volcanic ash, a vegetation
      consisting mostly of deciduous trees—maples, alders, poplars,
      willows, elms, and ashes. As this was growing at the height Of
      about twenty-three hundred feet in Cantal France, it probably
      represents the vegetation of Britain and Northern Germany.
      Finally, the vegetation of Central and Southern France, as well
      as Northern Italy, was intermediate in character between the
      luxuriant evergreen forests of the Miocene Age and that now
      growing there. The tropical character of the vegetation was
      evidently passing away. The climate over a large part of Europe
      was now temperate, though probably warmer than at present.55

      In the Mammalia we have to notice the disappearance of some
      species, and the arrival and spread of some others. The apes
      living as far north as Germany in the Miocene Age were restricted
      to Southern France and Italy in the Pliocene, and, at its close,
      vanished altogether from Europe. The first living species of
      mammals is found in the remains of the hippopotamus that
      frequented the rivers of Pliocene times. The mastodon of Miocene
      times was still to be seen, but along with it was a species of
      true elephants. The hipparion survived into this epoch, but the
      horse also makes its appearance. Great quantities of deer roamed
      over the land; and, as might be expected where they were so
      abundant, the carnivorous animals allied to the bears and wolves,
      panthers, linxes, and tigers, were also to be found. “At night,”
      says Mr. Dawkins, “the Pliocene forests of Central France echoed
      with the weird laughter of the hyena.”

      The gradual lowering of the climate is also shown by the remains
      of the mollusks deposited in beds of marine or sea formation
      during different eras of this age. It is found that the earlier
      the bed, the more southern mollusks are found in it. This shows
      us that, all through the Pliocene Age, the waters of the seas
      surrounding England were gradually growing cooler, thus
      compelling the retreat of those mollusks fitted only for a warm
      climate, and allowing a gradual increase in those species fitted
      for cold or northern latitudes. We also find, in deposits made
      near the close of Pliocene times, numbers of stone which show all
      evidence of having been borne thither by means of ice. So we may
      conclude that rafts of ice came floating down the North Sea
      during the closing period of the Pliocene Age.56 Still, during
      the entire length of the Pliocene Age, Europe certainly offered
      an inviting home for man. Not only were the higher orders of
      animals present, but at least one living species was known. We
      find more proofs of his presence, but whether they are sufficient
      to convince us that man really lived during that epoch is to be
      seen.

      Prof. Whitney has brought to the attention of the scientific
      world what he considers ample evidence of the presence of
      Pliocene man in California. We reserve this for discussion in
      another place. We will only remark, at present, that the evidence
      in this case is regarded as sufficient by some of the best of
      American Scholars.57 We simply mention them here, so that they
      may be borne in mind when we see what evidence Europe has to
      offer on this point. In 1863, M. Desnoyers, of France,
      discovered, in a stratum which he considered Pliocene, some bones
      of elephants and other animals cut and scratched in such a manner
      that he considered the cuts to be the work of man. As showing how
      cautious geologists are of accepting such conclusions, we mention
      this case. There was found in the same bed the remains of an
      extinct beaver. The question was at once raised, whether rodents
      by gnawing these bones could not have produced the cuts in
      question. Sir Charles Lyell, by actual experiments in the
      Zoological Gardens in London, soon showed that this was probably
      the fact.58 Yet Sir John Lubbock thinks it quite likely some of
      them were of human origin.59 Subsequently, however, M. Bourgeois
      discovered in the same bed worked flints, about the human origin
      of which there seems to be no doubt;60 but a more careful study
      of the formation in which they occur has raised questions as to
      its age. Though usually held to be Pliocene, some careful
      observers consider it to be of a later age. Geologists can not be
      accused of rashly accepting statements as to the antiquity of
      man.

      In 1867 there was discovered, in Northern Italy, a human skull in
      a railway cutting at a depth of nearly fifty feet. This stratum
      contains remains of several Pliocene animals. This is held to
      prove the existence of Pliocene man by several eminent observers,
      amongst others Prof. Cocchi, of Italy, and Forsyth Major.61 But
      in this case Mr. Dawkins contends that it was not found under
      such conditions as render it certain that the stratum had been
      undisturbed, and so does not prove to a certainty that it was of
      the same age as the stratum.62 And Mr. Geikie thinks that the
      stratum itself is of a later age than the Pliocene.63 It is but
      right that geologists should thus carefully scan all the evidence
      produced.

      Cut on Bones of a Whale from Pliocene Deposit.

      In 1876 Prof. Capellini discovered, in a Pliocene deposit in
      Italy, the bones of a whale, which were so marked with cuts and
      incisions that he thought the only explanation was to say they
      had been cut by men. In this case64 there is no dispute as to the
      age of the stratum. Neither is there much doubt but that the cuts
      are the work of man. It is quite true that Mr. Evans has
      suggested that they may be the work of fishes. In this he is
      followed by Prof. Winchell.65 But there appears to be little
      ground for such belief, because the cuts are all on the outside
      faces of rib-bones, and the outer faces of the backbones. From
      the position occupied by the remaining portions of the skeleton,
      Prof. Capellini is sure that the animal had run aground, and, in
      that condition, was discovered and killed by men, who then, by
      means of flint knives, cut away such portions of food as they
      wished. It must have been lying on its left side, since the cuts
      were all made on bones of the right.66 It is not probable that
      fishes would have been apt to choose the outside faces of the
      ribs on the right side for their meals. These cut bones have been
      carefully examined by many competent men, who have agreed with
      Capellini that they are the work of men.67 Mr. Dawkins thinks the
      cuts were artificial, but he says, “It is not, however, to my
      mind satisfactorily shown that these were obtained from
      undisturbed strata.”68 Now these bones have been found in several
      localities, always in Pliocene deposits, which formed the shores
      of the Pliocene sea.69 Knowing how carefully geologists inquire
      into all the surroundings of a find, surely, if Capellini and
      others are the competent men they are admitted to be, they would
      have informed us long ago if they were not found in undisturbed
      strata.

      Mr. Dawkins also objects because fragments of pottery were found
      in the strata. “Pottery,” says he, “was unknown in the
      Pleistocene Age,70 and therefore is unlikely to have been found
      in the Pliocene.”71 Mr. Geikie says this objection is founded on
      a mistake, as Prof. Capellini told him the pottery was found
      lying on the surface, and was never for a moment imagined by him
      as belonging to the same age as the cut bones.72 There is also
      the objection, that, inasmuch as all the mammals then alive
      except one have perished, it is more than likely that, had man
      been in existence then, he too would have disappeared.

      We considered this point fully when speculating as to the
      presence of man in the Miocene: so we have nothing further to
      offer. We might, however, suggest that, if the hippopotamus
      amongst mammals could survive all the changing time since the
      Pliocene, as it has done, it seems no more than fair to admit
      equal power of endurance to the human species. The position then
      of the scientific world as to the Pliocene Age of man is, on the
      whole, more decided in its favor than for the Miocene Age. Quite
      a number of eminent scholars, whose conclusions are worthy of all
      respect, unhesitatingly affirm the existence of Pliocene man in
      Europe. Others are not quite ready to admit his existence in
      Europe, but do think he was in existence elsewhere. Still others,
      with all due respect for the discoveries of Capellini, think it
      more prudent to await further discoveries. The reader, who has
      followed us through this brief outline of the past, can join
      which of the classes he will, and be sure of finding himself in
      good company.

      This completes our review of past geological ages. With the
      termination of the Pliocene Age we find ourselves on firmer
      ground. We only wish to call attention once more to the gradual
      unfolding of life. We see that the rule has been that everywhere
      the lower forms of life precede the higher. In the plant world
      flowerless plants precede the flowering ones. The coal we burn
      to-day is mainly the remains of the wonderful growth of the
      flowerless vegetation of the Paleozoic Ace. When flowering plants
      appear, it is the lower forms of them at first.

      It was long ages before trees with deciduous leaves appeared. The
      growth of animal life is equally instructive. First invertebrate
      life, then the lowest forms of vertebrate life. The fishes are
      followed by amphibians—then reptiles, then birds. The first
      mammal to appear was the lowest organized of all—the marsupials.
      And we have seen the sudden increase of mammalian life in
      Tertiary times. We notice, in all the divisions of life, a
      beginning, a culmination, and a decline. There has never been
      such a growth of flowerless plants as in the Paleozoic, and
      flowering plants probably culminated in the Miocene. The same
      rule holds good for the animal world also. As man is the most
      highly organized of all the animals, we can not hope to find any
      evidence of his presence until we find proofs of the presence of
      all the lower types of life. Of course future discoveries may
      change our knowledge when the series is complete; but, from our
      present stand-point, he could not have lived before the Miocene
      Age, and we have seen how faint and indecisive are the proofs of
      his presence even then. But should it finally be proved, beyond
      all dispute, that man did live in the Miocene Age, we must
      observe that this is but a small portion, but a minute fraction,
      of the great lapse of time since life appeared on the globe. We
      are a creation of but yesterday, even granting all that the most
      enthusiastic believer in the antiquity of man can claim.

      The Mastodon.
 REFERENCES


        The manuscript of this chapter was submitted to Prof. Winchell,
        of the University of Michigan, for criticism.

        Dana’s “Manual of Geology,” p. 146.

        Ibid. p. 147.

        Nicholson’s “Manual of Zoology,” p. 59.

        Dana’s “Manual of Geology,” p. 74.

        Nicholson’s “Manual of Zoology,” p. 42.

        Dana’s “Manual of Geology,” p. 323.

        Nicholson’s “Zoology,” p. 402.

        Dana’s “Geology,” p. 302.

        Dawkins’s “Early Man in Britain,” p. 6.

        Dana’s “Geology,” p. 382.

        Haywood’s, Heer’s, “Primeval World of Switzerland.”

        Dana’s “Man. Geology,” p.395.

        Nicholson’s “Man. Zoology,” p.42.

        Marsh: “American Assoc. Rep.,” 1877.

        Marsh: “American Assoc. Rep.,” 1877.

        Dawkins’s “Early Man in Britain,” p. 6.

        Nicholson’s “Manual of Zoology,” pp. 419 and 504.

        When we talk of first appearance, we mean the discovery of
        remains. All who believe in the doctrine of evolution, know
        that the class Mammalia must have appeared early in Paleozoic
        times. Thus, Mr. Wallace says, “Bats and whales—strange
        modifications of mammals—appear perfectly well developed in the
        Eocene. What countless ages back must we go for the origin of
        these groups—the whales from some ancestral carnivorous animal,
        the bats from the insectivora!” and even then we have to seek
        for the common origin of these groups at far earlier periods.
        “So that, on the lowest estimate, we must place the origin of
        the Mammalia very far back in Paleozoic times.” (“Island Life,”
        p. 201.)

        This word is also spelled Kainozoic, and Cainozoic. We follow
        Dana, p. 140.

        Dana, “Manual of Geology,” p. 488.

        Dawkins’s “Early Man in Britain,” p. 28.

        Many of these animal forms were common during the early Eocene.
        (Winchell.)

        Dawkins’s “Early Man in Britain,” p. 29.

        Dana, “Geology,” p. 517.

        Dawkins’s “Early Man in Britain,” p. 32.

        Marsh. “American Assoc. Rep.,” 1877.

        Haywood’s Heer’s “Primeval World of Switzerland,” p. 296.

        Dawkins’s “Early Man in Britain,” p. 20.

        Ibid., p. 43.

        Dana’s “Manual of Geology,” p. 498.

        Dawkins’s “Early Man in Britain,” p. 42.

        Dana’s “Manual of Geology,” p. 514.

        Haywood’s Heer’s “Primeval World of Switzerland,” p. 334.

        Haywood’s Heer’s “Primeval World of Switzerland.”

        Dawkins’s “Early Man in Britain,” pp. 57 and 64.

        Ibid., p. 57: also, Haywood’s Heer’s “Primeval World of
        Switzerland.”

        Nicholson’s “Manual of Zoology,” p. 605.

        Dawkins’s “Early Man in Britain,” p. 58.

        Ibid. 58.

        McLean: “Mastodon, Mammoth, and Man,” p. 67.

        Dawkins’s “Early Man in Europe,” p. 66.

        See “Outline,” p. 41.

        Lyell’s “Antiquity of Man,” p. 193.

        Quatrefages’s “Human Species,” p. 151.

        Prof. Winchell says: “Quatrefages does not now consider the
        proof decisive (_Hommes Fossiles et Hommes Sauvages,_ Paris,
        1884, p. 95).” He cites, as agreeing with him, MM. Cotteau,
        Evans, “and, I believe, most of the members who have not
        publicly pronounced themselves.”

        Dawkins’s “Early Man in Britain,” p. 67.

        Dawkins’s “Early Man in Britain,” p. 68.

        “Human Species,” p. 152.

        Prof. Winchell remarks that, though some savage races might
        have been living in tropical lands during the Miocene, still
        the oldest skull and jaws obtainable in Europe are of a higher
        type than these.

        Dana’s “Manual of Geology,” p. 523.

        Marsh: “American Assoc. Rep.,” 1877.

        Dawkins’s “Early Man in Britain,” p. 73.

        Ibid., p. 78.

        Dawkins’s “Early Man in Britain,” p. 77.

        Dawkins’s “Early Man in Britain,” p. 76.

        Winchell’s “Pre-Adamites,” Whitney’s “Auriferous Gravels of
        California,” Marsh’s “Address before American Assoc.,” 1879.

        “Antiquity of Man,” p. 234.

        “Prehistoric Times,” p. 433.

        Geikie’s “Prehistoric Europe,” p. 343.

        Dawkins’s “Early Man in Britain.”

        Ibid.

        “Prehistoric Europe,” p. 318.

        Quatrefages’s “Hum. Species,” p. 150; Geikie’s “Prehistoric
        Eur.,” p. 345.

        “Pre-Adamites.”

        Geikie’s “Prehistoric Europe,” p. 344.

        Ibid.

        “Early Man in Britain,” p. 92.

        Geikie’s “Prehistoric Europe,” p. 344.

        Same as Glacial. See “Outline,” p. 41.

        “Early Man in Britain,” p. 92.

        “Prehistoric Europe,” p. 345, note 2.




Chapter III
      MEN OF THE RIVER DRIFT.1


      Beginning of the Glacial Age—Inter-glacial Age—Man living in
      Europe during this age—Map of Europe—Proof of former elevation of
      land—The animals living in Europe during this age—Conclusions
      drawn from these different animals—The vegetation of this
      period—Different climatic conditions of Europe during the Glacial
      Age—Proofs of a Glacial Age—Extent of the Glacial Ice—Evidence of
      warm Inter-glacial Age—The primitive state of man—Early English
      civilization—Views of Horace—Primitive man destitute of
      metals—Order in which different materials were used by man for
      weapons—Evidence, from the River Somme—History of Boucher de
      Perthes’s investigations—Discussion of the subject—Antiquity of
      these remains—Improvement during Paleolithic Age—Description of
      the flint implements—Other countries where these implements are
      found—What race of men were these tribes—The Canstadt race—Mr.
      Dawkins’s views—When did they first appear in Europe—The
      authorities on this question—Conclusion.

      The tertiary age, with its wonderful wealth of animal and plant
      life, gradually drew to its close. In our “Outline” we have named
      the period that next ensued the Glacial Age.2 This was
      sufficiently exact for our purpose then, but we must remember
      this is the name3 for a long series of years. During this period
      great changes in climate occurred. At its commencement, a genial
      temperate climate prevailed throughout Europe; and this, as we
      know, was preceded, during the Miocene Age, by a warm tropical
      one.4 This succession, then, shows us that, for some reason or
      other, the climate had been gradually growing colder. This change
      went forward uninterruptedly. Doubtless very gradually, from
      century to century, the seasons grew more and more severe, until,
      finally, the Summer’s sun no longer cleared the mountains of the
      Winter’s snow. This was the beginning of the Glacial Age proper.

      The best authorities also suppose that the reign of snow and ice
      was broken by at least one return (possibly more) of genial
      climate, when animals and plants from the south again visited the
      countries of Northern Europe—only, however, to be once more
      driven forth by a return of arctic cold. But finally, before the
      increasing warmth of a genial Climate, the glaciers vanished, not
      to return again, and the Glacial Age became merged in that of the
      present.

      It is no longer a question that man lived in Europe during the
      largest portion of this age, if not from the beginning. It is
      necessary, then, to come to a clear understanding of the
      successive stages of this entire age, and to trace the wonderful
      cycles of climate—the strange mutation of heat and cold, which
      must have exerted a powerful influence on the life, both animal
      and vegetable, of the period—and see when we first find decisive
      proofs of man’s presence, and learn what we can of his condition.

      The map of Europe, at the close of Pliocene times and the
      commencement of the Glacial Age, is of interest to us in several
      ways. From this it will be seen that it was considerably more
      elevated than at the present. As this is no fancy sketch, but is
      based on facts, it is well to outline them. Without the aid of
      man, land animals can not possibly pass from the mainland of a
      continent to an island lying some distance off the shore. But it
      is well known that animals like the rhinoceros, and several
      others, wandered as well over the surface of the British Islands
      as on the adjacent coast of Europe. We are therefore compelled to
      assume, that at that time the English Channel and the Irish Sea
      were not in existence. This necessitates an elevation of at least
      four hundred feet, which would also lay bare a large portion of
      the North Sea.5 In proof of this latter statement is the fact,
      that, at a distance from land in the North Sea, fishermen at the
      present day frequently dredge up bones and teeth of animals that
      then roamed in Europe.6

      Map of Europe.

      While there is no necessity for supposing an elevation greater
      than that required to lay bare a passage for animals back and
      forth, yet soundings undertaken by the British government have
      established the fact, that the ocean deepens very gradually away
      from the shores of the main-land until a depth of six hundred
      feet is reached, when the shore falls away very suddenly. This is
      supposed to be the sea-coast of that time. The English Channel
      would then have existed as the valley of the Seine, and the Rhine
      have prolonged its flow over the present bed of the North Sea. As
      the land stood at this height through a large portion of the
      Glacial Age, it is not at all unreasonable to suppose that
      primitive tribes hunted back and forth along these valleys, and
      so doubtless many convincing proofs of their presence at that
      early day lie buried underneath the waves of the sea. In like
      manner, at the south, we know that elephants, lions, and hyenas
      passed freely from Africa to Spain, Italy, and the Island of
      Crete,7 and, consequently, the Mediterranean Sea must have been
      bridged in one or two places at least.8

      The change from Pliocene times to early Glacial was so gradual
      that quite a number of animals lived on from one to the other,
      and, as we have already stated, one of these species has even
      survived to our own times.9

      But we note the arrival in Europe of a great number of new
      animals, and the diversity of species seems at first an
      inexplicable riddle. The key, however, is to be found in the
      great climatic changes, which we have already mentioned as
      occurring during this age. On the one hand, we find such animals
      as the musk-sheep, reindeer, and arctic fox, animals whose
      natural home is in high northern latitudes, where snow and ice
      prevail most of the year.10 Yet during this age they lived in
      Southern France and Italy, which must then have had a far
      different climate than that at present.

      Were we to confine our attention to these alone we would be
      convinced that the climate of Europe at that time was arctic in
      its severity. But side by side with the remains of these animals
      are found others which imply an altogether different climate. The
      hippopotamus, now frequenting the rivers of Africa, during that
      period roamed as far north as Yorkshire, England.11 This animal
      could not live in a country where the cold was severe enough to
      form ice on the rivers. The remains of a number of other animals
      are found whose natural home is in the warm regions of the
      earth.12 These two groups of animals, one from the north and one
      from the south, show how varied was the climate of Europe during
      the Glacial Age.

      In addition to these, there was also a large number of animals
      whose home is in the temperate regions of the earth—animals that
      thrive in neither extremes of heat and cold. This includes a
      great many animals of the deer kind, several varieties of bears
      and horses; in fact, the majority of those with which we are
      acquainted.13

      Now, what conclusion follows from this assemblage of animals?
      Many theories have been put forward in explanation. It has been
      suggested that Europe at that time had a climate not unlike that
      of some portions of the earth at present; that is, a long and
      severe Winter was followed by a short but warm Summer. During the
      Winter reindeer and other northern animals would press from the
      north in search of food, but would retire on the approach of
      Spring, when their feeding grounds would in turn be occupied by
      bisons and animals of a southern habitat. In confirmation of this
      view it is pointed out that a vast collection of bones, from the
      bottom of a sink-hole or pond in Derbyshire, England,
      conclusively show that in the summer-time it was visited by
      bisons with their calves, and in Winter by reindeer.14 This
      theory is open to a great many objections. As is well known, some
      animals make quite extensive migrations annually, but we can
      scarcely believe that heavy, unwieldy animals like the
      hippopotamus, were then such industrious travelers as to wander
      every year from Italy to Northern England and return.15 But the
      very ground on which this theory rests, that of strongly
      contrasted summers and winters, could not be true of Europe or
      the western portions of it, owing to the presence of the Atlantic
      Ocean, and the influence which it inevitably exerts on the
      climate.16 We see, then, that the presence of these different
      animals can be explained only by supposing great secular changes
      in climate. Let us see if we can strengthen this view by an
      appeal to the vegetation of this period.

      We have seen how important a guide as to climate were the remains
      of the vegetation of the early times. We therefore turn with more
      confidence to such discoveries as will tell us of the flora of
      this age. But there are many reasons why remains of plant growth
      should be few. As we shall soon learn, this was a period of
      flooded rivers; and in the gravels and loams thus formed is found
      our principal source of information as to the life of the age.
      But such a rush of waters would form gravelly banks or great beds
      of loam, and would sweep any plants which might be washed into
      its floods far out to sea; or if by chance they should become
      buried in such gravel beds, the action of water would speedily
      cause the decay of the tender portions, such as leaves, bark, and
      soft wood, in which case no profitable investigation could be
      made. Occasionally, however, around the shores of old lakes,
      vegetable beds have been buried, and we know that some mineral
      springs deposit a sort of protecting sediment on every thing with
      which they come in contact. By such means, at rare intervals,
      leaves, seeds, and fruits have been sealed up for future
      inspection, and from a careful study of all such instances much
      valuable information has been obtained. At one place in the
      valley of the Seine was discovered, under a bed of tufa, the
      remains of a forest growth. It is not doubted that the deposit
      belongs to the Glacial Age.17

      Yet the forest growth reminds us of that prevalent during the
      Miocene Age. The fig-tree, canary, laurel, and box-tree grew in
      profusion. These are all southern forms. One severe winter would
      kill them all, and even hard frosts would prevent the ripening of
      their fruits.

      Neither were the Summers hot and dry. This is shown by the
      presence of numerous plants which can not thrive in hot and dry
      localities, but live in the shady woods of Northern France and
      Germany. The evidence of this forest growth surely presents us an
      inviting picture of Europe during a portion of the Glacial Age.

      We are not without evidence, also, of a much more severe climate.
      In a lignite bed (a species of coal) found in nearly the same
      latitude as the forest growth just mentioned, we detect the
      presence of trees that grow only in cold northern climates, such
      as birch, mountain pine, larch, and spruce.18 And in some
      peat-bogs of Southern Europe belonging to this age19 are found
      willows now growing only in Spitzbergen, and some species of
      mosses that only thrive far to the north. It is quite evident
      that this deposit testifies to an altogether different climate
      from that indicated by the deposit before mentioned. No theory of
      migration can explain this assemblage of plants, unless it be
      migration taking place very slowly, in consequence of an equally
      slow change of climate.

      From what we have just learned of the animals and plants living
      in Europe during this age, we can frame some conception of the
      different climatic conditions of Europe. On the one hand, we have
      a country with a mild and genial climate. Trees of a warm
      latitude were then growing as far north as Paris, and we may well
      suppose Europe to have abounded in shady forests and grassy
      plains, through which flowed large rivers. It was just such a
      country as that in which elephants and southern animals would
      flourish, while vast herds of deer and bovine animals wandered
      over the entire length and breadth of the land. Where animal life
      was so abundant there were sure to be carnivorous animals also,
      and lions, hyenas, tigers, and other animals added to the variety
      of animal life.

      This, however, is but one side of the picture. The other presents
      us with a very different scene; instead of an abundant forest
      growth, the land supported only dwarf birch, arctic willows, and
      stunted mosses. Arctic animals, such as musk-sheep and reindeer,
      lived all the year around in Southern France. The woolly mammoth
      lived in Spain and Italy. In short, the climate and conditions of
      life were vastly different in the two stages.

      We must now turn our attention to the proofs of glaciers in
      Europe, the phenomena from which this age derives its name.
      Descriptions of Alpine glaciers are common enough, but as
      glaciers and the Glacial Age have a great deal to do with the
      antiquity of man, we can not do better than to learn what we can
      of their formation, and their wonderful extension during this
      period. The school-boy knows that by pressure he gives his
      snowball nearly the hardness of ice. He could make it really ice
      if he possessed sufficient strength. The fact is, then, that snow
      under the influence of pressure passes into the form of ice. In
      some cases nature does this on a large scale. Where mountains are
      sufficiently elevated to raise their heads above the snow line we
      know they are white all the year around with snow. What is not
      blown away, evaporated, or, as an avalanche, precipitated to
      lower heights, must accumulate from year to year. But the weight
      pressing on the lower portions of this snow-field must soon be
      considerable, and at length become so great, that the snow
      changes to the form of ice. But as ice it is no longer fixed and
      immovable. We need not stop to explain just how this ice-field
      moves, but the fact is that, though moving very slowly, it acts
      like a liquid body. It will steal away over any incline however
      small, down which water would flow. Like a river it fills the
      valleys leading down from the mountains. But, of course, the
      lower down it flows the higher the temperature it meets, and it
      will sooner or later reach a point where it will melt as fast as
      it advances. This stream of ice flowing down from snow-clad
      mountains is called a glacier. Those we are best acquainted with
      are but puny things compared with those of the polar regions,
      where in one case a great river of ice sixty miles wide, flowing
      from an unknown distance, some thousands of feet in depth (or
      height), pours out into the sea.20

      We at once perceive that such a mass of ice could not pour down a
      valley without leaving unmistakable signs of its passage. The
      sides of the mountains would be deeply scarred and smoothed.
      Projecting knobs would be worn away. The surface of the valley,
      exposed to the enormous grinding power of the moving ice, would
      be crushed, pulverized, and dragged along with it. Pieces of
      stone, like that here represented, would form part of this moving
      _débris,_ and as they were crowded along they would now and then
      grate over another piece of stone more firmly seated, and so
      their surface would be deeply scratched in the direction of their
      greatest length. There is always more or less water circulating
      under the Alpine glaciers, and the streams that flow from them
      are always very muddy, containing, as they do, quantities of
      crushed rock, sand, and clay.

      Scratched Stone.

      If, for any reason, this earthy matter was not washed out it
      would form a bed of hard clay, in places packed with these
      striated stones. Such beds of clay are known as “till” or bowlder
      clay.21

      This is descriptive, though in a very general way, of the
      glaciers as they exist to-day. Geologists have long been aware of
      the fact that they have convincing proofs of the former presence
      of glaciers in Northern Europe, where now the climate is mild.
      The mountains of Scotland and Wales show as distinct traces of
      glaciers as do those of the Alps. It is not necessary, in this
      hasty sketch, to enumerate the many grounds on which this
      conclusion rests. It is sufficient to state that by the united
      labors of many investigators in that field we are in possession
      of many conclusions relating to the great glaciers of this age
      which almost surpass belief; and yet they are the results of
      careful deductions. The former presence of this ice sheet itself
      is shown in a most conclusive manner by the bowlder clay formed
      underneath the great glacier, containing abundant examples of
      stone showing by their scratched surface that they have been
      ground along underneath the glacier. The rocks on the sides of
      the mountains are scratched exactly as are those in the Alps. By
      observing how high up on the mountains the striæ are, we know the
      thickness of the ice-sheet; and the direction in which it moved
      is shown in several ways.22

      Briefly, then, the geologist assures us that when the cold of the
      Glacial Age was at its maximum glaciers streamed down from all
      the mountains of Scotland, Wales, and Northern England; that the
      ice was thick enough to overtop all the smaller hills, and on the
      plains it united in one great sea of ice some thousands of feet
      in thickness, that it stretched as far south as the latitude of
      London, England. But that to the west the ice streamed out
      across, the Irish Sea, the islands to the west of Scotland, and
      ended far out into what is now the Atlantic.23 But these
      glaciers, vast as they were, were very small compared with the
      glaciers that streamed out from the mountains of Norway and
      Sweden. These great glaciers invaded England to the south-west,
      beat back the glacier ice of Scotland from the floor of the North
      Sea, overran Denmark, and spread their mantle of bowlder clay far
      south into Germany.24

      While such was the condition of things to the north, the glaciers
      of the Alps were many times greater than at present. All the
      valleys were filled with glacier ice, and they spread far out on
      the plains of Southern Germany and westward into France. The
      mountains of Southern France and the Pyrenees also supported
      their separate system of glaciers. Ice also descended from the
      mountains of Asia Minor and North Africa.25 In America we meet
      with traces of glaciers on a vast scale; but we can not pause to
      describe them here.26

      It need not surprise us, therefore, to learn of reindeer and
      musk-sheep feeding on stunted herbage in what now constitutes
      Southern France. When a continuous mantle of snow and ice cloaked
      all Northern Europe, it is not at all surprising to find evidence
      of an extremely cold climate prevailing throughout its southern
      borders. We thus see how one piece of evidence fits into another,
      and therefore we may, with some confidence, endeavor to find
      proofs of more genial conditions when the snow and ice
      disappeared, and a more luxuriant vegetation possessed the land,
      and animals accustomed to warm and even tropical countries roamed
      over a large extent of European territory. In Switzerland it was
      long ago pointed out that after the ancient glaciers had for a
      long time occupied the low grounds of that country they, for some
      cause, retreated to the mountain valleys, and allowed streams and
      rivers to work over the _débris_ left behind them. At Wetzikon
      most interesting conclusions have been drawn. We there learn
      that, after the retreat of the glaciers, a lake occupied the
      place, which in course of time became filled with peat, and that
      subsequently the peat was transformed into lignite. To judge from
      the remains of animals and plants, the climate must have been at
      least as warm as that at present; and this condition of things
      must have prevailed over a period of some thousands of years to
      explain the thick deposits of peat, from which originated the
      lignites.27

      But we also know that this period came to an end, and that once
      more the ice descended. This is shown by the fact that directly
      overlying the lignite beds are alternating layers of sand and
      gravel, and, resting on these, glacier-born bowlders. The same
      conclusion follows from the discoveries made at many other
      places.

      In Scotland it is well known that the bowlder clay contains every
      now and then scattered patches of peat and beds of soil either
      deposited in lakes or rivers. The only explanation that can be
      given for their presence is that they represent old land
      surfaces; that is, when the land was freed from ice, and
      vegetation had again clothed it in a mantle of green. In this cut
      is shown one of these beds. Both above and below are the beds of
      bowlder clay. The peat in the centre varies from an inch to a
      foot and a half in thickness, and contains many fragments of
      wood, sticks, roots, etc.; and of animals, numerous beetles were
      found, one kind of which frequents only places where deer and
      ruminant animals abound.

      Interglacial Bed.

      From a large number of such discoveries it is conclusively shown
      that, after all, Scotland was smothered under one enormous
      glacier, a change of climate occurred, and the ice melted away.
      Then Scotland enjoyed a climate capable of nourishing sufficient
      vegetation to induce mammoths, Irish deer, horses, and great oxen
      to occupy the land. But the upper bowlder clay no less
      conclusively shows that once more the climate became cold, and
      ice overflowed all the lowlands and buried under a new
      accumulation of bowlder clay such parts of the old land surface
      as it did not erode. Substantially the same set of changes are
      observed in English and German geology.28

      Having thus given an outline of the climatic changes which took
      place in Europe during the Glacial Age, and the grounds on which
      these strange conclusions rest, we must now turn our attention to
      the appearance of man.

      The uncertainties which hung over his presence in the earlier
      periods, spoken of in the former chapter, do not apply to the
      proofs of his presence during this age, though it is far from
      settled at what particular portion of the Glacial Age he came
      into Europe. We must remember we are to investigate the past, and
      to awaken an interest in the history of a people who trod this
      earth in ages long ago. The evidence on which we establish a
      history of the early tribes of Europe is necessarily fragmentary,
      but still a portion here and a piece there are found to form one
      whole, and enable us to form quite a vivid conception of manners
      and times now very far remote.

      It is not claimed that we have surmounted every difficulty—on the
      contrary, there is yet much to be deciphered; but, in some
      respects, we are now better acquainted with these shadowy tribes
      of early times than with those whose history has been recorded by
      the historian’s facile pen. He has given us a record of blood. He
      acquaints us with the march of vast armies, tells us of pillaged
      cities, and gives us the names of a long roll of titled kings;
      but, unfortunately, we know little of the home life, the
      occupation, or of those little things which make up the culture
      of a people. But the knowledge of primitive tribes, gathered from
      the scanty remains of their implements, from a thorough
      exploration of their cavern homes, has made us acquainted with
      much of their home life and surroundings: and we are not entirely
      ignorant as to such topics as their trade, government, and
      religion. We must not forget that this is a knowledge of tribes
      and peoples who lived here in times immeasurably ancient as
      compared with those in existence at the very dawn of history.

      We must try and form a mental picture of what was probably the
      primitive state of man; and a little judicious reasoning from
      known facts will do much for us in this direction. Some writers
      have contended that the first condition of man was that of
      pleasing innocence, combined with a high degree of enlightenment,
      which, owing to the wickedness of mankind, he gradually lost.
      This ideal picture, however consonant with our wishes, must not
      only give way before the mass of information now at our command,
      but has really no foundation in reason; “or, at any rate, if this
      primitive condition of innocence and enlightenment ever existed,
      it must have disappeared at a period preceding the present
      archæological investigations.”29 Nothing is plainer than that our
      present civilization has been developed from barbarism, as that
      was from savagism.30 We need go back but a few centuries in the
      history of any nation, before we find them emerging from a state
      of barbarism. The energy and intelligence of the Anglo-Saxon has
      spread his language to the four corners of the globe; he has
      converted the wilderness into fruitful fields, and reared cities
      in desert lands: yet his history strikingly illustrates our
      point. A century back, and we are already in a strange land. The
      prominent points of present civilization were yet unthought of.
      No bands of iron united distant cities; no nerves of wire flashed
      electric speech. The wealth of that day could not buy many
      articles conducive of comfort, such as now grace the homes of the
      poor. The contrast is still more apparent when we recall another
      of the countless centuries of the past. England, with Europe, was
      but just awakening to modern life. Printing had but just been
      invented. Great discoveries had been made, and mankind was but
      just beginning those first feeble efforts which were to bring to
      us our modern comforts. But a millennium of years ago, and the
      foundation of English civilization had but just been laid by the
      union of the rude Germanic tribes of the Saxons and the Angles.
      Similar results attend the ultimate analysis of any civilization.
      It was but yesterday that wandering hordes, bound together by the
      loose cohesion of tribal organization, and possessing but the
      germ of modern enlightenment, held sway in what is now the
      fairest portion of the world: and we, the descendants of these
      rude people, must reflect that the end is not yet—that the onward
      march of progress is one of ever hastening steps—and that, in all
      human probability, the sun of a thousand years hence will shine
      on a people whose civilization will be as superior to ours as the
      light of day exceeds the mellow glow of a moon-lit night.

      If such are the changes of but a few centuries, what must we not
      consider the changes to have been during the countless ages that
      have sped away since man first appeared on the scene! The early
      Greek and Roman writers were much nearer right when they
      considered primitive man to have been but a slight degree removed
      from the brute world. Horace thus expresses himself: “When
      animals first crept forth from the newly formed earth, a dumb and
      filthy herd, they fought for acorns and lurking places —with
      their nails, and with fists—then with clubs—and at last with
      arms, which, taught by experience, they had forged. They then
      invented names for things, and words to express their thoughts;
      after which they began to desist from war, to fortify cities, and
      enact laws.” The learning of modern times leads to much the same
      conclusion.

      It is evident that primitive man must have been destitute of
      metals; for it requires a great deal of knowledge and experience
      to extract metals from their ores. In the eyes of savages, the
      various metallic ores are simply so many varieties of stone— much
      less valuable for his purposes than flint, or some other
      varieties. We know it to be historically true, that a great many
      nations have been discovered utterly destitute of any knowledge
      of metals.

      When we reflect how much of our present enlightenment is due to
      the use of metals, we can readily see that their discovery marks
      a most important epoch in the history of man. There is, then,
      every reason to suppose that stone was a most important article
      for primitive man. It was the material with which he fought his
      battle for existence, and we need not be surprised that its use
      extended through an enormously long period of time. Not only was
      primitive man thus low down in the scale, but of necessity his
      progress must have been very slow.

      The time during which men were utterly destitute of a knowledge
      of metals, far exceeds the interval that has elapsed since that
      important discovery.31 Scholars divide the stone age into two
      parts. In the first, the stone implements, are very few, of
      simple shapes, and in the main formed of but one variety of
      stone—generally flint~-and they were never polished. In the
      second division, we meet with a great many different implements,
      each adapted to a different purpose. Different varieties of stone
      were employed, and they also made use of bone, shell, and wood,
      which were often beautifully polished.

      From what we have learned of the development of primitive
      society, it will not surprise us to learn that the first division
      of the age of stone comprises a vastly greater portion of time,
      and is far more ancient, than the second. We will give an outline
      showing the order of use of different materials; but it is here
      necessary to remark that Bronze was the first metal that man
      learned to use, and Iron the second.


          ORDER IN WHICH DIFFERENT MATERIALS WERE USED FOR WEAPONS AND
          IMPLEMENTS BY PRIMITIVE MAN.

            Age of Stone.
            Rough, or Old Stone Age
            Paleolithic

            Polished, or New Stone Age
            Neolithic

            Age of Metals.
            Bronze Age. Iron Age.


      In this outline the words Paleolithic and Neolithic are the
      scientific terms for the two divisions of the Stone Age, and will
      be so used in these pages.

      The only races of men that we could expect to find in Europe
      during the Glacial Age would be Paleolithic tribes, and it is
      equally manifest that we must find traces of them in beds of this
      age, or in association with animals that are characteristic of
      this age, or else we can not assert the existence of man at this
      time. The valley of the river Somme, in Northern France, has
      become classical ground to the student of Archæology, since it
      was there that such investigations as we have just mentioned were
      first and most abundantly made. It is now well known that the
      surface features of a country—that is, its hills and dales, its
      uplands and lowlands—are mainly due to the erosive power of
      running water. Our rivers have dug for themselves broad valleys,
      undermined and carried away hills, and in general carved the
      surface of a country, until the present appearance is the result.
      It must be confessed that when we perceive the slow apparent
      change from year to year, and from that attempt to estimate the
      time required to produce the effects we see before us, we are apt
      to shrink from the lapse of time demanded for its accomplishment.
      Let us not forget that “Time is long,” and that causes, however
      trifling, work stupendous results in the course of ages.

      Paleolithic Flints.

      But a river which is thus digging down its channel in one place,
      deposits the materials so dug away at other and lower levels, as
      beds of sand and gravel. In the course of time, as the river
      gradually lowers its channel, it will leave behind, at varying
      heights along its banks, scattered patches of such beds. Wherever
      we find them, no matter how far removed, or how high above the
      present river, we are sure that at some time the river flowed at
      that height; and standing there, we may try and imagine how
      different the country must have looked before the present deep
      valley was eroded.

      In the case of the river Somme, we have a wide and deep valley, a
      large part of which has been excavated in chalk rock, through
      which the river now winds its way in a sinuous course to the
      English Channel. Yet we feel sure that at some time in the past
      it was a mighty stream, and that its waters surged along over a
      bed at least two hundred feet higher than now. In proof of this
      fact we still find, at different places along the chalky bluff,
      stretches of old gravel banks, laid down there by the river,
      “reaching sometimes as high as two hundred feet above the present
      water level, although their usual elevation does not exceed forty
      feet.”32

      The history of the investigation of the ancient gravel beds of
      the Somme is briefly this: More than one instance had been noted
      of the finding of flint implements, apparently the work of men,
      in association with bones of various animals, such as hyenas,
      mammoths, musk-sheep, and others, which, as we have just seen,
      lived in Europe during the Glacial Age. In a number of cases such
      finds had been made in caves. But for a long time no one
      attributed any especial value to these discoveries, and various
      were the explanations given to account for such commingling. A
      French geologist, by the name of Boucher DePerthes, had noted the
      occurrence of similar flint implements, and bones of these
      extinct animals, in a gravel pit on the banks of the Somme, near
      Abbeville, France. He was convinced that they proved the
      existence of man at the time these ancient animals lived in
      Europe. But no one paid any attention to his opinions on this
      subject, and a collection of these implements, which he took to
      Paris in 1839, was scarcely noticed by the scientific world. They
      were certainly very rude, and presented but indistinct traces of
      chipping, and perhaps it is not strange that he failed to
      convince any one of their importance. He therefore determined to
      make a thorough and systematic exploration of these beds at
      Abbeville. In 1847 he published his great work on this subject,
      giving over sixteen hundred cuts of the various articles he had
      found, claiming that they were proof positive of the presence of
      man when the gravels were depositing.

      Flint Implements, so-called.

      Now there are several questions to be answered before the
      conclusions of the French geologist can be accepted. In the first
      place, are these so-called flint implements of human workmanship?
      From our illustrations, we see that they are of an oval shape,
      tending to a cutting edge all around, and generally more or less
      pointed at one end. The testimony of all competent persons who
      have examined them is, that however rude they may be, they were
      undoubtedly fashioned by man. Dr. C. C. Abbott has made some
      remarks on implements found in another locality, equally
      applicable to the ones in question. He says: “We find, on
      comparing a specimen of these chipped stones with an accidentally
      fractured pebble, that the chipped surfaces of the former all
      tend toward the production of a cutting edge, and there is no
      portion of the stone detached which does not add to the
      availability of the supposed implement as such; while in the case
      of a pebble that has been accidentally broken, there is
      necessarily all absence of design in the fracturing.”33

      Like the watch found on the moor, they show such manifest
      evidence of design, that we can not doubt that they were produced
      by the hand of man. But it is not enough to know that they are
      artificial, we must also know that they are of the same age as
      the beds in which they are found.

      Section of Gravel Pit.

      This cut represents a section of a gravel pit at St. Acheul, on
      the Somme. The implements are nearly always found in the lowest
      strata, which is a bed of gravel from ten to fourteen feet thick.
      Overlying this are beds of marl, loam, and surface soil,
      comprising in all a depth of fourteen feet. It has been suggested
      that the implements are comparatively recent, and have sunk down
      from above by their own weight, or perhaps have been buried in
      artificial excavations. The beds are however too compact to admit
      of any supposition that they may have been sunk there; and if
      buried in any excavation, evident traces of such excavation would
      have remained. We can account for their presence there in no
      other way than, that when the river rolled along at that high
      elevation, and deposited great beds of sand, these implements
      were someway lost in its waters, and became buried in the gravel
      deposits.

      Finally, we have to consider the age of the deposits. This is a
      question that can be answered only by geologists, and we may be
      sure that more than ordinary attention has been bestowed upon
      them. The remains of many animals characteristic of the Glacial
      Age were found in the beds at Abbeville. These include those of
      the elephants, rhinoceros, hyenas, cave-bear, and cave-lion.34

      In the formation of these gravel beds, ice has undoubtedly played
      quite an important part. Bowlders that could have got there only
      by the aid of ice, are found in several localities. Evidence
      gathered from a great many different sources all establish the
      fact that these gravels date as far back as the close of the
      Glacial Age at least, and there are some reasons for supposing
      them to be interglacial.

      We can easily see that the melting away of the immense glaciers
      that we have been describing would produce vast floods in the
      rivers, and it is perhaps owing to the presence of such swollen
      rivers that are due the great beds of surface soil, called loam
      or loess, found in all the river valleys of France and Germany.35
      These deposits frequently overlie the gravel beds. They are then
      of a later date than the beds in which are found such convincing
      proofs of the presence of man, and if they themselves date from
      the close of the Glacial Age, it is no longer a question whether
      the gravel beds themselves belong to that age. Thus we see that
      we can no longer escape the conclusions of Boucher DePerthes. The
      discovery of rudely worked flints in the drift of the Somme River
      thus establishes the fact that some time during the Glacial Age,
      man in a Paleolithic state lived in France.

      Geological terms convey to us no definite ideas as to the lapse
      of time, and we have an instinctive desire to substitute for them
      some term of years. In most cases this is impossible, as we have
      no means to measure the flight of past time, nor are we yet
      prepared to discuss the question of time, since to do so we must
      learn a great deal more about the cause of the Glacial Age. We
      might, however, cite statements which can not fail to impress us
      with the fact that a great extent of time has passed.

      In the case of the river Somme we have a valley in some places a
      mile or more in width, and about two hundred feet in depth. This
      has mostly been excavated in chalk rock. Taking our present large
      rivers as a basis, it would require from one to two hundred
      thousand years for the Somme to perform this work.36 It will not
      do, however, to take the present action of our rivers as a guide,
      since we have every reason to suppose this work went forward much
      more rapidly in past times. But we can not escape the conclusion
      that it demands a very long time indeed to explain it. The valley
      has remained in its present shape long enough to admit the
      formation of great beds of peat in some portions. Peat is formed
      by the decomposition of vegetable growth. Its growth is in all
      cases slow, depending entirely upon local circumstances. European
      scholars who have made peat formation a special study assure us
      that to form such immense beds as occur near Abbeville, several
      thousand years are required, even under the most favorable
      conditions.

      Yet we would be scarcely willing to rest such important
      conclusions as the foregoing on the researches of one individual,
      or in one locality. As already stated, DePerthes made his
      discoveries public in 1847. Yet they were so opposed to all that
      had been believed previously, that but few took the pains to
      investigate for themselves. In 1853, Dr. Rigollot, of Amiens, who
      had been skeptical as to DePerthes, commenced to look for himself
      in the gravel beds at St. Acheul, about nine miles below
      Abbeville. As might be expected, he was soon convinced.

      Paleolithic Flint, England.

      It may be said that the scientific world formally accepted the
      new theory when such English scientists as Evans, Falconer,
      Lyell, and Prestwich reported in its favor. Since that time, many
      discoveries of ancient implements have been made at various
      places in France and England under circumstances similar to those
      in the valley of the Somme. In England they have been found along
      almost all the rivers in the southern and south-eastern part. One
      class of discoveries there gives us new ideas as to the extent of
      time that has passed since they were deposited. That is where
      they occur in gravel beds having no connection with the present
      system of rivers. In one case the gravel forms a hill fifteen
      feet high, situated in the midst of a swampy district, surrounded
      on all sides by low, flat surfaces. Several such instances could
      be given; but, in all such cases, we can not doubt that,
      somewhere near, there once rolled the waters of an ancient river,
      that man once hunted along its banks, and that, owing to some
      natural cause, the waters forsook their ancient bed—and that
      since then, in the slow course of ages, the action of running
      water has removed so much of the surface of the land near there,
      that we can not guess at its ancient configuration: we only know,
      from scattered patches of gravel, that we are standing on the
      banks of an ancient water-course.

      One instance, illustrative of the great change that has come over
      the surface features of the country, demanding for their
      accomplishment a great lapse of time, is furnished by the Isle of
      Wight. That island is now separated from the mainland by a narrow
      channel, called the South Hampton Water, or the Solent Sea.

      It is now known that this is nothing but an old river channel, in
      which the sea has usurped the place of the river. The coast is a
      river embankment, with the usual accompaniments of gravel beds,
      flint implements, and fresh water shells. On the shores of the
      island we find the opposite bank of the old river. A very great
      change must have taken place in the surface features before the
      sea could have rolled in and cut off the Isle of Wight from the
      mainland.

      In speaking of the length of time demanded for this change, Dr.
      Evans says: “Who can fully understand how immeasurably remote was
      the epoch when what is now that vast bay was high and dry land,
      and a long range of chalk downs, six hundred feet above the sea,
      bounded the horizon on the South? And yet that must have been the
      sight that met the eye of primitive man who frequented the banks
      of that ancient river, which buried their handiwork in gravels
      that now cap the cliffs—and of the course of which so strange and
      indubitable a memorial subsists in what has now become the Solent
      Sea?”37

      The illustrations scattered through this essay are
      representations of the stone implements found in the drift of
      European rivers. During all the long course of time supposed to
      be covered by the Paleolithic Age, there are but very few
      evidences of any improvement, as far as we can judge from the
      implements themselves. This is in itself a melancholy proof of
      the low condition of man. He had made so little advance in the
      scale of wisdom, he possessed so little knowledge, he was so much
      a creature of instinct, that, during the thousands of years
      demanded for this age, he made no appreciable progress. The
      advance of the last century was many times greater than that of
      the entire Paleolithic Age. A blow struck on one end of a piece
      of flint will, owing to the peculiar cleavage of flint, split off
      pieces called flakes. This is the simplest form of implement used
      by man. It is impossible to say with certainty how they were
      used; but, from the evidence observed on them, they were probably
      used as scrapers. The men of that day doubtless knew some simple
      method of preparing clothing from the skins of the animals they
      had killed, and probably many of these sharp-rimmed flakes were
      used to assist in this primitive process of tanning.

      Flint Flakes.

      When the piece of flint itself was chipped into form, it was one
      whose shape would indicate a spear-head or hatchet. We present
      illustrations of each. Forms intermediate between these two are
      found. Some have such a thick heavy base that it is believed they
      were used in the hand, and had no handle or haft.

      Others, with a cutting edge all round, may have been provided
      with a handle. M. Mortillet, of France, who has had excellent
      opportunities of studying this question very thoroughly, thinks
      that the hatchet was the only type of implement they possessed,
      and that it was used for every conceivable purpose—but that their
      weapon was a club, all traces of which have, of course, long
      since vanished away.38

      Spear Head Type and Hatchet Type.

      These few implements imply that their possessors were savages
      like the native Australians. In this stage of culture, man lived
      by hunting, and had not yet learned to till the ground, or to
      seek the materials out of which his implements were made by
      mining. Re merely fashioned the stones which happened to be
      within reach in the shallows of rivers as they were wanted,
      throwing them away after they had been used. In this manner the
      large numbers which have been met with in certain spots may be
      accounted for. Man at this time appears before us as a nomad
      hunter, poorly equipped for the struggle of life, without
      knowledge of metals, and ignorant of the art of grinding his
      stone tools to a sharp edge.39 Of course we can not hope to learn
      much of their social condition other than that just set forth.

      DePerthes found some flints which show evidence of their human
      origin, and yet it would be very difficult to say what was their
      use. He thinks they may have a religious significance, and has
      set forth a great variety of eloquent surmises respecting them.
      It only need be said that such theorizing is worse than useless.
      That while it is very probable these tribes had some system of
      belief, yet there is no good reason for supposing these flints
      had any connection with it. It has been supposed, from another
      series of wrought flints, that the men of this epoch were
      possessed of some sentiments of art, as pieces have been found
      thought to represent the forms of animals, men’s faces, birds,
      and fishes; but as very few have been able to detect such
      resemblances, it is safe to say they do not exist.

      As the love of adornment is almost as old as human nature itself,
      we may not be surprised to find traces of its sway then. Dr.
      Rigollot found little bunches of shells with holes through either
      end. The supposition is that these were used as beads; which is
      not at all strange, considering how instinctively savage men
      delight in such ornaments. These ancient hunters made use of
      beads partially prepared by nature.

      Europe is not the only country where the remains of this savage
      race are found. They are found in the countries bordering the
      Mediterranean in Northern Africa, and in Egypt. In this latter
      country they are doubtless largely buried under the immense
      deposits of Nile mud; yet in 1878 Professor Haynes discovered in
      Upper Egypt scrapers and hatchets, pronounced by archæologists to
      be exactly similar to those of the river Somme. We are not
      informed as to their geological age, but there can be no question
      that they are much older than any monument of Egyptian
      civilization hitherto known.40

      Paleolithic implements have also been found in Palestine and in
      India. In the latter country the beds are so situated that they
      present the same _indicia,_ of age as do those of the Somme
      Valley. A great portion of the formation has been removed, and
      deep valleys cut in them by running water.41 They have also been
      found in at least one locality in the United States; that is in
      the glacial gravel of the valley of the Delaware at Trenton, New
      Jersey. We must not confound these remains with those of the
      Indian tribes found scattered over a large extent of surface.
      Those at Trenton also are not only in all respects, except
      materials, similar to those of the Somme, but are found imbedded
      in a formation of gravel that was deposited at least as far back
      as the close of the Glacial Age, thus requiring the passage of
      the same long series of years since they were used, as do the
      implements of European rivers.42 We must also bear in mind that
      no country has been so carefully explored for these implements as
      has Europe, and that the very country, Asia, where, for many
      reasons, we might hope to find not only unequivocal proofs of
      man’s presence but from our discoveries be able to clear up many
      dark points, as to the race, origin, and fate of these primitive
      tribes, is yet almost a sealed book.

      But the scattered discoveries we have instanced show us that the
      people whose implements have been described in this chapter were
      very widely dispersed over the earth, and everything indicates
      that they were far removed from us in time. The similarity in
      type of implements shows that, wherever found, they were the same
      people, in the same low savage state of culture—“Alike in the
      somber forests of oak and pine in Great Britain, and when
      surrounded by the luxuriant vegetation of the Indian jungle.”43

      We have yet two important points to consider. The first is, what
      race of men were these river tribes? and second, when did they
      arrive in Europe? Did they precede the glacial cold? did they
      make their appearance during a warm interglacial period? or was
      it not until the final retreat of the glaciers that they first
      wandered into Europe? These questions are far from settled; yet
      they have been the object of a great amount of painstaking
      research.

      To determine the first point, it is necessary that anatomists
      have skeletons of the men of this age, to make a careful study of
      them. But for a great many reasons, portions of the human
      skeleton are very rarely found in such circumstances that we are
      sure they date back to the Paleolithic Age, and especially is
      this true of the men of the River Drift. In a few instances
      fragmentary portions have been found.

      M. Quatrefages, of France, who is certainly a very high authority
      on these points, thinks that the hunter tribes of the River Drift
      belonged to the Canstadt race—“so named from the village of
      Canstadt, in Germany, near which a fossil skull was discovered in
      1700, and which appears to be closely allied to the Neanderthal
      skull, discovered near Dusseldorf in 1857, and about which so
      much has been written.”44 Quatrefages supposes that this type of
      man is still to be found in certain Australian tribes. These are
      not mere guesses, but are conclusions drawn from careful study by
      eminent European scholars.45

      It is well known that a competent naturalist needs but a single
      fossil bone to describe the animal itself, and tell us its
      habits. So also anthropologists need but fragments of the human
      skeleton, especially of the skull, to describe characteristics of
      the race to which the individual belonged.

      Neanderthal Man.

      This cut, though an ideal restoration, is a restoration made in
      accordance with the results of careful study of fragmentary
      skulls found in various localities in Europe. The head and the
      face present a savage aspect; the body harmonized with the head;
      the height was not more than five feet and a half; yet the bones
      are very thick in proportion to their length, and were evidently
      supplied with a powerful set of muscles, since the little
      protuberances and depressions where the muscles are attached are
      remarkably well developed.46 Huxley and Quatrefages have both
      pointed out that representatives of this race are to be found
      among some Australian tribes. Among the races of this great
      island there is one, distributed particularly in the province of
      Victoria, in the neighborhood of Port Western, which reproduces
      in a remarkable manner, the characters of the Canstadt race.”47
      Not the least interesting result of this discovery is the
      similarity of weapons and implements. “With Mr. Lartet, we see in
      the obsidian lances of New Caledonia the flint heads of the lower
      alluvium of the Somme. The hatchet of certain Australians reminds
      us, as it did Sir Charles Lyell, of the Abbeville hatchet.48

      Yet some hesitate about accepting these interesting inferences,
      thinking that the portions of the human skeleton thus far
      recovered, which are beyond a doubt referable to this period, are
      too fragmentary to base such important conclusions upon. This is
      the view of Boyd Dawkins, who thinks “we can not refer them to
      any branch of the human race now alive.”49 “We are without a
      clew,” continues he, “to the ethnology of the River Drift man,
      who most probably is as completely extinct as the woolly
      rhinoceros or the cave bear.”50 Future discoveries will probably
      settle this point.

      It is yet a much disputed point to what particular portion of the
      Glacial Age we can trace the appearance of man. We can profitably
      note the tendency of scientific thought in this direction. But a
      short time has elapsed since a few scholars here and there began
      to urge an antiquity for man extending back beyond the commonly
      accepted period of six thousand years. Though it is now well
      known and admitted that there are no good grounds for this
      estimate, yet such was its hold, such its sway over scientific as
      well as popular thought, that an appeal to this chronology was
      deemed sufficient answer to the discoveries of DePerthes,
      Schmerling, and others. It was but yesterday that this popular
      belief was overthrown and due weight given the discoveries of
      careful explorers in many branches, and the antiquity of man
      referred, on indisputable grounds, to a point of time at least as
      far back as the close of the preceding geological age.51

      It seems as if here a halt had been called, and all possible
      objections are urged against a further extension of time. It is,
      of course, well to be careful in this matter, and to accept only
      such results as inevitably follow from well authenticated
      discoveries. But it also seems to us there is no longer any doubt
      that man dates back to the beginning of that long extended time
      we have named the Glacial Age.52

      In the first place, we must recall the animals that suddenly made
      their appearance in Europe at the beginning of this age. Though
      there were a number of species, since become extinct, the
      majority of animal forms were those still living.53

      These are the animals with which man has always been associated.
      There is therefore no longer any reason to suppose the evolution
      of animal life had not reached that stage where man was to
      appear. We need only recall how strongly this point was urged in
      reference to the preceding geological epoch, to see its important
      bearings here. Mr. Boyd Dawkins has shown that the great majority
      of animals which invaded Europe at the commencement of this age,
      can be traced to Northern and Central Asia, whence, owing to
      climatic changes, they migrated into Europe.54

      Inasmuch as man seems to have been intimately associated with
      these animals, it seems to us very likely that he came with them
      from their home in Asia. We think the tendency of modern
      discoveries is to establish the fact that man arrived in Europe
      along with the great invasion of species now living.55

      Turning now to the authorities, we find this to be the accepted
      theory of many of those competent to form an opinion.

      In England Mr. Geikie has strongly urged the theory that the
      Glacial Age includes not only periods of great cold, but also
      epochs of exceptional mildness; and he strongly argues that all
      the evidence of the River Drift tribes can be referred to these
      warm interglacial epochs; in other words, that they were living
      in Europe during the Glacial Age.56

      In answer to this it has been stated that the relics of River
      Drift tribes in Southern England overlie bowlder clay, and must
      therefore be later in origin than the Glacial Age.57

      But, Mr. Geikie and others have shown that the ice of the last
      great cold did not overflow Southern England,58 so that this
      evidence, rightly read, was really an argument in favor of their
      interglacial age.59 The committee appointed by the British
      Association to explore the Victoria Cave, near Settle, urge this
      point very strongly in their final report of 1878.60 To this
      report Mr. Dawkins, a member of the committee, records his
      dissent, but in his last great work he freely admits that man was
      living in England during the Glacial Age, if he did not, in fact,
      precede it.61

      Mr. Skertchley, of the British coast survey, in 1879,62 announced
      the discovery in East Anglia of Paleolithic, implements
      underlying the bowlder clay of that section. Mr. Geikie justly
      regards this as a most important discovery.63

      Finally Mr. Dawkins, in his address as President of the
      Anthropological section of the British Association, in 1882, goes
      over the entire ground. After alluding to the discovery of
      paleolithic implements in Egypt, India, and America, he
      continues: “The identity of implements of the River Drift hunter
      proves that he was in the same rude state of civilization, if it
      can be called civilization, in the Old and the New World, when
      the hand of the geological clock struck the same hour. It is not
      a little strange that this mode of life should have been the same
      in the forests of the North, and south of the Mediterranean, in
      Palestine, in the tropical forests of India, and on the western
      shores of the Atlantic.” This, however, is not taken as proving
      the identity of race, but as proving that in this morning-time of
      man’s existence he had nowhere advanced beyond a low state of
      savagism. Mr. Dawkins then continues: “It must be inferred from
      his wide-spread range that he must have inhabited the earth for a
      long time, and that his dispersal took place before the Glacial
      epoch in Europe and America. I therefore feel inclined to view
      the River Drift hunter as having invaded Europe in preglacial
      times, along with other living species which then appeared.” He
      also points out that the evidence is that he lived in Europe
      during all the changes of that prolonged period known as the
      Glacial Age.64

      Sir John Lubbock also records his assent to these views. He says
      on this point: “It is, I think, more than probable that the
      advent of the Glacial Period found man already in possession of
      Europe.”65

      In our own country Prof. Powell says: “It is now an established
      fact that man was widely scattered over the earth at least as
      early as the beginning of the Quaternary period, and perhaps in
      Pliocene times.”66

      This completes our investigation of the men of the River Drift.
      We see how, by researches of careful scholars, our knowledge of
      the past has been enlarged. Though there are many points which
      are as yet hidden in darkness, we are enabled to form quite a
      clear mental picture of this early race. Out of the darkness
      which still enshrouds the continent of Asia we see these bands of
      savages wandering forth; some to Europe, Africa, and the west;
      others to America and the east.

      This was at a time when slowly falling temperature but dimly
      prophesied a reign of arctic cold, still far in the future. This
      race does not seem to have had much capacity for advancement,
      since ages came and went leaving him in the same low state.
      During the climax of glacial cold he doubtless sought the
      southern coasts of Europe along with the temperate species of
      animals. But whenever the climatic conditions were such that
      these animals could find subsistence as far north as England he
      accompanied them there, and so his remains are found constantly
      associated with theirs throughout Europe. Though doubtless very
      low in the scale, and at the very foot of the ladder of human
      progress, we are acquainted with no facts connecting them with
      the higher orders of animals. If such exists, we must search for
      them further back in geological time. The men of the River Drift
      were distinctively human beings, and as such possessed those
      qualities which, developing throughout the countless ages that
      have elapsed, have advanced man to his present high position.

      REFERENCES


        This chapter was submitted to Prof. G. F. Wright, of Oberlin,
        for criticism.

        Lyell’s “Antiquity of Man;” Geikie’s “Prehistoric Europe,” p.
        332.

        It is, however, applicable to only a portion of the Quaternary,
        or Post-tertiary period. (Wright.)

        Chapter II.

        Geikie’s “Prehistoric Europe,” p. 339.

        Dawkins’s “Cave Hunting,” p. 365.

        Dawkins’s “Early Man in Britain,” p. 112.

        Geikie’s “Prehistoric Europe,” p. 337.

        The majority of the Pliocene animals disappeared from Europe at
        the close of the period in question. This includes such animals
        as the mastodon, hipparion, and many kinds of deer (Geikie’s
        “Prehistoric Europe,” p. 334). The following animals survived
        into the Glacial Age, and some even into Inter-glacial periods:
        African hippopotamus (still living), saber-toothed lion, bear
        of Auvergne, big-nosed rhinoceros, Etruskan rhinoceros,
        Sedgwick’s deer, deer of Polignac, Southern elephant.
        (“Prehistoric Europe,” p. 95.)

        The northern animals include the following: Alpine hare,
        musk-sheep, glutton, reindeer, arctic fox, lemming, tailless
        hare, marmot, spermophile, ibex, snowy vole, chamois. (Geikie’s
        “Prehistoric Europe,” p. 32.)

        Geikie’s “Prehistoric Europe,” p. 28.

        The following animals are given as southern species:
        Hippopotamus, African elephant, spotted hyena, striped hyena,
        serval, caffer cat, lion, leopard. In addition to the above
        there were also four or five species of elephants and three
        species of rhinoceros, which have since become extinct.
        (Geikie’s “Prehistoric Europe,” p. 32.)

        It is scarcely necessary to give a list of these animals. Prof.
        Dawkins enumerates thirty-three species. The following are some
        of the most important: Urus, bison, horse, stag, roe, beaver,
        rabbit, otter, weasel, martin, wildcat, fox, wolf, wild boar,
        brown bear, grizzly bear. (Geikie’s “Prehistoric Europe,” p,
        32.)

        Dawkins’s “Early Man in Britain,” p. 191.

        Lubbock’s “Prehistoric Times,” p. 316.

        Geikie’s “Prehistoric Europe,” p. 87.

        Geikie’s “Prehistoric Europe,” p. 50.

        Geikie’s “Prehistoric Europe,” p. 54.

        Ibid., p. 55.

        Kane’s “Arctic Exploration,” Vol. I, p. 225.

        Geikie’s “Prehistoric Europe,” p. 180.

        Wallace’s “Island Life,” p. 104.

        Geikie’s “Prehistoric Europe,” p. 189.

        Ibid., p. 192, _et seq._

        Dawkins’s “Early Man in Britain.”

        For fuller information on this topic see James Geikie’s “The
        Great Ice Age;” also, by the same author, “Prehistoric Europe.”
        In Appendix “B” of this latter work the author gives a map of
        Europe at the climax of the Glacial Age, showing the great
        extension of the glaciers. This map embodies the results of the
        labors of a great many eminent scholars. See also Croll’s
        “Climate and Time;” also Wallace’s “Island Life,” pp. 102-202.
        We are not aware that the statements as set forth above are
        seriously questioned by any geologist of note. Some consider it
        quite possible that the bowlder clays of Southern England and
        Central Germany were deposited during a period of submergence
        from melting icebergs. (Dawkins’s “Early Man in Britain,” p.
        116.) But even this demands vast glaciers to the north of this
        supposed submergence to produce the icebergs. The weight of
        authority, however, is in favor of the glaciers. (Geikie’s
        “Prehistoric Europe,” p. 175.)

        Haywood’s Heer’s “Primeval World of Switzerland,” p. 200.

        “Prehistoric Europe,” p. 261. It is no longer a question that
        there was at least one mild period separating two periods of
        cold in Europe. See Lubbock’s “Prehistoric Times,” p. 316;
        Dawkins’s “Early Man in Britain,” pp. 115-120; Lyell’s
        “Antiquity of Man,” pp. 282-285., Dana’s “Manual of Geology,”
        first edition, p. 561; Haywood’s Heer’s “Primeval World of
        Switzerland,” Vol. II, p. 203; Wallace’s “Island Life,” p. 114;
        Croll’s “Climate and Time.” Mr. Geikie, in his works, “The
        Great Ice Age” and “Prehistoric Europe,” maintains there were
        several warm interglacial epochs.

        Wright.

        Morgan’s “Ancient Society,” p. 29.

        Geikie’s “Prehistoric Europe,” p. 365. Morgan’s “Ancient
        Society,” p. 39.

        Rau’s “Early Man in Europe,” p. 14.

        “Primitive Industry,” p. 485.

        Lubbock’s “Prehistoric Times,” 384.

        Geikie’s “Prehistoric Europe,” chap. ix. Most geologists
        suppose there was a general depression of the region below the
        sea level, or so as to form inland lakes, and that the loess
        was thus deposited, as perhaps it is depositing at the present
        time in the lakes of Switzerland. (Wright.)

        Lubbock’s “Prehistoric Times,” p. 423.

        Evans’s “Ancient Stone Implements,” p. 621.

        _Pop. Science Monthly,_ Oct., 1883.

        Dawkins’s “Ear. Man in Brit.,” p. 163.

        Wright’s “Studies in Science and Religion,” p. 278. See also
        British Association Report, 1882, p. 602.

        Lubbock’s “Prehistoric Times,” p. 356.

        Abbott’s “Primitive Industry.”

        Dawkins’s “Early Man in Britain,” p. 172.

        Wright.

        Quatrefages’s “Human Species,” p. 307.

        “Human Species,” p. 305.

        Ibid., p. 307.

        Quatrefage’s “Human Species,” p. 306.

        “Early Man in Britain,” p. 173.

        Ibid., p. 233.

        We do not give any estimate in years as to this antiquity in
        this chapter.

        We must remember that this age is also variously called the
        Quaternary, Pleistocene, and Post Tertiary. We do not now refer
        to the evidence of man’s existence in the Miocene and Pliocene,
        treated of in the preceding chapter.

        Mr. Dawkins finds that fifty-five out of seventy-seven species
        are yet living. “Early Man in Britain,” p, 109.

        “Early Man in Britain,” p. 110.

        Those who reject the proofs of the existence of man in Pliocene
        times because the evolution of life had not then reached a
        stage where we could hope to find man, are here confronted with
        a difficulty. If Mr. Dawkins be right (as stated above) then
        the various animals in question must have been living in Asia
        during the preceding Pliocene Age. There is no reason to
        suppose man was not associated with them, since he belongs to
        the same stage of evolution (Le Conte’s “Elements of Geology,”
        p. 568), and though, owing to climatic and geographical causes,
        the animals themselves might have been confined to Asia, there
        is surely no good reason why man may not, in small bands, and
        at various times, have wandered into Europe.

        “Prehistoric Europe,” “The Great Ice Age.”

        Dawkins’s “Early Man in Britain,” p. 170.

        “Prehistoric Europe,” p. 268.

        Ibid., 360.

        British Assoc. Rep., 1878.

        “Early Man in Britain,” pp. 137, 141, and 169, with note.

        British Assoc. Rep., 1879.

        Prehistoric Europe, p. 263.

        British Assoc. Rep., 1882.

        Preface to Kains-Jackson’s “Our Ancient Monuments.”

        “First Annual Report, Bureau of Ethnology,” p. 73.




Chapter IV
      CAVE-MEN.1


      Other sources of Information—History of Cave Exploration—The
      formation of Caves—Exploration in Kent’s Cavern—Evidence of two
      different races—The higher culture of the later race—Evidence of
      prolonged time—Exploration of Robin Hood Cave—Explorations in
      Valley of the River Meuse—M. Dupont’s conclusions—Explorations in
      the Valley of the Dordogne—The Station at Schussenreid—Cavemen
      not found south of the Alps— Habitations of the Cave-men—Cave-men
      were Hunters—Methods of Cooking—Destitute of the Potter’s
      art—Their Weapons—Clothing—Their skill in Drawing—Evidence of a
      Government—Of Religious belief—Race of the Cave-men—Distinct from
      the men of the Drift—Probable Connection with the Eskimos.

      We have been delving, among the sands of ancient river bottoms
      for a proof of man’s existence in far remote times. Slight and
      unsatisfactory as they may be to some, they are the materials
      with which we reconstruct a wondrous story of life and times
      removed from us by many a cycle of years.

      Men have frequently resorted to the caverns of the earth for
      protection. In places we find caves that served this purpose
      during the Paleolithic Age. The men of the Drift, however, do not
      appear to have used them, save as temporary places of refuge,
      perhaps as a protection from bands of savage enemies, or from
      unusually inclement weather. But yet most surprising results have
      attended the exploration of caves in England, France, and
      Belgium. We find in those gloomy places that the men of the Drift
      were not the only tribes of men inhabiting Europe during the
      Glacial Age. In fact, living at later date than the Drift tribes,
      but still belonging to the Paleolithic Age, were tribes of people
      who appear to have utilized caverns and grottoes as places of
      permanent resort, and, judging from their remains, they had made
      considerable advance in the arts of living as compared with the
      tribes of the Drift.

      But before pointing out the grounds upon which these conclusions
      rest, it may be well to give a slight review of the history of
      cave research. The dread and awe which kept people away from
      caves during the Middle Ages preserved their contents for later
      discoverers. In the seventeenth century, some adventurous spirits
      began to search in them for what they called Unicorn horns, which
      were deemed a most efficacious remedy for various diseases. This
      search served the good purpose of bringing to light various
      fossil bones of animals, and calling the attention of scientific
      men to the same.

      The cave of Gailenreuth, in Bavaria, was explored by Dr. Goldfuss
      in 1810. He came to the conclusion that the bones of bears and
      other extinct animals were proofs of the former presence of the
      animals themselves. Dr. Buckland, a celebrated English writer,
      visited the cave in 1816, and became much interested in the work;
      so much so that when Kirkdale Cavern, in England, was discovered
      in 1821, he at once repaired to the spot and made a careful
      exploration. The results satisfied him that hyenas and other
      extinct animals had once lived in England. He followed up his
      explorations in a number of cases, and published a work on this
      subject in 1822, which marks the commencement of a new era in
      cave research.

      In 1825 Kent’s Cavern, near Torquay, was discovered, and Rev. J.
      McEnry made partial explorations in it. He discovered flint
      implements and perceived they might be a proof of the presence of
      man with these extinct animals. Dr. Buckland had not found these
      relics, or else had passed them by as of no importance, for he
      refused to entertain the theory that man and the extinct animals
      had been contemporaneous. Explorations made in France in 1827-8
      had furnished such strong evidence on this point that it was
      deemed established by some scholars, but being opposed to the
      prevailing belief, nothing came of it.

      Gailenreuth.

      In 1829 Schmerling commenced his investigations in the caves of
      the valley of the Meuse. For years he continued his work under
      many difficulties. Sir Charles Lyell tells us he was let down day
      after day to the opening of the Engis Cave by a rope tied to a
      tree. Arriving there he crawled on all fours through a narrow
      passage way to the enlarged chamber, where, standing in mud and
      water, he superintended the investigations. He examined over
      forty of those caves, and published his results in 1833. He
      clearly showed that man must have been living along with various
      animals now extinct in Belgium. But, as before remarked, it was
      deemed sufficient answer to this careful explorer to point out
      that his results were opposed to the accepted chronology, and so
      they were passed by. When the time at last came, and their true
      worth was recognized, Schmerling himself had passed away.

      We have already seen what great results followed the exploration
      of DePerthes in the river gravels. When it had been clearly
      established that man and extinct animals hid coexisted in Europe,
      the results of cave explorations were eagerly recalled, and
      governments vied with royal societies and private individuals in
      continuing the researches. The results are that a rich store of
      facts has been gathered from those gloomy resorts, illustrative
      of the later stages of Paleolithic art.

      A word as to the formation of caves, grottoes, caverns, and rock
      shelters. These vary greatly in size, some being so small as to
      furnish protection to but few individuals; others, especially
      caves, so large that whole tribes might have found a place of
      resort within their chambers. They are found in all limestone
      countries. The formation of caves is now recognized as due to
      natural causes acting slowly through many years. Limestone rock
      is very hard and durable, but chemistry teaches us that water
      charged with carbonic acid gas will readily dissolve it.
      Rain-water falling from the clouds is sure to come in contact
      with masses of decaying vegetable matter, which we know is
      constantly giving off quantities of this gas. Laden with this the
      water sinks into the ground, and, if it comes in contact with
      limestone, readily washes some of it away in solution. But beds
      of limestone rock are noted for containing great fissures through
      which subterranean waters penetrate far into the ground. We can
      readily see how this percolating water would dissolve and wear
      away the surface of the rocks along such a fissure, and in
      process of time we would have the phenomenon of a stream of water
      flowing under ground.

      Owing to a great many causes—such, for instance, as the meeting
      of another fissure—we would expect that portions of this
      underground way would become enlarged to spacious halls. In some
      such a way as this it is now understood that all caves have
      originated.

      Owing to many natural causes the river may, after a while, cease
      to flow, leaving enlarged portions of its channel behind as a
      succession of chambers in a cave. But water would still come
      trickling in from the tops and sides, and be continuously
      dripping to the floor, where it speedily evaporates. When such is
      the case it leaves behind it the limestone it held in solution.
      So, in process of time, if the deposition is undisturbed, there
      will be formed over the floor of the cave a more or less
      continuous layer of limestone matter known as stalagmite. The
      same formations on the top and sides of the cave are called
      stalactites. In places where the drip is continuous the
      stalactite gradually assumes the shape of an immense icicle;
      while the stalagmite on the floor of the cave, underneath the
      drip, rises in a columnar mass to meet the descending stalactite.
      A union of these is not uncommon, and, we have pillars and
      columns presenting the strange, fantastic appearance on which
      tourists delight to dwell in their notes of travel.

      While these accumulations are in all cases very slow, still we
      can not measure the time since it commenced by the rate of
      present growth, because this rate varies greatly at different
      times and places even in the same cave. And we must also remark
      that this complete series of changes only occur in a few
      localities, the majority of caves being insignificant in size.2

      From what has been said as to the formation of caves, we would
      expect them to occur in river valleys, and this is the case,
      though in some instances there have been such immense changes in
      the surface level of the country that we can now find no trace of
      rivers near them. This is exactly similar to some gravel
      deposits, which, as we have seen, are occasionally found where is
      now no running water. The most noted caverns, however, are found
      high up on the banks of existing rivers. We can not doubt that
      the rivers were the cause of the caves. But having excavated
      their beds below the level of the then existing caves, they
      ceased to flow in them, and left them to be occupied by savage
      animals and the scarcely less savage men. But at times, swollen
      by floods, the river would again assert its supremacy and roll
      its waters through its old channels.

      These floods would not only tear up and rearrange whatever
      _débris_ had already accumulated, but would introduce quantities
      of sediment and animal remains. In some such a manner as is here
      pointed out (though exactly how geologists are not agreed) caves
      were invaded, after being long occupied by men or animals, by
      floods of water. In many cases the evidence would seem to
      indicate that after such a visitation by water the cave and its
      water-rolled and water-arranged contents were left to silence,
      visited by neither man nor beast. In such instances stalagmitic
      coverings would gradually form over the confused _débris,_ and in
      some places acquire a thickness of several feet. In some
      instances several such floors are found one above the other,
      pointing to a prolonged period of usage, and then a quiet stage,
      in which the drip of falling water alone broke the silence, and
      nature sealed up another chapter of cave biography beneath the
      layer of stalagmite.

      One of the most important caves of England is Kent’s Cavern,
      before mentioned. This cave was carefully explored under the
      direction of a committee appointed by the British Association,
      and to show the care and thoroughness of the work we need only
      state that this work occupied the greater portion of sixteen
      years, and hence the results obtained may be regarded as, in a
      general way, illustrative of the life of the cave dwellers. “This
      cave is about a mile east of Torquay harbor, and is of a sinuous
      character, running deeply into a hill of Devonian limestone,
      about half a mile distant from the sea. In places it expands into
      large chambers, to which various distinctive names have been
      given.”3

      Let us see what general results have been reached by this
      committee. The investigation disclosed several different beds of
      stalagmite, cave earth, and breccia. The lowest layer is a
      breccia.4 The matrix is sand of a reddish color, containing many
      pieces of rock known as red-grit and some pieces of quartz. This
      implies the presence of running water, which at times washed in
      pieces of red-grit. The surface features must have been quite
      different from the present, since now this rock does not form any
      part of the hill into which this cave opens.5And this change in
      drainage took place before this lowest layer was completed, since
      not only bears, but men, commenced to visit the cave. The
      presence of bears is shown by numerous bones, and that of man by
      his implements.

      Spear-head—Lower Breccia, Kent’s Cavern.

      We must notice that all the implements found in the breccia are
      similar to those of the Drift, being rudely formed and massive.
      No doubt these are the remains of Drift men, who, for some cause
      or other, temporarily visited the cave, perhaps contending with
      the cave bear for its possession. But a time at length arrived
      when for some reason neither animals nor man visited the cave.
      The slow accumulation of stalagmite went forward until in some
      places it had obtained a thickness of twelve feet. Freely
      admitting that we can not determine the length of time demanded
      for this deposition, yet none can doubt that it requires a very
      long time indeed. Says Mr. Geikie: “How many centuries rolled
      past while that old pavement was slowly accreting, no one can
      say; but that it represents a lapse of ages compared to which the
      time embraced by all tradition and written history is but as a
      few months, who that is competent to form an opinion can doubt?”
      But after this long period of quiet, from some source great
      torrents of water came rolling through the cave. We know this to
      be so, because in places it broke up this layer of stalagmite and
      washed it away, as well as large portions of the breccia below,
      and after the floods had ceased, occasionally inundations still
      threw down layers of mud and silt. This accumulation is known as
      cave earth, and is the layer containing the numerous remains of
      the Cave-men. Here the explorers were not only struck with the
      large number of implements, but at once noticed that they were of
      a higher form and better made. Instead of the rude and massive
      implements of the Drift tribes, we have more delicate forms
      chipped all around. And we also meet with those that from their
      form may have been used as the heads of spears or arrows. Flakes
      were also utilized for various purposes. We also find implements,
      weapons, and ornaments of bone—a step in advance of Drift
      culture. They had “harpoons for spearing fish, eyed needles or
      bodkins for stitching skins together, awls perhaps to facilitate
      the passage of the slender needle through the tough, thick hides;
      pins for fastening the skins they wore, and perforated badgers’
      teeth for necklaces or bracelets.”6 Nothing of this kind has yet
      been shown as belonging to the men of the Drift.

      Flake—Cave-earth,<BR>Kent’s Cavern and Spear-head—, Kent’s
      Cavern.

      The bones of a large number of animals are also found in the cave
      earth. The most abundant is the hyena, and no doubt they dragged
      in a great many others; but the agency of man is equally
      apparent, as the bones have often been split for the extraction
      of marrow. Besides bones of the hyena, we have also those of the
      lion, tiger, bear, and reindeer.7

      Harpoons, Pin, Awl, and Needle—Kent’s Cavern.

      With these animals man, from time to time, disputed possession of
      the cave. At one place on the surface of the cave earth is found
      what is known as the “black band.” This is nothing more or less
      than the fire-place of these old tribes. Here we find fragments
      of partially consumed wood, bones showing the action of fire—in
      short, every thing indicating a prolonged occupancy by man.

      No one can doubt but that this deposit of cave earth itself
      requires a prolonged time for its accumulation.8 But this period,
      however prolonged, at length comes to an end. From some cause,
      both animals and man again abandoned the cave. Another vast cycle
      of years rolls away—a time expressed in thousands of years—during
      which nature again spread over the entombed remains a layer of
      stalagmite, in some places equal in thickness to the first
      formation. Above this layer we come to a bed of mold containing
      remains of the later Stone Age, of the Bronze, and even of the
      Iron Age. Below the first layer of stalagmite—the completed
      biography of Paleolithic times; above, the unfinished book of the
      present. Such are the eloquent results obtained by the thorough
      exploration of one cave. The results of all the other
      explorations, in a general way, confirm these. Mr. Dawkins
      explored a group of caverns in Derbyshire, England. These caverns
      and fissures are situated in what is known as Cresswell Crags,
      the precipitous sides of a ravine through which flows a stream of
      water dividing the counties of Derby and Nottingham.

      This cut represents the different strata in Robin Hood cave. It
      will be seen that, at one place, the stalactite has united with
      the stalagmite below. It is not necessary to go into the details
      of this exploration. All the relics of man found in _d, c,_ and
      the lower portions of _b,_ are the rude and massive forms
      peculiar to the River Drift tribes. But the relics found in the
      breccia _a,_ and the upper portion of the cave earth _b,_ denote
      a sudden advance in culture. The rude tools of the lower strata
      are replaced by more highly finished ones of flint.

      Robin Hood Cave.

      The most important discovery was that of a small fragment of rib,
      with its polished surface ornamented with the incised figure of a
      horse. The peculiar value of this discovery is, that it serves to
      connect the Cave-men of England with those of the continent who,
      as we shall afterward see, excelled in artistic work of this
      kind.

      In another cave of this series, in association with similar
      flints, were found the following bone implements. We can only
      conjecture the use of the notched bone. The pieces of reindeer
      horn, terminating in a scoop, may have served as a spoon to
      extract marrow.

      Horse Incised on Piece of Rib.

      We must not fail to notice that the more highly finished relics
      of the Cave-men are found in strata overlying those of the River
      Drift; and, in the case of Kent’s Cavern, these two sets of
      implements are separated by a layer of stalagmite requiring a
      very prolonged time for its formation. This would imply that the
      Cave-men came into England long after the tribes of the River
      Drift; and, judging from the relics themselves, they must have
      been a distinct people. We must recall how completely the climate
      and animals in England varied during the Glacial Age. We have
      also seen how closely connected the River Drift tribes were with
      the animals of the warm temperate regions. Coming at a later
      date, totally distinct from them in culture are those
      Cave-men—perhaps they may prove to be associated with the Arctic
      animals. But, before speculating on this point, we must learn the
      results attending the exploration of the caves of Belgium,
      France, and other countries on the continent of Europe.

      Bone Implements—Cresswell Crags.

      In the valley of the river Meuse (Belgium), and its tributaries,
      have been found a number of caves and rock-shelters. It was in
      the caves of the Meuse that Schmerling made his explorations.
      When the real value of his work was recognized, the Belgian
      government had a thorough exploration made by M. Dupont, director
      of the Royal Museum in Brussels. This gentleman scientifically
      examined forty-three of these resorts. His opinions, therefore,
      are deserving of great weight; but, unfortunately, they are not
      accepted by all. These caves vary greatly in size—many being mere
      rock-shelters. From their position, we are at once struck with
      the prolonged period of time necessary to explain their
      formation. They are found at very different heights along the
      river’s bank. In one case two caves are so situated that the
      river must have sunk its bed nearly two hundred feet between the
      time of their formation.9

      M. Dupont thinks the evidence very clearly points to the presence
      of two distinct stages in cave life—one of which he calls the
      Mammoth period, and the other, which is more recent, the
      Reindeer. It is, however, known that the mammoth lived all
      through the Reindeer epoch, if not to later times; so the names
      bestowed on these periods do not seem very appropriate. We can
      readily see, however, that, while the names might be wrong, the
      two periods might be reality. In many cases, the same cave
      contained remains of both stages, separated by layers of cave
      earth, and it is noticed that, in such cases, those of the
      Reindeer stage are invariably of a later date. In general terms,
      M. Dupont finds that the implements of the Mammoth period are of
      a rude make, consisting of a poor kind of flint, and poorly
      finished. But, in beds of the Reindeer epoch, the flint
      implements consist, principally, of well-shaped blades and
      flakes—with numerous bodkins, or awls—javelins, or arrow-heads
      —besides articles of bone and horn such as harpoons, and teeth of
      various animals drilled as if suspended for ornaments. Their
      workmanship indicates decidedly more skill than that of the
      implements obtained from the lower levels. But the most
      remarkable finds of the Reindeer epoch consist of portions of
      reindeer horn, showing etchings or engravings which have been
      traced by some sharp point, no doubt by a flint implement. One
      small bit of horn has been cut or scraped so as to present the
      rude outline of a human figure.

      So far the evidence seems to bear out the same conclusions as do
      those of the British caves, though it also shows that the men of
      the Drift inhabited caves quite extensively. We must remember,
      however, that the greatest wealth of cave relics belongs to the
      so-called Cave-men, but that savage tribes have always resorted
      to caves as a place for occasional habitation.10

      It is in France that we find the greatest wealth of relics of
      Cave-men. Sir John Lubbock has left us a description of the
      valley of the Vezère, where these caverns occur. The Vezère is a
      small tributary of the Dordogne. “The rivers of the Dordogne run
      in deep valleys cut through calcareous strata: and while the
      sides of the valley in chalk districts are generally sloping, in
      this case, owing probably to the hardness of the rock, they are
      frequently vertical. Small caves and grottoes frequently occur:
      besides which, as the different strata possess unequal power of
      resistance against atmospheric influence, the face of the rock
      is, as it were, scooped out in many places, and thus
      ‘rock-shelters’ are produced. In very ancient times these caves
      and rock-shelters were inhabited by men, who have left behind
      them abundant evidence of their presence.

      “But as civilization advanced, man, no longer content with the
      natural but inconvenient abode thus offered to him, excavated
      chambers for himself, and in places the whole face of the rock is
      honey-combed with doors and windows, leading into suits of rooms,
      often in tiers one over the other, so as to suggest the idea of a
      French Petra. Down to a comparatively recent period, as, for
      instance, in the troublous times of the Middle Ages, many of
      these, no doubt, served as very efficient fortifications, and
      even now some of them are in use as store-houses, and for other
      purposes, as, for instance, at Brantome, where there is an old
      chapel cut in solid rock.

      “Apart from the scientific interest, it was impossible not to
      enjoy the beauty of the scene which passed before our eyes, as we
      dropped down the Vezère. As the river visited sometimes one side
      of the valley, sometimes the other, so we had at one moment rich
      meadow lands on each side, or found ourselves close to the
      perpendicular and almost overhanging cliff. Here and there we
      came upon some picturesque old castle, and though the trees were
      not in full leaf, the rocks were, in many places, green with box
      and ivy and evergreen oak, which harmonized well with the rich
      yellow brown of the stone itself.”11

      Thus it will be seen this valley has been a favorite resort for
      people at widely different times, and amongst others, the cave
      dwellers of the Paleolithic Age. As in the caves of Belgium, some
      of them are at a considerable height above the stream, while
      others are but little above the present flood line. Mr. Dawkins
      refers us to the results of the exploration of a French scientist
      in one of the grottoes of this section, which seem to be exactly
      similar to the results obtained from the caves of Cresswell Crags
      and Kent’s Cavern. The implements obtained from the two lower
      strata are rough choppers and rude flakes of jasper and other
      simple forms. Above these beds was a stratum of black earth,
      underneath a sheet of stalagmite. Here were found implements of a
      far higher type: those of flints, consisting of flakes, saws, and
      scrapers, with finely chipped heads and arrow-heads, and awls and
      arrow-heads of bone and antler.12 Now these results can only be
      interpreted as were those in the English caverns. The lower and
      ruder implements belong to the men of the Drift; the later and
      more polished ones to the Cave-men.

      Bone Implements, Dordogne Caves.

      Most of the relics obtained from these caverns belong to the
      Cave-men proper. However, the implements from one of them, known
      as Le Moustier, are of a rude type, and may belong to those of
      the Drift. But most of them are of superior make and finish.
      These specimens are all from caves in this vicinity.13

      We have seen that the men of the Drift were very widely scattered
      over the earth. We find, however, that the Cave-men had a much
      more limited range. Dr. Fraas has shown their presence in
      Germany. At Schussenreid, in Bavaria, was found an open air
      station of these people. It was evidently a camping-ground, one
      of the few places where proofs of their presence have been
      discovered outside of caves. Here we found the usual _débris,_
      consisting of broken bones, charcoal, blackened hearth-stone, and
      implements of flint and horn. We must stop a minute to notice a
      bit of unexpected proof as to the severity of climate then
      prevailing in Europe. This deposit was covered up with sand, and
      on this sand were the remains of moss, sufficiently perfect to
      determine the kind. We are assured that it is composed of species
      now found only in Alpine regions, near or above the snow-line,
      and in such northern countries as Greenland and Spitzbergen.14
      Dr. Fraas also proved their presence in several caves in Suabia.
      One known as the Hohlefels Cave was very rich in these relics.
      They have been found in Switzerland, as at Thayengen; but are not
      found south of the Alps or the Pyrenees. Men, indeed, inhabited
      caves in Italy, but they did not use the implements
      characteristic of the Cave-men.15 Mr. Dawkins points out that
      this range corresponds very nearly to that of the northern group
      of animals, thus differing widely from the men of the River
      Drift. In this connection we must notice that the reindeer is the
      animal whose remains are most commonly met with in the _débris_
      they have left in the caves. This animal surely testifies to a
      cold climate. We are thus justified in concluding that the
      Cave-men are associated with the Arctic group of animals.16

      We must now turn our attention to the culture of the Cave-men. We
      must reflect that long ages, with great changes of climate and
      life, both animal and vegetable, have rolled away since the
      remains of these early races were sealed by the stalagmite
      formation in caves. The relics at their best are but scanty
      memorials of a people long since passed, and we can not expect,
      can not hope, to recover more than a general outline. But this
      will be found full of interest, for it is a picture of
      Paleolithic life and times existing in Europe long ages before
      the pyramids of Egypt were uplifted.

      With respect to habitations, we have already seen that he took up
      his abode in caves, at least where they were suitable. According
      to their depth and the light penetrating them, he either occupied
      the whole extent of them, or established himself in the outlet
      only. About the center of the cave some slabs of stone, selected
      from the hardest rock such as sandstone or slate, were bedded
      down in the ground, and formed the hearth for cooking his food.
      But in no country are such resorts sufficiently numerous to
      shelter a large population; besides, they, are generally at some
      distance from the fertile plains, where game would be most
      abundant. In such cases they doubtless constructed rude huts of
      boughs, skins, or other materials. Such an out-door settlement
      was the station at Solutré, France, where has been found an
      immense number of bones of horses, reindeers, also, though in
      less abundance, those of elephants, aurochs, and great lions.17

      Rock Shelter at Bruniquel.

      Where no cave presented itself, these people made for themselves
      convenient sheltering places under the cover of some great
      overhanging rock. In various places in France such resorts have
      been discovered. The name of “rock shelters” has been given to
      such resorts. In such places, where we may suppose they built
      rude huts, are found rich deposits of the bones of mammals,
      birds, and fishes, as well implements of bone and horn.

      We have frequently referred to the presence of hearths, showing
      that they used fire. Like other rude races, it is probable that
      they obtained fire by the friction of one piece of wood upon
      another. M. Dupont found in one of the Belgium caves a piece of
      iron pyrites, from which, with a flint, sparks could be struck.

      Speculations have been indulged as to the probable condition of
      man before he obtained a knowledge of fire. If the acquisition of
      fire be regarded as one of the results of human endeavor, it must
      surely be classed as one of the most valuable discoveries which
      mankind has made. We do not believe, however, that we shall ever
      discover relics of races or tribes of men so low in the scale as
      to be ignorant of the use of fire. Even some of the flints which
      M. Bourgeois would refer to the Miocene Age show evidence of its
      action.18

      The men of the Caves supported life by hunting. But a very small
      part of their food supplies could have been drawn from the
      vegetable kingdom. When the climate was so severe that Alpine
      mosses grew at Schussenreid, acorns and like nuts would be about
      all they could procure from that source. The animals hunted by
      the Cave-men were principally reindeer, horses, bisons, and,
      occasionally mammoths and woolly rhinoceros. But they were not
      very choice in this matter, as they readily accepted as food any
      animal they could obtain by force or cunning. Wolves and foxes
      were not rejected, and in one cave large numbers of the bones of
      the common water rat were obtained. We know what animals were
      used as food, because we find their bones split for the purpose
      of procuring the marrow they contained. This was evidently to
      them a nutritious article of diet, since they were careful to
      open all the bones containing it, and bones so split are
      frequently the only means of detecting the former presence of man
      in some bone caves.

      We must not forget that at that time the shore of the Atlantic
      Ocean, during a large part of the Paleolithic Age, was situated
      much farther west than it is now, and so in all probability many
      refuse heaps are now underneath the waves. From certain drawings
      that are found in some French caves, we know they were used for
      hunting both seals and whales.

      We can not doubt that the capture of a whale afforded as much
      enjoyment to them as it does to a tribe of Eskimos now. Bones of
      birds and fishes are found in many instances. The salmon appears
      to have been a favorite among fishes. Among the birds are found
      some species now only living in cold countries, such as the snowy
      owl, willow grouse, and flamingo. This is but another proof that
      the climate of Europe was then very cold.

      Whale and Seal, Incised on Bone.

      The Cave-men were not afraid to attack animals greatly superior
      to them in strength. In the Hohlefels Cave in Germany were found
      great quantities of the broken and split bones of cave bears, an
      animal very similar to the grizzly, and probably its equal in
      strength. The reindeer was the main reliance of these tribes. Its
      bones are found in great abundance, and it doubtless was to them
      all it is to the Lapps of Europe to-day, except, of course, that
      it was not domesticated.

      Though fire would naturally suggest some rude method of cooking,
      we can scarcely find a trace of such operations, and it has been
      a matter of conjecture how they proceeded. Sir John Lubbock
      thinks they boiled their food, and in the absence of pottery used
      wooden or skin vessels, bringing the water to a boiling point by
      means of stones heated red hot and thrown into the water. He
      points out the presence of peculiarly shaped stones found in some
      caves, which he thinks were used for this purpose.19 It is not
      supposed they had any articles of pottery during this epoch. This
      is quite an important point, because a knowledge of pottery marks
      an important epoch in the culture of a people.

      Cave Bear, Incised on Slate.

      A people possessed of this knowledge have passed from Savagism
      into the lower status of Barbarism.20 A piece of pottery is as
      little liable to destruction as a piece of bone, and so, had
      those people possessed pottery, there is no reason why pieces of
      it should not be found in every refuse heap, and amongst the
      _débris_ of all caves. But such is not the case; no fragments of
      pottery have yet been found which can be referred with confidence
      to the epoch of the Cave-men.21

      Some speculations have been indulged in as to whether the men of
      this age were cannibals or not. It need occasion no surprise if
      they were, since ancient writers assert that even during
      historical times this practice prevailed in Europe.22 Though not
      definitely proven there are many facts difficult of explanation,
      except on this supposition. However, it may well be that this,
      after all, only amounted to the custom of eating parts of an
      enemy killed in battle, as certain modern savages do that we
      would not call cannibals.23

      It is not necessary to speak at much length of the methods of
      hunting. They had bows and arrows, daggers of reindeer horn,
      spears tipped with flint or bone, and harpoons. Besides, they
      made a formidable club of the lower jaw-bone of the cave-bear
      with its canine tooth still left in its place. Fishing with nets
      is not supposed to have been known, Harpooning was probably their
      favorite way. M. G. DeMortillet thinks they fished as follows:
      They fastened a cord to the middle of a small splinter of bone.
      This was then baited, and when swallowed by the fish, was very
      certain to get caught in the body.24

      We know that rude tribes of to-day have many means of snaring
      animals. Doubtless similar scenes were enacted on their primeval
      hunting-grounds. French books contain illustrations of the men of
      this period driving game over precipitous sides. They had no dogs
      to assist them in the hunt, and though reindeer were around them
      in great abundance, it is not supposed that they thought of
      domesticating them.

      Man is the only animal which seeks to protect his body from the
      Summer’s heat or the cold of Winter by the use of clothing. We
      are, unfortunately, not able to present many details of the dress
      of man during the early Stone Age. We are, however, quite certain
      that when the climate was severe enough to permit such animals as
      the musk-sheep and the reindeer to inhabit South-western Europe,
      man must have been provided with an abundance of warm clothing,
      though doubtless rudely made and fashioned. Many reindeer horns
      found in France are cut and hacked at the base in such a way as
      to indicate that it was done when removing the skins. We also
      know that the rudest of savage tribes are never at a loss for
      some process of tanning hides and rendering them fit for use.
      From the immense number and variety of scrapers found among the
      cave _débris._ we are sure the preparation of clothing occupied
      no inconsiderable portion of their time. We also find numerous
      awls and splinters of flint and bone, which they doubtless used
      in exactly the same manner as similar tools are used by the Lapps
      to-day in Europe, that is, to pierce holes in the hides, through
      which to pass their rude needle and thread. The needles are made
      of reindeer horn, and they were not only smoothly polished, but
      the eyes are of such a minute size, and withal so regularly made,
      that many at first could not believe they were drilled by the use
      of flint alone. This, however, has been shown to be the case by
      actual experiments. The thread employed was reindeer tendons, for
      bones of these animals are found cut just where they would he cut
      in removing these tendons. This cut shows that they protected
      their hands by means of long gloves of three or four fingers.25

      Glove, Incised on Bear’s Tooth.

      We have thus far been considering those arts which pertain more
      directly to living. We have presented some sketches found
      engraved on pieces of bone. We first noticed this among the
      relics found in one of the Creswell caves in England. It was also
      noticed in Belgium. It was among the Cave-men of Southern France
      that this artistic trait became highly developed. Among the
      reindeer hunters of the Dordogne were artists of no mean ability.
      We must pause a minute and mark the bearing of this taste for
      art. We have seen many reasons for supposing the men of the caves
      much farther advanced in the scale of culture than those of the
      Drift, but we have also seen that we can not rank them higher
      than the highest grade of savages.

      Sir John Lubbock thus speaks of them: “In considering the
      probable condition of these ancient Cave-men, we must give them
      full credit for their love of art, such as it was; while, on the
      other hand, the want of metal, of polished flint implements, and
      even of pottery, the ignorance of agriculture, and the apparent
      absence of all domestic animals, including even the dog,
      certainly imply a very low state of civilization.”26

      They were certainly not as far advanced in civilization as the
      next race we will describe, yet the Neolithic people had no such
      skill as was possessed by the cave-men. This need not surprise
      us, because “an artistic feeling is not always the offspring of
      civilization, it is rather a gift of nature. It may manifest its
      existence in the most barbarous ages, and may make its influence
      more deeply felt in nations which are behind in respect to
      general progress than in others which are more deeply advanced in
      civilization.”27

      Reindeer Grazing.

      In regard to the objects themselves, a glance at the
      illustrations show us that they are quite faithful sketches of
      the animals at that time common. As might be expected, sketches
      of the reindeer are numerous. This cut is regarded as the highest
      example of Paleolithic art, sketched on a piece of horn and found
      in Switzerland. The animal is grazing, and the grass on which it
      feeds is seen below. We have on a piece of slate the outlines of
      a group of reindeer, generally considered as representing a
      fight, though it may mean a hunt, and that the hunter has
      succeeded in killing a portion of the herd. Some, as we see, are
      on the ground.

      Group of Reindeers.
      Man and Other Animals.

      It would be exceedingly interesting could we but find well
      executed sketches of the men of this period, but, unfortunately,
      with one or two exceptions, no representations, however rude,
      have yet been discovered of the human form. Perhaps an
      explanation of this fact may be found in the well-known
      reluctance of savage tribes to have any engravings taken of
      themselves, and we can well imagine that if any one was known to
      make drawings of human beings he would be regarded with
      suspicious distrust, and it would hardly be a safe accomplishment
      to possess. One very curious group represents a man, long and
      lean, standing between two horses’ heads, and by the side of a
      long serpent or fish, having the appearance of an eel. On the
      reverse side of this piece of horn were represented the heads of
      two aurochs or bisons. Mr. Dawkins thinks this also represents a
      hunting sketch, and that the man is in the act of striking one of
      the horses with a spear.

      Fish, Incised on Bear’s Tooth and Ibex.

      On, a fragment of spear-head found in France several human hands
      were engraved, but having only four fingers each. On this point
      Mr. Lartet assures us that some savage tribes still depict the
      hand without the thumb.28 Representations of birds and reptiles
      are very rare; fishes are more common. On a piece of reindeer’s
      horn was found this representation of the head and chest of an
      ibex. Of special interest to us is a representation of a mammoth
      found engraved on a piece of mammoth tusk in one of the Dordogne
      caves. We have no doubt that the artist who engraved it was
      perfectly familiar with the animal itself.

      Mammoth—La Madeline Cave, France.

      Their artistic skill was not confined to the execution of
      drawings. They frequently carved pieces of reindeer horn into
      various animal forms. Our next cut shows us a dagger, the handle
      of which is carved to imitate a reindeer. It will be seen how the
      artist has adapted the position of the animal to the necessities
      of the case. Flowers are very seldom represented; but one
      implement from France has a very nice representation of some
      flowering plant engraved on it.

      Take it all in all, the possession of this artistic instinct is
      certainly remarkable—the more so when we remember the rudeness of
      his surroundings, and the few and simple means at his command for
      work. “A splinter of flint was his sole graving tool; a piece of
      reindeer horn, or a flake of slate or ivory, was the only plate
      on which primitive man could stamp his reproduction of animated
      nature.”29

      Reindeer Carved on Dagger Handle.

      Some speculations have been indulged in as to whether we have any
      traces of a government amongst the Paleolithic people. That they
      had some chief or leader is more than probable. In the caves of
      France we find a number of fragments of reindeer horn. Generally
      speaking, they show evidence of a good deal of care in making
      them. They are carved and ornamented with sketches of various
      animals, and invariably have one or more holes bored in the base.
      The idea has been quite freely advanced, that these are emblems
      of authority.30 And some have pointed out, that, though they are
      too light for use as weapons, yet, their “frequent occurrence,
      and uniformity of type, show that they possess a conventional
      significance.”31 Mr. Geikie says that these conjectures “are mere
      guess-work.”32 And Mr. Dawkins points out that they are very
      similar in design and ornament with an implement of the Eskimos
      known as an “arrow-straightener.”33

      Whatever may be our conclusions in regard to these ornamented
      pieces of reindeer horn, we can not doubt but that their social
      instincts found expression in some sort of alliance for the
      common good. This is shown by several facts: such, for instance,
      as the evidence of trade or barter between localities
      considerable distances apart. The inhabitants of Belgium must
      have gone to what is now Southern France to procure the flint
      they used. They also procured, from the same source, fossil
      sea-shells, which they valued highly.34 We also notice the fact,
      that certain localities appear to have been used as the place of
      manufacture for certain articles, to the exclusion of others. In
      other words, the primitive people appear to have learned the
      great utility of a division of labor. One of the caves in Belgium
      appears to have been used as a place to make flint implements.
      Over twenty thousand articles of flint were found in this cave.35
      In France, while in one cave the implements were all of the
      spear-head type, in a neighboring cave horn was almost the only
      article used in the manufacture of implements. We must not,
      however, form an exalted idea of their trade—it was simply barter
      in a rude state of society.36

      Flowers on Reindeer’s Horn.

 Ornamented Reindeer Horn—Use Unknown.

      Various opinions have been held as to whether we have any trace
      of a religious belief. Theoretically speaking, they had some sort
      of a religion, though doubtless very vague and indistinct; for we
      know of no nation as far advanced as they were destitute of it.37
      It has been pointed out, that the bones of some animals, as the
      horse, were very rare, and their absence explained as the result
      of superstitious reasons. It has also been conjectured that some
      of the perforated bones and teeth of animals found in various
      deposits were amulets worn for religious purposes; and some have
      gone so far as to infer, that the ornamentations on some of these
      so-called amulets represent the sun, and that, consequently,
      sun-worship prevailed among the Cave-men. While these various
      conjectures are, of course, possible, it is equally certain they
      are all “mere guess-work.”

      Early explorers describe with considerable degree of confidence
      the manner of burial among the Cave-men, and inferred from the
      remains found buried with the bodies that they had some notion of
      a life beyond the grave—and, accordingly, placed near the body
      food and drink to support him on his journey, weapons wherewith
      to defend himself, and his favorite implements, so that, arrived
      at the land of spirits, he would be well provided for. These
      result are not borne out by later investigations. The instance
      mentioned most prominently, that of the burial cave at Aurignac,
      France, has been shown to have no bearing on the question, as
      every thing indicates that the burials were of a much later date.

      We have yet a most important question before us—one that is still
      engaging the attention of scientific men in Europe. That is the
      question of race. Who were these early tribes? Are they in any
      way connected with the men of the Drift? Have we any
      representations of them now living upon the earth? On these
      questions there is quite a diversity of opinion. In various caves
      in France and Belgium, skulls and other bones of the human
      skeleton have been found. These have been studied with care by
      the best scholars in Europe; and B. Carfares has set forth the
      results in his various works, in which he connects them, not only
      with the men of the River Drift, but with the race of men that
      inhabited Europe during the succeeding Neolithic Age, and,
      indeed, with men now living in France and Belgium.

      There is no question as to the correctness of these inferences
      —the only one is, whether the skulls and fragmentary skeletons
      are really remains of the Cave-men. This must be made perfectly
      clear and unquestioned before we are to accept them. Mr. Darkens
      reviews the various cases where skeletons have been found in
      caves.38 He points out that, in every instance, very serious
      doubts can be raised as to whether they are really remains of the
      Cave-men or not.

      Until these objections are met, we do not see how the opinion of
      B. Carfares (above) can be accepted. But if these instances are
      not accepted, then, in all other instances where there is no
      doubt, the remains are in such a fragmentary condition that no
      conclusion can be made from them. So as far as remains of the
      human skeleton are concerned, we can form no conclusions as to
      the race to which the Cave-men belonged.

      We have already noted, that the Cave-men came into Europe much
      later than the men of the Drift, and that their range was very
      limited, corresponding, in fact, with that of the northern group
      of animals. When the cold of the Glacial Age passed away, the
      musk-sheep, reindeer, and other animals, were driven out of
      Europe. They are found now only in high northern latitudes, such
      as Greenland. Mr. Darkens thinks that there, also, are to be
      found the Cave-men of the Paleolithic Age, now known as the
      Eskimos. Though not accepted by all authorities, yet some of our
      best scholars find much to commend in this theory.

      We have undoubted proofs that, in America, the Eskimos formerly
      lived much farther south.39 And Dr. Abbot thinks the Paleolithic
      implements discovered in New Jersey, bearing such striking
      resemblance to those of Europe, are undoubtedly their work.40
      Therefore, there is no absurdity in asserting that they once
      lived in Western Europe; the more so, when we reflect that the
      climate, the animals—in fact, all their surroundings— must have
      been similar to those of their present habitats.

      When we come to examine the customs and habits of these Eskimos,
      we are at once struck with their resemblance to what we have seen
      was the probable state of life among the Cave-men. At Solute, for
      instance, we have vast refuse heaps of bones of animals. We find
      similar heaps around the rude huts of the Eskimos to-day. Captain
      Parry describes one as follows: “In every direction round the
      huts were lying innumerable bones of walruses and seals, together
      with skulls of dogs, bears, and foxes.”41

      Other points of comparison strike us when reading Sir John
      Lubbock’s account of their habits and customs. For instance:
      “Their food, if cooked at all, is broiled or boiled; their
      vessels, being of stone or wood, can not, indeed, be put on the
      fires, but heated stones are thrown in until the water becomes
      hot enough and the food is cooked.” “Their food consists
      principally of reindeer, musk-ox, walrus, seals, birds, and
      salmon. They will, however, eat any kind of animal food. They are
      very fond of fat and marrow, to get at which they pound the bones
      with a stone.” “The clothes of the Eskimos are made from the
      skins of the reindeer, seals, and birds, sewn together with
      sinews. For needles they use the bones of either birds or
      fishes.” “The Eskimos have also a great natural ability for
      drawing. In many cases they have made rude maps for our officers,
      which have turned out to be substantially correct. Many of their
      bone implements are covered with sketches.”

      Eskimo Art.

      In this cut we have a bone drill on which are sketched reindeer,
      geese, a braider or flat-bottomed boat, a tent around which
      various articles of clothing are hung up to dry, a woman
      apparently engaged in the preparation of food, and a hunting
      scene.

      Now, we know that savage tribes, widely separated by time and
      space, will, after all, under the pressure of common necessities,
      invent much the same implements and live much the same life. But
      still, where every thing seems to coincide, the climate, the
      animals, the mode of life proved the same, and especially when
      both are seen possessed of a common artistic skill, together with
      the known fact that in the Western Continent the Eskimos did
      formerly live much farther south; there is surely a strong case
      made out, and therefore the probabilities are that the Eskimos
      are the representatives of the Cave-men of Europe.42 And yet we
      must be cautious on this point; or rather we remember that the
      phrase, “predecessors of the Eskimos,” does not imply that they
      were in all respects like them. An examination of the rude
      sketches of the Cave-men left by themselves seems to indicate
      that the whole body was covered with hair. “The hunter in the
      Antler from Duluth Cave has a long, pointed beard, and a high
      crest of hair on the poll utterly unlike the Eskimo type. The
      figures are also those of a slim and long-jointed man.”43

      This completes our review of the Paleolithic people, and it only
      remains to present some general conclusions. The Glacial or
      Pleistocene Age is seen to have been of immense duration, and
      characterized by great changes in climate. We have found that two
      races of men occupied Europe during this time. The men of the
      River Drift are the most ancient.

      We have seen that they can be traced over wide-extended areas.
      They seem to have invaded Europe, along with the great invasion
      of animals from Asia, constituting the temperate group of
      animals; and with those animals they probably shifted back and
      forth, as the cold of the Glacial Age increased or waned. These
      people seem to have completely vanished. At a later date, when
      the cold of the Glacial Age was once more severe, associated with
      animals now living only in high northern latitudes, came the
      Cave-men, whose discussion has formed the subject of this
      chapter.

      It will be seen how much we owe to patient investigators. The
      results are, indeed, bewildering. They make us acquainted with a
      people the very existence of whom was not known a few years back.
      Though the whole life of those ancient races seemed hopelessly
      lost in the night of time, the gloom is irradiated by the light
      of modern science, which lays before our astonished vision the
      remains of arts and industries of the primitive tribes that
      occupied Europe during the morning-time of human life.

      The Mammoth. REFERENCES


        The manuscript of this chapter was submitted to Prof. B. B.
        Wright, of Overlain, for criticism.

        On the formation of caves consult Geikie’s “Prehistoric
        Europe,” p. 71; also Evans’s “Ancient Stone Implements,” p.
        429.

        Evans’s “Ancient Stone Implements,” p. 445.

        Pronounced Bret’-chá, a rock composed of fragments of older
        rock, united by a cement.

        Geikie’s “Prehistoric Europe,” p. 92.

        Pengelly, quoted by Geikie, “Prehistoric Europe,” p. 93.

        Evans’s “Ancient Stone Implements,” p. 462.

        Evans’s “Ancient Stone Implement,” p. 463.

        Geikie’s “Prehistoric Europe,” p. 102.

        Mr. Dawkins (“Early Man in Britain,” p. 203) does not consider
        M. Dupont justified in dividing the remains found in the
        caverns of Belgium into two epochs. He considers them to be the
        remains of the same people, some tribes being, perhaps, farther
        advanced than others. Mr. Dawkins is, of course, high
        authority, but we think his argument could also be applied to
        prove there was no real difference between the men of the River
        Drift and the so-called Cave-men. This, in fact, is the opinion
        of many, including Mr. Evans, who is exceptionally well
        qualified to judge of these remains. We think, however, in view
        of the evidence adduced by Mr. Pengelly, Mr. Geikie, Mr.
        Dawkins, and others, few will venture to doubt that there is a
        wide difference between the men of the River Drift and those of
        the Caves.

        “Prehistoric Times,” p. 330.

        “Early Man in Britain,” p. 198.

        French writers make four divisions of these caves, according to
        the degree of finish, which the specimens show. Mr. Dawkins
        does not think the difference in the implements sufficient to
        justify this view. With the possible exception of Le Moustier,
        as stated above, we think his view correct, which is also the
        opinion of Mr. Evans. (“Ancient Stone Implements,” p. 439.)

        Rau’s “Early Man in Europe,” p. 88.

        Dawkins’s “Early Man in Britain,” p. 205.

        Ibid., p.

        It is, however, thought that the station was used as a
        camping-ground by very different people, at widely different
        times.

        Lubbock’s “Prehistoric Times,” p. 434.

        “Prehistoric Times,” p. 335.

        Morgan’s “Ancient Society,” p. 12.

        Lubbock’s “Prehistoric Times,” p. 338. J. C. Southall, in his
        valuable work, “Recent Origin of Man,” p. 195, _et seq.,_
        argues that pottery was known at this time, and cites instances
        where it is stated to have been found. This is the opinion of
        Figuier also. (“Primitive Man,” p. 54.) But Mr. Dawkins points
        out that these pieces of pottery are clearly of a Neolithic
        style, and does not think it proven that they are of
        Paleolithic age. Mr. Geikie also denies that there is any proof
        that they were acquainted with the potter’s art. (“Prehistoric
        Europe,” p. 18.) So the highest place in the scale of
        civilization we can assign these people to is that of Upper
        Savageism.

        Rau’s “Early Man in Europe,” p. 79;

        Geikie’s “Prehistoric Europe,” p. 22.

        Figuier’s “Primitive Man,” p. 90.

        Dawkins’s “Early Man in Britain,” p. 210.

        “Prehistoric Times,” p. 341.

        Figuier’s “Primitive Man,” p. 105.

        Figuier’s “Primitive Man,” p. 111.

        Figuier’s “Primitive Man,” p. 105.

        Figuier’s “Primitive Man,” p. 102.

        Rau’s “Early Man in Europe,” p. 73.

        “Prehistoric Europe,” p. 18.

        Dawkins’s “Early Man in Britain,” p. 237.

        Figuier’s “Primitive Man,” p. 117.

        Ibid., p. 118.

        Ibid., pp. 94 and 95.

        This, as Sir John Lubbock points out, depends on our meaning of
        the word “religion.” (“Prehistoric Times,” p. 589.)

        “The principal instance are Cro-Magnon, Frontal, and Furforz,
        in Belgium; Aurignac, Bruniquel, and Mentone, in France.”
        “Cave-Hunting,” chap. vii.

        “Contributions to N. A. Ethnology,” vol. i, p. 102; “U.S.
        Geographical Survey West of the 100th Meridian,” vol. vii, p.
        12; Abbott’s “Primitive Industry,” p. 517.

        “Primitive Industry,” 518.

        Quoted by Lubbock,”Prehistoric Times,” p. 507.

        Dawkins’s “Early Man in Britain,” p. 242.

        Prof. Grant Allen, _Popular Science Monthly,_ November, 1882,
        p. 99.




Chapter V
      ANTIQUITY OF THE PALEOLITHIC AGE.1


      Interest in the Antiquity of man—Connected with the Glacial
      Age—The Subject Difficult—Proofs of a Glacial Age—State of
      Greenland to-day—The Terminal Moraine—Appearance of the North
      Atlantic—Interglacial Age—Causes of the Glacial Age—Croll’s
      Theory—Geographical causes—The two theories not Antagonistic—The
      date of the Glacial Age—Probable length of the Paleolithic
      Age—Time since the close of the Glacial Age—Summary of results.

      As we have already remarked, geological periods give us no
      insight as to the actual passage of years. To say that man lived
      in the Glacial Age, and that we have some faint traces of his
      presence in still earlier periods, after all conveys to our minds
      only vague ideas of a far-away time. The more a geologist studies
      the structure of the earth, the more impressed is he with the
      magnitude of the time that must have passed since “The
      Beginning.” At present, however, there are no means known of
      accurately measuring the time that has passed. It is just as well
      that it is so, since, were it known, the human mind would be
      utterly incapable of comprehending it. But as to the antiquity of
      man, it is but natural that we should seek more particularly to
      solve the problem and express our answer in some term of years.

      Now, we have seen that the question of the antiquity of man is
      intimately connected with that of the Glacial Age. That is to
      say, the relics of man as far as we know them in Europe, are
      found under such circumstances that we feel confident they are
      not far removed from the period of cold. For it will be found
      that those conservative scholars who do not think that man
      preceded the Glacial Age, or inhabited Europe during the long
      course of years included in that period, do think he came into
      Europe as soon as it passed away. So, in any case, if we can
      determine the date of the Glacial Age, we shall have made a most
      important step in advance in solving the problem of the antiquity
      of man himself. So it seems to us best to go over the subject of
      the Glacial Age again, and see what conclusions some of our best
      thinkers have come to as to its cause, when it occurred, and
      other matters in relation to it.

      It is best to state frankly at the outset that this topic is one
      of the great battle-grounds of science to-day, and that there are
      as yet but few points well settled in regard to it. One needs but
      attempt to read the literature on this subject to become quickly
      impressed with the necessity of making haste slowly in forming
      any conclusions. He must invoke the aid of the astronomer,
      geologist, physical-geographer, and physicist. Yet we must not
      suppose that questions relating to the Glacial Age are so
      abstruse that they are of interest only to the scholar. On the
      contrary, all ought to be interested in them. They open up one of
      the most wonderful chapters in the history of the world. They
      recall from the past a picture of ice-bound coasts and countries
      groaning under icy loads, where now are harbors enlivened by the
      commerce of the world, or ripening fields attesting the vivifying
      influence of a genial sun. Let us, therefore, follow after the
      leaders in thought. When we come to where they can not agree we
      can at least see what both sides have to say.

      Somewhat at the risk of repetition, we will try and impress on
      our readers a sense of the reality and severity of the Glacial
      Age. There is danger in regarding this as simply a convenient
      theory that geologists have originated to explain some puzzling
      facts, that it is not very well founded, and is liable to give
      way any day to some more ingenious explanation. On the contrary,
      this whole matter has been worked out by very careful scholars.
      “There is, perhaps, no great conclusion in any science which
      rests upon a surer foundation than this, and if we are to be
      guided by our reason at all in deducting the unknown from the
      known, the past from the present, we can not refuse our assent to
      the reality of the Glacial Age of the Northern Hemisphere in all
      its more important features.2 At the present day glaciers do
      exist in several places on the earth. They are found in the Alps
      and the mountains of Norway, and the Caucasus, in Europe. The
      Himalaya mountains support immense glaciers in Asia; and in
      America a few still linger in the more inaccessible heights of
      the Sierra Nevada. It is from a study of these glaciers, mainly
      however, those of the Alps, that geologists have been enabled to
      explain the true meaning of certain formations they find in both
      Europe and America, that go by the name of drift.

      When in an Alpine valley we come upon a glacier, filling it from
      side to side, there will be noticed upon both sides a long train
      of rock, drift, and other _débris_ that have fallen down upon its
      surface from the mountain sides. If two of these ice-rivers unite
      to form one glacier, two of these trains will then be borne along
      in the middle of the resulting glacier. As this glacier continues
      down the valley, it at length reaches a point where a further
      advance is rendered impossible by the increased temperature
      melting the ice as fast as it advances. At this point the train
      of rocks and dirt are dumped, and of course form great mounds,
      called moraines. The glacier at times shrinks back on its rocky
      bed and allows explorers to examine it.

      In such cases they find the rocks smoothed and polished, but here
      and there marked with long grooves and striæ. These points are
      learned from an examination of existing glaciers. Further down
      the valley, where now the glaciers never extend, are seen very
      distinctly the same signs. There are the same moraines, striated
      rocks, and bowlders that have evidently traveled from their home
      up the valley. The only explanation possible in this case is that
      once the glaciers extended to that point in the valley.

      It required a person who was perfectly familiar with the behavior
      of Alpine glaciers, and knew exactly what marks they left behind
      in their passage, to point out the proofs of their former
      presence in Northern Europe and America, where it seems almost
      impossible to believe they existed. Such a man was Louis Agassiz,
      the eminent naturalist. Born and educated in Switzerland, he
      spent nine years in researches among the glaciers of the
      mountains of his native country. He proved the former wide
      extension of the glaciers of Switzerland. With these results
      before them, geologists were not long in showing that there had
      once been glacial ice over a large part of Europe and North
      America.

      The proofs in this case are almost exactly the same as those used
      to show that the ancient glaciers of Switzerland were once larger
      than now. But as the great glaciers of the glacial age were many
      times larger than any thing we know of at the present day, there
      were of course different results produced.

      For instance, the water circulating under Alpine glaciers is
      enabled to wash out and carry away the mass of pulverized rock
      and dirt ground along underneath the ice. But when the glaciers
      covered such an enormous extent of country as they did in the
      Glacial Age, the water could not sweep away this detritus, and so
      great beds of gravel, sand, and clay would be formed over a large
      extent of country. But to go over the entire ground would require
      volumes; it is sufficient to give the results.

      The interior of Greenland to-day is covered by one vast sea of
      ice. Explorers have traversed its surface for many miles; not a
      plant, or stone, or patch of earth is to be seen. In the Winter
      it is a snow-swept waste. In the Summer streams of ice-cold water
      flow over its surface, penetrating here and there by crevasses to
      unknown depths. This great glacier is some twelve hundred miles
      long, by four hundred in width.3 Vast as it is, it is utterly
      insignificant as compared with the great continental glacier that
      geologists assure us once held in its grasp the larger portion of
      North America.

      The conclusions of some of our best scholars on this subject are
      so opposed to all that we would think possible, according to the
      present climate and surroundings, that they seem at first
      incredible, and yet they have been worked out with such care that
      there is no doubt of the substantial truth of the results.

      The terminal moraine of the great glacier has been carefully
      traced through several States. We now know that one vast sea of
      ice covered the eastern part of North America, down to about the
      thirty-ninth parallel of latitude. We have every reason to think
      that the great glacier, extending many miles out in the Atlantic,
      terminated in a great sea of ice, rising several hundred feet
      perpendicularly above the surface of the water. Long Island marks
      the southern extension of this glacier. From there its temporal
      moraine has been traced west, across New Jersey and Pennsylvania,
      diagonally across Ohio, crossing the river near Cincinnati, and
      thence west across Indiana and Illinois. West of the Mississippi
      it bears off to the north-west, and finally passes into British
      America.4

      All of North America, to the north and northeast of this line,
      must have been covered by one vast sea of ice.5 Doubtless, as in
      Greenland to-day, there was no hill or patch of earth to be seen,
      simply one great field of ice. The ice was thick enough to cover
      from sight Mt. Washington, in New Hampshire, and must have been
      at least a mile thick over a large portion of this area,6 and
      even at its southern border it must in places have been from two
      hundred to two thousand feet thick.7 This, as we have seen, is a
      picture very similar to what must have been presented by Europe
      at this time.8

      Antarctic Ice Sheet.

      The Northern Atlantic Ocean must have presented a dreary aspect.
      Its shores were walls of ice, from which ever and anon great
      masses sailed away as icebergs. These are startling conclusions.
      Yet, in the Southern Hemisphere to-day is to be seen nearly the
      same state of things. It is well-known that all the lands around
      the South Pole are covered by a layer of ice of enormous
      thickness. Sir J. A. Ross, in attempting to reach high southern
      latitudes, while yet one thousand four hundred miles from the
      pole, found his further progress impeded by a perpendicular wall
      of ice one hundred and eighty feet thick. He sailed along that
      barrier four hundred and fifty miles, and then gave up the
      attempt. Only at one point in all that distance did the ice wall
      sink low enough to allow of its upper surface being seen from the
      mast-head. He describes the upper surface as an immense plain
      shining like frosted silver, and stretching away as far as eye
      could reach into the illimitable distance.9

      The foregoing makes plain to us one phase of the Glacial Age.
      Though it may not be quite clear what this has to do with the
      antiquity of man, yet we will see, in the sequel, that it has
      considerable. As to the periods of mild climate that are thought
      by some to have broken up the reign of cold, we do not feel that
      we can say any thing in addition to what has been said in a
      former chapter.10

      We might, however, say, that the sequences of mild and cold
      climate are not as well made out in America as they seem to be in
      Europe; or at least our geologists are more cautious as to
      accepting the evidence as sufficient. And yet such evidences are
      not wanting: as in Europe, at various places, are found layers of
      land surfaces with remains of animals and plants, but both above
      and below such surface soil are found beds of bowlder clay. These
      offer undeniable evidence that animals and plants occupied the
      land during temperate inter-glacial epochs, preceded and followed
      by an Arctic climate, and ice-sheets like those now covering the
      interior of Greenland, and the Antarctic Continent.11

      We have thus, though somewhat at length, gone over the evidence
      as to the reality and severity of the Glacial Age. It was during
      the continuance of such climate that Paleolithic man arrived in
      Europe, though it was not perhaps until its close. We must not
      lose sight of the fact that our principal object at present is to
      determine, if we can, a date for either the beginning or ending
      of this extraordinary season of cold, and thereby achieve an
      important step in determining the antiquity of man.

      A moment’s consideration will show us that a period of cold
      sufficient to produce over a large portion of the Northern
      Hemisphere the results we have just set forth must have a cause
      that is strange and far-reaching. It can not be some local cause,
      affecting but one continent, since the effect produced is
      observed as well in Europe as in America.

      Every year we pass through considerable changes in climate. The
      four seasons of the year seem to be but an annual repetition, on
      a very small scale of course, of the great changes in the climate
      of the earth that culminated in the Glacial Age; though we do not
      mean to say, that periods of glacial cold come and go with the
      regularity of our Winter. The changes in the seasons of the year
      are caused by the earth’s position in its orbit, and its annual
      revolution around the sun. It may be that the cause of the
      Glacial Age itself is of a similar nature; in which case it is an
      astronomical problem, and we ought, by calculation, to determine,
      with considerable accuracy, dates for the beginning and ending of
      this epoch.

      Nothing is clearer than that great fluctuations of climate have
      occurred in the past. Many theories have been put forth in
      explanation. It has been suggested that it was caused by loss of
      heat from the earth itself. That the earth was once a ball of
      incandescent matter, like the sun, and has since cooled down, is
      of course admitted. More than that, this process still continues;
      and the time must come when the earth, having yielded up its
      internal heat, will cease to be an inhabitable globe. But the
      climate of the surface of the earth is not dependent upon the
      heat of the interior. This now depends “according to the
      proportion of heat received either directly or indirectly from
      the sun; and so it must have been during all the ages of which
      any records have come down to us.”12 Some have supposed that the
      sun, traveling as it does through space, carrying the earth and
      the other planets with him, might, in the course of ages, pass
      through portions of space either warmer or colder than that in
      which it now moves. When we come to a warm region of space, a
      genial climate would prevail over the earth; but, when we struck
      a cold belt, eternal Winter would mantle a large part of the
      globe with snow and ice. This, of course, is simply guess-work.
      No less than seven distinct causes have been urged; most of them
      either purely conjectural, like the last, or manifestly
      incompetent to produce the great results which we have seen must
      be accounted for. But, amongst these, two causes have been
      advanced—the one astronomical, the other geographical; and, to
      the one or the other, the majority of scholars have given their
      consent.

      It will be no harm to see what can be said in favor of both
      theories. So, we will ask the reader’s attention, as it is our
      earnest desire to make as plain as possible a question that has
      so much to do with our present inquiry. In the course of our
      investigations, we can not fail to catch glimpses of wonderful
      changes in far away times; and can not help seeing what labor is
      involved in the solution of all questions relating to the same.13

      Earth’s Orbit.

      The earth revolves around the sun in an orbit called an ellipse.
      This is not a fixed form, but slowly varies from year to year. It
      is now gradually becoming circular. It will, however, not become
      an exact circle. Astronomers assure us that, after a long lapse
      of time, it will commence to elongate as an ellipse again. Thus,
      it will continually change from an ellipse to an approximate
      circle, and back again. In scientific language, the eccentricity
      of, the earth’s orbit is said to increase and decrease.

      In common language we would state that the shape of the path of
      the earth around the sun was sometimes much more elongated and
      elliptical than at others. The line drawn through the longest
      part of an ellipse is called the major axis. Now the sun does not
      occupy the center of this line, but is placed to one side of it;
      or, in other words, occupies one focus of the ellipse. It will
      thus be seen that the earth, at one time during its yearly
      journey, is considerably nearer to the sun than at others. The
      point where it approaches nearest the sun is called _Perihelion,_
      and the point where it reaches the greatest distance from the sun
      is called its _Aphelion._ It will be readily seen that the more
      elliptical its orbit becomes the greater will be the difference
      between the perihelion and aphelion distance of the sun. At
      present the earth is about three millions of miles nearer the sun
      in perihelion than in aphelion. But we must remember the orbit of
      the earth is now nearly circular. There have been times in the
      past when the difference was about thirteen millions of miles. We
      must not forget to add, that the change in the shape of the
      earth’s orbit is not a regular increase and decrease between
      well-known extremes. It is caused by the attraction of the other
      planets. It has been calculated at intervals of ten thousand
      years for the last million years. In this way it has been found
      that “the intervals between connective turning points are very
      unequal in length, and the actual maximum and minimum values of
      the eccentricity are themselves variable. In this way it comes
      about that some periods of high eccentricity have lasted much
      longer than others, and that the orbit has been more elliptical
      at some epochs of high eccentricity than at others.”14 We have
      just seen that the earth is nearer the sun at one time of the
      year than at another. At present the earth passes its perihelion
      point in the Winter of the Northern Hemisphere, and its aphelion
      point in the Summer. We will for the present suppose that it
      always reaches the points at the same season of the year. Let us
      see if the diminished distance from the sun in Winter has any
      thing to do with the climate.

      If so, this effect will be greatly magnified during a period of
      high eccentricity, such as the earth has certainly passed through
      in the past. We will state first, that the more elliptical the
      orbit becomes, the longer Summer we have, and the shorter Winter.
      Astronomically, Spring begins the 20th of March, and Fall the 22d
      of September. By counting the days between the epochs it will be
      found that the Spring and Summer part of the year is seven days
      longer than the Fall and Winter part. But if the earth’s orbit
      becomes as highly eccentrical as in the past, this difference
      would be thirty-six days.15

      This would give us a long Spring and Summer, but a short Fall and
      Winter. This in itself would make a great difference. We must
      beer in mind, however, that at such a time as we are here
      considering, the earth would be ten millions of miles nearer the
      sun in Winter than at present. It would certainly then receive
      more heat in a given time during Winter than at present.16 Mr.
      Croll estimates that whereas the difference in heat received
      during a given time is now one-fifteenth,17 at the time we are
      considering it would be one-fifth. Hence we see that at such a
      time the Winter would not only be much shorter than now, but at
      the same time would be much milder.

      These are not all the results that would follow an increase of
      eccentricity. The climate of Europe and North America is largely
      modified by those great ocean currents—the Gulf Stream and the
      Japan current. Owing to causes we will not here consider, these
      currents would be greatly increased at such a time. As a result
      of these combined causes, Mr. Croll estimates that during a
      period of high eccentricity the difference between Winter and
      Summer in the Northern Hemisphere would be practically
      obliterate. The Winter would not only be short, but very mild,
      and but little snow would form, while the sun of the long
      Summers, though not shining as intense as at present, would not
      have to melt off a great layer of snow and ice, but the ground
      became quickly heated, and so warmed the air. Hence, if Mr. Croll
      be correct, a period of high eccentricity would certainly produce
      a climate in the Northern Hemisphere such as characterized many
      of the mild interglacial epochs as long as the earth passed its
      perihelion point in Winter.

      We have so far only considered the Northern Hemisphere. As every
      one knows, while we have Winter, the Southern Hemisphere has
      Summer. So at the very time we would enjoy the mild short
      Winters, the Southern Hemisphere would be doomed to experience
      Winters of greatly increased length and severity. As a
      consequence, immense fields of snow would be formed, which, by
      pressure, would be changed to ice, and creep away as a desolating
      glacier. It is quite true that the short Summer sun would shine
      with increased warmth, but owing to many causes it would not
      avail to free the land from snow and ice.

      As Mr. Geikie points out, “An increased amount of evaporation
      would certainly take place, but the moisture-laden air would be
      chilled by coming into contact with the vast sheets of snow, and
      hence the vapor would condense into thick fogs and cloud the sky.
      In this way the sun’s rays would be, to a large extent, cut off,
      and unable to reach the earth, and consequently the Winter’s snow
      would not be all melted away.” Hence it follows that at the very
      time the Northern Hemisphere would enjoy a mild interglacial
      climate, universal Spring, so to speak, the Southern Hemisphere
      would be encased in the ice and snow of an eternal Winter.

      But the earth has not always reached its perihelion point during
      the Winter season of the Northern Hemisphere. Owing to causes
      that we need not here consider, the earth reaches its perihelion
      point about twenty minutes earlier each year, so if it now passes
      its perihelion in Winter of the Northern Hemisphere, in about ten
      thousand years from now it will reach it in Summer, and in
      twenty-one thousand, years it will again be at perihelion in
      Winter. But see what important consequences follow from this. If
      during a period of high eccentricity we are in the enjoyment of
      short mild Winters and long pleasant Summers, in ten thousand
      years this would certainly be changed. Our Summer season would
      become short and heated; our Winters long and intensely cold.
      Year by year it would be later in the season before the sun could
      free the land from snow, and at length in deep ravines and on
      hill-tops the snow would linger through the brief Summer, and the
      mild interglacial age will have passed away, and again the
      Northern Hemisphere will be visited by snow and ice of a truly.
      Glacial Age. If, therefore, a period of high eccentricity lasts
      through the many thousand years, we must expect more than one
      return of glacial cold interspersed by mild interglacial
      climates.

      We have tried in these last few pages to give a clear statement
      of what is known as Croll’s theory of the Glacial Age. There is
      no question but what the earth does thus vary in its position
      with regard to the sun, and beyond a doubt this must produce some
      effect on the climate, and we can truthfully state that the more
      the complicated question of the climate of the earth is studied,
      the more grounds do scholars find for affirming that indirectly
      this effect must have been very great. And yet we can not say
      that this theory is accepted as a satisfactory one even by the
      majority of scholars. Many of those who do not reject it think it
      not proven. Therefore, before interrogating the astronomer as to
      the data of the Glacial Age, according to the terms of this
      theory, let us see what other causes are, adduced; then we can
      more readily accept or reject the conclusions as to the antiquity
      of man which this theory would necessitate us to adopt.

      The only other cause to which we can assign the glacial cold,
      that is considered with any favor by geologists, is geographical;
      that is to say, depending on the distribution of land and water.
      Glaciers depend on the amount of snow-fall. In any country where
      the amount of snow-fall is so great that it is not all evaporated
      or melted by the Summer’s sun, and consequently increases from
      year to year, glaciers must soon appear, and these icy rivers
      would ere-long, flow away to lower levels. If we suppose, with
      Sir Charles Lyell, that the lands of the globe were all to be
      gathered around the equator, and the waters were gathered around
      the poles, it is manifest that there would be no such a thing as
      extremes of temperature, and it is, perhaps, doubtful whether ice
      would form, even in polar areas.18 At any rate, no glaciers could
      be formed, as there would be no land on which snow could gather
      in great quantities.

      If, however, we reverse this picture, and conceive of the land
      gathered in a compact mass around the poles, shutting out the
      water, but consider the equatorial region of the earth to be
      occupied by the waters of the ocean, we would manifestly have a
      very different scene. From the ocean moisture-laden winds would
      flow over the polar lands. The snowfall would necessarily be
      great. In short, we can not doubt but what all the land of the
      earth would be covered with glaciers.19

      Although these last conceptions are purely hypothetical, they
      will serve the good purpose of showing the great influence that
      the geographical distribution of land and water have on the
      climate of a country. Of one thing, however, geologists have
      become more and more impressed of late years. That is, that
      continents and oceans have always had the same relative position
      as now; that is to say, the continents have followed a definite
      plan in their development. The very first part of North America
      to appear above the waters of the primal sea clearly outlined the
      shape of the future continent. Mr. Dana assures us that our
      continent developed with almost the regularity of a flower. Prof.
      Hitchcock also points out that the surface area of the very first
      period outlined the shape of the continent. “The work of later
      geological periods seems to have been the filling up of the bays
      and sounds between the great islands, elevating the consolidated
      mass into a continental area.”20 So it is not at all probable
      that the lands of the globe were ever grouped, as we have here
      supposed them.

      This last statement is liable, however, to leave us under a wrong
      impression; for although, as a whole, continental areas have been
      permanent, yet in detail they have been subject to wonderful and
      repeated changes. “Every square mile of their surface has been
      again and again under water, sometimes a few hundred feet
      deep—sometimes, perhaps, several thousand. Lakes and inland seas
      have been formed and been filled up with sediment, and been
      subsequently raised into hills, or even mountains. Arms of the
      sea have existed, crossing the continent in various directions,
      and thus completely isolating the divided portions for varying
      intervals. Seas have become changed into deserts and deserts into
      seas.”21

      It has been shown beyond all question that North-western Europe
      owes its present mild climate to the influence of the Gulf
      Stream.22 Ocean currents, then, are a most important element in
      determining the climate of a country. If we would take the case
      of our hypothetical polar continent again, and, instead of
      presenting a continuous coast line, imagine it penetrated by long
      straits and fiords, possessing numerous bays, large inland seas,
      and in general allowing a free communication with the ocean, we
      are very sure the effect would be widely different.

      Under these circumstances, says Mr. Geikie, the “much wider
      extent of sea being exposed to the blaze of the tropical sun, the
      temperature of the ocean in equatorial regions would rise above
      what it is at present. This warm water, sweeping in broad
      currents, would enter the polar fiords and seas, and everywhere,
      beating the air, would cause warm, moist winds to blow athwart
      the land to a much greater extent than they do at present; and
      these winds thus distributing warmth and moisture, might render
      even the high latitude of North Greenland habitable by civilized
      man.” So we see that it is necessary to look for such
      geographical changes as will interfere with the movements of
      marine currents.

      Now, it is easy to see that comparatively small geographical
      changes would not only greatly interfere with these currents, but
      might even cause them to entirely change their course. An
      elevation of the northern part of North America, no greater in
      amount than is supposed to have taken place at the commencement
      of the Glacial Age, would bring the wide area of the banks of
      Newfoundland far above the water, causing the American coast to
      stretch out in an immense curve to a point more than six hundred
      miles east of Halifax, and this would divert much of the Gulf
      Stream straight across to the coast of Spain.23

      Such an elevation certainly took place, and if continued
      westward, Behring’s Strait would also have been closed. It is to
      such northern elevations, shutting out the warm ocean currents,
      that a great many geologists look for a sufficient explanation of
      the glacial cold.

      Prof. Dana says: “Increase in the extent and height of high
      latitude lands may well stand as one cause of the Glacial Age.”
      Then he points out how the rising of the land of Northern Canada
      and adjacent territory, which almost certainly took place, “all a
      sequel to the majestic uplift of the Tertiary, would have made a
      glacial period for North America, whatever the position of the
      ecliptic, or whatever the eccentricity of the earth’s orbit,
      though more readily, of course, if other circumstances favored
      it.”24

      It may occur to some that if high northern lands be all that is
      necessary for a period of cold, we ought to have had it in the
      Miocene Age, when there was a continuous land connection between
      the lands of high polar areas and both Europe and America, since
      we know that an abundant vegetation spread from there, as a
      center, to both these countries. But at that epoch circumstances
      were different. The great North Temperate lands were in a
      “comparatively fragmentary and insular condition.”25 There were
      great inland seas in both Europe and Asia, through which powerful
      currents would have flowed from the Indian Ocean to Arctic
      regions.

      Somewhat similar conditions prevailed in North America. The
      western part was in an insular condition. A great sea extended
      over this part of the country, joining the Arctic probably on the
      north, through which heated water would pour into the polar sea.
      And so, instead of a Glacial Age, we find evidence of a mild and
      genial climate, with an abundant vegetation.

      We thus see that there are two theories as to the cause of the
      Glacial Age presented for our consideration. Both of them have
      received the sanction of scholars eminent for their scientific
      attainments. On inspection we see they are not antagonistic
      theories. They may both be true for that matter, and all would
      admit that whatever effect they would produce singly would be
      greatly enhanced if acting together. Indeed, there are very good
      reasons for supposing both must have acted in unison.

      There seem to be very good reasons for not believing that the
      eccentricity of the earth’s orbit, acting alone, produced the
      glacial cold. If that were the case, then whenever the
      eccentricity was great we should have a Glacial Age. Now, at some
      period of time during the long-extended Tertiary Age we are
      certain the eccentricity of the earth’s orbit became very great,
      much more so, in fact, than that which is supposed to have
      produced the cold of the Quaternary Age. But we are equally
      certain there was no glacial epoch during this age.26 What other
      explanation can we give for its non-appearance except that
      geographical conditions were not favorable?

      But, on the other hand, there are certain features connected with
      the phenomena of the Glacial Age that seem very difficult of
      explanation, if we suppose that geographical changes alone
      produced them. We must remember that evidences of the former
      presence of glaciers are found widely scattered over the earth.
      We shall, therefore, have to assume an elevation not only for
      America and Europe, but extend it over into Asia, and take in the
      Lebanon Mountains, for they also show distinct traces of
      glaciers. And this movement of elevation must also have affected
      the Southern Hemisphere, the evidence being equally plain that at
      the same comparatively late date glaciers crushed over Southern
      Africa and South America.27 This is seen to prove too much.
      Again, how can we explain the fact that some time during the
      Glacial Age we had a submergence, the land standing several
      hundred feet lower than now, but still remained covered with ice,
      and over the submerged part there sailed icebergs and ice-rafts,
      freighted with their usual _débris_? That such was the state of
      things in Europe we are assured by some very good authorities.28

      Neither do geographical causes afford an adequate explanation of
      those changes of temperature that surely took place during the
      Glacial Age. These last considerations show us how difficult it
      is to believe that geographical causes could have produced the
      Glacial Age.

      We are assured that all through the geological ages the
      continents had been increasing in size and compactness, and that
      just at the close of the Tertiary Age they received a
      considerable addition of land to the north. The astronomer also
      informs us that at a comparatively recent epoch the eccentricity
      of the earth’s orbit became very great. The conditions being
      favorable, it is not strange that a Glacial Age supervened.

      We have been to considerable length in thus explaining the
      position of the scientific world in regard to the cause of the
      Glacial Age. Our reason for so doing is that this age is, we
      think, so connected with the Paleolithic Age of man, that it
      seems advisable to have a clear understanding in regard to it.
      What we have to say is neither new nor original. It is simply an
      earnest endeavor to represent clearly the conclusions of some of
      our best scholars on this subject, and we have tried to give to
      each theory its due weight. Our conclusions may be wrong, but, if
      so, we have the consolation of erring in very good company.

      We have now gone over the ground and are ready to see what dates
      can be given. Though the numbers we use seem to be very large
      indeed, they are so only in comparison with our brief span of
      life. They are insignificant as compared with the extent of time
      that has surely rolled by since life appeared on the globe. Let
      us, therefore, not be dismayed at the figures the astronomer sets
      before us.29

      About two hundred and fifty thousand years ago the earth’s path
      around the sun was much the same as that of the present. No great
      changes in climate were liable to take place at that time. During
      the next fifty thousand years the eccentricity steadily
      increased. Towards the end of that time all that was necessary to
      produce a glacial epoch in the Northern Hemisphere was favorable
      geographical causes, and that our earth should reach its point
      nearest the sun in Summer. This it must have done when about half
      that time had elapsed.

      We can in imagination see what a slow deterioration of climate
      took place. Thousands of years would come and go before the
      change would be decisive. But a time must have at length arrived
      when the vegetation covering the ground was such as was suited
      only for high northern latitudes. The animals suited for warm and
      temperate regions must have wandered farther south; others from
      the north had arrived to take their place. We can see how well
      this agrees with the changes of climate at the close of the
      Pliocene Age. The snows of the commencing Glacial Age would soon
      begin to fall, finally the sun would not melt them off of the
      high lands, and mountain peaks, and so a Glacial Age would be
      ushered in.

      We have referred to the fact that the earth reaches its
      perihelion point a little earlier each year, and, as a
      consequence, we would have periods of mild climate alternating
      the cold. This extended period of time, equal to twenty-one
      thousand of our ordinary years, has been named the Great Year of
      our globe. Mr. Wallace has pointed out some very good reasons for
      thinking Mr. Croll’s theory must be modified on this point. He
      thinks that when once a Glacial Age was fairly fastened on a
      hemisphere, it would retain its grasp as long as the eccentricity
      remained high, but whenever the Summer of the Great Year came to
      that hemisphere, it would melt back the glacial ice for some
      distance, but this area would be recovered by the ice when the
      Winter of the Great Year supervened. These effects would be
      different when the eccentricity itself became low. Then we would
      expect the glacial conditions to vanish entirely when the Summer
      of a Great Year comes on.30

      As we have made the theoretical part of this chapter already too
      long, we must hurry on. We can only say that this view is founded
      on the fact that when a country was covered with snow and ice, it
      had so to speak, a great amount of cold stored up in it, so much,
      in fact, that it would not be removed by the sun of a new
      geological Summer. This ought to be acceptable to such geologists
      as are willing to admit the advance and retreat of the great
      glacier, but yet doubt the fact of the interglacial mild climate.

      But now to return to the question of time about two hundred and
      twenty thousand years ago. Then the Northern Hemisphere,
      according to this theory, was in the grasp of a Glacial Age.
      According to Mr. Wallace, as long as the eccentricity remained
      high, there could be no great amelioration of climate, except
      along the southern border of the ice sheet, which might, for
      causes named, vary some distance during the Great Year. Two
      hundred thousand years ago the eccentricity, then very high,
      reached a turning point. It then steadily, though gradually,
      diminished for fifty thousand years; at that time the
      eccentricity was so small, though considerably larger than at
      present, that it is doubtful if it was of any service in
      producing a change of climate.31 At that time, also, the Northern
      Hemisphere was passing through the Summer season of the Great
      Year. We ought, therefore, to have had a mild interglacial
      season. Except in high northern latitudes the ice should have
      disappeared. This change we would expect to find more marked in
      Europe than in America.

      We need only recall how strong are the evidences on this point.
      Nearly all European writers admit at least one such mild
      interval, and though not wanting evidence of such a period in
      America, our geologists are much less confident of its
      occurrence.

      But from that point the eccentricity again increased. So when the
      long flight of years again brought secular Winter to the Northern
      Hemisphere, the glaciers would speedily appear, and as
      eccentricity was again high, they would again hold the country in
      their grasp. Fifty thousand years later, or one hundred thousand
      years ago, it passed its turning point again; eighty thousand
      years ago, it became so small that it probably ceased to effect
      the climate. Since then it has not been very large. Twenty-five
      thousand years ago it was less than it is now, but it is again
      growing smaller. According to this theory, then, the Glacial Age
      commenced about two hundred and twenty thousand years ago. It
      continued, with one interruption of mild climate, for one hundred
      and forty thousand years, and finally passed away eighty thousand
      years ago.

      What shall we say to these results? If true, what a wonderful
      antiquity is here unfolded for the human race, and what a
      wonderful lapse of time is included in what is known as the
      Paleolithic Age! How strikingly does it impress upon our minds
      the slow development of man! Is such an antiquity for man in
      itself absurd? We know no reason for such a conclusion. Our most
      eminent scholars nowhere set a limit to the time of man’s first
      appearance. It is true, many of them do not think the evidence
      strong enough to affirm such an antiquity, but there are no
      bounds given beyond which we may not pass.

      Without investigation some might reject the idea that man could
      have lived on the earth one hundred thousand years in a state of
      Savagism. If endowed with the attributes of humanity, it may seem
      to them that he would long before that time have achieved
      civilization. Such persons do not consider the lowliness of his
      first condition and the extreme slowness with which progress must
      have gone forward. On this point the geologists and the
      sociologists agree. Says Mr. Geikie: “The time which has elapsed
      from the close of the Paleolithic Age, even up to the present
      day, can not for a moment compare with the aeons during which the
      men of the old stone period occupied Europe.” And on this subject
      Mr. Morgan says: “It is a conclusion of deep importance in
      ethnology that the experience of mankind in Savagery was longer
      in duration than all their subsequent experience, and that the
      period of Civilization covers but a fragment of the life of the
      race.”32 The time itself, which seems to us so long, is but a
      brief space as compared with the ages nature has manifestly
      required to work out some of the results we see before us every
      day. We are sure, but few of our scholars think this too liberal
      an estimate. All endeavor to impress on our minds that the
      Glacial Age is an expression covering a very long period of time.

      As to the time that has elapsed since the close of the Glacial
      Age there is some dispute, and it may be that we will be forced
      to the conclusion that the close of the Glacial Age was but a few
      thousand years ago. Mr. Wallace assures us, however, that the
      time mentioned agrees well “with physical evidence of the time
      that has elapsed since the cold has passed away.”33

      Difficulties are, however, urged by other writers. We can see at
      once that as quick as the glaciers are removed the denuding
      forces of nature, which are constantly at work, would begin to
      rearrange the _débris_ left behind on the surface, and in the
      course of a few thousand years must effect great changes. Now, in
      some cases the amount of such change is so small that geologists
      are reluctant to believe a vast lapse of time has occurred since
      the glaciers withdrew. Mr. Geikie tells us of some moraines in
      Scotland that they are so fresh and beautiful “that it is
      difficult to believe they can date back to a period so vastly
      removed as the Ice Age is believed to be.”34 In our own country
      this same sort of evidence is brought forward, and we are given
      some special calculations going to show that the disappearance of
      the glaciers was a comparatively recent thing.35

      It will be seen that these conclusions are somewhat opposed to
      the results previously arrived at. In explanation Mr. Geikie
      thinks the cases spoken of in Scotland were not the moraines of
      the great glaciers, but of a local glacier of a far later date.
      He thinks that the climate, while not severe enough to produce
      the enormous glaciers of early times, was severe enough to
      produce local glaciers still in Scotland.36 It is possible that a
      similar explanation may be given for the evidence adduced in the
      United States. We can only state that, according to the
      difference in climate between the eastern and western sides of
      the Atlantic Ocean, when the climate was severe enough to produce
      local glaciers in Scotland, it would produce the same effect over
      a large part of eastern United States down to the latitude of New
      York City.37 And while it is true there would not be as much
      difference in climate on the two sides of the Atlantic in Glacial
      times as at present, since the Gulf Stream, on which such
      difference depends would then have less force, still it was not
      entirely lacking, and the difference must have been
      considerable.38

      Prof. Hitchcock has made a suggestion that whereas we know a
      period of several months elapses after the sun crosses the
      equator before Summer fairly comes on, so it is but reasonable to
      suppose that a proportionate length of time would go by after the
      eccentricity of the earth’s orbit became small, before the
      Glacial Age would really pass away. He accordingly suggests it
      may have been only about forty thousand years since the glaciers
      disappeared.39

      At the close of the Glacial Age Paleolithic man vanished from
      Europe. This, therefore, brings us to the conclusion of our
      researches into what is probably the most mysterious chapter of
      man’s existence on the earth.

      It may not come amiss to briefly notice the main points thus far
      made in our investigation of the past. As to the epoch of man’s
      first appearance, we found he could not be expected to appear
      until all the animals lower than he had made their appearance.
      This is so because the Creator of all has apparently chosen that
      method of procedure in the development of life on the globe.
      According to our present knowledge, man might have been living in
      the Miocene Age, and with a higher degree of probability in the
      Pliocene. But we can not say that the evidence adduced in favor
      of his existence at these early times is satisfactory to the
      majority of our best thinkers. All agree that he was living in
      Europe at the close of the Glacial Age, and we think the evidence
      sufficient to show that he preceded the glaciers, and that as a
      rude savage he lived in Europe throughout the long extended
      portion of time known as the Glacial Age.

      We also found evidence of either two distinct races of men
      inhabiting Europe in the Paleolithic Age, or else tribes of the
      same race, widely different in time and in culture. The one
      people known as the men of the River Drift apparently invaded
      Europe from Asia, along with the species of temperate animals now
      living there. This people seem to have been widely scattered over
      the earth. The race has probably vanished away, though certain
      Australian tribes may be descendants of them. They were doubtless
      very low in the scale of humanity, having apparently never
      reached a higher state than that of Lower Savagism. The second
      race of men inhabiting Europe during the Paleolithic Age were the
      Cave-dwellers. They seem to have been allied to the Eskimos of
      the North. They were evidently further advanced than the Drift
      men, but were still savages.

      The Paleolithic Age in Europe seems to have terminated with the
      Glacial Age. But we are not to suppose it came to an end all over
      the earth at that time. On the contrary, some tribes of men never
      passed beyond that stage. When the light of civilization fell
      upon them they were still in the culture of the old Stone Age. We
      are to notice that in such cases the tribes thus discovered were
      very low in the scale. The probable data for the Paleolithic Age
      have formed the subject of this chapter. While claiming in
      support of them the opinions of some eminent scholars, we freely
      admit that it is not a settled question, but open to very grave
      objections, especially the date of the close of the Glacial Age,
      which seems to have been comparatively recent, at least in
      America. We think, however, that these objections will yet be
      harmonized with the general results. Neither is this claimed to
      be an exhaustive presentation of the matter. It is an outline
      only—the better to enable us to understand the mystery connected
      with the data of Paleolithic man.

      In these few chapters we have been dealing with people, manners,
      arid times, of which the world fifty years ago was ignorant. Many
      little discoveries, at first apparently disconnected, are
      suddenly brought into new relation, and behold, ages ago, when
      the great continents were but just completed, races of men, with
      the stamp of humanity upon them, are seen filling the earth. With
      them were many great animals long since passed away. The age of
      animals was at an end. That of man had just begun.

      The child requires the schooling of adversity and trial to make a
      complete man of himself, and it is even so with races of men. Who
      can doubt that struggling up from dense ignorance, contending
      against adverse circumstances, compelled to wage war against
      fierce animals, sustaining life in the midst of the low
      temperature which had loaded the Northern Hemisphere with snow
      and ice, had much to do in developing those qualities which
      rendered civilization possible.

      As to the antiquity of man disclosed in these chapters, the only
      question that need concern us is whether it is true or not.
      Evidence tending to prove its substantial accuracy should be as
      acceptable as that disproving it. No great principle is here at
      stake. The truth of Divine Revelation is in no wise concerned.
      There is nothing in its truth or falsity which should in any way
      affect man’s belief in an overruling Providence, or in an
      immortality beyond the grave, or which should render any less
      desirable a life of purity and honor. On the contrary, we think
      one of the greatest causes of thanksgiving mortals have is the
      possession of intellectual powers, which enable us to here and
      there catch a glimpse of the greatness of God’s universe, which
      the astronomer at times unfolds to us; or, to dimly comprehend
      the flight of time since “The Beginning,” which the geologist
      finds necessary to account for the stupendous results wrought by
      slow-acting causes.

      It seems to us eminently fitting that God should place man here,
      granting to him a capacity for improvement, but bestowing on him
      no gift or accomplishment, which by exertion and experience he
      could acquire; for labor is, and ever has been, the price of
      material good. So we see how necessary it is that a very extended
      time be given us to account for man’s present advancement.
      Supposing an angel of light was to come to the aid of our feeble
      understanding, and unroll before us the pages of the past, a past
      of which, with all our endeavors, we as yet know but little. Can
      we doubt that, from such a review, we would arise with higher
      ideas of man’s worth? Our sense of the depths from which he has
      ascended is equated only by our appreciation of the future
      opening before him. Individually we shall soon have passed away.
      Our nation may disappear. But we believe our race has yet but
      fairly started in its line of progress; time only is wanted. We
      can but think that that view which limits man to an existence
      extending over but a few thousand years of the past, is a
      belittling one. Rather let us think of him as existing from a
      past separated from us by these many thousand years; winning his
      present position by the exercise of God-given powers.

      REFERENCES


        The manuscript of this chapter was submitted to Prof. G. F.
        Wright, of Oberlin, for criticism.

        Wallace’s “Island Life,” p. 113.

        Nordenskiold’s “American Journal of Science,” vol. 110, p. 58.

        Wright’s “Studies in Science and Religion,” p. 307, where a map
        of this moraine is given.

        There is, however, a small area in the south-west part of
        Wisconsin where, for some reason, the ice passed by.

        Dane’s “Manual of Geology,” p. 538.

        Wright’s “Studies in Science and Religion,” p. 308.

        “Men of the Drift,” p. 71.

        Geikie’s “Great Ice Age,” p. 93.

        “Men of the River Drift.”

        Abbott’s “Primitive Industry,” p. 545; Quoted from “Geology of
        Minnesota.” Report, 1877, p. 37.

        Geikie’s “Great Ice Age,” p. 97.

        The astronomical theory, which we will first examine, was first
        enunciated by Mr. Croll, following a suggestion of the
        astronomer Adhemer. Mr. Croll’s views were set forth in many
        able papers, and finally gathered into a volume entitled
        “Climate and Time in their Geological Relation.” The ablest
        defense of these views is that by Mr. James Geikie, in his
        works “The Great Ice Age,” and “Prehistoric Europe.”

        Geikie’s “Great Ice Age,” p. 114.

        Lubbock’s “Prehistoric Times,” p. 420, Table 4.

        Ibid., Table 5.

        Geikie’s “Great Ice Age,” p. 123.

        Wallace’s “Island Life,” p. 143.

        Ibid., p. 124.

        “Geology of New Hampshire,” Vol. II, p. 5.

        Wallace’s “Island Life,” p. 99.

        Geikie’s “Great Ice Age,” p. 103.

        Wallace’s “Island Life,” p. 149. Hitchcock’s “Geology of New
        Hampshire,” Vol. II, p. 7, gives a map showing what immense
        areas in that section would be raised to the surface by a raise
        of three hundred feet.

        _American Journal of Science,_ 1871, p. 329.

        Wallace’s “Island Life,” p. 184.

        Wallace’s “Island Life,” p. 182.

        Ibid., p. 157 and note. Prof. Wright thinks this statement
        doubtful. He refers to the date of the Glacial Age in the
        Southern Hemisphere.

        Wallace’s “Island Life,” p. 200; Dawkins’s “Early Man in
        Britain,” p. 119; Geikie’s “Great Ice Age,” p. 256;
        Quatrefages’s “Human Species,” p. 288.

        For these results, see McFarland’s Calculations in “American
        Journal of Science,” 1880, p. 105.

        “Island Life,” p. 153.

        See chart, p. 124, Wallace’s “Island Life.”

        “Ancient Society,” p. 39.

        “Island Life,” p. 201.

        “Prehistoric Europe,” p. 312.

        On this point consult Wright’s “Studies in Science and
        Religion,” pp. 232-347; also Prof. Lewis in “Primitive
        Industry,” pp. 547-551.

        “Prehistoric Europe,” p. 560.

        See any isothermal map.

        Wallace’s “Island Life,” p. 154, note.

        “Geology of New Hampshire,” Vol. III, p. 327, referred to in
        Wright’s “Studies in Science and Religion,” p. 327.




Chapter VI
      THE NEOLITHIC AGE IN EUROPE.1


      Close of the first cycle—Neolithic culture connected with the
      present—No links between the two ages—Long lapse of time between
      the two ages—Swiss lake villages—This form of villages widely
      scattered—Irish cranogs—Fortified villages—Implements and weapons
      of Neolithic times—Possessed of pottery—Neolithic
      agriculture—Possessed of domestic animals—Danish shell-heaps—
      Importance of flint—The art of navigation—Neolithic clothing—
      Their modes of burial—The question of race—Possible remnants—
      Connection with the Turanian race—Arrival of the Celts.

      In the preceding chapters we have sought to learn what we could
      of the Paleolithic Age. We have seen what strange people and
      animals occupied the land, and have caught some glimpses of a
      past that has been recovered to us out of the very night of time.
      From under the ashes of Vesuvius archæologists have brought to
      light an ancient city. We gaze on it with great interest, for we
      there see illustrated the state of society two thousand years
      ago. But other cities of that time are still in existence, and
      not only by the aid of tradition and song, but from the pages of
      history, we can learn of the civilization of the Roman people at
      the time of the destruction of Pompei; so that, in this case, our
      knowledge of the past is not confined to one source of
      information. But no voice of history or tradition, or of existing
      institutions, speaks to us of the Paleolithic Age. Of that remote
      time, the morning time of human life, we learn only from the
      labors of geologists and archæologists. We are virtually dealing
      with a past geological age. The long term of years thus defined
      drew to its close amidst scenes of almost Arctic sterility. In
      all probability, glaciers reflected the sun’s rays from all the
      considerable hills and mountains of Central and Northern Europe,
      though forming, perhaps, but a remnant of the great glaciers of
      the Ice Age. The neighboring seas must have been whitened by the
      glistening sails of numerous icebergs. Such was the closing scene
      of Paleolithic life.

      The first great cycle of human life, as far as we know it now,
      was concluded in Europe. We do not mean to say that it terminated
      all over the world. In other regions it survived to far later
      times. But, in Europe, Paleolithic animals and men had worked out
      their mission, and we have now to record the arrival and spread
      of a new race, bringing with them domestic animals, a knowledge
      of rude husbandry, and many simple arts and industries of which
      their Paleolithic predecessors were ignorant.

      We recall, that the men of the Paleolithic Age seemed incapable
      of advancement;2 or their progress was so slow that we scarcely
      notice it. But we can trace the lines of advancement from the
      Neolithic culture to that of the present. We have, however, to
      deal with people and times far removed from the light of history.

      We have before us, then, a new culture and a new people. On the
      one hand is Paleolithic man, with his rude stone implements,
      merely chipped into shape—surrounded by many animals which have
      since vanished from the theater of life—inhabiting a country
      which, at its close at least, was more like Greenland of to-day
      than England or France. The scene completely changes, when the
      misty curtain of the past again rises and allows us to continue
      our investigations into primitive times.

      We would naturally expect to find everywhere, connecting links
      between these two ages—the culture of the one gradually changing
      into the culture of the other. This, however, is not the case.
      The line of demarkation between the ages is everywhere plainly
      drawn; and, furthermore, we are learning that a very long time
      elapsed between the departure, or disappearance, of the
      Paleolithic tribes, and the arrival of their Neolithic
      successors. This is shown in a great many ways, and we will
      notice some of them. We learn that Neolithic man occasionally
      used caves as a place of habitation. In such cases there is
      nearly always a thick layer of stalagmite between the strata
      containing the Paleolithic implements and the Neolithic strata
      —though this stalagmite is unmistakable evidence of the lapse of
      many years, we can not determine how many, as we do not know the
      rate of formation.

      This lapse of time is shown very plainly when we come to consider
      the changes wrought in the surface features of the country by the
      action of running water. We know that rain, running water, and
      frost, constituting what we call denuding forces, are constantly
      at work changing the surface of a country. We know that, in
      general, this change is slow. But great changes have been wrought
      between these two ages.

      In the British Islands, we know that the rivers had time to very
      materially change the surface features of the land. The important
      rivers of Scotland had carved out channels one hundred feet deep
      in places; and along their courses, especially near their mouths,
      had plowed out and removed great quantities of glacial
      material—forming broad flats which became densely wooded before
      Neolithic man made his appearance on the scene. In some cases the
      entire surface of the land had been removed, leaving only knolls
      and hills of the old land surface. Examples of this occur on the
      east coast of England, and in what is known as the Fen-lands. The
      final retreat of the glaciers must have left the country covered
      with _débris._ After this had been largely denuded, the country
      became densely wooded. It was not until these changes had taken
      place, that Neolithic man wandered into Europe.3

      But still another ground exists for claiming a long interval
      between these two ages, namely, the great changes that took place
      in the animal world of Europe during these two epochs. Many
      different species of animals characteristic of the Paleolithic
      Age vanished as completely from Europe as the rude tribes that
      hunted them, before the appearance of Neolithic tribes. But
      little change in the fauna of England has taken place in the last
      two thousand years. So it is obvious that the great change
      above-mentioned demands many centuries for its accomplishment.
      Huge animals of the elephant kind, such as the mammoth, no longer
      crashed through the underbrush, or wallowed in the lakes. The
      roars of lions and tigers, that haunted the caves of early
      Europe, were no longer heard.4 In short, there had disappeared
      forever from Europe the distinctly southern animals that
      diversified the fauna of Paleolithic times. Even the Arctic
      animals were banished to northern latitudes, or mountain heights.

      We have dwelt to some length on the proofs of a long-extended
      time between these two ages. The more we reflect on these
      instances the more impressed are we with a sense of duration vast
      and profound, in which the great forests and grassy plains of
      Europe supported herds of wild animals all unvexed by the
      presence of man. We will only mention one more point and then
      pass on.

      We have seen that the highest rank we can assign to Paleolithic
      man in the scale of civilization is Upper Savagism. But when
      Neolithic man appeared, he was in the middle status of Barbarism.
      The time, therefore, between the disappearance of Paleolithic man
      and the arrival of Neolithic man was long enough to enable
      primitive man to pass one entire ethnical period, that of Lower
      Barbarism. But this requires a very long period of time, probably
      several times as long as the entire series of years since
      Civilization first appeared, which is supposed to be in the
      neighborhood of five thousand years ago.5

      We must now turn our attention to Neolithic man himself and learn
      what we can of his culture, and discover, if possible, what race
      it was that spread over Europe after it had been for so long a
      time an uninhabitable country. A few remarks by way of
      introduction will not be considered amiss.

      We are learning that tribal organization, implying communism in
      living, is characteristic of prehistoric people.6 Tribal
      organization sufficed to advance man to the very confines of
      civilization. We have no doubt but that this was the state of
      society amongst the Neolithic people. But this implies living in
      communities or villages. We need not picture to ourselves a
      country dotted with houses, the abodes of single families; such
      did not exist, but here and there were fortified villages.

      Still another consequence follows from this tribal state of
      society. There was no such thing as a strong central government.
      Each tribe obeyed its own chief, and a state of war nearly always
      existed between different tribes. Such we know was the state of
      things among the Indian tribes of America. Travelers tell us that
      it is so to-day in Africa. Each tribe stood ready to defend
      itself or to make war on its neighbors. One great point,
      therefore, in constructing a village, was to secure a place that
      could be easily defended.

      Bearing these principles in mind, let us see what we can learn of
      their habitations. Owing to a protracted drouth, the water in the
      Swiss lakes was unusually low in the Winter of 1854, and the
      inhabitants of Meilen, on the Lake Zürich, took advantage of this
      state of affairs to throw up embankments some distance out from
      the old shore, and thus gain a strip of land along the coast. In
      carrying out this design, they found in the mud at the bottom of
      the lake a number of piles, some thrown down and others upright,
      fragments of rough pottery, bone and stone instruments, and
      various other relics.

      Dr. Keller, president of the Zürich Antiquarian Society, was
      apprised of this discovery, and proceeded at once to examine the
      collection made and the place of discovery. He was not long in
      determining the prehistoric nature of the relics, and the true
      intent of the pile remains. He proved them to be supports for
      platforms, on which were erected rude dwellings, the platforms
      being above the surface of the water, and at some distance from
      the shore, with which they were connected by a narrow bridge.

      Lake Village, Switzerland.

      This was the first of a series of many interesting discoveries
      from which we have learned many facts as to Neolithic, times. The
      out we have introduced is an ideal restoration of one of these
      Swiss lake villages. It needs but a glance to show how admirably
      placed it was for purposes of defense. Unless an enemy was
      provided with boats, the only way of approach was over the
      bridge. But the very fact that they resorted to lakes, where at
      the expense of great labor they erected their villages, is a
      striking illustration of the insecurity of the times.

      This discovery once made, it is surprising what numbers of these
      ancient lake villages have been discovered. Switzerland abounds
      in large and small lakes, and in former times they must have been
      still more numerous, but in the course of years they have become
      filled up, and now exist only as peat bogs. But we now know that
      during the Neolithic Age the country was quite thickly inhabited,
      and these lakes were the sites of villages. Over two hundred have
      been found in Switzerland alone. Fishermen had known of the
      existence of these piles long before their meaning was
      understood. Lake Geneva is one of the most famous of the Swiss
      lakes. Though in the main it is deep, yet around the shore there
      is a fringe of shallow water.

      It was in this shallow belt that the villages were built. The
      sites of twenty-four settlements are known. We are told that on
      “calm days, when the surface of the water is unruffled, the piles
      are plainly visible. Few of them now project more than two feet
      from the bottom, eaten away by the incessant action of the water.
      Lying among them are objects of bone, horn, pottery, and
      frequently even of bronze. So fresh are they, and so unaltered,
      they look as if they were only things of yesterday, and it seems
      hard to believe that they can have remained there for
      centuries.”7

      A lake settlement represents an immense amount of work for a
      people destitute of metallic tools. After settling on the
      locality, the first step would be to obtain the timbers. The
      piles were generally composed of the trunks of small-sized trees
      at that time flourishing in Switzerland. But to cut down a tree
      with a stone hatchet is no slight undertaking. They probably used
      fire to help them. After the tree was felled it had to be cut off
      again at the right length, the branches lopped off, and one end
      rudely sharpened. It was then taken to the place and driven into
      the mud of the lake bottom. For this purpose they used heavy
      wooden mallets. It has been estimated that one of the settlements
      on Lake Constance required forty thousand piles in its
      construction.8

      The platform which rested on these piles was elevated several
      feet above the surface of the water, so as to allow for the swash
      of the waves. It was composed of branches and trunks of trees
      banded together, the whole covered with clay. Sometimes they
      split the trees with wedges so as to make thick slabs. In some
      instances wooden pegs were used to fasten portions of the
      platform to the pilework.

      As to the houses which were erected on these platforms, though
      they have utterly vanished, yet from a few remains we can judge
      something as to the mode of construction. They seem to have been
      formed of trunks of trees placed upright, one by the side of the
      other, and bound together by interwoven branches. This was then
      covered on both sides with two or three inches of clay. A plaster
      of clay and gravel formed the floor, and a few slabs of sandstone
      did duty for a fire-place. The roof was of bark, straw, or
      rushes. There does not seem to have been much of a plan used in
      laying out a settlement. As population increased other piles were
      added, and thus the village gradually extended. No one village
      would be likely to contain a great number of inhabitants.
      Calculations based on the area of one of the largest settlements
      in Lake Geneva, gives as a result a population of thirteen
      hundred, but manifestly nothing definite is known.

      This brief description gives us an idea of a method of
      constructing villages which, as we shall soon see, extended all
      over Europe, though varied somewhat in detail. The condition of
      the remains indicate that these settlements were often destroyed
      by fire. At such times quantities of arms, implements, and
      household industries would have been lost in the water, and so
      preserved for our inspection.

      This mode of building found such favor among the early
      inhabitants of Europe that it continued in use through the
      Neolithic Age, that of Bronze, and even into the age of Iron.
      Passages here and there in ancient histories evidently refer to
      them. Though they have long since passed away in Switzerland, the
      Spaniards found them in Mexico, and they are still to be seen in
      some of the isles of the Pacific. Remembering this, we need not
      be surprised if we find in one small lake settlements belonging
      to widely different ages. Here one of the Stone Age, there one of
      the Bronze, or even a confused mingling of what seems to be
      several ages in one settlement.9

      There is scarcely a country in Europe that does not contain
      examples of lake villages. From their wide distribution we infer
      that a common race spread over the land. We will now mention some
      differences in construction discovered at some places, where,
      from the rocky nature of the bed of the lake, it was impossible
      to drive piles so as to form a firm foundation. They sometimes
      packed quantities of stone around the piles to serve as supports
      in a manner as here indicated. “In all probability the stones
      used were conveyed to the required spot by means of canoes, made
      of hollowed out trunks of trees. Several of these canoes may
      still be seen at the bottom of Lake Bienne, and one, indeed,
      laden with pebbles, which leads us to think it must have
      foundered with its cargo.”10

      Foundation, Lake Village.

      In some cases these heaps of stone and sticks rise to the surface
      of the water or even above it, the piles in such cases serving
      more to hold the mass together than as a support to the platform
      on which the huts were erected. This mode of construction could
      only be employed in small lakes. This makes in reality an
      artificial island, and seems to have been the favorite method of
      procedure in the British Islands. In Ireland and Scotland immense
      numbers of these structures are known. They are called crannogs.
      This cut represents a section of one in Ireland. Though they date
      back to the Neolithic Age, yet they so exactly meet the wants of
      a rude people that they were occupied down to historic times.

      Irish Crannog.

      The advantage of forming settlements where they could only be
      approached on one side were so great that other places than lakes
      were resorted to. Peat-bogs furnished nearly as secure a place of
      retreat as do lakes. These have been well studied in Northern
      Italy. They do not present many new features. They were
      constructed like the lake villages, only they were surrounded by
      a marsh, and not by a lake. In some of the Irish bogs they first
      covered the surface of the bog with a layer of hazel bushes, and
      that by a layer of sand, and thus secured a firm surface.11 In
      this case the villages were still further defended by a
      breastwork of rough spars, about five feet high. One of the
      houses of this group was found still in position, though it had
      been completely buried in peat. No metal had been used in its
      construction. The timbers had been cut with a stone ax, and the
      explorer was even so fortunate as to find an ax, which exactly
      fitted many of the cuts observed on the timbers.

      But we are not to suppose that lakes and bogs afforded the only
      sites of villages. They are found scattered all over the surface
      of the country, and, as we shall soon see, they show the same
      painstaking care to secure strong, easily defended positions.
      They have been generally spoken of as forts, to which the
      inhabitants resorted only in times of danger. We think, however,
      they were locations of villages, the customary places of abode.
      For this is in strict accordance with what we find to be the
      early condition of savage life in every part of the world.

      Traces of these settlements on the main-land have been mostly
      obliterated by the cultivation of the soil during the many years
      that have elapsed since their Neolithic founders occupied them.
      In Switzerland the location of five of these villages are known.
      In all instances they occupied places very difficult of
      approach—generally precipitous sides on all but one or two. On
      the accessible sides ramparts defended them. The relics obtained
      are in all respects similar to those from the lake villages.12

      Fortified Camp, Cissbury.

      Fortified inclosures have been described in Belgium. We are told,
      “They are generally established on points overhanging valleys, on
      a mass of rocks forming a kind of headland, which is united to
      the rest of the country by a narrow neck of land. A wide ditch
      was dug across this narrow tongue of land, and the whole camp was
      surrounded by a thick wall of stone, simply piled one upon
      another, without either mortar or cement.” “One of these walls,
      when described, was ten feet thick, and the same in height.”
      These intrenched positions were so well chosen that most of them
      continued to be occupied during the ages which followed. The
      Romans occasionally utilized them for their camps. Over the whole
      inclosure of these ancient camps worked flints and remains of
      pottery have been found.13 These fortified places have been well
      studied in the south of England.

      What is known as the South-Downs in Sussex is a range of hills of
      a general height of seven hundred feet. This section is about
      five miles wide and fifty miles long. Four rivers flow through
      these downs to the sea. In olden times their lower courses must
      have been deep inlets of the sea, thus dividing those hills into
      five groups, each separated from the other by a wide extent of
      water and marsh land. To the north of these hills was a vast
      expanse of densely wooded country. It is not strange, then, to
      find traces of numerous settlements among these hills. As the
      surface soil is very thin, old embankments can still be traced.
      The cut given is a representation of Cissbury, one of the largest
      of these camps. It incloses nearly sixty acres. The rampart
      varies according to the slope of the hill. Where the ascent was
      at all easy it was made double. Fortified camps are very numerous
      throughout the hill country. They vary, of course, in size, but
      the situation was always well chosen.14

      As for the buildings themselves, or huts of the Neolithic people,
      we know but little. They were probably built much the same as the
      houses in the lake settlements. We meet with some strange
      modifications in England. Frequently within these ramparts we
      find circular pits or depressions in the ground. They are
      regarded as vestiges of habitations, and they must have been
      mainly under ground. “They occur singly and in groups, and are
      carried down to a depth of from seven to ten feet through the
      superficial gravel into the chalk, each pit, or cluster of pits,
      having a circular shaft for an entrance. At the bottom they vary
      from five to seven feet in diameter, and gradually narrow to two
      and a half or three feet in diameter in the upper part. The
      floors were of chalk, sometimes raised in the center, and the
      roof had been formed of interlaced sticks, coated with clay
      imperfectly burned.”15

      In the north of Scotland, instead of putting them under ground,
      they built them on the natural surface, and then built a mound
      over them all. In appearance this was scarcely distinguishable
      from a mound, but on digging in we discover a series of large
      chambers, built generally with stones of considerable size, and
      converging toward the center, where an opening appears to have
      been left for light and ventilation. In some instances the mound
      was omitted, and we have simply a cluster of joining huts, with
      dry, thick walls. These have been appropriately named “Bee-hive
      Houses.”16

      We can form a very good idea of Neolithic Europe from what we
      have learned as to their habitations. A well-wooded country,
      abounding in lakes and marshes, quite thickly settled, but by a
      savage people, divided into many tribes, independent of and
      hostile to each other. The lakes were fringed with their peculiar
      settlements; they are to be noticed in the marshes, and on
      commanding heights are still others. The people were largely
      hunters and fishers, but, as we shall soon see, they practised a
      rude husbandry and had a few domestic animals. Such was the
      condition of Europe long before the Greek and Latin tribes lit
      the beacon fires of civilization in the south.

      It is evident that the builders of the lake settlements and the
      fortified villages were an intelligent and industrious people,
      though their scale in civilization was yet low. Their various
      implements of bone, horn, and stone display considerable advance
      over the rude articles of the Drift.

      Neolithic Axes.

      One of the most important implements was the ax. The Paleolithic
      hatchet, we remember, was rude, massive, and only roughly chipped
      into shape, and was intended to be held in the hand. The
      Neolithic ax was a much better made one, and was furnished with a
      handle. They were enabled to accomplish a great deal with such
      axes. “Before it, aided by fire, the trees of the forest fell to
      make room for the tiller of the ground, and by its sharp edge
      wood became useful for the manufacture of various articles and
      implements indispensable for the advancement of mankind in
      culture.”17 These axes vary in size and finish. As a general
      thing they are ground to a sharp, smooth edge, but not always,
      nor were they always furnished with a handle.

      Some axes are found with a hole bored in them, through which to
      pass a handle. These perforated axes are found in considerable
      numbers, and some have denied that they could be produced without
      the aid of metal. It is almost self-evident that the perforated
      axes are later in date than the solid ones, and probably many of
      them are no earlier in time than the Age of Metals. There is,
      however, nothing to show that all belong to so late a time.
      Besides, experiments have amply shown that even the hardest kind
      of flint can be drilled without the aid of metals.18

      Warlike implements are, of course, quite common. Many of the axes
      found are probably war axes. Then besides we have arrowheads,
      spears, and daggers. These are considered to be “marvels of skill
      in flint chipping.”19 Stone was used for a great many other
      purposes, such as scrapers, sling-stones, hammers, saws, and so
      on. Flint was generally the kind of stone used. Our civilization
      owes a great deal to this variety of stone. It is not only hard,
      but its cleavage is such that it was of the greatest use to
      primitive man. In a general way the Neolithic stone implements
      are seen to be better adapted to the object in view than the
      Paleolithic specimens. They are also generally polished.

      Wood was largely used in their common household implements. But
      it is only in exceptional cases that it has been preserved to us.
      They have been recovered, however, in peat-bogs and in the
      remains of lake settlements. These wooden utensils consist of
      bowls, ladles, knives, tubs, etc. They used fire to hollow them
      out, and the blows of the flint hatchet used to remove the
      charred portions, are still to be observed in some specimens.

      Neolithic Weapons.

      The Neolithic people had learned how to manufacture pottery,
      though not of a very superior quality. It is all hand-made: so
      the potter’s wheel had not yet been introduced. The material is
      clay mixed with gravel or pounded shells. Very often they
      ornamented their clay vessels with lines and dots. The bowls or
      jars were evidently suspended by cords, for the bottom was made
      too rounding for them to stand erect. Besides, we find the holes
      for the cords, and in some places handles.

      Hafted Hatchet in Sheath, and Axe in Sheath.

      No notice of Neolithic tools would be complete without mentioning
      the use made of horn and bone. One peculiar use for which they
      employed horn was as a socket for holding other implements. Thus
      this figure shows us an ax in a socket of horn. The middle of the
      socket is generally perforated with a round or oval hole,
      intended to receive a handle of oak, birch, or some other kind of
      wood adapted for such a use. The cut below represents a hatchet
      of this kind. A number of these sockets have been found, which
      were provided at the end opposite to the stone hatchet with a
      strong and pointed tooth. These are boars’ tusks, firmly buried
      in the stag’s horn. These instruments, therefore, fulfilled
      double purposes: they cut or crushed with one end and pierced
      with the other. Sockets are also found which are not only
      provided with the boars’ tusks, but are hollowed out at each end,
      so as to hold two flint hatchets at once, as is seen in our next
      figure. Chisels and gouges were also sometimes placed in bone
      handles. Portions of horn probably at times did duty as hoes. We
      give a representation of such an implement.20 We must now seek
      some information as to how the men of the Neolithic Age supported
      life.

      Sheath, with two Hatchets, Chisel in Sheath, and Horn Hoe.

      From the remains of fish at all the lake settlements it is
      evident they formed no inconsiderable portion of their food.
      Fishing nets and hooks have been discovered. They were successful
      hunters as well. But the men of this age were no longer dependent
      on the chase for a livelihood. We have mentioned several times
      that they were acquainted with agriculture. This implies a great
      advance over the primitive hunters of the early Stone Age.

      On the shores of the lakes which furnished them with a place of
      habitation they raised many of our present species of grain.
      Owing to a cause of which we have already spoken—that is,
      destruction of the lake settlements by fire—the carbonized
      remains of these cereals have been preserved to us. There were
      four varieties of wheat raised, none exactly like our common
      wheat. In addition to this they raised barley and millet, several
      varieties of each. Nor were the fruits neglected. Apples and
      pears were dried and laid away for use in the Winter. Seeds of
      the common berries were found in abundance, showing that these
      primitive people were fully alive to their value.

      From this it follows that the Neolithic people were not only
      tillers of the soil, but horticulturists as well. According to
      Dr. Keller, the vegetable kingdom furnished their principal
      supply of food. Hazelnuts, beechnuts, and chestnuts were found in
      such quantities as to show they had been gathered for use.
      Neither hemp, oats, nor rye were known. Not only do we find the
      remains of the grains, fruits, seeds, etc., from which the above
      conclusions are drawn, but, farther than this, pieces of bread
      have been found in a carbonized state, and thus as effectually
      preserved as the bread of a far later date found in the ovens of
      Pompeii. According to Figuier, the peasant classes of Tuscany now
      bake bread, after merely bruising the grain, by pouring the
      batter on glowing stones and then covering it with ashes. As this
      ancient prehistoric bread is of similar shape, it was probably
      baked in an equally primitive fashion.21

      Aside from the natural interest we feel in these evidences as to
      ancient industry, a study of the remains of plants cultivated by
      the Neolithic people reveals to us two curious and suggestive
      facts. It has been found that the wild plants then growing in
      Switzerland are in all respects like the wild plants now growing
      there. But the cultivated plants—wheat, millet, etc.—differ from
      all existing varieties, and invariably have smaller seeds or
      fruits.22 This shows us that man has evidently been able to
      effect considerable change by cultivation, in the common grains,
      during the course of the many centuries which separate the
      Neolithic times from our own age. But if this rate of change be
      adopted as a measure of time, what shall we say is to the
      antiquity demanded to explain the origin of cultivated grain from
      the wild grasses of their first form?

      We learn, in the second place, that the cultivated plants are all
      immigrants from the south-east—their native home being in
      South-eastern Europe and Asia Minor. We shall afterward see that
      this is true of the domestic animals also. There can be but one
      explanation for this. The ancient inhabitants of Europe must have
      come from that direction, and brought with them the plants they
      had cultivated in their eastern homes, and the animals they had
      reduced to their service. The traces of agriculture thus found in
      Switzerland are by no means confined to that country. In other
      countries of Europe, such as England and France, we also find
      proofs that men cultivated the earth. In localities where we do
      not find the grain itself, we find their rude mills, or mealing
      stones, which as plainly indicate a knowledge of the agricultural
      art as the presence of the cereals themselves.23

      As we have stated, Neolithic man in Europe possessed domestic
      animals. He was not only a cultivator of the soil, but he was a
      herdsman as well; and he kept herds of oxen, sheep, and goats.
      Droves of hogs fattened on the nuts of the forest, and the dog
      associated with man in keeping and protecting these domestic
      animals. We know that the Swiss Lake inhabitants built little
      stalls by the sides of their houses, in which they kept their
      cattle at night. But these domestic animals were not descendants
      of the wild animals that roamed the forests of Europe. Like the
      plants, they are immigrants from the south-east. Our best
      authorities consider they were brought into Europe by the
      invading Neolithic tribes.

      The knowledge of husbandry, though rude, and the possession of
      domestic animals, though of a few species only, strikingly
      indicate the advance over the Paleolithic tribes. They also had
      fixed places of living. This culture spread all over Europe. That
      it was substantially the same everywhere there is no doubt.
      Certain refuse heaps in Denmark, Scotland, and indeed in all the
      sea-coast countries, have been thought to support a different
      conclusion. Those of Denmark have been very carefully studied,
      and so we will refer to them. All along the Baltic coast, but
      especially in Denmark, have been discovered great numbers of
      mounds, which were found to consist “almost entirely of shells,
      especially of the oyster, broken bones of animals, remains of
      birds and fishes, and, lastly, some wrought flints.” The first
      supposition in regard to those shell-heaps was that they were of
      marine formation, accumulated beneath the sea, and elevated to
      the surface along with the gradual rise of the land. But they are
      now known to be nothing more or less than the sites of ancient
      settlements. The location of the rude cabins can still be traced.
      The ancient hearths are still in place. “Tribes once existed here
      who subsisted on the products of hunting and fishing, and threw
      out around their cabins the remains of their meals, consisting
      especially of the _débris_ of shell-fish.” These heaps gradually
      accumulated around their rude dwellings, and now constitute the
      refuse heaps in question.24

      The careful investigation of their contents has failed to
      disclose any evidence of a knowledge of agriculture, and the only
      domestic animal found is the dog. The implements are altogether
      of stone and horn. No trace of metal has yet been obtained. As a
      rule, they are rudely made and finished. Though of the Neolithic
      type, they are not polished except in a few instances. The
      principal interest turns on the question of age of these refuse
      heaps. Some think they were accumulated at the very beginning of
      the Neolithic Age—that these tribes preceded by many years the
      men of the Swiss Lakes. Others think they were tribes of the same
      great people, living at the same time. On such a point as this,
      only those who have carefully studied the deposits are entitled
      to speak.

      Some few facts stand out quite prominently. The size of the
      mounds25 indicate long-continued residence—showing that these
      people had permanent places of abode. As they are not confined to
      Denmark, but are found generally throughout Europe, it would seem
      to imply that the Neolithic people preferred to live as fishers
      and hunters wherever the surroundings were such that they could
      by these means obtain an abundant supply of food. Some
      shell-heaps in Scotland were still forming at the commencement of
      the Bronze Age; and Mr. Geikie, on geological grounds, assigns
      the shell-heaps of Denmark to a late epoch of the Stone Age.

      It seems to us quite natural that isolated tribes, living where
      game was abundant, and where fishing met with a rich reward,
      should turn in disgust from the agricultural life of their
      brother tribes, and, resuming the life of mere hunters and
      fishers, speedily lose somewhat of their hardly won culture—for
      civilization is the product of labor. Whenever a people from
      necessity or choice abandon one form of labor for another
      demanding less skill to triumph over nature, a retrogression in
      culture is inevitable.26

      Miner’s Pick.

      From what we have stated as to the use of flint we can readily
      see that it was a valuable material. Sections where it was found
      in abundance would as certainly become thickly populated as the
      iron and gold regions of our own day. In Paleolithic times the
      supply of flint was mostly obtained from the surface and in the
      gravel of rivers. In Neolithic times men had learned to mine for
      flint. Flint occurs in nodules in the chalk. Near Brandon,
      England, was discovered a series of these workings. They consist
      of shafts connected together by galleries. These pits vary in
      size from twenty to sixty feet in diameter, and in some cases
      were as much as thirty feet deep. From the bottom of these shafts
      they would excavate as far as they dared to the sides. They made
      no use of timbers to support the roof, and so these side
      excavations were not of great extent. In these old workings the
      miners sometimes left behind them their tools. The principal one
      was a pick made of deer’s horn, as is here represented. Besides
      these, they had chisels of bone and antler. The marks of stone
      hatchets on the sides of the gallery are visible.

      In one instance the roof had caved in, evidently during the
      night, and on clearing out the gallery near the end where the
      roof stood firm, there were found the implements of the workmen,
      just as they were left at the close of the day’s work; and in one
      place on the pick, covered with chalk dust, was still to be seen
      the marks of the workman’s hand. How many years, crowded with
      strange scenes, have swept over England since that chalky
      impression was made! The surface of the earth is a palimpsest, on
      which each stage of culture has been written over the faint,
      almost obliterated, records of the past. Not only the living man,
      who has left there the impression of his hand has passed away,
      but also his people and his culture. And now it is only here and
      there that we catch a faint tracing underlying our later
      civilization, by which we reconstruct the history of these
      far-away times.

      Nothing would be more natural than that where flint was found in
      abundance a regular manufactory of implements would be
      established. Such was the case at Cissbury, which we have already
      mentioned as one of the early British towns. Mines had been dug
      within the walls inclosing the town. The surface of the ground
      near the old mines at this place is literally covered by
      splinters of flint in every stage of manufacture, “from the
      nodule of flint fresh out of the chalk, spoilt by an unlucky
      blow, to the article nearly finished and accidentally broken.”27
      Here the flint was mined and chipped into rudimentary shape, but
      carried away to be perfected and polished.

      A very important place in Neolithic manufactures was noticed near
      Tours, France. Here was an abundant supply of flint, and very
      easily obtained, and the evidence is conclusive that here existed
      real manufactories. Of one stretch of ground, having an area of
      twelve or fourteen acres, we are told: “It is impossible to walk
      a single step without treading on some of these objects.” Here we
      find “hatchets in all stages of manufacture, from the roughest
      attempt up to a perfectly polished weapon. We find, also, long
      flakes or flint-knives cleft off with a single blow with
      astonishing skill.”

      But in all these objects there is a defect; so it is concluded
      that these specimens were refuse thrown aside in the process of
      manufacture. As at Cissbury, very few polished flints are found,
      so we may conclude the majority of weapons were carried elsewhere
      for completion. But some weapons were completed here. In the
      neighborhood have been found the stones used as polishers. This
      cut shows us one used in polishing the axes. The workmen would
      take one of the rough-hewn instruments, and, rubbing it back and
      forth on such a stone as this, gradually produced a smooth
      surface and a sharpened edge.28

      Polishing Stone.

      We have suggested that our civilization owes a great deal to
      flint. If we will consider the surroundings of their
      manufacturing sites, we will see the force of this remark. It
      must have taxed to the utmost the powers of these primitive men
      to sink the shafts and run the galleries to secure a supply of
      this valuable stone. In short, they had to invent the art of
      quarrying and working mines. This would lead to the division of
      labor, for while one body of men would become experts as miners,
      others would become skillful in chipping out the implements, and
      still others would do the finishing and polishing. A system of
      barter or trade would also arise, for the workmen at the mines
      and factories would have to depend on others for food and
      clothing, and in payment for the same would furnish them
      implements. As localities where flint could be obtained in
      suitable quantities are but few, we can see how trade between
      widely scattered tribes would arise. This kind of traffic is
      shown to have extended over wide distances in Neolithic times.
      For instance, there was been found scattered over Europe axes
      made of varieties of stone known as nephrite and jade. They were
      highly valued by primitive tribes, being very hard and of a
      beautiful green color. They are thought to have been employed in
      the observance of superstitious rites. But quarries of these
      varieties of stone do not occur in Europe. An immense amount of
      labor has been expended in finding their native home. This is now
      known to be in Asia.29 Manufactured in Asia, axes of these
      materials may have drifted into Europe and finally arrived in
      England.

      Neolithic Boat-making.

      Trade between different tribes must have been greatly facilitated
      by means of canoes, which Neolithic man knew well how to make.
      The art of navigation was probably well advanced. The canoes were
      formed of the trunks of large trees. In most cases they were
      hollowed out by means of the ax and fire combined. Sometimes the
      ends were partially rounded or pointed, but often cut nearly
      square across—rather a difficult shape to propel fast or to guide
      properly. These ancient boats have been found in nearly all the
      principal rivers of Europe, and in many cases, no doubt, come
      down to much later date than the Neolithic Age. From the remains
      of fish found in their refuse heaps we are confident that in some
      such a shaped boat as this they trusted themselves far out at
      sea. They served to transport them from the shores of Europe to
      England, and at a later date to Ireland.

      Neolithic Cloth.

      The clothing of the men of the Neolithic Age doubtless consisted
      largely of the prepared skins of the animals, and some fragments
      of leather have been found in the lake settlements. But a very
      important step in advance was the invention of spinning and
      weaving, both of which processes were known at this time. The
      cloth which is here represented is formed of twists of interwoven
      flax, of rough workmanship, it is true, but none the less
      remarkable, considering the epoch in which it was manufactured.
      Balls of thread and twine have also been found.30 This cut is a
      spindle-whorl. These have been discovered very often. They were
      made sometimes of stone and at other times of pottery and bone.
      The threads were made of flax, and the combs which were used for
      pushing the threads of the warp into the weft show that it was
      woven into linen on some kind of a loom. Several figures of the
      loom have been given, but we have no certainty of their
      correctness.31

      Spindle-whorl, and Weaver’s Comb.

      Let us now see if we can gather anything as to the religious
      belief of Neolithic man. On this point we can at best only
      indulge in vague conjectures. Yet some light seems thrown on this
      difficult subject by examination of the burial mounds. This
      introduces us to a subject of much interest which, in our hurried
      review, we can but glance at.

      Scattered over Europe are found numbers of mysterious monuments
      of the past. Some of them we have mentioned already as the
      embankments surrounding ancient villages. But aside from these
      are other monuments, such as burial mounds, rude dolmens, and
      great standing stones, sometimes arranged in circles, sometimes
      in rows, and sometimes standing singly. Many of these remains may
      be of a far later date than the Neolithic Age, still it is
      extremely difficult to draw a dividing line between the monuments
      of different ages.

      Chambered Burial Ground, Denmark.

      Dolmen, England.

      Burial mounds are found everywhere, many in Europe going back to
      the Neolithic Age, though some are of a very recent construction.
      The Egyptian Pyramids are burial mounds on the grandest scale.
      The first cut represents a Danish Tumulus, or burial mound, of
      this Age. The openings lead to the center of the mound, where
      they connect with chambers in which the bodies were formerly
      placed. There are, of course, various modifications of this
      tumulus. Often the gallery was omitted, a rude chamber was
      erected, and a mound reared over it. Sometimes, indeed, no
      chamber was made, but simply a mound placed over the body.

      Dolmen, France.

      Dolmen, once covered with Earth.

      There have been found in England a great many stones arranged as
      in the preceding cut, though generally not built with such
      regularity as is there represented. They are named Dolmens, a
      word meaning stone tables. They were more generally made of rough
      stones, rudely arranged. This cut represents one found in France.
      In early times these were supposed to have been rude altars used
      by the mysterious Druids in celebrating their rites. They are now
      known to be the tombs of the Neolithic Age. They are, in fact,
      the chambers above mentioned. The mound of earth has since
      disappeared and left its chamber standing exposed to the air.
      Traces of the old passage way are still met. Whether all Dolmens
      were once covered with earth or not, is not yet known. In the
      majority of cases they probably were. In the last cut portions of
      stone are still buried in the earth. We are told that in India
      the people in some places still erect Dolmens similar to those of
      Neolithic times.32

      Menhir.

      Stone Circle, England.

      Aside from the tombs themselves, there are other arrangements of
      great stones which must have once possessed great significance to
      their builders, but their meaning is now lost. Of this nature are
      the blocks of rough stone set up in the ground generally in the
      vicinity of tombs. These are the standing stones, or menhirs,
      which, as we have stated, are arranged in various forms. When
      arranged in circles, they are generally regarded as tombs. When
      placed in long parallel rows, as at Carnac, in France, we are not
      sure of their meaning. We are told that the Hill tribes of India
      to this day erect combinations of gigantic stones into all the
      shapes we have here described.33

      The peculiar shape of the burial mounds, with a passage way
      conducting us to an interior chamber, or series of chambers,
      probably arose from the belief entertained by many savage people,
      that the dead continue to live an existence much like that when
      alive, and consequently the same surroundings were deemed
      necessary for their comfort. So the tomb was made similar to the
      house of the living. The ordinary Winter huts of the Laplander
      are very similar in shape and size to the burial tumuli, and
      amongst some people, as the inhabitants of New Zealand, the house
      itself is made the grave. It was closed up and painted red, and
      afterward considered sacred.

      Chambered Tomb, France.

      So it may quite well be that the Neolithic inhabitants of
      Denmark, “unable to imagine a future altogether different from
      the present, or a world quite unlike our own, showed their
      respect and affection for the dead by burying with them those
      things which in life they had valued most; with women, their
      ornaments, with warriors, their weapons. They buried the house
      with its owner, and the grave was literally the dwelling of the
      dead. When a great man died he was placed on his favorite seat,
      food and drink was arranged before him, his weapons were placed
      by his side, his house was closed, and the door covered up,
      sometimes, however, to be opened again when his wife or children
      joined him in the land of spirits.”

      That they believed in a life beyond the grave is shown by the
      objects they buried with the individuals. These are implements of
      various kinds, flakes, arrow-heads, scrapers, celts, and pottery,
      doubtless intended to be of service to the deceased. We know this
      to be a very common proceeding amongst all barbarous people. In
      some cases it would appear as if they realized that the material
      things themselves could be of no service to the departed, but
      imagined that in some vague way the spirits of things might be of
      service to the spirits of men, and so they would purposely break
      the flints and throw the fragments into the grave. Sometimes they
      may have buried only models of the objects they wished to give to
      the dead, imagining that in this way the spirits of the objects
      represented would accompany and be of service to the spirits of
      the departed. To this day the Eskimos bury small models of boats,
      spears, etc., rather than the objects themselves. The ancient
      Etruscans buried jewelry, but made it so thin and fragile that it
      could not have been of service to the living. In China this is
      carried still further, and paper cuttings or drawings of horses,
      money, etc., are burned at the grave.

      These remarks may explain the absence of remains so often noticed
      in Neolithic burials in England. But other evidence can be given
      to show this belief in future life. The mounds were of course
      often erected over noted chiefs, and we are not without evidence
      that he was not allowed to go unattended into the other world. It
      has been noted that often skeletons have been met with having the
      skull, cleft, and in one case, at least, all but one presented
      that appearance. It is but reasonable to suppose that these
      skeletons were those of captives or slaves sacrificed to be the
      attendants of the chief in the spirit world. Funeral feasts were
      also held in honor of the dead. Thus we may gather from burial
      mounds something of the religious belief of their occupants.

      It is not improbable that ancestor worship, or the worship of the
      dead, was part of their faith, so that the mounds became temples.
      On this point we are told “it is impossible not to believe then
      that the people who made these great, and in some cases
      elaborately constructed, tombs would continue ever after to
      regard them as in some sort consecrated to the great chiefs who
      were buried under them. Each tribe would have its own specially
      sacred tombs, and perhaps we may here see a germ of that
      ancestor-worship which may be traced in every variety of
      religions belief.”34

      We now approach a difficult part of our inquiry, but, at the same
      time, one that possesses for us a great interest. Who were these
      people into whose culture we have been inquiring? While laying
      the foundation of our present civilization, though being the
      fountain head from whence many of the arts and industries, which
      now make our existence comfortable and happy, take their feeble
      origin, gradually developing and expanding as the time rolls on,
      have they themselves, as a race, vanished in the mighty past, or
      are their descendants still to be found in Europe? Who were they?
      Whence and when? Difficult problems, but we have read to but
      little purpose if we have not already learned that earnest
      observers need but the slightest clue to enable them to trace out
      brilliant results.

      In the first place, are there any grounds for supposing the
      Neolithic people to be the descendants of those who hunted the
      reindeer along the Vézère? This view has its supporters. M.
      Quatrefages, a very able scholar indeed, maintains that the
      Neolithic people were the same race as those who inhabited the
      caves and found shelter in the rock grottoes of France.35 This,
      to others, does not seem credible. We must recall the long lapse
      of time that it is apparent has elapsed between the two ages. We
      have seen how different were the two cultures; as Mr. Geikie
      remarks, “So great, indeed, is the difference between the
      conditions of life that obtained in the two ages of Stone, that
      we can hardly doubt that the two people came of different
      stocks.”36 The Neolithic people brought with them domestic
      animals and plants whose native home is in Western Asia. We can
      hardly account for this fact, if we suppose them to be the
      descendants of Paleolithic tribes in France.

      Abandoning, therefore, any attempt to trace lines of connection
      between the people of the two ages, let us carefully study all
      the facts connected with the Neolithic people and their culture,
      to see if we can solve the problem by so doing. We have noticed
      that substantially the same stage of culture existed throughout
      Europe from Switzerland to the British Islands. This points to
      the presence of a common race during at least a portion of the
      time. But if there was a common race living in Europe they would
      certainly possess common physical features. As a race they may
      have been tall in stature, or medium, or short, and portions of
      the human skeleton would show a uniformity in this regard.

      Now one of the means that scientists use to determine the races
      of men is a comparison of skulls, measured in a systematic
      manner. The objection has been made that no reliance can be
      placed on these results, because at the present day skulls of all
      sorts of shapes and sizes can be obtained among people of the
      same nationality. But these objections would not apply to people
      of prehistoric times. Their surroundings would be simple and
      natural—not artificial and complex, as in modern times. In our
      times people of different nationality are constantly coming in
      contact, and intermarriage results; but in prehistoric times this
      was not liable to occur, and so the comparative purity of blood
      would certainly produce a much greater uniformity of physical
      features.37

      From a very careful examination of a great number of burial
      mounds in Great Britain, it has been ascertained that in all of
      those that date back to Neolithic times, and contain portions of
      human skeletons, the bones are always those of individuals small
      in stature, the average height being about five and a half feet.
      The skulls are of that variety known as long skulls. From this we
      can at once form a mental picture of the Neolithic inhabitants of
      Britain. No less important conclusions have been deduced from the
      study of burial mounds on the continent. We meet with remains of
      these same small-sized people. “They have left traces of their
      presence in numerous interments in chambered tombs and caves in
      Belgium and France, as well as in Spain and Gibraltar. We may
      therefore conclude that at one period in the Neolithic Age the
      population of Europe, west of the Rhine and north of the Alps,
      was uniform in physique and consisted of the same small people as
      the Neolithic inhabitants of Britain and Ireland.”38

      We must now inquire whether there are any people living in Europe
      which might have descended from the original stock. We are in the
      position of those who, from a few broken down arches, a ruined
      tower and dismantled wall, would seek to form a mental picture of
      the stately building that once stood there. If we can here and
      there discover, by the light of history or exploration, some
      races or tribes that, owing to their geographical position, have
      escaped the fate that befell the great body of their countrymen,
      we may perhaps replace our mental picture by one founded on
      reality. Nor need we be in doubt where to seek for such scattered
      remnants of people. Successful invaders always appropriate to
      their own use the fertile lowlands and the fruitful portions of
      the country of their helpless foes. But a weak people have often,
      in the rocky fastnesses of their land, made a successful stand.
      So, to determine the race, we will examine the people living in
      such regions, and see if there are any that physically conform to
      what is already known of the Neolithic people, and so entitled to
      claim a relationship by descent.

      Both slopes of Pyrenees Mountains, between France and Spain, have
      been occupied from time immemorial by a peculiar race of people
      known as the Basque. Secure in their mountain homes, they have
      resisted foreign civilization, and retained their national
      characteristics as well as their liberties, though they have been
      nominally vassals to many powers, from the early Carthaginians to
      the later French and Spanish. From the many invasions they have
      undergone the Basque language and people are by no meals uniform.
      But Dr. Broca, one of the most learned anthropologists in Europe,
      has shown that the original Basques were dark in complexion, with
      black hair and eyes. In addition to this, the efforts of some of
      the most eminent scholars in Europe,39 who have made numerous
      examinations of skulls and skeletons obtained from ancient Basque
      cemeteries, have conclusively shown that in all physical features
      the Basques agree with men of Neolithic times.40

      The Basques do not belong to the great division of the human
      family known as Aryans, to which the English-speaking races, as
      well as the nations of Europe generally, belong. They belong to a
      far older division of the human family—the Turanian41—and were
      doubtless in possession of Europe long before the Indo-European
      nations commenced their westward migrations from Central Asia.
      They are described as being brave, industrious, and frugal, with
      patriarchal manners and habits. They scorn authority, except what
      emanates from themselves, and have but few nobility. They are
      impetuous, merry, and hospitable, fond of music and dancing.42 Of
      their warfare we are told they are “not distinguished in open
      warfare, but unconquerable in guerrilla warfare, and famed for
      defense of walled cities.”43 Such are the Basques of to-day, and
      many of these traits of character, we doubt not, were the same
      amongst the Neolithic people.

      Mr. Dawkins also thinks that two tribes, living in Northern
      Italy, in the very earliest historical times, are other remnants
      of the same people. One of these were the Ligurians.
      Investigations and traditions show that some time before the dawn
      of history they had been driven out of the pleasant parts of
      Southern France, but had made a successful stand in the mountain
      regions of Northern Italy. They, like the Basques, were strong,
      active, and warlike. They were small in stature, swarthy in
      features, and long-headed. To the south of these were the
      Etruscans. But little is known of them, though the evidence is
      that long before the Christian Era they were a powerful people.
      In physical features they resembled those already described.
      Their sculpture exhibits only short, sturdy figures, with large
      heads and thick arms. Another possible remnant of these people
      existed at the very dawn of history in the mountainous regions of
      Wales. They were known as Silures. but have since become absorbed
      in the surrounding population. In civilization and physical
      features they agree with the remnants already described.

      In the north of Russia are found the Finns. Their origin and
      migrations are alike unknown. One thing is certain, they belong
      to the Turanian family, and so are probably allied to the Basques
      and Etruscans. It is possible that they also are but a sorry
      remnant of the once wide-spread Neolithic people. Driven out of
      the fairer portions of Europe, they hive found an asylum in their
      present bleak surroundings. Like the people already described,
      they are short in stature, and dark visaged.44

      The tribes we have thus briefly mentioned are regarded by some as
      representatives of the Neolithic people. Prof. Winchell, speaking
      of the wide-spread extension of the Turanian race, assures us,
      that “history, tradition, linguistics, and ethnology conspire to
      fortify the conclusions that, in prehistoric times, all Europe
      was overspread by the Mongoloid (Turanian) race, of which
      remnants have survived to our own times in the persons of the
      Basques, Finns, Esths, Lapps, and some smaller tribes.”45
      Researches into the surroundings of these people, combined with
      what we have already learned as to the culture, customs, and
      manners of the Neolithic people in the preceding pages, throw no
      little light on this age. The darkness of oblivion seems
      dispelled by the light of science, and we behold before us the
      Europe of Neolithic times, thickly inhabited by a race of people,
      small in stature, dark visaged, and oval-faced—fond of war and
      the chase, yet having a rude system of agriculture. The picture
      seems complete; and we have now only to raise some inquiries as
      to the great stock of people to which they belonged, and
      conjecture as to the date of their arrival in Europe.46

      We are now learning that far back in the past, when mankind was
      yet young in the world, the great Turanian family held a
      commanding position. They seem to have dispersed widely over the
      earth. Their migrations began long before that of the Aryan and
      Semitic people. When tribes of these later people began their
      wanderings, they found a Turanian people inhabiting the country
      wherever they went. Long before the times of Abraham, the fertile
      plains of Chaldea were the home of powerful tribes of this
      family. Egypt, and the fertile Nile Valley, the home of ancient
      civilization, was their possession at a time long preceding the
      rise of the Pharaohs. Their Asiatic origin is corroborated by
      what we have learned of their domestic animals and cereals, which
      we know to be also from Asia, or the south-east. These Turanian
      tribes, at some far remote time, must have appeared in Asia
      Minor. Urged onward by the pressure of increasing population,
      they passed into Europe and Northern Africa. Their progress was,
      doubtless, slow; but they gradually filled Europe. The English
      Channel must have presented no inconsiderable barrier, and it was
      after Europe had been populated for a long time that they
      ventured to brave its passage in their rude canoes.

      The Neolithic culture, which we have treated of in reference to
      Europe only, is seen to have been of Turanian origin. From its
      Asiatic home it spread over the entire world—to the islands of
      the Pacific, and even America. The road that leads from barbarism
      to civilization is long and difficult, and it is not strange that
      but one or two families of men were able to attain that end by
      their own unaided effort.47 The Turanian Family, which probably
      advanced man from savagism into barbarism, seems to have at that
      stage exhausted its energies. This is but an illustration of the
      fact that a race, like an individual, has a period of growth, a
      maturity of healthful powers, and an old age of slow decadence.
      After thus dispersing over the world, carrying with them the
      culture of the Neolithic Age, they seem to have halted in their
      progress. It remained for a new people, starting, perhaps, from
      the same state of culture, but with new energies, to discover and
      employ metals in the construction of tools and implements. This
      gave them so great a command over nature that civilization became
      possible. But whatever considerable advance the Turanian races
      were able to make beyond the Neolithic culture was by reason of
      intercourse with these later people. Where completely isolated
      from them, as in the New World, they remained, for the most part,
      in the Neolithic culture.48

      We have hitherto spoken as if there was but one race in Europe
      during Neolithic times. In the main this is true; yet, near the
      close of this time, a different race arrived in Europe. That this
      is so, is proved by the same line of evidence used to determine
      the Neolithic people. We shall have much to say of them
      hereafter. They were the vanguard of the great Aryan race. This
      calls for some explanation. It has been found that the principal
      languages of Europe and South-western Asia have certain common
      characteristics; so much so that we are justified, even
      compelled, to assume that the nations speaking these languages,
      such for instance as the Teutonic, Sclavic, Italic, Greek,
      Persian, Hindoostanee, and others, are descendants from a common
      ancestor. These people are called, collectively, Aryans. They
      were the ones who drove the Turanians out of the fairest portions
      of Europe. Though they appeared at a late date, they have filled
      the most important places in history, and the civilization of the
      world to-day is Aryan.

      Now we must again form a mental picture of Neolithic Europe—
      after it had been for a long time in the possession of the
      Turanian tribes, the first band of Aryan invaders make their
      appearance. They must have appeared somewhere near the
      south-eastern confines of Europe, but they pressed forward to the
      western portion. They firmly seated themselves in the western and
      central parts of Europe, driving out the Turanian tribes who had
      so long possessed the land. They were themselves still in the
      Neolithic stage of culture. But they probably did not long
      antedate the knowledge of metals. Mr. Dawkins thinks that it
      caught up with them before they arrived in Britain, and that they
      are the ones who introduced bronze into that island. The Aryan
      tribe, who thus made their appearance in Europe, are identified
      as the Celts of history.

      The Neolithic Age thus drew to its close, but not all at once. It
      disappeared first in the southern portion of Europe—from Greece
      and Italy; but it lingered to a far later date in the north:
      among the scattered tribes of Turanian people it would still
      assert its sway. Even after metals were introduced, the cheapness
      and abundance of stone would cause it to be used, among the
      poorer people at least. But finally this culture gives way to a
      higher one in Europe—though it still survived in portions of
      Asia, the Isles of the Pacific, and in America. We can but
      reflect on the difference between the two ages of stone. The
      former ends amidst Arctic scenes—and, in the darkness that
      ensues, ages pass before we again detect the presence of man. The
      Neolithic closes gradually, everywhere giving way to a higher
      culture. We must not forget that our present civilization owes
      much to our far away Neolithic ancestors. When we reflect on the
      difficulties that had to be overcome before animals could be
      profitably held in a domestic state, or cultivation of the earth
      made profitable, we almost wonder that they succeeded in either
      direction. Aside from these, we turn to them for the origin of
      trade, navigation, and mining. No inconsiderable part of the
      battle of civilization had thus been won.

      REFERENCES


        The manuscript of this chapter was submitted to Prof. Chas.
        Rau, of the Smithsonian Institution, for criticism.

        The Cave-men were, undoubtedly, considerably in advance of the
        Men of the Drift. If we regard the two as but one race of men,
        then the statement is not true. We have, however, given our
        reasons for considering the Cave-men as a different race. Hence
        the statement made above.

        Consult Geikie’s “Prehistoric Europe,” chapters on “British
        Post-glacial and Recent Deposits.”

        Lions still lived in Greece at the time of Herodotus. See
        “Polymnia,” vii, 125, etc.

        This last argument is drawn from Mr. Morgan’s work. It is well
        to state that his divisions are very far from being accepted by
        all authorities.

        Morgan’s “Ancient Society.”

        Lubbock’s “Prehistoric Times,” p. 189.

        Figuier’s “Primitive Man,” p. 223.

        On lake settlements, consult Keller’s “Lake Dwellings;” Rau’s
        “Early Man in Europe,” chap. v; Sir John Lubbock’s “Prehistoric
        Times,” chap. vi; Figuier’s “Primitive Man,” p. 218, _et seq._

        Figuier’s “Primitive Man,” p. 222.

        Dawkins’s “Early Man in Britain,” p. 270.

        Keller’s “Lake Dwellings.” Translated by Lee.

        Figuier’s “Primitive Man,” p. 153.

        General Lane Fox’s “Hill Forts of Sussex,” Archæology, vol.
        xvii.

        Dawkins’s “Early Man in Britain,” p. 267.

        Lubbock’s “Prehistoric Times,” p. 56.

        Mr. Dawkins’s “Early Man in Britain,” p. 274.

        Smithsonian Report, 1868.

        Lubbock’s “Prehistoric Times,” p. 103.

        Figuier’s “Primitive Man,” pp. 161-166.

        “Primitive Man,” p. 171.

        Lubbock’s “Prehistoric Times,” p. 219.

        Dawkins’s “Early Man in Britain,” p. 268.

        These heaps are generally called “kjökken-möddings”—meaning
        kitchen refuse.

        One mound is spoken of as being one thousand feet long, two to
        three hundred feet wide, and ten feet high.

        On Danish Shell Mounds, consult Keary’s “Dawn of History,” p.
        369, _et seq._; Lubbock’s “Prehistoric Times,” chap. vii;
        Geikie’s “Prehistoric Europe,” pp. 365-9; Figuier’s “Primitive
        Man,” pp. 129-134; Rau’s “Early Man in Europe,” pp. 108-113;
        Dawkins’s “Early Man in Britain,” pp. 309-305.

        Dawkins’s “Early Man in Britain,” p. 279.

        Figuier’s “Primitive Man,” pp. 147-150 and 154: Another very
        important place was the Island of Rügen, in the Baltic Sea.
        Rau’s “Early Man in Europe,” p. 137.

        “Proceedings American Antiq. Society, April, 1881,” p. 286.

        Figuier’s “Primitive Man,” p. 262.

        See remarks of Prof. Rau on this subject (“Early Man in
        Europe,” pp. 128-9 and note.) Mr. Dawkins thinks it “probable
        also that the art of weaving woolen cloth was known, although,
        from its perishable nature, no trace of it has been handed down
        to us.” (“Early Man in Britain,” p. 275.)

        Lubbock’s “Prehistoric Times,” p. 132.

        Lubbock’s “Prehistoric Times,” p. 130.

        On this subject consult Lubbock’s “Prehistoric Times,” chap.
        v.; Keary’s “Dawn of History,” p. 363-6; Geikie’s “Prehistoric
        Europe,” p. 375; Dawkins’s “Early Man in Britain,” p. 284-9;
        Ferguson’s “Rude Stone Monuments;” Figuier’s “Primitive Man,”
        chap. iii.; Rau’s “Early Man in Europe,” p. 139; “Archæology,”
        Vol. XLII.

        “Human Species”, p. 335.

        “Prehistoric Europe,” p. 547.

        Dawkins’s “Early Man in Britain,” p. 310, note 3.

        Ibid., p. 314.

        Thurman, Virchow, Huxley, and others.

        Mr. Dawkins is inclined to view them as a remnant of the
        Neolithic people. Whether our scholars will ultimately accept
        his views, remains to be seen.

        Brace’s “Races of the Old World,” p. 82,

        Am. Encyclopedia, Art. Basque.

        Brace’s “Races of the Old World,” p. 82.

        Brace’s “Races of the Old World,” p. 82.

        “Pre-Adamites,” p. 150.

        It is unnecessary to caution the reader, that, after all, our
        knowledge of “prehistory” is vague. Prof. Virchow, who is
        eminent authority on these points, thinks it not yet possible
        to identify the prehistoric people of Europe; and good
        authorities hold that the Turanian tribes just named are the
        remnants of Paleolithic tribes, instead of Neolithic.

        Morgan’s “Ancient Society,” p. 39.

        The exceptions to this statement are the higher classes of
        sedentary Indians, of which we shall treat in future pages.




Chapter VII
      THE BRONZE AGE IN EUROPE.1


      Races of Men, like Individuals—Gradual change of Neolithic Age to
      that of Bronze—The Aryan family—First Aryans Neolithic—Origin of
      Bronze—How Great discoveries are made—Gold the first metal—Copper
      Abundant—No Copper Age—The discovery of Tin—Explanation of an
      Alloy—Bronze, wherever found, the same Composition—What is meant
      by the Bronze Age—Knowledge in other Directions—Gradual Growth of
      Culture—Three Centers of Bronze Production—Habitations during the
      Bronze Age—The Bronze Ax—Implements of Bronze—Personal
      ornaments—Ornaments not always made of Bronze—Advance in Arts of
      living—Advance in Agriculture—Warlike Weapons—How they worked
      Bronze—Advance in Government—Trade in the Bronze Age—Religion of
      the Bronze Age—Symbolical figures—Temples of the Bronze
      Age—Stonehenge.

      ITis with races of men as with individuals, the progressive
      growth of youth soon reaches its limit and maturity of power.
      While it brings greater strength, it has not the buoyancy of
      early years, so the manner of life becomes fixed, and onward
      progress stops. They can then only hope to hold on the even tenor
      of their way, happy if increasing years do not bring again their
      childhood state. The Neolithic people entered Europe early in the
      youth of the race which spread their civilization over the globe,
      but the race to which they belonged appear to have reached their
      zenith of development long ages ago, since which time, whatever
      higher culture they have reached has been a gift to them by other
      people. Their energies became exhausted, and for a long series of
      years Europe was filled by the camps, lake villages and fortified
      places of Neolithic times.

      As to the absolute length of time during which they inhabited
      Europe, we have no data to determine. Relatively, their sojourn,
      however long, was but a short time compared to the duration of
      the old Stone Age. It presents no such evidence of lapse of ages
      as can be observed in the older deposits, yet we may be sure that
      it was for no inconsiderable period.

      The Paleolithic Age was apparently terminated in Europe by the
      cold of the last glacial epoch. No such natural course put an end
      to the Neolithic Age, but as the strong have an advantage over
      the weak, the young over the old, so does a race young,
      undeveloped, or in the early maturity of its powers, have an
      advantage over the older and more fixed civilization with which
      it comes in contact. To understand the causes which introduced
      into Europe the Bronze Age, we must refer to the Aryan race and
      to Asia.

      We have in the preceding chapter briefly mentioned the Aryan
      race. They have so much to do with the higher culture of the
      Metallic Ages, that it seems not out of place to refer once more
      to their origin. The evidence goes to show that the ancient
      Aryans inhabited some portion of South-western Asia. As a race or
      family, they appear to have been one of the latest developed. Yet
      a record of their progress is a record of civilization.

      Unless we reflect, we are liable to be misled by the expression,
      recent development. The Hindoos, one of the latest members of
      this family, were in India several thousand years before Christ.2
      But however far back we trace them, we find them in possession of
      metals. Aside from this, we know that before the different Aryan
      tribes had commenced their migration (with the exception,
      however, of the Celts), while they formed but one mass of people,
      they worked some of the metals.3 They could have acquired this
      knowledge only after the passage of many years, when they were
      ignorant of it. This bespeaks a profound antiquity for the Aryan
      family.

      As we have seen, Europe, while yet inhabited by Neolithic people,
      was invaded by a branch of the Aryans. We do not know the date of
      this invasion, yet it must have been an early date, since the
      Celts separated from the Aryans before the use of metals. The
      Aryans have ever been noted as an aggressive people, and under
      different names have, in modern times, carried victorious arms in
      all quarters of the globe. This is equally characteristic of the
      primitive Aryans. Though it is not apparent that they possessed
      any higher culture than the people who already inhabited Europe,
      yet they everywhere triumphed over them and possessed themselves
      of the fairest portion of the Neolithic domain, driving the
      primitive inhabitants to those mountainous regions where their
      descendants are found to-day.

      It is not probable that the Aryan invaders waged exterminating
      war against the Neolithic tribes. The evidence shows that there
      was considerable mingling of the two races. It has been
      suggested, however, that the Neolithic people who were not driven
      away were reduced to slavery.4 However that may be, the remains
      of the two people are found side by side in chambered tombs and
      sepulchral caverns, showing that they dwelt together in the same
      area. As before remarked, the Aryan invaders are identified as
      the Celts. That it was relatively late in the Neolithic Age when
      they made their appearance, is shown by the fact that they had
      only reached the English Channel when a knowledge of bronze
      caught up with them.

      We must now endeavor to learn the origin of bronze. The impulsive
      energies of this newer race found vent not only in conquest over
      the neighboring tribes, but it is extremely probable that they
      are the ones who first compelled nature to yield up her metallic
      stores to be of service to man. If the knowledge of fire was the
      starting point of human advancement, surely the knowledge of
      metals, their useful properties, and how to extract them from
      their ores, may lay claim to being the starting point of our
      present enlightenment. We have but to glance around us to see how
      many of our daily comforts are dependent on the use of metals.
      Should we, by any mischance, become deprived of the use of iron,
      or of the useful alloys, bronze and brass, our civilization would
      be in great danger of reverting to Savagism. Man, destitute of
      metals, can do but little to improve his surroundings; but grant
      him these, and victory over his environment is secured.

      We can not retrace the exact steps of this beautiful discovery;
      we are not sure to what family it is to be ascribed. Perhaps not
      to any one alone. Nature may have taken her children by the hand,
      and kindly guided their feeble steps in the line of experiments
      leading up to this knowledge, and, finally, one family, more
      fortunate than the others, succeeded in the attempt. All great
      discoveries have been approached in different directions, by
      different people. No sooner is it made than this fact appears,
      and people widely separated by time and place are found to be on
      the verge of the same great truth. It was probably so at the
      discovery of metallurgy.

      The Turanian tribes, who had so long inhabited Europe, were
      suddenly confronted by the victorious hosts of the Celts, the
      vanguard of the Aryans, the precursors of a higher culture. The
      movements of these primitive people could not fail to have a
      great effect on the human mind. It would become alert, keen, and
      active. Such was the state of ancient society when a knowledge of
      bronze was introduced—a discovery which consigned stone, hitherto
      the substance most commonly made use of to advance human
      interests, to a subordinate position, and opened up for man the
      exhaustless mineral stores of nature.

      It is suggested by some that gold was the first metallic
      substance employed. Its glittering particles would attract the
      attention of primitive man, and little articles of ornament were
      early manufactured from it. To be sure, the supply was very
      limited; but what there was would serve the useful purpose of
      imparting to men some idea of metallic substances. Portions of it
      falling in the fire might have suggested the idea of smelting and
      of molding—might, at least, have lead to experiments in that
      line. The supply of gold existing in a native state is so small,
      that no use could have been made of it except for ornaments.

      Iron, we know, is the most abundant mineral. But it is very rare
      in a native state, and its ores have nothing distinguishing about
      them, and so it is not strange that another metal received the
      attention of primitive man. That metal was probably copper. It is
      often found in a pure state in nature. In the Michigan mines of
      our own country, masses of pure copper many tons in weight have
      been discovered.5 No such rich deposits are found in the Old
      World; but considerable quantities of native copper were
      obtained, and it was by no means a rare metal. Copper possesses
      several qualities that would attract attention. It is quite
      malleable; that is, it can be easily hammered into shape. We can
      imagine the surprise of the old stone-workers at finding a stone
      that, instead of breaking or splitting, could be hammered into
      shape. By accident, or otherwise it would be learned, in time,
      that it could be melted. This would lead to the idea of molding.

      If the above process were followed out, there would be a real
      Copper Age preceding that of Bronze: no trace of such an age has
      yet been detected in Europe. “But there is, however, every reason
      for believing, that, in some parts of the world, the use of
      native copper must have continued for a lengthened period before
      it was discovered that the addition of a small portion of tin not
      only rendered it more fusible, but added to its elasticity and
      hardness.”6 The absence of a Copper Age in Europe would imply
      that the art of manufacturing bronze was discovered in some other
      locality.

      Copper by itself is so soft that it would not be of much use to
      man, except the experience they would gain of melting and
      molding. In our own country the aboriginal inhabitants were well
      acquainted with copper, and even knew how to mold it. Yet, except
      as just pointed out, it is not probable that it exerted any
      marked influence on their development.7 In the old world supplies
      of native copper are limited, and recourse must be had to the
      ores of copper. Now these ores, such as copper-pyrites, are
      nearly always of a bright color, and as such would attract the
      attention of primitive man. They might suspect that these bright
      colored ores contained copper from finding similarly colored ores
      in connection with native copper, in fact passing from one form
      to the other. But it requires no little skill to reduce the ores
      of copper; and, when obtained, for reasons just pointed out, it
      would not be of great utility. But primitive man was thus
      cautiously and experimentally feeling his way to a knowledge of
      metallurgy.

      All the evidence obtainable goes to show that tin was known as
      early as copper, or at least soon after. Its ores though not
      striking on account of their color, are on account of their great
      weight. It is comparatively easy to reduce it from its ores. It
      is quite widely distributed over the earth. It often occurs in
      the gravels of rivers, where, as we have already mentioned,
      primitive men must have, at a very early date, sought for gold.
      Owing to their weight, the gravel of tin-stone would remain
      behind with the gold when it was washed. “In process of time its
      real nature might have been revealed by accident; and, before the
      eye of the astonished beholder, the dull stone, flung into the
      fire, became transfigured into the glittering metal.”8

      When two metals come together in a molten state, they often form,
      not a mixture of the two, part copper and part tin, for example,
      but a new compound, different from either, called an alloy.
      Copper is, so to speak, a sociable metal, and readily unites with
      many different metals—amongst others with tin, when it forms
      bronze, the article that marks a new state in the history of
      primitive culture. It seems to us strange that an alloy, a
      combination of two different metals, should have been the first
      used by man, and not a simple metal like iron. Such, however, is
      the fact of the case; and we have tried to point out the probable
      steps which led up to the invention of bronze. We can scarcely
      comprehend the difficulties which attended the labors of the
      primitive metal-workers. There were no books containing the
      wisdom of many, from which the investigator could draw his stores
      of knowledge. and the only way that knowledge could be
      disseminated was by word of mouth.

      Now, when one man makes an important step in a discovery,
      hundreds of earnest workers, some, perhaps, in distant places,
      are quickly made aware of the fact, and extend its scope, or
      point out its imperfections, and thus hasten on the desired end.
      Then, each individual, or community, must, of necessity, have
      commenced at the beginning, and the discoveries made would hardly
      be perpetuated in the memory of others. There were so many
      obstacles to be overcome before a knowledge of bronze could be
      acquired, in the then existing state of human knowledge, that it
      must ever remain a source of wonder to us, at the present day,
      that it was invented at all.

      We may picture to ourselves the ancient copper-worker, after
      numerous experiments, guided by some good genius, finally hitting
      on some process by which, from his mass of ore, he extracted a
      nearly pure piece of copper. Having learned how to reduce these
      ores, there are many ways in which it might have been found that
      a mixture of the two metals would form a new compound of greatly
      increased value.

      It must have taken a long course of experiments to determine what
      proportions of each metal to use to make the best bronze. It is
      interesting to know that these early workers had learned the
      proportions of each to use, not varying a great deal from the
      results of modern research—that is, from ten to twelve per cent
      of tin. Bronze relics, no matter where obtained, whether in the
      Old or the New World, do not widely depart from this standard,
      and such instances as do would probably denote that the supply of
      tin became short. This uniformity of composition would imply that
      the art of making bronze was discovered in one place, from which
      it gradually spread over the globe.

      This fact is a key to the culture of the Bronze Age. Widely
      separated communities, destitute of a knowledge of metals, would
      instinctively make use of stone. In this case uniformity of type
      would not imply community of knowledge. But a knowledge of metals
      is altogether different. It is wonder enough that one community
      should have hit on the invention of bronze. The chance would be
      against its independent discovery in widely separated areas. They
      would be more apt to chance on the production of some other
      metal. Thus; tribes in the interior of Africa are said to have
      passed direct from the Stone to the Iron Age, a knowledge of
      bronze not having been carried to them.

      We are thus able to form a true conception of the Bronze Age. It
      did not prevail over the world at the same time. Indeed, as we
      shall subsequently see, there is every reason to suppose it
      spread very slowly, and that it still lingered in Central and
      Northern Europe long after its use had been abandoned for that of
      iron in the South. Neither, when it was first introduced, did it
      put a stop to the use of stone. It was necessarily costly, and on
      its first appearance in a country, brought hither by trade, could
      only be afforded by rich and powerful chiefs and warriors. As
      time advanced, and they learned to make it cheaper, and each
      country took up its separate manufacture, it would gradually
      supersede stone. But bronze was never cheap enough to drive out
      the use of stone altogether. This only occurred when the art of
      working iron was discovered.

      We shall learn that the knowledge of bronze, while a very
      important and distinguishing phase of culture of the Bronze Age,
      was not its only characteristic. It was distinguished by the
      arrival and spread of the Aryan races, by a great extension of
      commerce, by more refinements in the comforts of life, by the
      increasing strength of government, which in after ages flowered
      out in the mighty nations of antiquity, and rendered historic,
      civilization possible.

      Some facts stand out with great prominence. The origin of this
      culture is lost in the very night of time. We may be sure that it
      goes back to a profound antiquity, and that it extended over a
      long series of years.

      It is evident there was no great and sudden change from the
      culture of the Stone Age to that of Bronze. It was as if the
      darkness of night had given place to the roseate light of dawn,
      to be shortly followed by the full day of historic times. It was
      probably introduced by trade. The articles introduced in this way
      would consist of simple implements, weapons, and ornaments.
      Following after the trade would be found the smelter with his
      tools, and, where the conditions were favorable, local
      manufactories would be set up. But this home industry would not
      prevent importation of more pretentious articles from abroad.
      This would account for the rich collections of shields, swords,
      and golden cups found in Denmark that betray an Etruscan origin.

      Investigations of recent scholars show that the bronze of the
      early Bronze Age came from Asia Minor. Subsequently there were
      three great centers of bronze production, each having certain
      styles. These were the Russian on the east, the Scandinavian on
      the north, and the Mediterranean on the south. If this view be
      correct, bronze must have been in use in the South of Europe long
      before it was in the North. This view of the introduction of
      bronze is, we think, that of the best scholars in Europe. Others,
      however, think bronze was brought in by the invasion of the Aryan
      tribes. Mr. Keary says: “The men of the Bronze Age were a new
      race, sallying out of the east to dispossess the older
      inhabitants, and if, in some places, the Bronze men and the Stone
      men seem to have gone on for a time side by side, the general
      characteristic of the change is that of a sudden break.”9 We have
      shown that it was carried to England by an invasion, and it was,
      perhaps, so introduced into Denmark, but in other countries of
      Europe by trade.10

      Let us now see what change in the home life, in the culture of
      the people, would be brought about by the use of bronze. We must
      reflect that we are not to deal with some new race, but with the
      same race that inhabited Europe at the close of Neolithic times.
      The people who had triumphed over nature with their implements of
      stone were now put in possession of weapons and implements of
      greatly increased efficiency. The results could not fail to
      advance their culture. We would not expect any great change in
      the houses. They would, however, be much better built. The
      metallic tools were certainly a long ways ahead of the best stone
      implements. With the aid of metallic axes, knives, saws, gouges,
      and chisels, their cabins could be increased in size and
      appearance. They still built settlements over the lakes, but the
      Bronze Age settlements were more substantially built, and placed
      farther out from shore. Fortified places were still numerous; the
      remains of thousands of them of this age have been found in
      Ireland. But the forests were cleared, wild animals disappeared,
      society became more settled, and we may be sure that an
      increasing number of little hamlets were scattered over the
      country.

      Caves were resorted to during this epoch only in times of danger.
      One at Heathbury Burn, in England, contained portions of the
      skeletons of two individuals, surrounded by many articles of
      bronze and a mould for casting bronze axes. It is not difficult
      to read the story. In some time of sudden danger workers in
      bronze fled hither with their stores, but owing to some cause
      were unable to escape the death from which they were fleeing, and
      their bodies, with their mineral stores, were lost to sight until
      the modern explorer made them a subject of scientific
      speculations.11

      Bronze Axes—First Form.

      The most important implement was the ax. Our civilization has
      originated from many small things. It is difficult to
      overestimate the importance of the ax in advancing civilization.
      The stone axes, easily blunted and broken, could have made but
      little impression on the vast forests of pine, oak, and beech,
      covering the greater part of Britain and the continent in the
      Neolithic Age. Clearings necessary for pasture and agriculture
      must unquestionably, then, have been produced principally by the
      aid of fire. Under the edge of the bronze ax clearings would be
      rapidly produced, pasture and arable land would begin to spread
      over the surface of the country; with the disappearance of the
      forests the wild animals would become scarce, hunting would cease
      to be so important, agriculture would improve, and a higher
      culture inevitably follow. “When first the sound of the woodman’s
      ax was heard in the forests of the north, the victory of man over
      his natural environments was secured, and the forest and morass
      became his forever.”12

      The bronze ax was used for a great variety of purposes, not only
      as an ax, but as chisel, hoe, etc. As might be expected, the
      oldest axes were simply modeled after the stone ones. The
      preceding cut represents these simple forms.

      They were inserted into the handle much the same as they did the
      stone axes. It never occurred to these ancient workers to cast
      the axes with a hole in them for the handle.

      Bronze Axes—Second and Third Form.

      The above cut represents the second form of the ax. The trouble
      with the first was that much usage would inevitably split the
      handle. To remedy this, a stop or ridge was raised across the
      celt, and the metal and the wood were made to fit into one
      another. The small figure illustrates this method of hafting. It
      would be quite natural to bend the sides of this second form
      around, and thus would arise a third form in which the handle was
      let into a socket, of which we also give a cut. As a general
      thing, bronze axes were plain, but they were sometimes ornamented
      with ridges, dots, and lines.

      In addition to axes, they of course had many other implements of
      bronze. Chisels were made much the same as at present, except
      that the handle fitted into a socket. A few hammers have been
      discovered in the Swiss lake villages. Bronze knives of different
      styles and sizes were quite numerous. The workmanship on them is
      generally skillful. They were, as a rule, fitted into a handle of
      bone, horn, or wood, and the blade was nearly always carved. In
      some cases the knives also ended in a socket into which the
      handle fitted.13

      Hammer, Chisel and Bronze Knives.

      In matters of personal ornament, the men and women of the Bronze
      Age were as willing to make use of artificial helps as their
      descendants to-day, and no doubt fashion was quite as arbitrary
      in her rule then as now. Among some savage nations the dressing
      of the hair—especially of the men—is carried to a very elaborate
      pitch.14 In this respect, some of the dandies of the Bronze Age
      certainly excelled. They evidently built up on their heads a
      great pyramid of hair; in some cases large enough to allow of the
      use of hair-pins two feet long. Of course such a structure as
      this was intended to last a life-time. So careful were they of
      this head-dress that they used a crescent-shaped pillow of
      earthenware, so that it might not be disturbed when they slept.
      Dr. Keller, who first described these crescent-shaped articles,
      thought they were religious emblems of the moon. He may be right,
      as the matter is not yet decided, but some think they were the
      pillows in question. At first thought this would seem absurd, but
      when we learn of the habits of the natives of Abyssinia and other
      savage races, we cease to wonder.

      Crescent, Bracelet and Hairpin.

      In speaking of the ornaments of the Bronze Age, a caution is
      necessary, because ornaments of bronze may belong to any age.
      Bracelets and rings have been quite numerous. The bracelets vary
      much in shape, are decidedly artistic in workmanship, and often
      set off with carved designs. Some of this shape are composed of a
      single ring of varying width, the ends of which almost meet and
      terminate by a semicircular clasp; others are a combination of
      straight or twisted wires ingeniously joined to one another.
      “Some of these ornaments remain even up to the present day in a
      perfect state of preservation. In an urn from one of the lake
      settlements six specimens were discovered, the designs of which
      appeared quite as clearly as if they had only just been
      engraved.”15

      We are called on to notice one important point in reference to
      these bracelets and rings. That is, they are so small they could
      scarcely be worn nowadays; a fact leading us to infer that the
      people must have been of small size. It has also been noticed
      that the handles of the swords are smaller than would be
      convenient for soldiers now. Some ornaments of bronze were worn
      as pendants. For this purpose they were provided with a circular
      hole, and were probably worn suspended around the neck.

      Bronze Pendants.

      Ornaments were not always of bronze. Necklaces were sometimes
      made of amber, and gold beads were quite common. We give a cut of
      both. They are from burial mounds of this age in England. We
      remember the ornamentations on implements in the Paleolithic Age
      was by engraving animal forms. In the Neolithic Age they seem to
      have cared very little for ornamenting. During the Bronze Age the
      ornamentation was of a simple but pleasing and uniform style. It
      consisted of simple geometrical patterns, combination of circles,
      dots, and straight lines. In this next figure we have given the
      principal designs found in France.

      Necklace and Beads.

      In the arts of living an increase in culture is noticeable. We
      have seen that in Neolithic times they were acquainted with the
      use of the distaff. In the Bronze Age they manufactured woolen
      cloth. We have but few specimens of this cloth, because it is
      under only very exceptional circumstances that woolen fabrics can
      be preserved for any great length of time. From examinations of
      burial mounds of this period, it would appear that the better
      class of people were clad in linen and woolen. Probably the use
      of the skins of animals for dress purposes was mostly
      discontinued during this age. Woolen cloaks of this period have
      been found in Denmark, though probably dating from near the
      close.

      Ornamental Designs. Bronze Sickle.

      In agriculture we detect only such advances as improved
      implements would suggest. They used the sickle in gathering in
      the harvest. We find no implements which we are sure were used
      for agricultural purposes. Yet they must have had some means of
      preparing the ground for the cereals. The day of wild animals was
      gone. In the lake settlements of this age the domestic animals
      outnumbered the wild species.16

      During this age the horse was used for riding and driving, and
      oxen were used for plowing.

      The proof of this fact is certain sketches found in Denmark. But
      the use of bronze in that country continued after iron had been
      introduced in the south of Europe. Pottery was more carefully
      made—though the wheel for turning it was not yet introduced. The
      shapes were varied and elegant; sometimes, instead of having a
      flat base, they came to a point below—in which case they had to
      be placed in a support before they could stand upright. Nearly
      all the pottery bears the ornamentation peculiar to the Bronze
      Age—that is, straight lines, dots, etc.

      Clay Vessel and Support. Bronze Weapons.

      During this age, the inhabitants were as much given to war and
      conquest as any rudely civilized people: we, therefore, meet with
      remains of their weapons. The principal ones were swords,
      daggers, spear-heads, and arrows. The swords are always more or
      less leaf-like in shape, double-edged, sharp-pointed, and
      intended more for stabbing and thrusting, rather than cutting. No
      hand guards were used.

      Sometimes the handles were fastened to the swords by means of
      rivets; and, at other times, the handle was plaited with wood or
      bone. They are of different lengths, intermediate between the
      sword and the dagger. It is doubtful whether they made use of
      shields.

      Bronze shields are, indeed, found; but, from the ornaments and
      other circumstances they are generally considered to belong to
      the Iron Age: for we shall subsequently learn that the
      introduction of iron did not prevent the continued use of bronze.
      The bow was well known; and this must have necessitated the use
      of arrows. Some bronze arrows have been found; but a flint arrow
      is nearly as serviceable as bronze, and much cheaper, so we may
      be sure they were more common. They also employed spears and
      javelins, and the bronze heads of these weapons are found in
      various places. The invading Celt found many camps and fortified
      places already in existence, and continued them in use after the
      original occupant had been driven away.

      Mold.

      As we have spent some time in learning the different objects
      manufactured out of bronze, it may be of interest to learn
      somewhat of their methods of working bronze. We have already
      stated how the amateur worker in bronze would follow on after the
      trader—and so the objects of bronze would be made in all the
      countries of Europe. Molds have been found in various places.
      This is a mold for casting the axes having a socket in which to
      put the handle. It was found in the cave at Heathbury Burn,
      already mentioned. None of the bronze objects were forged out, as
      a smith forges out objects of iron—they were cast. In the absence
      of steel, it would be almost impossible to cut bronze; hence it
      was necessary to make the casting as nearly perfect as possible.
      Sometimes the molds were cut out of stone, as in the figure just
      given. The molds themselves were, in this case, difficult to
      make; besides, they could scarcely be made so perfect as not to
      leave a little ridge, where the two halves of the mold came
      together, which, as just explained, owing to the absence of
      steel, it would be very difficult to remove. In process of time
      they discovered an easier way of making the molds, that employed
      at the present day—that is, by the use of sand. The ridge would
      still remain, and is to be plainly seen on specimens of ancient
      bronze.

      To overcome the difficulty just mentioned, they invented a third
      method of casting, which displays great ingenuity. A model of the
      object desired was made of wood or wax, and inclosed in prepared
      earth mixed with some inflammable material, in order that, when
      subjected to heat, it might become porous. The whole was then
      heated until the wax or wood disappeared. The mold was then ready
      for use. The great advantage of this method was that there were
      no projecting lines of junction to disfigure the complete
      implement. This seems to have been the most common method
      employed. This explains the fact, that we seldom find any two
      bronze objects exactly similar to one another. Any impression
      left on the wax model would be faithfully reproduced. Marks of
      the spatula, with which the wax was worked, are frequently found;
      and, in one case, the impression of the human finger was
      observed.17

      A people as highly cultured as those of the Bronze Age must have
      had some system of government, and one that was a sensible
      advance over the government of the Neolithic people. In the
      Neolithic Age it was, doubtless, tribe against tribe.
      Confederacies, the union of several tribes for common purpose of
      defense, must have been more common at this age.18 The first
      Aryan tribes to arrive in Europe, as we have seen, were the
      Celts. In time, they had to withstand the pressure of invasion
      themselves. The Belgae, and other Germanic tribes, were also on
      the move. But war at this period would partake more of the nature
      of people against people, than of tribe against tribe. The civil
      and the military departments of government must have taken more
      definite shape, and we are not without evidence of fairly
      organized and disciplined forces. As early as two thousand eight
      hundred years before Christ, the sea-coast people of Europe,
      while yet in the Bronze Age, allied their forces for the conquest
      of Egypt.19

      We have referred to the influence of trade in shaping
      civilization. It is commerce that to-day is carrying civilization
      to remote corners of the globe. Long before the dawn of history,
      it was an active agent in advancing culture. It is important to
      note the great expanse of commerce, both inland and marine, which
      prevailed during the Bronze Age. An important article of trade
      was, of course, bronze. The people who first learned the secret
      of its manufacture would speedily find a demand for their wares
      from surrounding tribes, and we have already pointed out how this
      trade would quickly give rise to local manufactures. But, to
      produce bronze, we know tin is just as necessary as copper—and
      all the countries of Europe are not provided with these metals;
      so more or less trade would inevitably take place. In various
      ways the stores of the bronze merchant might be lost, and only
      revealed in after years by accident. One of these deposits, found
      in France, is evidently the store of a merchant or trader from
      Etruria to the tribes of the north and west, and so gives us a
      quite vivid idea of the trade of that early time. It consisted of
      over four hundred articles of bronze, “comprising knives,
      sickles, lance-heads, horse-bits, rings, buttons, pendants, and
      bracelets.”20

      As an article of adornment, amber was highly prized, not only by
      the people of Europe during the Bronze Age, but also by the
      people of the preceding Neolithic Age. This caused a trade to
      spring up which certainly did its share in enlightening the
      people. The main supply must have been obtained from the shores
      of the Baltic. That the trade was of importance is evidenced by
      the fact that amber has been found scattered over Europe in the
      tombs of the Neolithic and Bronze Ages.

      We have given a passing glance at the religion of each age we
      have examined. It must be confessed that great uncertainty hangs
      over the results. From a close examination of their industries,
      we can gather considerable as to the home life and general
      enlightenment of prehistoric times. A knowledge of religious
      belief is gathered mainly from a study of their burial customs.
      This is a very important part of our investigation, because a
      religious belief is one of the exponents of the culture of a
      people.

      We have seen that in the Neolithic Age the dead were buried
      surrounded by implements, weapons, and ornaments for use in the
      future life. The descendants of these people throughout Europe,
      even in the Bronze Age, would still continue this custom. The
      implements buried with the body were more often of stone than
      bronze. We must constantly bear in mind that bronze was costly.
      This will explain its absence in many cases. It is interesting to
      note in this connection that these are “cases in which it is
      evident that flint implements were deposited in graves rather in
      deference to ancient customs than because they were still in
      every-day use.”21 We also notice that during this age, often the
      objects placed in the graves were, from their shape, obviously
      not intended for daily use. This would clearly indicate that the
      popular mind became impressed with the fact that these votive
      offerings, however freely given, could be of no assistance to the
      departed, but they still continued the custom because it was
      sanctioned by usage of past years.

      But the dead were not always buried during the Bronze Age, nor,
      indeed, as a general rule. The invading race doubtless brought
      with them a new religion. Many of the ornamentations on their
      swords, vases, and other articles, are supposed by some writers
      to be religious symbols. From the frequent occurrence of the
      circle, and combinations of circles, it has been suggested that
      they worshiped the sun. And the occurrence of customs observable
      even at a late day, in various portions of Europe, as pointed out
      by Prof. Nelson, show that the worship of the fire-god, or the
      sun, was once widely extended in Europe.22 On this point we are
      further told: “That even as late as the time of Canute the
      Great,23 there is a statute forbidding the adorement of the sun
      and the moon.”24 So it is not strange that in the new faith a
      different method of burial would be followed. That was by
      cremation. “The dead were burned, were purified by being passed
      through the fire along with their possessions.”25 The ashes was
      then gathered together and placed in urns and burial mounds and
      barrows. The votive offerings of flint and bronze articles in
      daily use were also thrown in the fire, and their burnt remains
      placed with the other ashes in the burial urn. The cut is that of
      a bell-shaped barrow of the Bronze Age.

      Burial Mound.

      We have just seen what inferences have been drawn from the use of
      the circle as an ornament. This is not the only sign that has
      been thought to have some symbolical meaning. The cross was also
      used as an ornament, and possessed probably some religious
      significance. A third figure which has caused some discussion was
      the triangle. “It is, on the whole, very probable that all these
      signs, which are not connected with any known object, bear some
      relation to certain religious or superstitious ideas entertained
      by the men of the Bronze epoch, and, as a consequence of this,
      that their hearts must have been inspired with some degree of
      religious feeling.”26

      Avebury Restored.

      We have mentioned the use of stone circles in Neolithic times.
      During the Bronze Age they built the circle very large, sometimes
      twelve hundred feet in diameter, and they were sometimes made of
      earth. These circles are regarded by some27 as being simply
      burial places, and many of them have been proved to be such. But
      others regard them as temples, meaning thereby not a building, in
      our sense of the word, but a place of sanctity, and probably
      where some form of worship was held. Even if we allow that they
      were originally tombs in every case, it does not follow that they
      have not also been temples, for the religious sentiment has, in
      all ages, and in all places, tended to center in tombs, which
      ultimately have become places of worship. Many of our Christian
      Churches have originated in this manner, and it is a most obvious
      transition from the tomb to the temple. The worship of the
      spirits of the dead at the one would naturally grow into the
      worship of the Great Unknown in the other.28

      The preceding cut is a restoration of one of the largest of these
      temples. Here we see a circle twelve hundred feet in diameter, of
      upright stones, guarded by both a ditch and embankment. From the
      two openings in the embankment formerly extended two long winding
      avenues of stone. Between them rises Silbury Hill, the largest
      artificial mound in Great Britain, being one hundred and thirty
      feet high. The area of the large inclosure was about twenty-eight
      and a half acres. This was a temple of no inconsiderable size. It
      was, of course in ruins when the earliest account of it was
      written, and we can only speculate as to the lapse of time since
      it was venerated as a place of worship.

      Stonehenge, on Salisbury Plain, is a better known ruin, though
      not on as large a scale as at Avebury. The cut gives us a
      restoration of it. The outer circle of standing stones is one
      hundred feet in diameter, and when entire consisted of one
      hundred stones. These are of sandstone, and were obtained in the
      vicinity. A course of stone was laid along the top. We notice
      within a smaller circle of stone. The material of these stones is
      such that we know they must have come from a distance. Mr. James
      tells us that they are erratic—that is, bowlders brought from the
      North of Scotland by the glaciers—and that others of the same
      kind are still to be seen lying around the country.29 But the
      more common opinion is that they were brought there by the people
      from a distance, perhaps Cornwall or the Channel Islands. If this
      be true, it is evidence of a strong religious feeling, and a
      peculiar value must have been attached to the material, since for
      any ordinary monument the stones in the neighborhood would have
      sufficed. Still nearer the center were five groups of three great
      stones each, and immediately within these a horseshoe of smaller
      stones. Finally, near the head of the horseshoe, a great slab of
      sandstone is supposed to have served for an altar. The date of
      the two structures just described has been a matter of some
      dispute.

      Stonehenge Restored.

      It is worthy of notice that in the immediate neighborhood of both
      of them are found a great number of barrows of the Bronze Age.
      Over three hundred were erected in the neighborhood of the
      latter. In the opinion of many this fixes their date in the
      Bronze Age. Stonehenge, in its ruined state, has formed the
      subject of no little speculation. Modern explorers, in connecting
      it with the Bronze Age, have not dispelled from it the
      enchantment of mystery. We must ever wonder as to the nature of
      the rites there observed. Our questionings meet with but feeble
      response; for though we have learned somewhat of past times, it
      is comparatively but little. Ruined columns, crumbling burial
      mounds, and remains of stone and bronze will always be surrounded
      with more or less mystery—a striking illustration that science is
      able to dispel but little of the darkness which unnumbered years
      have thrown around the culture of the past.

      Ancient Tower, Scotland. REFERENCES


        The manuscript of this chapter was submitted to Prof. Chas.
        Rau, of the Smithsonian Institution for criticism.

        Brace’s “Races of the Old World,” p. 60.

        Brace’s “Races of the Old World,” p. 61.

        Dawkins’s “Early Man in Britain,” p. 343.

        “One mass estimated to weigh two hundred tons.” Dana’s “Manual
        of Mineralogy,” p. 291.

        Evans’s “Ancient Bronze Implements,” p. 2.

        Rau’s “Anthropological Subjects,” p. 89. In his preface to this
        collection he asserts his belief, that “former inhabitants of
        North America, notwithstanding all assertions to the contrary,
        were unacquainted with the art of melting copper.” Ibid., vii.

        Dawkins’s “Early Man in Britain,” p. 401.

        “Dawn of History,” p. 367.

        For an excellent discussion of this subject, about which there
        is yet much uncertainty, we would refer the reader to Evans’s
        “Ancient Bronze Implements,” chap. xxii.

        Dawkins’s “Early Man in Britain,” p. 355.

        Dawkins’s “Early Man in Britain,” p. 350.

        “Prehistoric Times,” p. 34.

        “Early Man in Britain,” p. 351.

        Figuier’s “Primitive Man,” p. 255.

        Rau’s “Early Man in Europe,” p. 135, and note.

        Lubbock’s “Prehistoric Times,” p. 39.

        Morgan’s “Ancient Society,” pp. 119, 120.

        Dawkins’s “Early Man in Europe,” p. 449.

        Dawkins’s “Early Man in Britain,” p. 383.

        Lubbock’s “Prehistoric Times,” p. 157.

        Lubbock’s “Prehistoric Times,” p. 74.

        A.D., 995-1035.

        Ferguson’s “Rude Stone Monuments.”

        Dawkins’s “Early Man in Britain,” p. 367.

        Figuier’s “Primitive Man,” p. 283.

        Ferguson’s “Rude Stone Monuments.”

        Dawkins’s “Early Man in Britain,” p. 377.

        James’s “Stonehenge,” p. 3.




Chapter VIII
      THE IRON AGE IN EUROPE.


      Bronze not the best metal—Difficulties attending the discovery of
      Iron—Probable steps in this discovery—Where this discovery was
      first made—Known in ancient Egypt—How this knowledge would
      spread—Iron would not drive out Bronze—The primitive
      Iron-worker—The advance in government—Pottery and ornaments of
      the Iron Age,—Weapons of early Iron Age—The battle-field at
      Tilfenan—Trade of early Iron Age—Invention of Money—Invention of
      Alphabetic Writing—Invasion of the Germanic Tribes—The cause of
      the Dark Ages—Connection of these three Ages—Necessity of
      believing in an extended past—Attempts to determine the
      same—Tinière Delta—Lake Bienne, British Fen-beds—Maximum and
      Minimum data—Argument from the widespread dispersion of the
      Turanian Race—Mr. Geikie’s conclusions—The isolation of the
      Paleolithic Age.

      Theintroduction of bronze was the harbinger of better days to the
      various tribes of Europe. Without metals it is doubtful if man
      would ever have been able to raise himself from barbarism. His
      advance in civilization has been in direct proportion to his
      ability to work metals. As long as he knew how to work bronze
      only he could not hope for the best results. The trouble was not
      in the metal itself, but in the supply; for copper and tin, the
      constituents of bronze, are found only in limited amounts. When
      we reflect on the multiplicity of purposes for which some
      metallic substance is needed, we at once perceive that men
      require a metal which can not only be worked cheaply, but must
      exist in great abundance, so that the needs of a rich and varied
      culture may be met.

      The Divine Author of nature has stored away just such a metal,
      and in such exhaustless quantities that it forms an ingredient in
      nearly all soils, and flows away in the waters of many springs
      and rivers. It exists in abundance in nearly every country of the
      globe, in some forming veritable mountain masses. We refer to
      iron, the king of metals; and when man had learned to reduce it
      from its ores he had taken the first step in a new direction, the
      end whereof is yet far distant.

      We have in the preceding chapter presented some reasons why
      copper would be known before iron. In the first place, how were
      men to learn there was such a thing as iron? Supposing its ores
      did occur in abundance, there was nothing to attract attention to
      them. They were not of great heft, like tin ore or of striking
      color, like the ores of copper. In the hills, and under the foot
      of man, nature indeed had imprisoned a genius; but there was no
      outward sign by which man was to divine his presence. Copper, as
      we have seen, occurs frequently in a native form that is ready
      for use, without reducing from its ores. Native iron, on the
      contrary, is almost the rarest of substances, though it is
      reported as occurring in one or two localities on the earth.1
      Almost the only examples of native iron has been obtained from
      meteorites. Strange as it may seem, these wanderers in space,
      which occasionally flame athwart the sky, consist largely of pure
      iron; at least this is true of such specimens as have from time
      to time been found on the earth’s surface. This supply is of
      course extremely limited, yet some Siberian tribes are said to
      make knives from iron obtained in this manner.2 Moreover the
      evidence of language, as used by the ancient Greeks and
      Egyptians, would imply the meteoric origin of the first known
      form of the metal.3 But though such accidental finds might prove
      the existence of another metal, they would furnish no hint how to
      extract it from its ores, or indeed, that it existed in the form
      of ores.

      The prolonged schooling in metallurgy, which men received during
      the Bronze Age, could not fail to give them many hints, and
      doubtless accidental discoveries of metallic substances were
      made. We can conceive how, by accident or design, iron ore,
      treated in a similar manner to copper and tin ore, would leave
      behind a mass of spongy iron. The difficulty would be in working
      it; for, as we have seen, they were in the habit of casting their
      articles of bronze. But iron is very difficult of fusion. It was
      a long while before they learned how to do that. They had
      therefore to learn an entirely new art—that is, to fashion their
      implements of iron by hammering the heated mass.

      There is no reason to suppose that iron was first discovered in
      Europe. Its spread has been from the east and south to the north
      and west. It, in all probability, was discovered, like bronze, in
      Asia. Although evidence, both archæological and traditional, goes
      to show that bronze was in use long before iron, yet iron has
      been known from time immemorial. Explain it how we will,
      civilization and history follow close after the knowledge of
      iron. Wherever the light of history first falls on the nations of
      the Old World, we find them acquainted with iron, but such
      knowledge, at least on the part of the Mediterranean nations,
      does not long precede history, for at that early time, iron was
      still a most precious metal. It was not yet produced in
      sufficient quantities to take the place of bronze; hence the
      prehistoric Iron Age was there but of short duration.

      Among the early Egyptians iron was known, but was probably not
      very common. There is on this subject some diversity of opinion;
      some believing that at the very earliest historical period they
      were skilled in working it, and employed it in all the affairs of
      life, but others assure us that at the most ancient period they
      did not really use iron, and that bronze was the metal employed
      for all ordinary purposes.4

      A wedge of iron is said to have been found in a joint between the
      stones of the great pyramid. Here, then, at the dawn of historic
      times iron seems to be making its way among a bronze-using
      people. The ancient Chaldeans employed iron as an ornament, but
      not for implements. With them it was therefore a precious metal.
      Among the Assyrians, iron was largely used, and at a
      comparatively early date. A careful study of the poems of Homer
      shows that the Greeks of nearly three thousand years ago had a
      knowledge of iron, though it was a highly prized metal. But to
      the north of the Mediterranean the prehistoric Iron Age was of
      longer duration.

      We can readily see that a knowledge of iron would spread in much
      the same way as did bronze. When first introduced, it would be
      rare and costly, and so would be used sparingly. Bronze axes have
      been found with the edge of iron. Afterwards, as it became more
      abundant, it would be used altogether for cutting instruments and
      weapons, while bronze, being more easily worked, would still be
      used for ornaments, brooches, etc. At Hallstadt, in Austria, was
      discovered a cemetery which evidently belongs to a time when iron
      was taking the place of bronze. In this case, the implements of
      bronze are those forms which we have learned were produced near
      the close of the Bronze Age. The iron implements are not those
      forms best suited for that metal, but imitations of those of
      bronze.5 We remember when bronze was first introduced, the
      weapons were simply copies of those forms already made in stone.6

      We may suppose that a knowledge of iron would spread rapidly. The
      knowledge of metallurgy necessary for the production of bronze
      was at this time widely disseminated. It would require,
      therefore, but a hint to start them in experiments. In the
      dissemination of this knowledge, commerce, of course, played a
      most important part. Whenever the early Greek and Roman writers
      have occasion to mention the arms of the less civilized tribes of
      Europe, we learn they were of iron. This shows that at a very
      early time this knowledge had spread all over Europe.7

      It is scarcely necessary to remark that the use of iron would not
      drive out the use of bronze. That would still be used for many
      purposes; and even stone would continue in use, at least for some
      purposes. At the battle of Marathon, arrow-heads and lances of
      stone were largely used. We can easily understand how, by one of
      a number of causes, some rude tribes, yet unacquainted with the
      use of metal, would come to occupy the site of some settlement,
      the inhabitants of which had been in the Bronze or Iron Age. This
      actually happened at ancient Troy, where the remains of a
      stone-using folk have been found above those of a people using
      metal. This, though an exception to the general rule, need give
      us no surprise.

      Iron manufacture at the present day, is one of our great
      industries. In its present form it is the final development of an
      industry whose first unfoldings we have now to glance at. That
      the first process man employed to procure iron should have been
      very rude, is what we would expect. Some of the partially
      civilized tribes of to-day may give us an insight into the
      process employed. We are told that in Tartary each native makes
      the iron he needs, just as every household would make its own
      bread. The furnace is a very small affair, not holding more than
      three pounds of ore. This is filled with ore and charcoal. The
      bellows are used, and after the charcoal is all burned out, the
      result is a small piece of spongy iron, which needs only repeated
      heating and hammering to be made serviceable.8 Primitive
      furnaces, on a somewhat larger scale, have been discovered in
      Switzerland. Here the excavation was made in the side of a hill,
      and a rude, dome-shaped chimney built over it.

      We must not forget that our task ends where the historian’s
      begins. The use of iron did not long precede history, so we have
      but little to describe as to the customs and manners of life
      during the prehistoric Iron Age. A general advance in all the
      social arts must surely have taken place. Improved tools, and
      more cheaply produced, could not fail to advance man very
      materially in culture. Some lake settlements were still in use as
      places of residence, but better means of protection than water
      was now known—walled cities were in use, especially around the
      Mediterranean sea.

      Mr. Morgan has traced for us the evolution of government. At this
      early date the Greek and Roman people were engaged in
      substituting for ancient society the modern idea of government
      founded on territory.9 The great body of European tribes were now
      in the final stage of barbaric life. Their system of government
      was doubtless the highest known to ancient society— that of
      confederacies; the union of tribes speaking dialects of the same
      language, for offensive and defensive purposes.

      Ornaments and Gold Ornament.

      As characteristic of the advance of this epoch, we may mention
      the appearance of pottery made on the potter’s wheel, and baked
      in an improved kind of furnace. Previous to this epoch all the
      pottery had been moulded by hand and baked in an imperfect manner
      in the open air. This may be thought to be but a small
      improvement. Our civilization, however, depends upon small
      improvements. Only during the early part of this age, while iron
      was scarce, and therefore valuable, would it be used for the
      purpose of ornaments. Iron brooches have been found in
      considerable quantities in the lake settlements. Bronze would
      still be the principal article used for ornaments. The articles
      of bronze manufactured play a great deal of skill. Nor was gold
      entirely forgotten. The cap-shaped ornament of gold was found in
      Ireland. During the Bronze age, as we have seen, there was no
      attempt made to represent animal forms by way of ornaments; but
      we meet with such representations during the early part of the
      Iron Age. This shows how they ornamented the sheath of a sword
      found in one of the Swiss lakes.

      Swords and Ornamental Sword Sheath.

      The warriors of the early Iron Age possessed leaf-shaped swords
      for stabbing. The hilts were of bronze. This period was a
      struggle for existence, on the part of the various tribes of
      Europe. War must have been very common, so it is not strange that
      a large number of relics of this age are of warlike implements.
      Lance-heads, javelins, and arrow-heads have been found in
      abundance. It appears, from experiments ordered by the Emperor
      Napoleon III, that the javelins could only have been used as
      missile weapons, and that they were thrown, not by the hand
      merely grasping the shaft, but by means of a cord or thong,
      something after the principle of a sling.10

      Some years ago an old battle-field was discovered at Tiefenau, in
      Switzerland. On it were found a great number of objects made of
      iron, such as fragments of chariots, bits for horses, wheels,
      pieces of coats of mail, and arms of various sorts, including no
      less than a hundred two-handed swords. All of these were made of
      iron.11 The soldiers also carried with them shields, made
      sometimes of bronze, as in the cut below, or of wood, studded
      with iron.

      Lance-head and Javelin, and Shields.

      There is evidence of considerable volume of trade at this time.
      The Mediterranean was the theater of an extended commerce.
      Phœnician sailors not only ventured to brave the Mediterranean
      sea, but carried their vessels out on the Atlantic at as early a
      date as 500 B.C. The Greek traders were also active. Massilia, or
      as it is known in modern times, Marseilles, was the seat of a
      thriving trade. African ivory has been found in the tombs of
      Hallstadt, in Austria, in connection with ornaments of amber from
      the Baltic, and gold from Transylvania. The inhabitants of this
      town possessed in their salt mines the source of a lucrative
      trade. The trader of the Iron Age was able to take an immense
      stride by reason of the invention of money. Heretofore, in
      Europe, we have not met with coins, and trade must have been
      carried on by means of barter.

      Gallic Coin.

      Acquainted as we are at the present day with money and the
      mechanism of exchange, it is difficult to see how any extended
      trade could be carried on without some unit of value, yet no
      coins are known earlier than the Iron Age.12 The most ancient
      coins known are Greek, and date back to the eighth century before
      Christ. This coin is one found in one of the lake settlements. It
      is made of bronze, and the figures are not stamped, but obtained
      by melting and casting.13 This, however, is not a Greek coin, but
      a Gallic one. On the battlefield of Tiefenau, mentioned above,
      several Greek coins, struck at Massilia, were found.14

      It is scarcely necessary to point out, that though iron gives its
      name to this age, it by no means follows that the only difference
      between this and the Bronze Age is the use of iron. “The pottery
      is different, the forms of the implements and weapons are
      different, the ornamentation is different, the knowledge of
      metallurgy was more advanced, silver and lead were in use,
      letters had been invented, coins had been struck.”15 That
      wonderful invention, the phonetic alphabet, was made during the
      early part of this age. The past was no longer simply kept alive
      in the memory of the living, handed down by tradition and song.
      Inscriptions, and monuments, and books abounded, and we are no
      longer confined to an inspection of their handiwork, or
      examination of their habitations, and explanation of ancient
      burial mounds for our knowledge of their life and surroundings.
      It is no longer the archæologists’ collections, but the writings
      of the historian that unfolds past times and customs.

      Let us cast a glance at the condition of Europe at the dawn of
      history. We have seen that in general terms the Bronze Age
      coincided with the arrival and spread of the Celts, though the
      earlier Celts were still Neolithic. The use of iron could
      scarcely have been inaugurated before the innumerable hordes of
      the Germanic tribes, probably driven from their Asiatic homes by
      the presence of invading people, were on the march. The world
      has, perhaps, never witnessed such a movement of people as
      convulsed Europe for several hundred years, beginning the second
      century before Christ and continuing until the fall of the
      Western Empire of Rome. The light of history dawns on a stormy
      scene in Europe. The Celts confined to the Western portion had
      been largely subjected by the Roman armies, but the largest
      portion of Europe held by the Germanic tribes was the seat from
      whence assault after assault was made on the Roman Empire, which
      at length, weakened by internal dissensions and enervated by
      luxury, split in twain, and the western, and most important part,
      fell before its barbarian foes.

      The various tribes could not keep alive the civilization they had
      overthrown. The wandering hordes of Germanic people could not
      easily forget their former barbaric life, their marches of
      conquest, and careers of pillage. But the claims of civilization,
      though light and pleasant, are none the less imperative, and a
      people who seek her rewards must form settled communities,
      develop public spirit, organize government, and sink the
      individual in the public good. Not appreciating these claims, it
      is not strange that the incipient civilization nearly expired,
      and that the night of the Dark Ages enwrapt Europe. From out that
      darkness, composed of the descendants of the people whose culture
      we have been investigating, finally emerged the mediæval nations
      of Europe.

      The review has been a pleasant one, for it is a record of
      progress. The difference between the culture of the Neolithic and
      the Iron Age is great, but it is simply a development, the result
      of a gradual growth. Civilization and history have only hastened
      this growth. If we look around us to-day we can trace the
      elements of our civilization back through the eras of history,
      and though the faint beginning of some can be noticed, yet many
      of them come down to us from prehistoric times. We have treated
      of these early people in the three stages of culture known as the
      Neolithic, Bronze, and Iron Ages. We have seen there is no hard
      and fast line dividing the different stages of culture. To borrow
      the words of another, these stages of progress, like the three
      principal colors of the rainbow, overlap, intermingle, and shade
      off the one into the other, and yet in the main they are well
      defined.16

      We instinctively long to set bounds to the past, to measure it by
      the unit of years. It affords us satisfaction to give dates for
      events long since gone by. For any event in the domain of
      history, it is natural and appropriate to gratify this desire. It
      gives precision to our thoughts, and more firmly fixes the march
      of events. But the historical portion of human life on the globe
      is but a small part of the grand whole. When we pass beyond
      history, or into prehistoric times, we find ourselves utterly at
      a loss as to dates.

      We have referred in the preceding pages to the commonly accepted
      belief of a few years ago, that, at most, a few thousand years
      express the whole period of human life on the globe. This was
      supposed to be the teaching of the Scriptures, but Infinite
      Wisdom left not only his word, but he left an imperishable record
      of the past in rocky strata and excavated valley, in dripping
      caves and mountain masses. When it was seen that the claims of
      geology for a greatly extended past, one transcending the powers
      of the human mind to conceive its length, could no longer be
      successfully denied, then it was that earnest investigators in
      the field of human antiquity could no longer shut their eyes to
      the fact that if geological evidence were worth any thing, man
      must have existed in the world for a far longer time than one
      covered by the brief period hitherto relied on.

      This truth is so patent and plain that it has received the
      unqualified indorsement of the most learned scholars.
      Distinguished divines have been amongst its able expounders, and
      instead of being in opposition to the Bible, as already stated,
      the earnest reader finds in the periods of the geologists
      unexpected confirmation of its truths. The evidence of an
      extended past for man is not, however, wholly of a geological
      nature, though these have been the ones principally relied on.
      The archæologist to-day summons to his aid the science of
      language, studies into the origin of civilization and the
      comparison of the different races of men, and derives from each
      and all of these concurrent testimony as to a vast, shadowy, and
      profound antiquity for man, one stretching way beyond the dawn of
      history, far into the very night of time.

      As we have now spent some time in tracing out the culture of
      these early ages, it may be well to see if there are any means at
      our command to determine the absolute chronology of the various
      ages. At the very outset of our inquiry, we shall perceive that
      we have no such class of facts as guided our investigations into
      the age of the Paleolithic remains. We have but to recall the
      situation in which the implements of that age were found, always
      under such circumstances, that we see at once that a great lapse
      of time has passed since they became imbedded where found, and
      then the bones of the various extinct animals, found so
      associated with the implements, that we are justified, even
      compelled, to admit they occupied the same section of country,
      and then, from a variety of causes, we are satisfied that they
      occupied Europe at the close of the Glacial Age, if not for long
      ages before. All this gave us a point of departure, and we have
      showed with what care scholars have studied all questions
      relating to the date of the Glacial Age.

      But aside from the fact that geology points out that a long time
      went by after the close of the Glacial Age before Neolithic man
      arrived on the scene, we are largely deprived of its aid in our
      investigations; for all the various implements and specimens of
      the household industries, from which we derive our knowledge of
      these latter ages, are found only in surface deposits; that is,
      in the modern alluvia and silt of river bottoms, in superficial
      deposits, in caves, and in peat-bogs; and even in other instances
      where apparently deeply buried, as in the submerged forest
      deposits of the British coasts, we know that, geologically
      speaking, their age is recent.

      But in spite of these difficulties, attempts have been made from
      time to time to determine the absolute chronology of these ages.
      The results, however, can only be considered as approximations of
      the truth. We will call attention to some of these calculations.
      Their value to us consists in showing us the methods by which
      this problem has been attacked, and not in the results obtained.
      M. Morlot, of Switzerland, has sought to determine this question
      by a study of the delta of the Tinière, which is a small river
      flowing into the lake of Geneva. Like all mountain streams, it
      brings down considerable quantities of sediment, with which it
      has formed a conical shaped delta. Cuttings for a railroad
      exposed a fine section of this cone, and showed that at three
      different times layers of vegetable soil, which must once have
      been its old surface were found.

      The lowest surface was some twenty feet beneath the present
      surface, and here were found relics of the Stone Age. The second
      layer was at the depth of ten feet, and contained relics of the
      Bronze Age. Finally the first buried layer, three feet beneath
      the present surface, was found to contain relics of the Roman
      Age. Obtaining from other data the time that has elapsed since
      the deposits of the Roman layer, he readily calculates the age of
      the Stone and Bronze layers. By this means he obtains for the
      Bronze Age an antiquity of between three and four thousand years,
      and for the Neolithic Age from five to seven thousand years.17 M.
      Morlot does not claim for his calculation more than approximate
      accuracy.18 But if we were to allow it a greater accuracy than
      its author claims, it would still only show us that from a period
      of from five to seven thousand years ago, tribes of stone using
      folks lived in Switzerland. It tells us nothing as to their first
      appearance, or the total length of this age.19

      Other calculations of a similar nature have been made. The Lake
      of Bienne, in Switzerland, has been gradually silting up along
      its margins from time immemorial. About seven hundred and fifty
      years ago there was an abbey built at one place on the then
      existing shore of the lake. Since that time the gain of land has
      been about twelve hundred feet. A considerable distance further
      up the valley are found the remains of a lake settlement of the
      Stone Age. If the gain of land has been uniform, it has not been
      far from seven thousand years since the lake washed round the
      ancient settlement. Of course the land may have gained faster at
      one time than at another, but from the general configuration of
      the valley it is considered that its gain was regular.20

      Mr. Skertchly, of the Geological Survey of England, has furnished
      still another estimate, based on the growth of the Fen-beds on
      the east coast of England. It is sufficient to state that he also
      arrives at an estimate of about seven thousand years for the
      Neolithic period.21 Now these results are interesting, and their
      substantial agreement is, to say the least, striking. We must
      remember, however, that none of them are free from error. They
      may serve to clear up our thoughts on this subject, but we notice
      they tell us nothing as to the beginning of the Neolithic Age.

      Abandoning the effort to obtain dates for the various ages,
      attempts have been made to calculate the entire interval that has
      elapsed since the close of the Glacial times, and thus set bounds
      to the first appearance of Neolithic man. We briefly touched on
      this question in determining the antiquity of the Paleolithic
      Age, and we say, as far as this country was concerned, it was
      comparatively a recent thing, but as for Europe, it must be at a
      very remote time. M. Quatrefages has called our attention to two
      investigations in Europe, which, in order to understand this
      question, we will now glance at. The waters of the Rhone carry
      into Lake Geneva every year quantities of sediment. In other
      words, from this and other sources, the lake is gradually being
      filled up. Carefully calculating the amount carried into the lake
      in a year, estimates have been made of the length of time it has
      taken the river to fill up the lake as much as it has.

      But in making this calculation the date arrived at was a maximum
      one—that is, a point beyond which it is not reasonable to suppose
      the time extended. These calculations gave as a result one
      hundred thousand years. The meaning of this is that the time
      elapsed since the close of the Glacial Age was something less
      than the number just stated. On the other hand, a minimum date
      for this time has been obtained by estimating the amount of
      erosion in the valley of the River Saone, in France. From this we
      know that the time can not be less than seven thousand years.22

      It is, perhaps, doubtful whether we shall ever be able to obtain
      satisfactory answers to these questions. From what we have
      repeatedly seen of the slowness of development of primitive man,
      we do not doubt but what the antiquity of Neolithic Man goes much
      farther back than seven thousand years. When a naturalist finds
      in widely separated parts of the world animals belonging to a
      common order, he is justified in concluding that the order is a
      very ancient one. To illustrate, the opossum belongs to an order
      of animals of which the only other representatives are found in
      Australia and the neighboring islands.23 We are not surprised,
      therefore, to learn that this order was the first to appear in
      geological time.24 We think the rule is equally applicable to
      races of men. We are told that the Turanian race, or, as it is
      often named, the Mongoloid race, is a very widely scattered one.
      Its representatives are found over the larger portion of Asia, in
      Northern Europe, the islands of the Pacific; and they were the
      only inhabitants of the New World at the time of the conquest.25
      This wide dispersion would imply that they were one of the
      ancient races of the world, and as such their antiquity must be
      far greater than the above named number of years.

      This point grows clearer when we see what light is afforded on
      this subject by historical research. The Turanian people were in
      full possession of Europe while yet the ancestors of the Hindoos
      and the various European nations dwelt together as one people in
      Asia. As a race they had grown old when the Celts commenced their
      wanderings. Egypt comes before us as a powerful people, at a time
      at least as early as six thousand years ago. Even at that time
      they had attained civilization. But we need not doubt that there
      is a long series of years lying back of that, during which this
      people were slowly advancing from a previous condition of
      barbarism. The Egyptian people themselves are, in part at least,
      descendants of a Turanian people that probably in former times
      occupied the valley of the Nile and North Africa.26

      Mr. Geikie has lately gone over the entire ground from the point
      of view of a geologist. He ranges over a wide field, and appeals
      in support to writers of acknowledged ability in all branches of
      learning.27 Yet the impression we gather from his writings is
      that of ill-defined, but far-reaching antiquity, one necessary to
      account for the great climatic and geographical changes which he
      shows us have taken place since the Glacial Age. But he tells us
      that any term of years he could suggest would be a mere guess. We
      can not do better than leave the matter here. Perhaps as a result
      of the research of our present scholars, we may soon have more
      precise results.

      These closing essays have impressed on us clearly and distinctly
      the isolation of the Paleolithic Age. When we reflect on its
      prolonged duration, its remoteness in time, and its complete
      severance from the Neolithic and succeeding ages, we are almost
      ready to wonder whether they were indeed human beings. But
      beginning with the Neolithic Age, we come to our own era. This
      primitive culture seems to have been the commencement of our own
      culture, and so the industries, household implements, and weapons
      of these ages possess a greater interest to us. We have now
      completed our inquiry into prehistoric life in Europe, and are
      ready to turn our attention to other parts of the field. What we
      have thus far learned shows us how true it is that the past of
      human life on the globe is full of mystery. We trust that what
      has been written will enable our readers to form clearer
      conceptions of life in Europe during these far away times.

 REFERENCES


        Dana’s “Manual of Mineralogy,” p. 230.

        “Primitive Man,” p. 298.

        Evans’s “Ancient Stone Implements,” p. 5.

        Evans’s “Ancient Bronze Implements,” p. 8.

        “Ancient Bronze Implements,” p. 3.

        Ibid., p. 40.

        Ibid., p. 19.

        Figuier’s “Primitive Man,” p. 300.

        “Ancient Society,” p. 216.

        Figuier’s “Primitive Man,” p. 325.

        “Prehistoric Times,” p. 7.

        M. Desor, in “Smithsonian Reports,” 1865, tells us that small
        brass rings were probably used by people of the Swiss lake
        villages of the Bronze Age epoch as money.

        Figuier’s “Primitive Man,” p. 310.

        Lubbock’s “Prehistoric Times,” p. 7.

        Lubbock’s “Prehistoric Times,” p. 17.

        Evans’s “Ancient Bronze Implements,” p. 1.

        “Smithsonian Report,” 1860, p. 342.

        Ibid.

        Mr. Southall, in “Recent Origin of Man,” p. 475, quotes, from
        Dr. Andrews, of Chicago, to the effect that these calculations
        are very erroneous, as he thinks that M. Morlot forgot that the
        size of the cone would increase more and more slowly. On the
        contrary, M. Morlot says as follows: “Only this growth must
        have gone on at a gradually diminishing rate, because the
        volume of a cone increases as the cube of its radius. Taking
        this fact into consideration, etc.” (Smithsonian Report, 1860,
        p. 341.) There are, however, several objections to this
        calculation, for which see Lubbock’s “Prehistoric Times,” p.
        400; also Quatrefages’s “Human Species,” p. 138.

        Lubbock’s “Prehistoric Times,” p. 402. For criticisms on this
        calculation see Southall’s “Recent Origin of Man.”

        British Assoc. Rep., 1879.

        Quatrefages’s “Human Species,” p. 139, _et seq._

        Nicholson’s “Manual of Zoölogy,” p. 535.

        Dana’s “Manual of Geology,” p. 416, note.

        Keary’s “Dawn of History,” p. 382; Morgan’s “Systems of
        Consanguinity and Affinity.”

        Dawkins’s “Early Man in Britain,” p. 324.

        “Prehistoric Europe,” chap. xvi to xxii.




Chapter IX
      EARLY MAN IN AMERICA.1


      Conflicting accounts of the American Aborigines—Recent
      discoveries—Climate of California in Tertiary Times—Geological
      changes near its close—Description of Table Mountain—Results of
      the discoveries there—The Calaveras skull—Other relics—Discussion
      of the question—Early Californians Neolithic—Explanation of
      this—Date of the Pliocene Age—Other discoveries bearing on the
      Antiquity of man—Dr. Koch’s discovery—Discoveries in the Loess of
      Nebraska—In Greene County, Ill.— In Georgia—Difficulties in
      detecting a Paleolithic Age in this country—Dr. Abbott’s
      discoveries—Paleolithic Implements of the Delaware—Age of the
      deposits—The race of Paleolithic man—Ancestors of the
      Eskimos—Comparison of Paleolithic Age in this country with that
      in Europe—Eskimos one of the oldest races in the World.

      When the energy and skill of Columbus were crowned with success,
      and the storm-tossed Atlantic was found to lave the shores of a
      western continent, reflecting minds in Europe were much
      interested in the strange stories they heard of the inhabitants
      of the New World. On the one hand Spanish adventurers told
      scarcely credited stories of populous cities, temples glittering
      with gold and silver ornaments, and nations possessed of a
      barbaric civilization scarcely inferior to their own. On the
      other hand were accounts of morose savages, cruel and vindictive
      in nature, depending on fishing and the chase for a livelihood.
      Nearly four centuries have elapsed since that time. The
      aboriginal inhabitants have nearly disappeared, leaving their
      origin and prehistoric life almost as great a riddle to us as it
      was to the early colonists.

      But in endeavoring to unroll the pages of their history, we have
      chanced upon some strange discoveries. The Aztecs, that people
      whose culture is to-day such an enigma to our scholars, are known
      to be a late arrival in the valley of Anahuac. They were preceded
      in that section by a mysterious people, the Toltecs, whose
      remains excite our liveliest curiosity, but of which we have yet
      learned but little. Yucatan is shown to have been for many
      centuries the home of a people whose advancement equated that of
      the Aztecs at their palmiest day. Like important discoveries
      attended the labors of explorers in the North. The entire valley
      of its great river is known to have been the home of a numerous
      population, that, from the nature of their remains, we call the
      Mound-builders. Who these people were, when and whence they came,
      and whither they went, are questions whose solution is by no
      means accomplished. Nor are such discoveries the only results. A
      study of their institutions has done much in revealing the
      constructions of ancient society, and thereby throwing light on
      some mysterious chapters of man’s existence.

      Of late years interest in the antiquity of man in America has
      been reawaked by the discoveries of human remains in Pliocene
      deposits in California, and the Glacial gravel of the Delaware at
      Trenton, New Jersey. Before this it was supposed that we had no
      authentic instance of human remains in America found under such
      circumstances that it was necessary to assign to them a profound
      antiquity. If these latter day discoveries be true, we can not
      escape the conclusion that man lived in America at as early a
      date as that indicated by any of the European explorations. Some
      hold that the proof of his existence here in Pliocene times is
      far more satisfactory than any evidence of his presence in Europe
      during this time. There is something fascinating in this belief.
      If some of the most eminent scientists of America are not
      mistaken, man lived on our Pacific coast before the great
      ice-sheets that pulverized the surface of the earth and dispersed
      life before them came down from the north. He ranged along the
      western rivers before the volcanic peaks of the Sierras were
      uplifted, and his old hunting-grounds are to-day buried
      underneath the greet lava flow which desolated ancient California
      and Oregon. But this assertion has not been allowed to pass
      undisputed, nor has it received the assent of all scientists.

      We can easily understand why scholars subject all questions
      relating to the first appearance of man to very careful scrutiny.
      If a competent geologist should assert that he had found, in
      undoubted Pliocene formations, bones of some species of animals
      not hitherto suspected of living at that date, his statement
      would be accepted as proof of the same. But in the case of man,
      every circumstance is inquired into. It is but right that the
      utmost care should be exercised in this direction. But, on the
      other hand, we are not justified in demanding mathematical
      demonstration in every case of the accuracy of a reported
      discovery. Yet such seems to be the position of a portion of the
      scientific world. For, although they willingly admit that man has
      lived on the earth for a very long time indeed, they urge all
      sorts of objections to extending that time into a past geological
      age.

      Accordingly, when Professor Whitney states as the result of many
      years spent in the investigation of the Tertiary formation of
      California, that he finds evidence of the existence of man in the
      Pliocene Age, it is not strange that one part of the scientific
      world listens incredulously to his statements, and are at once
      ready to explain away the facts on which he relies. He may, of
      course, be mistaken, for it is human to err, but his proofs are
      sufficiently strong to convince some of the best scholars in
      America. We can do no more than to lay the facts before the
      reader and let him judge for himself.

      We have seen what a genial climate prevailed in Europe during the
      Tertiary Age. This must also have been true of California. A rich
      and varied vegetation decked the land. The great trees of
      California of our day then flourished in Greenland, Iceland, and
      Western Europe. The cypress of the Southern States was then
      growing in Alaska and other high northern latitudes. The climate
      probably passed from a tropical one, in early Tertiary times, to
      a milder or temperate one in Pliocene times. Amongst the animals
      inhabiting America were three species of camels. Rhinoceroses,
      mastodons, and elephants trooped over the land. Tigers and other
      carnivore prowled in the forests. Herds of horse-like animals,
      one scarcely distinguishable from our common horse, grazed in the
      valleys, along with several species of deer. From the presence of
      the old drainage beds, we know that majestic rivers rolled their
      watery burden through the land. Such a country might well afford
      a home for man if he were present.

      To understand fully the course of events which now took place we
      must venture on geological ground. The great Pacific Ocean, lying
      to the west of America, is constantly exerting a lateral
      pressure, which during Tertiary times showed its effect in the
      uplifting of the great mountain ranges of the western coast.2
      During late Tertiary times, as a counterpart to the upward
      movement, a great subsidence commenced in the Pacific region.3
      Doubtless many islands, some think an entire continent even,
      disappeared beneath the waves. The completion of the various
      mountain ranges left the coast firm and unyielding; hence, as it
      could not bend before the fiery flood forced upward from below by
      the downward motion just mentioned, it broke, and the torrent of
      molten rock leaped out as a lava flow. In consequence of this,
      near the close of Pliocene times, the surface of California and
      Oregon, especially the north of California, became buried under
      the lava and ashes of the most desolating volcanic outbreak that
      the earth has ever known.

      Let us now see what bearing this has on the question of the
      antiquity of man. Scattered here and there throughout California
      are numerous masses of basaltic lava, which appear as elevated
      ridges, the softer strata around having been denuded away. They
      have received the general name of Table Mountains. They have not
      only been noted for their picturesque beauty, but miners long
      since found that the gravels underneath the lava covering were
      rich in gold. In Tuolumne County the Table Mountain is a flow of
      lava which originated in lofty volcanoes several miles away.

      It extends along the north side of the Stanilaus, which is a
      small river flowing in a south-westerly course through the
      county. The mountain is in the form of a ridge about two thousand
      feet above the present level of the river. At one point the river
      breaks through this ridge, which has been worn away for a
      considerable distance. From this point the ridge appears as a
      continuous mountain, stretching away to the south for a distance
      of twenty miles, from where it crosses the river. “As seen from a
      distance the Table Mountain reveals its origin at once, in the
      contrast between the long, straight line of its upper edge and
      the broken and curving ones which the eroded hills of the
      auriferous strata everywhere exhibit. Its dark color and
      comparative absence of trees and shrubs on its top and sides also
      indicate very clearly that the materials of which it is composed
      are very different from that of the surrounding hills.”4

      This is the celebrated Table Mountain of Tuolumne County. It is
      simply a vast flow of lava. It must have been a grand sight when
      this river of fire came rolling down from its volcanic fount. Its
      present position on top of an elevated ridge is a very singular
      one. In explanation of that we arrive at some very important
      conclusions, and we can not fail to be impressed with the fact
      that countless ages have rolled away since that lava flood poured
      down the mountain side. “No one can deny that a stream of melted
      lava, running for forty miles down the slope of the Sierra, must
      have sought and found a depression or valley in which to flow;
      for it is impossible that it should have maintained for any
      distance its position on the crest of a ridge.” Lava is about as
      thick as molten iron, and would as surely seek some valley in
      which to flow as would so much water. “The valley of the
      Stanilaus, now two thousand feet deep, could not then have
      existed; for this flow of lava is clearly seen to have crossed it
      at one point.”

      “The whole face of the country must, therefore, have undergone an
      entire change since the eruption took place, during which this
      mass of lava was poured out. The valley of the Stanilaus must
      have then been occupied by a range of mountains. The same is true
      of the other side, where now is the valley of Wood’s Creek; for
      such ranges must have existed in order to form and wall in the
      valley in which the current of lava flowed. There has been,
      therefore, an amount of denudation during the period since this
      volcanic mass took its position of not less than three or four
      thousand feet of perpendicular depth, and this surprising series
      of changes is not peculiar to one locality, but the whole slope
      of the Sierras, through the gold region, is the scene of similar
      volcanic outflows and subsequent remodeling of the surface into a
      new series of reliefs and depressions.”5

      Imaginary Section of Table Mountain.

      In order to fully realize the change here spoken of, an imaginary
      section of Table Mountains is here presented. Here we see the two
      valleys on the sides, and the mass of lava covering the top of
      the mountain. The dotted lines represent the position of the old
      line of hills, which must once have inclosed the valley down
      which coursed the fiery torrent.

      We require to dwell on this, fact before we can fully understand
      its meaning. The “eternal hills,” two and three thousand feet in
      height, have been completely washed away, and where they stood is
      now a deep valley. But the old valley, protected by its stony
      covering, is now a mountain ridge; and this, we are told, is not
      a solitary instance, but the entire surface of the country has
      been thus denuded. We stand in awe before the stupendous results,
      which nature, working through vast cycles of time, has
      accomplished.

      But if this lava flow took place in a pre-existing valley, we
      ought to find under the rocky covering beds of gravel, rolled
      stones, and other _débris_ peculiar to a river bed. Such, in
      fact, we do find extended along directly underneath the lava,
      about fifteen hundred feet above the general level of the
      country. These old river gravels are found to be very rich in
      gold, and miners have tunneled into them in numerous places in
      search of the valuable metal. In order to determine the
      geological age of these gravels, and subsequent lava flow, a
      careful examination of portions of plants and bones of animals
      found therein has been made. The plants are pronounced by
      competent authority6 to be Pliocene, totally distinct from any
      specimens now growing in California. The animal remains are
      rhinoceroses, camels, and an extinct species of horse. The age of
      these gravels is, therefore, pronounced to be Pliocene. We would
      say in this connection that the auriferous gravels of California
      have been the object of a very careful research by Prof. Whitney.
      He adds to his conclusions that of another of the State
      geologists. We need not give in detail his arguments, but he
      reaches the conclusion that the auriferous gravels of the Pacific
      slope represent the whole of the Tertiary Age.7

      We have seen that in the ancient gravels of European rivers
      archæologists have found the materials wherewith to build a
      fascinating story of man’s appearance in Quaternary times. We
      have underneath the lava flow of California the gravel beds of
      rivers far antedating the gravels of the Somme. It is therefore
      not a little interesting to learn from Prof. Whitney that he
      finds many proofs of the existence of man in the gravels of the
      Pliocene Age in California. Under the solid basalt of Table
      Mountain have been found many works of men’s hands, as well as
      the celebrated “Calaveras Skull.”

      Calaveras Skull.

      This skull was taken from a mining shaft at Altaville, at a depth
      of one hundred and thirty feet from the surface, beneath seven
      different strata of lava and gravel. Prof. Whitney was not
      present when it was found. He, however, made it his business to
      examine into the facts of the case, and he thus speaks of it:
      “That the skull was found in these old, intact, cemented gravels
      has been abundantly proved by evidence that can not be gainsaid.”
      And again: “So far as human and geological testimony can at
      present be relied on, there is no question but that the skull was
      found under Table Mountain, and is of the Pliocene Age.”8

      This would seem to be pretty explicit, but, as we have said
      before, Prof. Whitney, in his formal report as the State
      geologist of California, reaches the conclusion that the
      auriferous gravels of the Pacific are all of the Tertiary Age. It
      is therefore not a little interesting to learn that numerous
      instances are recorded of the finding of human remains or the
      works of man in these gravels. Prof. Whitney mentions twenty such
      instances.9 Mr. Bancroft furnishes us a list of such discoveries,
      giving as his authority Mr. C. D. Voy, of the California
      Geological Survey, of Oakland, California. He states that Mr. Voy
      personally visited most of the localities where the discoveries
      were made, and took all possible pains to verify their
      authenticity, and in many cases obtaining sworn statements from
      the parties who made them.10

      Two stone mortars and spear-heads, six and eight inches long,
      were found in the gravel under Table Mountain, just mentioned.
      These relics were found about three hundred feet from the
      surface. A hundred feet and more of this depth was of solid lava.
      At another place a stone bead was found three hundred feet from
      the mouth of the tunnel, under a thick layer of lava. Many other
      instances might be given of such discoveries, not always under
      lava coverings, but always in such instances that we are
      compelled to assign to them an immense antiquity. As, for
      instance, at San Andreas, according to a sworn statement in Mr.
      Voy’s possession, large stone mortars were taken from a layer of
      cemented gravel, overlain by one hundred and twenty-five feet of
      volcanic and gravel materials. Many similar instances are on
      record, but enough have been mentioned to serve the purpose of
      the chapter.11

      As we have briefly gone over the ground on which the antiquity of
      man in America is, by some, referred to the Pliocene Age, it is
      but fair to notice some of the objections that have been raised.
      It is not necessary to point out that the only questions worthy
      to be considered are of a scientific nature.

      We must deny either the age of the gravels themselves or that the
      objects of human handiwork were found as claimed, or else that
      they are of the same age as the gravels. Prof. LeConte thinks,
      from the nature of the gravels and the peculiar circumstances
      which surround them, that they are not older than the close of
      the Pliocene Age. He thinks they, in fact, belong to the
      transitory period between that age and the Quaternary.12 But as
      we are considering the question of Pliocene man, it makes but
      little difference if the gravels do belong to the very close of
      that period. They may still be called Pliocene.

      One great trouble with those remains is that they were not
      discovered by professed geologists. We have to depend upon the
      statements of miners. But if their statements can be believed
      (and why should they not?), there is no doubt about their
      genuineness. The testimony, as Mr. Whitney says, “all points in
      one direction, and there has never been any attempt made to pass
      off on any member of the survey any thing out of keeping, or—so
      to speak—out of harmony with what has been already found, or
      might be expected to be found. It has always been the same kind
      of implements which have been exhibited to us, namely, the
      coarsest and the least finished, which one would suppose could be
      made, and still be implements at all.”13 This result would hardly
      be possible, where so many parties are concerned in furnishing
      the evidence, if the objects were not genuine.14

      In opposition to this conclusion it has been urged that the stone
      mortars, pestles, etc., have become imbedded in the gravel by the
      action of streams, or slips from the mountain side in modern
      times, or are the results of interments or mining operations.15
      As an illustration of how they might become buried by the action
      of streams, reference is made to somewhat similar discoveries in
      the tin-bearing streams of Cornwall (Wales). We know with
      considerable certainty that at a very early date the Phœnicians
      worked in the gravels of these streams for tin ores. Implements
      made use of by them and others—such, for instance, as shovels,
      mortars, pick-axes, stone bowls, and various dishes—have been
      found at all depths in this gravel, by more modern miners.16

      This may explain the presence, in some instances, of similar
      remains in California, but it utterly fails to do so, where the
      remains have been buried underneath a lava flow or a bed of
      volcanic materials, as is the case in many of the instances we
      have cited. Manifestly no water has disturbed their strata since
      the volcanic materials were laid down. Neither can we think of a
      land-slide carrying these remains into the heart of a mountain,
      or burying them underneath a hundred feet of lava. The peculiar
      position in which they were often found is surely lost sight of
      by those who think they might have been placed there by
      interment. We can not think of a savage people digging a grave in
      such a position.

      It has been urged with considerable force that these relics have
      been left behind by ancient miners when they mined for gold. Dr.
      Wilson is cited as authority for the statement that the Mexicans
      obtained “silver, lead, and tin from the mines of Tasco and
      copper was wrought in the mountains of Zacotollan by means of
      galleries and shafts, opened with persevering toil where the
      metallic veins were imbedded in the solid rock.” Prescott, the
      historian, also testifies to the same fact.

      We need only add to this, that wherever these ancient galleries
      were opened in the solid rock, they still exist. Schoolcraft
      mentions finding one two hundred and ten feet deep.17 The chances
      are not worth considering, that these old mines would be
      overlooked. If, for instance, the Calaveras skull is that of a
      prehistoric miner, killed in an old mining gallery only a
      thousand years or so ago, it is inconceivable that all evidence
      of this mine should have disappeared. Or, if in one case it
      should have done so, it would surely have been detected in other
      instances. The variety and explicitness of the testimony brought
      forward makes all such supposition improbable.18

      It is best, in this matter, to hold the judgment in suspense. We
      have stated Mr. Whitney’s position, and the objections that have
      been raised to it. The amount of thought bestowed on the
      antiquity of man will doubtless soon clear up the whole matter.
      We can not do better than to consider his surroundings, supposing
      that he was really present. The country must have been very
      different from the California of to-day. Dr. Cooper says, “The
      country consisted of peninsulas and islands, like those of the
      present East Indies; resembling them also in climate and
      productions.”19 The probabilities are that to the west and
      southwest of California, instead of watery expanse of the
      Pacific, only broken here and there by an ever-verdant islet,
      there was either a continental expanse of land or, at any rate, a
      vast archipelago. We know that over a large part of the Northern
      Pacific area the land has sunk not less than six thousand feet
      since late Tertiary times.20

      We are certain the ocean area must have presented a vastly
      different aspect before that depression commenced. It is not
      unreasonable to suppose that communication between North America
      and Asia was much easier than in subsequent epochs. It might have
      been an easy matter for man to pass back and forth without losing
      sight of land. It is therefore reasonable to suppose that if
      Pliocene man was in existence, he would have occupied both sides
      of the Pacific at this early time.21 These last conclusions are
      very important ones to reach, and as there is reasonable
      foundation for them, we must bear them in mind in the subsequent
      pages.

      It will be remembered that the races of men who inhabited Europe
      in the Paleolithic Age had only very rudely formed, unpolished
      implements. It is not until we arrive at the Neolithic stage of
      culture that we meet with specimens of polished stone implements.
      To judge from the specimens of early Californian art, the
      beautifully polished pestles, beads, plummets or sinkers,
      spear-heads, etc., Pliocene man in California must have been in
      the Neolithic stage of culture. Though they were not acquainted
      with the potter’s art, yet from their skill in working vessels of
      stone, they had undoubtedly passed entirely through Savagism, and
      had entered the confines of Barbarism,22 as far advanced, in
      fact, as many of the Indian tribes the Spaniards found in
      possession of the country.

      It must be confessed this seems very singular. It is this
      statement that causes many to shut their eyes to what would be
      otherwise at once admitted and refuse to believe the genuineness
      of the discovery. If the implements brought to light had been of
      the rude River Drift type—celts but little removed from nodules
      of flint—scholars would not be so cautious about accepting them.
      But when we learn they are Neolithic, we at once see why they
      hesitate, and ask for more conclusive proofs; yet this is no
      reason to disregard the discoveries. They may be a great
      surprise, they may be an unwelcome discovery to the holder of
      some theories, yet the only question is, whether they are true or
      not, and if true, theories must be modified to fit the facts.
      Prof. Putnam thus speaks, in reference to them: “As the
      archæologist has no right to be governed by any pre-conceived
      theories, but must take the facts as he finds them, it is
      impossible for him to do otherwise than accept the deductions of
      so careful and eminent a geologist as Prof. Whitney, and draw his
      conclusions accordingly, notwithstanding the fact that this
      Pliocene man was, to judge by his works in stone and shell, as
      far advanced as his descendants were at the time of the discovery
      of California by the Spaniards.”23

      Perhaps a partial explanation of this matter may be found when we
      consider all the circumstances of the case. The origin of man is
      generally assigned to some tropical country. Sir John Lubbock
      thus speaks of it: “Our nearest relatives in the animal kingdom
      are confined to hot, almost tropical climates; and it is in such
      countries that we are, perhaps, most likely to find the earliest
      traces of the human race.”24 This is also the opinion of other
      eminent scholars. M. Quatrefages thinks that man probably
      originated in Asia. He points out, however, that, during Tertiary
      times, the climate was much milder, and man might have originated
      in Northern Asia.25 Now, if it be true that a great mass of land
      has disappeared beneath the waves of the Pacific, why may we not
      suppose that, if this sunken land was not the original home of
      man, it was at a very early time inhabited by him; that here he
      passed through his experience in savagism?26 We know how suited
      the islands of the Pacific are to the needs of a savage people;
      and we must not lose sight of the probable ease with which they
      could reach the coast of California—and also of what Dr. Cooper
      has told us of the climate and geographical surroundings of
      California at that early time. So it may not be unreasonable to
      suppose that man reached California long ages before he wandered
      into Europe, and so reached the Neolithic stage of culture much
      earlier than he did in other parts of the world.27

      It might be objected, that if a people in the Neolithic stage of
      culture lived in California in the Pliocene Age, they ought to
      have reached a very high stage of culture indeed when the
      Spaniards invaded the country. This is what we would expect had
      they been left to develop themselves. The great geographical
      changes that took place near the close of the Pliocene would cut
      off the primitive Californians from the Asiatics. Not only was
      the land connection—if it indeed existed—now destroyed, but
      causes were changing the climate. Ice and snow drove from the
      north life of both animals and plants, and for an entire
      geological period communications with Asia by way of the north
      must have been very difficult, if not cut off altogether. Who can
      tell what changes now came to the Asiatic branch of these people?
      We are but too familiar with the fact that nations and races
      sicken and die: many examples could be given. The natives of the
      Sandwich Islands seem doomed to extinction. In a few centuries,
      the Indians of America will live only in tradition and song.

      Such may have been the fate of the early inhabitants of the
      Pacific continent: certainly it would not be surprising, if the
      immense climatic and geographical changes which then took place
      would produce that result. Or it may be that but a scanty remnant
      lived on, absorbed by more vigorous, though less highly
      cultivated stocks of the same people, whose homes had been on the
      main-land of Asia—and the remnant left along the Pacific coast
      must have lived on under vastly different circumstance. The
      interior of North America was largely a dreary expanse of ice and
      snow down to the 39th parallel of latitude. It is quite true,
      this great glacier did not reach the Pacific Slope; but it must
      have exerted a powerful influence on the climate: and the
      evidence points, that the Sierra Nevada were occupied by local
      glaciers which reached down into the fertile expanse of the
      plains.

      This was certainly a far different climate, and a far different
      country, than that which sustained a vegetation of a tropical
      growth. It may well be that the people should, as a result of
      their changed conditions, have deteriorated in culture; or, at
      any rate, their progress toward civilization may have been
      stopped, and many thousands of years may have passed with no
      perceptible improvement. It may be objected, that man will
      improve under any state of existence, give him time enough. This
      is, doubtless, in the main true. But a race may early reach its
      limit of culture; in which case, as a race, it will not improve:
      we may do much with the individual, but nothing, or but very
      little, for the race.

      In these considerations which have been advanced we may find some
      reason for the early appearance of Neolithic man, as well as the
      fact that he advanced no farther in culture. But whether man
      first arrived in California in Pliocene times or not, he
      continued to inhabit the land to the present day. He would,
      however, be exposed to assault after assault from invading
      tribes. We do not wish to examine the question of the origin of
      the native Americans. It is held, by the best authorities, that
      at least a portion of them came from Asia, using the Kurile
      Islands as a stepping stone. Reaching the main-land of America,
      and passing down the coast, they would, sooner or later, reach
      the Valley of the Columbia—which has been characterized as the
      most extraordinary region on the face of the earth in the variety
      and amount of subsistence it afforded to tribes destitute of a
      knowledge of agriculture. At certain seasons of the year the
      rivers are crowded with fish, and they are then caught with the
      greatest ease. As a mixture of forest and prairie, the country is
      an excellent one for game. A species of bread-root grew on the
      prairies; and, in the Summer, there was a profusion of berries.
      To these advantages must be added that of a mild and equable
      climate.28

      These combined advantages would make this valley one of the
      centers of population, from whence would issue successive bands
      of invading people. A portion of these, passing over into
      California, would come in contact with the descendants of
      Pliocene man. The result would be, that the primitive
      inhabitants, unable to escape to the west, would come in contact
      with wave after wave of invading tribes. This is not altogether
      theory. All inquirers into the customs, arts, and languages of
      the primitive Californians have been struck with the remarkable
      commingling of the same. We are driven to the conclusion that
      here has been the meeting ground of many distinct tribes and
      nations. “From such a mixture, and over-population of the most
      desirable portions of the country, would naturally result the
      formation of the hundreds of petty tribes that existed in both
      Upper and Lower California when first known to the Spaniards.”29

      In view of these facts, it is not strange that no advance in
      culture is noticeable; and the grounds just mentioned may go far
      to explain why we catch sight, here and there, of bits of
      customs, habits, and manners of life which strangely remind us of
      widely distant people—though it will not explain the presence of
      words of Malay or Chinese origin which are claimed to exist.30
      What is known as the Eskimo trace is quite marked in the physical
      characters and in the arts of the Californians.31 It is,
      probably, the continuance of the type of the primitive American
      race.

      It would naturally be interesting to know whether any date can be
      given for the Pliocene Age, and so give us some ideas as to the
      antiquity of man, if he were really here during that epoch. This,
      however, is one of the most difficult questions to answer, and in
      the present state of our knowledge incapable of solution.
      Approximations have, of course, been made, and, as might be
      expected, vary greatly in results. When it was acknowledged on
      all hands that on geological grounds the age of the earth was
      certainly very great, many times the few thousand years hitherto
      relied on, it is not strange that popular thought swung to the
      other extreme, and hundreds of millions of years were thought
      necessary to explain the series of changes which the geologists
      unfolded. This demand for a greatly extended time was
      strengthened when the law of the gradual evolution of life was
      expounded by the modern school of naturalists, and as great a
      lapse of time as five hundred millions of years was not deemed an
      extravagant estimate. Sir William Thompson has, however,
      demonstrated that the time that has elapsed since the crust of
      the earth became solidified can not be far from one hundred
      millions of years, and consequently we know the time since the
      appearance of life must be greatly less than that number of
      years.

      Attempts have been made to estimate the length of time required
      to form the sedimentary crust of the earth. The results are so
      divergent on this point that it is best not to adopt any standard
      at present. Our views on this matter are also dependent on the
      time that has elapsed since the close of the Glacial Age, which,
      as we have seen, is not yet a settled point. If it be true that
      the islands of the Pacific commenced to sink during late Tertiary
      times, then we have a measure of that time in the growth of
      coral, which has required at least four hundred thousand years to
      form reefs the thickness of some that are known to exist.32

      But here, again, it seems we are not certain when this depression
      commenced.33 In a previous chapter we have gone over the Glacial
      Age, and have seen when, according to Mr. Croll’s theory, it
      commenced. This was probably not far from the close of the
      Pliocene Age. We might as well leave the matter here. There are
      so many elements of uncertainty that it is doubtful if we will
      ever be able to assign satisfactory dates to the epoch.34

      In bringing to a conclusion this somewhat extended notice of
      early man in California we have to admit that much of it is
      speculative; still it is an endeavor to explain known facts. The
      main statement is that man lived in California in the Pliocene
      Age, in the Neolithic stage of culture. Whether the arguments
      adduced in support of this statement are sufficient to prove its
      accuracy must be left to the mature judgment of the scientific
      world. There is no question but that the climate and geography,
      the fauna and the flora, were then greatly different from those
      of the present. Starting with these known facts, so strange and
      fascinating, it need occasion no surprise, if the pen of the
      enthusiastic explorer depict a scene wherein facts and fancy are
      united.

      In this case truth is certainly stranger than fiction, and when,
      in imagination, we see the great Pacific archipelago emerge from
      the waves, and, in place of the long swell of the ocean, we
      picture the pleasing scenes of tropic lands, the strange floral
      growth of a past geological age, the animal forms which have
      since disappeared, with man already well advanced in culture:
      when we recall all this, and picture forth the surprising changes
      which then took place, the slowly subsiding land, the encroaching
      waters, and the resultant watery waste, with here and there a
      coral-girt island, the great volcanic uplift on the main-land,
      the flaming rivers of molten lava, which come pouring forth,
      followed by the night of cold, ice, and snow: when we consider
      these, and the great lapse of time necessary for their
      accomplishment, how powerless are mere words to set forth the
      grandeur and the resistless sweep of nature’s laws, and to paint
      the insignificance and trifling nature of man and his works!

      The discoveries in California are not the only instances of the
      relics of man and his works found under such circumstances that
      they are relied on by some to prove the great age of man in
      America. But on account of the rarity of these finds, and the
      contradictory statements and opinions respecting them, the
      scientific world has until lately regarded with some distrust the
      assertion of a great antiquity for man on this continent; but a
      review of the evidence on this point, and especially of Dr.
      Abbott’s discoveries in New Jersey, must impress on all the
      conclusion that tribes of men were living here at the close of
      the Glacial Age, and probably long before that time.

      It need occasion no surprise to learn that several of the
      discoveries of former years, relied on in this connection, have
      since been shown to be unreliable. They have not been able to
      stand a careful examination at the hands of later scholars. They
      were made when European savants were first communicating to the
      world the results of the explorations of the river gravels and
      caves of that country. The antiquity of man being amply proven
      there, may afford some explanation why more discriminating care
      was not employed. Of this nature were some of the discoveries in
      the valley of the Mississippi; such, for instance, as the portion
      of the human skeleton found mingled with the bones of extinct
      animals a few miles below Natchez, and the deeply buried skeleton
      at New Orleans, in both of which cases a simple explanation is at
      hand without the necessity of supposing a great flight of years.

      Some of these discoveries yet remain an unsettled point. Such is
      the discovery of flint arrow-heads in connection with the bones
      of a mastodon found in Missouri. Dr. Koch, who made the
      discovery, draws from the facts of the case such a suggestive
      picture that we will give his own words. After describing where
      found, he says: “The greater portion of these bones had been more
      or less burned by fire. The fire had extended but a few feet
      beyond the space occupied by the animal before its destruction,
      and there was more than sufficient evidence that the fire had not
      been an accidental one, but, on the contrary, that it had been
      kindled by human agency, and, according to all appearance, with
      the design of killing the huge creature which had been found
      mired in the mud, and in an entirely helpless condition. All the
      bones which had not been burned by the fire had kept their
      original position, standing upright and apparently quite
      undisturbed in the clay, whereas those portions which had been
      extended above the surface had been partially consumed by the
      fire, and the surface of the clay was covered, as far as fire had
      extended, by a layer of wood ashes, mingled with larger or
      smaller pieces of charred wood and burnt bones, together with
      bones belonging to the spine, ribs, and other parts of the body,
      which had been more or less injured by the fire. It seemed that
      the burning of the victim and the hurling of rocks at it had not
      satisfied the destroyers, for I found also, among the ashes,
      bones, and rocks, several arrow-heads, a stone spear-head, and
      some stone axes.”

      Such is Dr. Koch’s very interesting statement of this find. “It
      was received by the scientific world,” says Foster, “with a sneer
      of contempt,” and, it seems to us, for very insufficient reasons.
      It is admitted that his knowledge of geology was not as accurate
      as it should have been. He made some mistakes of this nature,
      which have been clearly shown.35 Still, he is known to have been
      a diligent collector, and we are told “no one who knew him will
      question but that he was a competent observer.”36 It seems to us
      useless to deny the truth of his statements. There is, however,
      nothing to necessitate us believing in an immense age for these
      remains. This is not to be considered a point against them, for
      there is no reason for supposing that the mastodon may not have
      lingered on to comparatively recent times, and that comparatively
      recent men may not have intercepted and destroyed helpless
      individuals. Indeed, we are told there are traditions still
      extant among the Indians of these monsters.37

      We have other facts showing that, in this country as in Europe,
      man was certainly living not far from the time when the land was
      covered with the ice of the Glacial Age, whatever may be true of
      still earlier periods. We are told that, when the time came for
      the final breaking up of the great glaciers, and while they still
      lingered at the head waters of the Platte, the Missouri, and the
      Yellowstone rivers, a mighty lake—or, rather, a succession of
      lakes—occupied the greater portion of the Missouri Valley. The
      rivers flowing into them were of great size,38 and heavily
      freighted with sediment, which was deposited in the still waters
      of the lakes, and thus was formed the rich loess deposits of
      Nebraska.

      From several places in this loess have been taken rude stone
      arrows, buried at such depths and under such circumstances, that
      we must conclude they were deposited there when the loess was
      forming. But this requires us to carry them back to a time when
      elephants and mastodons roamed over the land, for bones of these
      huge creatures39 are quite frequently found. This arrow-point
      —or, it may be, spear-head—was found twenty feet from the
      surface; and almost directly above it, and distant only thirteen
      inches, was a vertebra of an elephant. “It appears, then, that
      some old races lived around the shores of this lake, and,
      paddling over it, accidentally dropped their arrows, or let them
      fly at a passing water-fowl;” and, from the near presence of the
      elephant’s bone, it is shown that man here, as well as in Europe,
      was the contemporary of the elephant, in at least a portion of
      the Missouri Valley.40

      Implement found in Loess.

      Other examples are on record. In Greene County, Illinois, parties
      digging a well found, at the depth of seventy-two feet, a stone
      hatchet. Mr. McAdams carefully examined the well, to see if it
      could have dropped from near the surface. He tells us the well
      was dug through loess deposits; and from the top down was as
      smooth, and almost as hard, as a cemented cistern.41 The loess
      was, as in Nebraska, deposited in the still waters of the lake
      which once occupied the Valley of the Illinois.42 And we need not
      doubt but that it dates from the breaking up of the glacial ice.
      The position of this hatchet, then, found at the very bottom of
      the loess deposits, shows that, while yet the glaciers lingered
      in the north, and the flooded rivers spread out in great lakes,
      some tribes of stone-using folks hunted along the banks of the
      lakes, whose bottoms were to form the rich prairies of the West.

      Previous to this discovery, Mr. Foster had recorded the finding
      in this same formation, distant but a few miles, a rude hatchet.
      There was in this case a possibility that the stone could have
      been shaped by natural means, and so he did not affirm this to be
      a work of man; but he says, “had it been recovered from a plowed
      field, I should have unhesitatingly said it was an Indian’s
      hatchet.”43 We think it but another instance of relics found
      under such circumstances, that it points to the presence of man
      at the close of the Glacial Age.

      No doubt many similar discoveries have been made, but the
      specimens were regarded as the work of Indians; and though the
      position in which they wore found may have excited some surprise,
      they were not brought to the attention of the scholars. Nor is it
      only in the prairie regions of the West where such discoveries
      have been made. Col. C. C. Jones has recorded the finding of some
      flint implements in the drift of the Chattahooche River, which we
      think as conclusively proves the presence of man in a far away
      time as do any of the discoveries in the river gravels of Europe.
      It seems that gold exists in the sands of this river, and the
      early settlers were quick to take advantage of it. They dug
      canals in places to turn the river from its present channel—and
      others, to reach some buried channel of former times. These
      sections passed down to the hard slate rock, passing through the
      surface, and the underlying drift, composed of sand, gravel, and
      bowlders. “During one of these excavations, at a depth of nine
      feet below the surface, commingled with the gravels and bowlders
      of the drift, and just above the rocky substratum upon which the
      deposit rested, were found three [Paleolithic] flint
      implements.”44

      He adds that, “in materials, manners of construction, and in
      general appearance, so nearly do they resemble some of the rough,
      so-called flint hatchets, belonging to the drift type, as
      described by M. Boucher De Perthes, that they might very readily
      be mistaken, the one for the other.” “They are as emphatically
      drift implements, as any that have appeared in the diluvial
      matrix of France.” On the surface soil, above the flints, are
      found the ordinary relics of the Indians. The works of the Mound
      Builders are also to be seen. Judging from their position, the
      Paleolithics must be greatly older than any of the surface
      remains. Many centuries must go by to account for the formation
      of the vegetable soil above them.

      Speculating on their age, Mr. Jones eloquently says, “If we are
      ignorant of the time when the Chattahooche first sought a highway
      to the Gulf; if we know not the age of the artificial tumuli
      which still grace its banks; if we are uncertain when the red
      Nomads who, in fear and wonder, carried the burdens of the
      adventurous DeSoto, as he conducted his followers through
      primeval forests, and, by the sides of their softly mingling
      streams, first became dwellers here, how shall we answer the
      question as to the age in which these rude drift implements were
      fashioned and used by these primitive people?”45

      The examples we have quoted, even though the case of California
      be not considered, are all suggestive of a great antiquity for
      man, taking us back in time to when the glaciers still “shone in
      frigid splendor” over the northern part of the United States.
      When European savants had established the science of Archæology,
      and shown the existence of separate stages of culture, it was but
      natural that those interested in the matter on this side of the
      Atlantic should turn with renewed energy to investigate the
      archæology of this country, to see if here, too, they could find
      evidence of a Paleolithic Age. But the scholar in this country is
      confronted with a peculiar difficulty. Owing to the very
      multiplicity and variety of relics of prehistoric times, it is
      difficult to properly classify and understand them. The field is
      of great extent, the time of study has been short, and the
      explorers few; so it is not strange that but few localities have
      been thoroughly searched. But, until this is done, we can not
      hope to reach definite conclusions.

      The peculiar culture of the Indians, prevailing among them at the
      time of the discovery, proved a hindrance, rather than a help, in
      this matter. The Indians are certainly not Paleolithic, many of
      their implements being finely wrought and polished; but their
      arrow-heads, hatchets, and celts were sufficiently rude to spread
      the conviction that all weapons and implements of stone should be
      referred to them. This belief has done much to hinder real
      progress. It is not to be wondered at that some difference of
      opinion has prevailed, among our scholars, whether the different
      stages of culture, discovered in Europe, have any existence here.

      On one hand, it is denied that different stages can be detected.
      Says Prof. Whitney: “It is evident that there has been no
      unfolding of the intellectual faculties of the human race on this
      continent similar to that which has taken place in Central
      Europe. We can recognize no Paleolithic, Neolithic, Bronze, or
      Iron Ages.”46 Others assure us, that if present, the ages stand
      in reverse order. “The relics last used were by far the rudest,
      and the historic races, which are the survivors of the
      prehistoric, are the wildest of the two; the lower status
      remaining, while the higher has passed away.”47 In still another
      place we read: “The Neolithic and Bronze Ages preceded the
      Paleolithic, at least in the Mississippi basin.”48

      Notwithstanding these quotations, we think it will yet be shown
      that in this country, as in Europe, there was a true Paleolithic
      Age, and that there was no such inversion as is here spoken of.
      In some places sedentary tribes may have been driven away and
      their territory occupied by more war-like, but less highly
      cultivated tribes. But take the whole Indian race, and they were
      steadily advancing through the Neolithic stage of culture. They
      were acquainted with copper, and were drawing near to the
      discovery of bronze and metals, and, indeed, the discovery had
      been made of bronze in the far south. But lying back of the true
      Indian Age, long preceding it in time, to which probably belong
      the relics mentioned in the preceding discoveries, is a true
      Paleolithic Age.

      We are indebted for the facts on which the above conclusion rests
      more to the writings of Dr. C. C. Abbott, of Trenton, New Jersey,
      than any other individual, and his results are based on an
      extensive study of the relics themselves and the position in
      which found. In a collection of stone implements of this country
      arranged in a cabinet, we find rude and unpolished specimens, as
      well as those of a finely wrought Neolithic type. Now the
      Indians, when first discovered, frequently made use of very
      rudely formed implements, and from a knowledge of this fact, it
      came about that but little attention was paid to the position in
      which the relics were discovered. They were all classified as
      Indian relics. But the greatest and most valuable discoveries in
      science have occurred as a result of the attention paid to little
      things; in this case by carefully scrutinizing the position in
      which they occurred.

      Dr. Abbott commenced by gathering a very extensive collection,
      carefully searching his section of country and gathering all
      specimens of artificially shaped stones. These must have existed
      there in considerable quantities, as, in three years’ time, he
      collected over nine thousand specimens,49 carefully examining
      them as they came from the soil.50 As a result of this extensive
      and careful research he is able to present us some general
      conclusions. The surface specimens, including in this
      classification also those specimens turned up by the plow,51 are
      characteristically Indian. The material is jasper and quartz, and
      they are generally carefully made. They used other varieties of
      stone as well. Like the Neolithic people of Europe, they sought
      the best varieties of stone for their purpose. But his collection
      also included rude Paleolithic forms, and he found by taking the
      history of each specimen separately, that just in proportion as
      the relics were rude in manufacture and primitive in type the
      deeper were they buried in the soil.52 Writing in 1875, he says:
      “We have never met a jasper (flint) arrow-head in or below an
      undisturbed stratum of sand or gravel, and we have seldom met
      with a rude implement of the general character of European drift
      implements on the surface of the ground.”53

      These are not theoretical opinions, but are deductions drawn from
      a very extensive experience. From figured specimens of these
      rudest formed implements, we see they are veritable Paleolithic
      forms, resembling in a remarkable manner the rude implements of
      the old world, whether collected in France or in India. We
      learned that the Paleolithic people of Europe utilized the
      easiest attainable stone for their implements. They contented
      themselves with such pieces of flint as they could gather in
      their immediate vicinity. The easiest attainable rock in the
      valley of the Delaware is not flint, but argillite, and such is
      the material of which the Paleolithic implements are formed. Thus
      it is shown that the first appearance of a stone-using folk in
      the valley of the Delaware was in the Paleolithic stage of their
      culture. Judging from the depths of their buried implements, this
      long preceded the Neolithic stage.

      Spear-shaped Paleolithic Implement.

      These conclusions have been sustained in a very marked manner by
      late discoveries in the valley of the Delaware, to which we will
      now refer. After reaching the conclusion that the relics of the
      Stone Age in New Jersey clearly pointed to a Paleolithic
      beginning, when argillite, the most easily attainable stone, was
      utilized in the manufacture of weapons and implements, Dr. Abbott
      made the further discovery that in the ancient gravels of the
      Delaware River Paleolithic implements only were to be found. We
      must remember that it was in the gravels of European rivers that
      the first discoveries were made which have since resulted in so
      wonderfully extending our knowledge of the past of man.

      The city of Trenton, New Jersey, is built on a gravel terrace
      whose surface is between forty and fifty feet above the flood
      plain of the Delaware. We are told that this gravel is clearly a
      river deposit, and must have been laid down by the Delaware at
      some former time in its history. It is in this gravel deposit
      that quite a large number of Paleolithic implements have been
      found.

      Paleolithic Implement, Argillite.

      This cut is a representation of one of them, found under such
      circumstances that there can be no question about its antiquity.
      We are told it was taken from the face of the bluff fronting the
      river. Owing to heavy rains, a large section off of the front of
      the bluff became detached just the day before this specimen was
      discovered. It was found in the fresh surface thus exposed,
      twenty-one feet from the surface, almost at the bottom of the
      gravel. Immediately above it, and in contact with it, was a
      bowlder estimated to weigh over one hundred pounds. Immediately
      above this last was a second and much larger bowlder. It is
      manifest the implements could never have gotten in the place
      found after the gravel had been deposited.54

      This is only one of the many examples that could be given. But it
      is to be noticed that implements of the Neolithic type do not
      occur in the gravel, except on the surface. Dr. Abbott is not the
      only one who has found those implements. Many of our best
      American scholars have visited the locality and secured
      specimens, amongst others, Prof. Boyd Dawkins, of England, who is
      so familiar with this class of relics in Europe. We may consider
      it proven, then, that in this country there was also a
      Paleolithic Age. Our present information in regard to it is only
      a beginning.

      Since this interesting discovery was made in New Jersey we have
      received news of similar discoveries in Minnesota. A lady, Miss
      Frank Babbitt, has found in the modified drift of the Mississippi
      River, at Little Falls, Minnesota, evidence of the existence of
      Paleolithic man. The implements are made of quartz, and not
      argillite, but closely resemble implements made of this later
      material as described by Dr. Abbott. It is, to say the least, an
      interesting coincidence that one of a very few flint implements
      found in the Trenton gravel by Dr. Abbott should be identical in
      shape with some of the flint implements in Minnesota.55

      This point being determined, others at once spring up asking
      solution. Among the very first is the question of age. The river
      terrace on which Trenton is built is a geological formation, and
      if we can determine its age we shall also determine at least one
      point in the antiquity of man, for we know the implements are as
      old as the gravels. It is not necessary for our purpose to give
      more than the results of the careful labors of others in this
      direction. We may be sure that this question has been carefully
      studied. When the implements were first discovered, the gravels
      were considered of glacial origin, and to that period they were
      assigned by Dr. Abbott. Subsequently Prof. Lewis, a member of the
      Pennsylvania State survey, decided that they were essentially
      post-glacial—that is, more recent in time than the Glacial Age.56
      Still more recently Prof. Wright, of Oberlin, but also of the
      State survey of Pennsylvania, concludes that they are, after all,
      a deposit made at the very close of the Glacial Age.57

      He thinks the sequence of events were about as follows: When the
      ice of the Glacial Age reached its greatest development, and came
      to a pause in its southward march, it extended in an unbroken
      wall across the northern part of New Jersey, crossing the
      Delaware about sixty-five miles above Trenton. In front of it was
      accumulated the great terminal morain—a long range of gravelly
      hills still marking its former presence.

      It is certain that the close of the Glacial Age was comparatively
      sudden, and marked by floods far exceeding any thing we are
      acquainted with at the present day. For, when the formation of
      the ice ceased, we must bear in mind that the country to the
      north of the terminal morain was covered with a great glacier, in
      some places exceeding a mile in thickness. When glacial
      conditions were passing away, and the ice commenced to melt
      faster than it was produced, the thaw would naturally go on over
      the entire field at an increasing rate, and hence would result
      floods in all the rivers.

      He considers the gravels in question to have been deposited near
      the close of this flooded period, when the land stood at about
      its present level and the glaciers had retreated perhaps to the
      Catskill Mountains. The rivers were still swollen and would be
      heavily charged with coarse gravel brought from the morains and
      lying exposed on the surface of the ground vacated by the
      glaciers.58

      Probably but few geologists will take exceptions to these views.
      Thus we have very satisfactory reasons for connecting these
      Paleolithic people with the close of the Glacial Age—a conclusion
      to which the scattering discoveries mentioned in the preceding
      pages also points. But as regards Dr. Abbott’s discoveries, they
      are on such a scale, and vouched for by so many eminent
      observers, that we need no longer hesitate to accept them, or
      complain of the scattering nature of the finds.

      But we might inquire whether this is the earliest period to which
      the presence of man can be ascribed in this country? Excepting,
      of course, California, we do not know of any well established
      fact on which to base a greater antiquity for man. However, this
      subject is very far from being as closely studied as in Europe.
      Believing that in Europe man was living before the Glacial Age,
      and that in all probability he was living in California at the
      same early time, we would naturally expect to find some evidence
      of his presence in the Mississippi Basin and along the Atlantic
      seaboard. But no explorer has yet been fortunate enough to make
      such discoveries.59

      It is scarcely necessary to point out that we have only the
      relative age of these gravel deposits. We have not yet arrived at
      an answer in years. This we are not able to do. As we have
      several times remarked, our American scholars, as a rule, do not
      think many thousands of years have elapsed since the Glacial Age,
      and yet they are not all agreed on that point. From the depths in
      the gravel and loess deposits that the stone relics are found, we
      may suppose that man was present during the entire series of
      years their formation represents. Prof. Aughey, to whose
      discoveries in loess deposits in Nebraska we have referred,
      estimates the length of time necessary to produce those deposits
      as between nineteen and twenty thousand years, and this he
      considers a low estimate. So we see that, at any rate, the date
      of man’s first appearance in America was certainly very far in
      the past.

      In forming a mental picture of the conditions of life at that
      early time, it is not necessary to imagine a dreary scene of
      Arctic sterility. This is not true of the time when the Glacial
      Age was at its greatest severity. But at the time we are now
      considering, the glaciers had retreated over a large part of the
      country, though they still lingered in northern and mountainous
      regions. Great lakes and majestic rivers were the features of the
      country. The St. Lawrence was still choked with ice, and the
      great lakes must have discharged their waters southward.60 The
      Mississippi, gathering in one mighty stream the drainage of the
      Central Basin, sped onward to the Gulf, doubtless many times
      larger than its present representative. The animals then living
      included several species that have since become extinct.
      Mastodons and elephants must have been numerous, as their remains
      are frequently found in loess deposits.61 They have also been
      found in the gravels of New Jersey, in connection with the rude
      implements already mentioned. Probably keeping close to the
      retreating glaciers were such animals as the moose, reindeer, and
      musk-ox, while the walrus disported itself in the waters off the
      coast. At any rate those animals now only found in high northern
      latitudes were living during Glacial times as far south as
      Kentucky and New Jersey.62

      A good deal of interest is connected with the finding of one
      mastodon’s tooth. It was found in the gravel deposit, about
      fourteen feet beneath the surface. It must have been washed to
      the position where found when the great floods from the melting
      glacier, with their burden of sand and gravel, were rolling down
      the valley. We can either conclude that the climate was such as
      to permit the existence of such animals, or that the animal to
      which it belonged lived in some far away pre-glacial time. But
      our interest suddenly increases when we learn that, but a few
      feet away, under exactly similar circumstances, was found the
      wisdom tooth of a human being. It, too, was rolled, scratched,
      and polished, and had evidently been swept along by the
      tumultuous flood. “The same agency that brought the one from the
      Upper Valley of the Delaware brought the other, and, after long
      years, they come again to light, and jointly testify that, in
      that undetermined long ago, the creatures to which they
      respectively belonged were living together in the valley of the
      river.”63

      We must now consider the question of race. Who were the men that
      fashioned the implements? Were they Indians? or were they a
      different people? As far as we know the Indians, they were
      Neolithic. Their implements and weapons are often polished,
      pecked, and finely wrought; and, as before remarked, they
      employed the best kind of stone for their purpose. Dr. Abbott,
      who speaks from a very extensive personal experience, tells us,
      that it is not practical to trace any connection between the
      well-known Indian forms and the Paleolithic implements of the
      river gravels: “The wide gap that exists between a full series of
      each of the two forms is readily recognized when the two are
      brought together.”64 Besides this difference in form, there is
      also a difference in material. The ruder forms not being of
      jasper and allied minerals, but are almost exclusively of
      argillite.65 In addition to the foregoing, we must consider the
      different positions they occupy—the former being found only on or
      near the surface, the latter deeply buried within. These
      different reasons all point to the same conclusion: that is, that
      the Indians were preceded in this country by some other people,
      who manufactured the Paleolithic specimens recently discovered.

      In Europe, Prof. Dawkins, as we have seen, maintains that the
      Cave-men were the predecessors of the Eskimos. This may serve us
      as a point of departure in the inquiry as to who the pre-Indian
      people were? It is manifest, however, that we must have some
      ground on which to base this theory. The Eskimo seem to belong to
      the Arctic region, as naturally as the white bear and the walrus.
      At the early time we are considering in America, glaciers had not
      retreated very far. So his climatic surroundings must have been
      much the same as at present. But the Eskimo may not live where he
      does now by choice: we may behold in him a people driven from a
      fairer heritage, who found the ice-fields of the North more
      endurable than the savage enemy who envied him his possession. It
      seems very reasonable to suppose that the Eskimos long inhabited
      this country before the arrival of the Indians, if it was not, in
      fact, their original home.

      Mention has been made of the Eskimo traits still to be observed
      among the tribes of California. Prof. Putnam thinks that this
      fact can best be explained on the supposition that these tribes
      came in contact with primitive Eskimo people.66 Dr. Rink, from
      investigation of the language and traditions of the different
      Eskimo tribes, thinks they are of American origin, and must once
      have lived much farther south.67 He says, “The Eskimos appear to
      have been the last wave of an aboriginal American race, which has
      spread over the continent from more genial regions— following
      principally the rivers and water-courses, and continually
      yielding to the pressure of the tribes behind them until they
      have at last peopled the sea-coasts.”68 Mr. Dall, in his
      explorations of the Aleutian Islands, comes to the same
      conclusion as Dr. Rink. He says his own conclusions are, “that
      the Eskimos were once inhabitants of the interior of North
      America—have much the same distribution as the walrus, namely, as
      far south as New Jersey.”69

      All this tends to prove that the Paleolithic people of New Jersey
      were ancestors of the Eskimos. This becomes highly probable when
      we pursue the subject a little farther. Dr. Abbott has shown,
      from the similarity of implements, position in which found, and
      so forth, that the Paleolithic people continued to occupy the
      country down to comparatively recent times, when Indian relics
      took their place.70 This is such an important point that we must
      give his reasons more in detail. Remember that Dr. Abbott speaks
      from the experience gained by gathering over twenty thousand
      specimens of stone implements, and paying especial attention to
      the position in which they were found. The surface soil of that
      section of New Jersey, where he made his explorations, was formed
      by the slow decomposition of vegetable and forest growth. In this
      layer he found great numbers of undoubted Indian implements. The
      number, however, rapidly decreases the deeper we go in this
      stratum. This would show that the Indians were late arrivals.
      Below this surface soil is a stratum of sand, overlying the
      gravelly beds below and passing into the surface soil just
      mentioned. In this layer were found great numbers of implements
      inferior to the Indian types found on the surface, but superior
      to the Paleolithic specimens described. They are not only
      inferior in finish to the Indian specimens, but are of different
      material. They are always formed of argillite. It was further
      noticed that the number of these rapidly decreased in the layer
      of surface soil, and are but rarely found on the surface.

      Now it might be said that these rude forms were fashioned by
      Indians when in a rude state of culture, and, as they became more
      advanced, they learned the superior qualities of flint, and so
      dropped the use of argillite. But it so happens that we have
      found several places where were veritable manufactories of Indian
      implements. It is very significant that we never find one where
      the workman used both flint and argillite. He always used flint
      alone. Every thing seems to point to the fact, that the tribes
      who fashioned the argillite implements were different from the
      Indian tribes who made the flint implements. It is Dr. Abbott’s
      conclusions that the former, the descendants of the Paleolithic
      tribes, were the Eskimos, who, according to these views, must
      have inhabited the eastern portion of the United States to
      comparatively recent times.

      In further support of these views, we think we have grounds for
      asserting that we have veritable historical accounts of the
      Eskimo people slowly retiring before the aggressions of their
      Indian foes. It is no longer doubted but that Norsemen, as early
      as the year 1000, made voyages of discovery along the coast of
      North America, as far south as Rhode Island: they called the
      country Vineland. It is true that the Icelandic accounts of these
      expeditions contain some foolish and improbable statements; but
      so do the writings of Cotton Mather, made many years later.

      These accounts refer but very briefly to the inhabitants they
      saw, but enough is given to show that the people were not
      Indians, but Eskimos. The language used is: “The men were small
      of stature and fierce, having a bushy head of hair, and very
      great eyes, and wide cheeks.”71 Their small size is frequently
      referred to, which would surely not be the case if they were
      describing the Algonkins that the English colonists found in the
      same section of country many years later. To the same effect is
      the assertion that the Eskimos did not reach Greenland until the
      middle of the fourteenth century.72 The traditions of the
      Tuscarawas Indians that place their arrival on the Atlantic coast
      in the year 1300, also refer to a tribe of people that were at
      least much like the Eskimos.73

      Thus we are led, step by step, to the recognition of a
      Paleolithic Age in America, and finally to the belief that the
      descendants of these people were Eskimos. We at once notice the
      coincidence of these results with some of the conclusions of
      Prof. Dawkins, of England, and it is desirable to trace a little
      farther the points of resemblance and difference between this age
      in America and in Europe. In this latter country we have seen the
      Paleolithic Age can be divided into two stages, or epochs, during
      which different races inhabited the country. The first, or the
      epoch of the men of the River Drift, long preceded the epoch of
      the Cave-men. It was those latter tribes only that Mr. Dawkins
      connects with the Eskimos.

      We have not yet found evidence in this country that points to
      such a division of the Paleolithic Age. We have no relics of
      Cave-men as distinguished from the men of the River Drift. It is
      true, we are not lacking evidence of the use of caves by various
      tribes,74 but there is nothing to show that such use was very
      ancient, or that the people were properly Paleolithic. We can not
      say what future discoveries will unfold, but as yet we have only
      implements of the River Drift type, and these are the men Dr.
      Abbott considers to be the ancestors of the Eskimos. In this
      country, then, we have shown the existence of but one race of men
      in the same stage of culture as the men of the River Drift, but
      of the same race as the men of the Cave. These results may be
      cited as an argument in favor of those scholars who think that
      the men of the River Drift and the men of the Cave were in
      reality the same people.75

      In Europe there was apparently a long lapse of time between the
      disappearance of the Paleolithic tribes and the arrival of the
      Neolithic people, but we have no evidence of such a period in
      America. The Paleolithic people remained in possession until
      driven away by the Neolithic ones. All evidence of Paleolithic
      man in Europe terminated with the Glacial Age, and there is
      little doubt but what they date from preglacial times. Our
      present knowledge does not carry us any farther back in this
      country than the close of Glacial times. If we consider that the
      Glacial Age in America coincides in time with the same age in
      Europe, then the last statements would imply that the Paleolithic
      Age here was later than in Europe; in fact, that Paleolithic man
      had run his course in Europe before he appeared in America, and
      some might even go further, and say that he migrated from Europe
      to America. There are, however, no good grounds for such
      conclusions. We believe that future discoveries will show that in
      America also Paleolithic man was living in Glacial and preglacial
      times.76

      We feel that we have done but scant justice to this subject, but
      we assure our readers that this question has been but little
      studied in this country. Referring all relics of stone to the
      Indians, our scholars have been slow to recognize traces of an
      earlier race in America. Our sources of information are as yet
      but few, and much remains to be done in this field. In Europe as
      in America, scholars are still hard at work on the Paleolithic
      Age, and we are to hold ourselves in readiness to modify our
      opinions, or to reject them entirely and adopt new ones as our
      knowledge increases.

      There is one thought that occurs to us. From the combined
      investigations of both European and American scholars, the Eskimo
      is seen to be one of the oldest (if not the oldest) races of men
      now living. They afford a striking illustration of the fact that
      a race may early reach a limit of culture beyond which, as a
      race, they can not pass. Should the American discoveries
      establish the fact that the River Drift tribes are also Eskimos,
      then we are fairly entitled to consider them the remnant of a
      people who once held possession of all the globe, but who have
      been driven to the inhospitable regions of the North by the
      pressure of later people. What changes have come over the earth
      since that early time? In the long lapse of years that have gone
      by newer races, advancing by slow degrees, have at last achieved
      civilization. The fiat of Omnipotent power could have created the
      world in a perfected form for the use of man, but instead of so
      doing, Infinite Wisdom allowed slow-acting causes, working
      through infinite years, to develop the globe from a nebulous
      mass. Man could, indeed, have been created a civilized being, but
      instead of this, his starting-point was certainly very low. He
      was granted capacities in virtue of which he has risen. We are
      not to say what the end shall be, but we think it yet far off.

      Stone Implement.
 REFERENCES


        The manuscript of this chapter was submitted to Dr. C. C.
        Abbott, of Trenton, New Jersey, for criticism.

        Dana’s “Manual of Geology,” p. 735, _et seq._

        Ibid., p. 753.

        Whitney’s “Geology of California,” Vol. I.

        Whitney’s “Geological Survey of California,” Vol. I.

        Dr. Newbury’s “Geological Survey of California.”

        Whitney’s “Auriferous Gravels of California,” p. 283.

        Cambridge Lecture, 1878.

        Cambridge Lecture, 1878.

        “Native Races,” Vol. IV, p. 698.

        In general, all about Sonora, in the auriferous gravels, are
        found bones of extinct animals, and, associated with them, many
        relics of the works of human hands. These are found at various
        depths down to one hundred feet. (Whitney’s “Auriferous
        Gravels,” p. 263.)

        _American Journal of Science,_ Vol. XIX, p. 176, 1880.

        “Auriferous Gravels,” p. 279.

        Wright’s “Studies in Science and Religion,” p. 289.

        Dawkins, in Southall’s “Pliocene Man,” p. 18.

        Southall’s “Pliocene Man,” p. 19.

        Schoolcraft’s “Archæology,” Vol. I, p. 105.

        As bearing on the question of Pliocene man, we might refer to
        the impression of human (?) foot-prints in the sand-stone
        quarry of the State prison at Nevada. At one time this area was
        the bottom of a lake, and we can plainly see the tracks of
        various animals that came down to drink. A huge mammoth visited
        the place; so also did horses and other animals. Among these is
        one series of tracks evidently made by a biped. Some think they
        are the sandaled foot of a human being. This question is still
        under discussion.

        “Geographical Survey West of the 100th Meridian,” Vol. VII, p.
        11.

        Dana’s “Manual of Geology,” p. 583.

        Putnam, in “Geographical Survey West of the 100th Meridian,”
        Vol. VII, p. 11.

        Ibid., p. 18.

        “Geographical Survey West of the 100th Meridian,” Vol. VII, p.
        12.

        “Prehistoric Times,” p. 436.

        “Human Species,” p. 147.

        The researches of Mr. Dall in the Aleutian Islands demonstrate
        the long-continued occupation of them by a savage people, and a
        gradual advance of the same in culture—though this apparent
        advance may have been simply the inroads of more advanced
        tribes. U.S. Geographical Survey W. of 100th M., p. 12.

        Wright’s “Studies in Science and Religion,” p. 292.

        Morgan’s “Ancient Society,” p. 108, note.

        “Geographical Survey West of the 100th Meridian,” Vol. VII, p.
        3.

        Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. III, pp. 646, 647.

        “U.S. Geographical Survey West of the 100th Meridian,” Vol.
        VII, p. 12.

        Dana’s “Manual of Geology,” p. 591.

        LeConte’s “Elements of Geology.”

        Prof. Winchell, in his last work, “World Life,” p. 363, _et
        seq.,_ goes over the entire subject. As might be expected, no
        decisive results are obtained. He sums up the arguments to show
        that in this country the close of the Glacial Age is not more
        than seven thousand years ago (p. 375). The student who reads
        these pages and then Mr. Geikie’s work, “Prehistoric Europe,”
        will be sorely puzzled to know what conclusions to adopt. We
        can not do better than refer to the chapter on Antiquity
        Paleolithic Age.

        Dana’s _Am. Journal of Science,_ May, 1875.

        Foster’s “Prehistoric Races,” p. 62.

        See Lockwood, in _Popular Science Monthly_ for 1883, for
        account of beaver dam built on a mastodon skeleton and evidence
        of contemporaneity of Indians and mastodons.

        “The Missouri was a stream thirty miles wide.”

        “Hayden,” p. 255.

        For the facts on which this paragraph rests, see Report of
        Samuel Aughey, Ph.D., in “U.S. Survey of the Territories, for
        1874,” p. 243, _et seq._

        “American Assoc. Rep.,” 1880, p. 720.

        “Illinois Geological Reports,” Vol. III, p. 123.

        “Prehistoric Races,” p. 69.

        Jones’s “Antiquities of the Southern Indians,” p. 293.

        Jones’s “Antiquities of the Southern Indians,” p. 295.

        Quoted by Abbott’s “Primitive Industry,” p. 3.

        Peet’s “Archæology of Europe and America,” p. 11.

        Short’s “North Americans of Antiquity,” p. 27.

        Up to the present time (1884) Dr. Abbott has collected over
        20,000 specimens of stone implements, and all his more recent
        “finds” but confirm the opinion he expressed as to their
        significance ten years ago. His collection is at the Peabody
        Museum of Archæology, at Cambridge, Mass. (See last Peabody
        Report.)

        “Nature,” Vol. XI, p. 215.

        Ibid.

        “Nature,” Vol. XI, p. 215.

        Ibid.

        “Primitive Industry,” Abbott, p. 506.

        Seventeenth Report Peabody Museum, p. 354 and note.

        “Primitive Industry,” p. 551.

        “Studies in Science and Religion,” p. 324.

        Ibid., p. 324.

        We believe that similar results will attend the careful
        exploration in other sections. As bearing on this subject, it
        is interesting to know that Paleolithic implements are reported
        from one locality in Mexico. Our information in regard to them
        is very slight. (Brit. Assoc. Reports, 1881; Pres. Address,
        Count De Saporte, _Popular Science Monthly,_ Sept., 1883.)

        Dana’s “Manual of Geology,” p. 540.

        “Geographical and Geological Survey,” 1874, p. 254.

        Abbott’s “Primitive Industry,” p. 483.

        Abbott: “Proceedings of the Boston Society of Natural History,”
        Vol. XXII, p. 102.

        “Primitive Industry,” p. 512.

        “Primitive Industry,” p. 512.

        U.S. survey West of the 100th Meridian,” Vol. VII, p. 12.

        Abbott’s “Primitive Industry,” p. 520.

        Ibid., p. 519.

        U.S. Geographical Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region,” Vol. I,
        p. 102, quoted from “Primitive Industry,” p. 519.

        _Popular Science Monthly,_ Jan., 1883.

        DeCosta’s “Precolumbian Discovery of America,” p. 69.

        Winchell’s “Preadamites,” p. 389.

        Brinton’s “Myths of the New World,” p. 23. Note.

        Prof. DeHass’s “Paper” read before Am. Assoc., 1882.

        See chapter, “Cave-men,” p. 113. Note.

        See remarks of Prof. Boyd Dawkins quoted earlier.




Chapter X
      THE MOUND BUILDERS.1


      Meaning of “Mound Builders”—Location of Mound Building tribes—All
      Mounds not the work of men—Altar Mounds—Objects found on the
      Altars—Altar Mounds possibly burial Mounds—Burial Mounds—Mounds
      not the only Cemeteries of these tribes—Terraced Mounds —Cahokia
      Mound—Historical notice of a group of Mounds—The Etowah
      group—Signal Mounds—Effigy Mounds—How they represented different
      animals—Explanation of the Effigy Mounds—Effigy Mounds in other
      localities—Inclosures of the Scioto Valley—At Newark, Ohio—At
      Marietta, Ohio—Graded Ways—Fortified Inclosures—Ft. Ancient,
      Ohio—Inclosures of Northern Ohio—Works of unknown import—Ancient
      Canals in Missouri—Implements and Weapons of Stone—Their
      knowledge of Copper—Ancient mining —Ornamental pipes—Their
      knowledge of pottery—Of Agriculture—Government and Religion—Hard
      to distinguish them from the Indians.

      The past of our race is irradiated here and there by the light of
      science sufficiently to enable us to form quite vivid conceptions
      of vanished peoples. As the naturalist, from the inspection of a
      single bone, is enabled to determine the animal from which it was
      derived, though there be no longer a living representative, so
      the archæologist, by the aid of fragmentary remains, is able to
      tell us of manners and times now long since removed. In the words
      of another: “The scientist to-day passes up and down the valleys,
      and among the relics and bones of vanished people, and as he
      touches them with the magic wand of scientific induction, these
      ancient men stand upon their feet, revivified, rehabilitated, and
      proclaim with solemn voice the story of their nameless tribe or
      race, the contemporaneous animals, and physical appearance of the
      earth during those prehistoric ages.”2

      We have already learned that the world is full of mysteries, and
      though, by the exertion of scholars, we begin to have a clearer
      idea of some topics, yet our information is after all but vague
      and shadowy. The amount of positive knowledge in regard to the
      mysterious tribes of the older Stone Age, or the barbarians of
      the Neolithic period, or the struggling civilization of the early
      Metallic Ages, is lamentably deficient. On our Western Continent
      we have the mysterious remains in the gold-bearing gravels of the
      Pacific coast, the significance of which is yet in dispute. We
      have the Paleolithic Age of Europe, represented by the remains
      found in the gravels of the Delaware at Trenton, New Jersey. When
      deposited there, and by what people used, is, perhaps, still
      enshrouded in doubt.

      Leaving now the past, expressed by geological terms, or by
      periods of thousands of years, we draw near to our own tribes,
      near, at least, comparatively speaking, and behold, here, also,
      we discern evidence that an ancient culture, as marked as that
      which built its cities along the fertile water-courses of the Old
      World, had its seat on the banks of our great rivers; that here
      flourished in full vigor for an unknown length of time a people
      whose origin and fate are yet in doubt, though, thanks to the
      combined efforts of many able men, we begin to have clearer ideas
      of their social organization. We know them only by reason of
      their remains, and as these principally are mounds, we call them
      the “Mound Builders.”

      The name is not a distinguishing one in every sense, since
      mankind, the world over, have been mound and pyramid builders.
      The pyramids of Egypt and the mound-dotted surface of Europe and
      Asia bear testimony to this saying, yet nowhere else in the world
      are they more plainly divided into classes, or marked with design
      than here. In some places fortified hills and eminences suggest
      the citadel of a tribe or people. Again, embankments of earth,
      mostly circular or square, separate and in combination, generally
      inclosing one or more mounds, excite our curiosity, but fail to
      satisfy it. Are these fading embankments the boundaries of sacred
      inclosures, or the fortification of a camp, or the foundations on
      which to build communal houses? Here graded ways, there parallel
      embankments raise questions, but suggest no positive answer. We
      are equally in doubt as to the purposes for which many of the
      mounds were built. Some seem to have been used as places of
      sepulcher, some for religious rites, and others as foundation
      site of buildings. Some may have been used as signal mounds, from
      which warning columns of smoke, or flaming fires, gave notice of
      an enemy’s approach.

      Before coming to details let us, at a glance, examine the picture
      as a whole. This country of ours, with its wide plains, its
      flowing rivers and great lakes, is said by scholars to have been
      the home of a people well advanced in the arts of barbarian life.
      What connection, if any, existed between them and the Indians, is
      yet unsettled. We are certain that many years before the Spanish
      discovery of America they made their settlements here, developed
      their religious ideas, and erected their singular monuments. That
      they were not unacquainted with war, is shown by their numerous
      fortified inclosures. They possessed the elements of agriculture,
      and we doubt not were happy and contented in their homes. We are
      certain they held possession of the fairer portions of this
      country for many years.

      We must now seek to gather more particular knowledge of them, and
      of the remains of their industry. We must not forget that these
      are the antiquities of our own country; that the broken
      archæological fragments we pick up will, when put together, give
      us a knowledge of tribes that lived here when civilization was
      struggling into being in the East. It should be to us far more
      interesting than the history of the land of the Pharaohs, or of
      storied Greece. Yet, strange to say, the facts we have just
      mentioned are unknown to the mass of our people. Accustomed to
      regard this as the New World, they have turned their attention to
      Europe and the East when they would learn of prehistoric times.
      In a general way, we have regarded the Indians as a late arrival
      from Asia, and cared but little for their early history. It is
      only recently that we have become convinced of an extended, past
      in the history of this country, and it is only of late that able
      writers have brought to our attention the wonders of an ancient
      culture, and shown us the footprints of a vanished people.

      We must first try and locate the territory occupied by the
      remains of the mound builders. They are not to be found broadcast
      over the whole country. We recall, in this connection, that the
      early civilization of the East arose in fertile river valleys.
      This is found to be everywhere the case, so we are not surprised
      to learn that the broad and fertile valley of the Mississippi,
      with its numerous tributaries, was the territory where these
      mysterious people reared their monuments and developed their
      barbarian culture. Throughout the greater portion of this area we
      find numerous evidences of a prolonged occupation of the country.
      We are amazed at the number and magnitude of the remains. Though
      this section has been under cultivation for many years, and the
      plow has been remorselessly driven over the ancient embankments,
      yet enough remain to excite our curiosity and to amply repay
      investigation.

      This portion of the United States seems to have been the home,
      the seat of the mound building tribes. We can not expect to find
      one type of remains scattered over this entire section of
      country. Indeed, to judge from the difference of the remains,
      they must have been the work of different people or tribes, who
      were doubtless possessed of different degrees of culture.3 We
      will notice in our examination how these remains vary in
      different sections of the country. But it is noticeable that
      these remains become scarce and finally disappear as we go north,
      east, and west from the great valley. Although they are numerous
      in the Gulf States, yet they are not to be found, except in a few
      cases, in States bordering on the Atlantic.4 Some wandering
      bands, perhaps colonies from the main body of the people,
      established works on the Wateree River, in South Carolina,5 In
      the mountainous regions of North Carolina occur mines of mica,
      which article was much prized by the mound builders; and here
      also are to be found traces of their early presence.6 We do not
      know of any authentic remains in New England States. In Western
      New York there exists a class of remains which, though once
      supposed to be the work of these people, are now generally
      considered as the remains of works erected by the Indians,7 and
      of a similar origin appears to have been the singular
      fortification near Lake Winnipiseogee, in New Hampshire.8

      We have no record of their presence north of the great lakes.
      Passing now to the western part of the valley, we do not find
      definite traces of their presence in Texas. On this point,
      however, some authors state the contrary, apparently basing their
      views on a class of mounds mentioned by Prof. Forshey.9 But the
      very description given of these mounds, and the statements as to
      the immense number of them,10 seem to show they are not the work
      of men.11 We do not think the West, and especially the
      North-west, has been carefully enough explored to state where
      they begin. It is certain that the head waters of the Mississippi
      and the Missouri were thickly settled with tribes of this people,
      and some writers think that they spread over the country by way
      of the Missouri Valley from the North-west. Mr. Bancroft quotes
      from the writings of Mr. Dean, to show the existence of mounds
      and inclosures on Vancouver Island, and in British Columbia. And
      the statement is made that a hundred miles north of Victoria
      there is a group of mounds ranging from five to fifty yards in
      circumference, and from a few feet to fifty feet in height.12

      The inclosures, however, are described as being very similar to
      those in Western New York, and are probably simply fortified
      sites, common among rude people the world over, and such as were
      often erected by Indians. The remains on the upper Missouri and
      its tributaries are very numerous, and to judge from the brief
      description given us of them, they must be very interesting.13
      This section has, however, been too little explored to speak with
      confidence of these works.

      As showing how much care should be exercised in this matter, we
      refer to the account given by Capt. Wilkes in his journal of the
      United States exploring expedition. Speaking of the mounds on the
      gravelly plains between the Columbia River and Puget Sound, he
      tells us that the Butte Prairies are covered with small mounds at
      regular distances asunder. Some of them are thirty feet in
      diameter, six or seven feet above the level of the ground, and
      many thousands in number. He opened some of them, and found a
      pavement of round stones, and he thought he could detect an
      arrangement of the mounds in groups of five, thus. Five dots

      It was his impression that they were the works of men, and had
      been constructed successively and at intervals of several
      years.14 This observation of Capt. Wilkes is referred to by many
      as evidence of the former existence of Mound Builders in this
      section.

      More careful research in recent times has established the fact
      that these mounds were certainly not erected by human hands, and
      no one else has been able to discover the supposed arrangement in
      groups of five. The pavement of round stones is common to the
      whole prairie.

      But the greatest objection is the number of the mounds. A
      population larger than could have found a living in the country
      must have been required to erect them, unless we assume that a
      great length of time was consumed in this work. Some other
      explanation must be given for these mounds, as well as for those
      mysterious ones mentioned by Prof. Forshey. This cut gives us a
      fair idea of the scenery of this section and the mounds.15

      Mound Prairie.

      Within the area we have thus defined are located the works of the
      people we call the Mound Builders. What we wish to do is to learn
      all about these vanished people. A great many scholars have
      written about them, and large collections of the remains of their
      handiwork have been made. There is, however, a great diversity of
      opinion respecting the Mound Builders and their culture. So we
      see we have a difficult subject to treat of. In order to gain a
      clear understanding of it, we must describe the remains more
      closely. About all we can learn of these people is from a study
      of their monuments. We can not call to our aid history or
      tradition, or rock-carved inscription, but must resort to
      crumbling mounds, broken down embankments; study their location,
      and observe their forms. To the studies in the field we must add
      those in the cabinet, and examine the many objects found in and
      above the mounds and earth-works, as well as the skeletons of the
      builders of the works. Rightly used, we can draw from these
      sources much valuable information of the people whose
      council-fires blazed all along the beautiful valleys of the Ohio
      and Mississippi rivers in times far removed from us.

      Mound and Circle.

      We will first speak of the simplest form of these works, the
      ordinary conical mound. This is the one form found all over the
      extensive area designated. They exist in great numbers on the
      banks of the upper Missouri, as well as the river bottoms of the
      South. This cut represents a very fine specimen of a mound, in
      this instance surrounded by a circular embankment. We must not
      forget that mounds are found all over the world. “They are
      scattered over India, they dot the steppes of Siberia and the
      vast region north of the Black Sea; they line the shores of the
      Bosphorus and the Mediterranean; they are found in old
      Scandinavia, and are singularly numerous in the British
      Islands.”16

      The principle in human nature which leads to the erection of
      mounds is living and active to-day. The shaft which surmounts
      Bunker Hill is but a modern way of memorizing an event which in
      earlier ages would have led to the erection of a mound, and the
      polished monument which marks the resting place of some
      distinguished man was raised for the same purpose as the mounds
      heaped over the chiefs and warriors of another age. The feeling
      which moves us to crown with steeples or spires our houses of
      worship is evidently akin to that which induced older races to
      erect a mound on which to place their temples, their idols, and
      altars of sacrifice.

      If mounds were the only works remaining of these ancient people,
      we would not take so great an interest in them, and, as it is, we
      are not to suppose that all the mounds are the works of those
      people we call the Mound Builders. Recent investigation and
      historical evidence unite in showing that some comparatively
      recent Indian tribes formed and used mound structures. Early
      explorers have left abundant testimony to show that in many cases
      the Indians resorted to mound-burial. Thus, it seems that it was
      the custom of the Iroquois every eighth or tenth year, or
      whenever about to abandon a locality, to gather together the
      bones of their dead and rear over them a mound. To this custom,
      which was not confined to the Iroquois, are doubtless to be
      ascribed the barrows and bone mounds which have been found in
      such numbers in various parts of the country.17 Although it is
      well to bear these facts in mind, yet it is not doubted that the
      larger number, and especially the more massive ones, were erected
      by the same people who built the other mysterious works, and so
      it is necessary that they be carefully studied.

      Altar Mound and Plan and Section of Altar.

      In the valley of the Ohio there have been found a class of mounds
      known as Altar Mounds. These, it should be stated, nearly always
      occur in or near inclosures. This cut gives us a good idea of
      mounds of this kind. Near the top is seen an instance of what is
      called “intrusive” burial. After the mound was completed it had
      been dug into and a body buried near the surface. This burial was
      evidently later in time, and had no connection with the purpose
      for which the mound was originally built. We also notice in this
      mound the different layers of which it was composed. These layers
      are of gravel, earth, and sand, the latter being only a few
      inches thick. Mounds made in this manner are called stratified
      mounds, and all altar mounds are probably of this kind. The lines
      of stratification have been described as curving so as to
      correspond with the shape of the mound, and such we are told is
      the general rule.18

      The peculiar feature, however, is the altar at the bottom of the
      mound, directly above the natural surface of the ground. The
      small cut gives us a clear idea of the altar, the light lines
      running around it showing the plan. These altars are almost
      always composed of clay, though some of stone have been
      discovered. They are of various shapes and sizes. We notice the
      dish-shaped depression on the top of the altar. The clay of which
      they are composed seems to have been moulded into shape directly
      over the surface of the ground. Sometimes a layer of sand was put
      down as a foundation. They are nearly always thoroughly burned,
      the clay being baked hard, sometimes to the depth of fifteen or
      twenty inches. This must have required intense and long continued
      heat.

      We are at once curious to know the object of this altar. Within
      the basin-shaped depression are generally found all manner of
      remains. Sometimes portions of bones, or fragments of wood,
      arranged in regular order; pieces of pottery vessels, and
      implements of copper and stone; spear-heads, arrow-heads, and
      fragments of quartz and crystals of garnet. Pipes are a common
      find, carved in miniature figures of animals, birds, and
      reptiles. Two altar-mounds but recently examined near Cincinnati
      had altars about four feet square that were loaded down with
      ornaments.

      One especially contained quantities of ornaments of stone,
      copper, mica, shells, the canine-teeth of bears and other
      animals, and thousands of pearls. They were nearly all
      perforated, as if for suspension. Several of the copper ornaments
      were covered with native silver which had been hammered out into
      thin sheets and folded over the copper. One small copper pendant
      seems to have been covered with a thin sheet of hammered gold, as
      a small piece was still clinging to it. This is the first example
      of finding native gold in the mounds.19 On this altar were also
      found masses of meteoric iron, and ornaments of the same
      material. One piece of mica showed the profile of a face.20

      In all cases the articles found on the altars show the action of
      fire. We seem justified, then, in supposing that after the altar
      was formed, fires were lit on them, and into this fire were
      thrown the various articles just enumerated. But what was all
      this for? This will probably never be very clear to us, beyond
      the fact that it was a religious rite. Portions of the human
      skeleton have been found on these altars, and it has been
      suggested that human victims were at times part of the sacrifice;
      but as it is known that this people practised cremation, it may
      be that the altars were sometimes used for that purpose, the
      remains being afterwards gathered and buried elsewhere.

      After the offerings had been flung into the fire, while it was
      yet glowing on the altar, earth or sand was heaped over them for
      a few inches, then successive layers of earth and sand, or ashes,
      clay, or gravel. Sometimes the altars were used several different
      times, in which case a layer of clay several inches thick was
      laid over the old altar. In one case three layers had been burned
      in before the final addition of earth and sand were heaped over
      it. These strange monuments of a by-gone people hint to us of
      mysterious rites. We wish we had more positive knowledge of the
      ceremonies they commemorated; but at present we must rest
      satisfied with conjecture.

      The next class of mounds are known as burial mounds, some of
      which are stratified, and resemble the so-called altar mounds. A
      mound explored in Butler County, Ohio, had in the center a layer
      of clay an inch thick, which had been burned until it was red.
      Underneath this was another layer of clay, beneath which was
      found charcoal, burnt cloth, and charred bones. Mr. Foster thinks
      that in this mound the body was placed on a rude altar, fires
      were lit, and that while yet burning, clay was thrown over it
      all, and that then fires were built all over the mound,
      sufficient to burn the clay for an inch in thickness.21 We have
      also a description of a group of mounds explored near the
      Mississippi River, in which there were evident signs of
      cremation. At least in several mounds fires had been built close
      above the bodies. But in cremation other victims may have been
      burned to accompany the departed chiefs or warriors. In one mound
      evidence of such a custom was observed.

      In another mound the center was found to be a mass of burned clay
      interspersed with calcined human bones. No less than ten or
      fifteen bodies had been burned here. “They must have worshiped
      some fierce ideal deity, and the ceremony must have been
      considered of great importance to have required so many victims.”
      This may have been, however, nothing more than simple
      cremation.22

      Pidgeon has described mounds in Minnesota, in many respects like
      the altar mounds. In one case he mentions there was an altar or
      pavement of stone on the original surface of the ground, a few
      feet above which was a layer of clay, showing the action of
      fierce and long-continued fires. We furthermore are told that
      cremation, especially of chiefs, was more or less common among
      the Village Indians of North America, that similar usage was
      observed among many of the tribes of Mexico, and that the Mayas,
      of Yucatan, burnt the bodies of their lords, and built temples
      over their remains. So it may be that the altar mounds are but
      varieties of funeral mounds, the remains of the bodies burned
      here being buried elsewhere.23

      Burial Mounds.

      The nations that celebrated their mysteries around these mounds
      have long since departed; the altar fires long since burned low.
      We are not sure that we understand their purport, but we are
      certain they were regarded as of great importance, and we can
      readily imagine that when the fires were lit on the altars,
      gathering crowds stood round, and participated in the religious
      observance, throwing into the fire their most valued ornaments,
      in this manner paying their last respects to the departed chiefs
      and great men of their tribe.

      The true burial mounds are very numerous, an comprise by far the
      larger number of mounds. They are to be found all over the Mound
      Builders’ territory, and are about the only class of remains
      found in the prairie regions of the West. From the upper waters
      of the Missouri and the great lakes on the north to the Gulf
      States on the south, and from west of the Mississippi to the
      Alleghenies of the East, in all this vast region they are the
      prevailing class of remains, and occur by hundreds, and even
      thousands, along the valleys. The mounds themselves are often not
      very conspicuous; as a rule they are simply heaps of dirt raised
      above the surface and rounded over, and from two or three to
      fifteen or twenty feet high, although many are of much larger
      size. They are seldom found on the lower, or recent river
      terrace, but are common on the upper terrace, and are often built
      upon the high bluffs bordering the streams, where a wide stretch
      of country is exposed to view. Black-bird, an Omaha chief, who
      died about the year 1800, desired to be buried on a high bluff
      overlooking the Missouri, so that he might see the boats passing
      up and down the river. Perhaps from a similar superstitious wish
      the Mound Builders sometimes chose the sites of their burial
      mounds where they could watch over their country; or it may be
      that the monuments over the dead were placed in such conspicuous
      positions that they might be readily seen by the people.

      The next cut represents an ordinary burial mound, which was
      explored by tunneling in from one side. We notice there are no
      different layers or stratifications in this case. In some cases,
      at least, the building of such a mound occupied several years. We
      can see where the dirt was thrown down in small quantities,
      averaging about a peck, as if from a basket. In one case grass
      had started to grow on the unfinished surface of the mound, to be
      covered up by fresh dirt.24

      Burial Mounds.

      In the majority of cases the mounds contain the remains of but
      one individual, with various relics of a rude and barbarous
      people. Where but one body was buried, the usual mode of
      procedure seems to have been to first clear a space on the
      surface of the ground; the body was then placed in the center of
      this prepared place, and often a rude framework of timber was
      placed around it, sometimes a stone chamber was built up. Over
      this the mound was erected to the desired height. This
      description would apply to nearly all of the many thousands of
      burial mounds in the country.

      In the cut a layer of charcoal is noticed near the top. Nearly
      all mounds show evidence of the existence of fire during some
      period of their construction. In some cases these fires were
      fierce and long continued, as if the object had been to cremate
      the body. It may have been a part of their religious belief that
      it was necessary to keep fires blazing on the mound for a short
      length of time to keep off evil spirits, or to comfort the soul
      of the departed. Such at any rate was the custom among some
      Indian tribes. We are told that among the Iroquois, a “fire was
      built upon the grave at night to enable the spirit to prepare its
      food.”25

      In some cases, many individuals were buried in the same mound.
      These may be communal burials, such as we have already referred
      to. Mounds of this kind have been examined near Nashville,
      Tennessee. One mound alone was the burial place of over two
      hundred persons. Pidgeon describes some triangular burial mounds
      in Minnesota, differing in shape only from the ordinary circular
      mounds that belong to this division. In general, burial mounds
      are not very high, yet there are exceptions to this rule.

      Grave Creek Mound.

      This cut represents one of the largest of these mounds. It is
      situated at the junction of Grave Creek and the Ohio River,
      twelve miles below Wheeling, in West Virginia. It measures
      seventy feet in height, and its base is nearly one thousand feet
      in circumference. An excavation made from the top downward, and
      from one side of the base to the center, disclosed the fact that
      the mound contained two sepulchral chambers, one at the base and
      one near the center of the mound. These chambers had been
      constructed of logs, and covered with stone. The lower chamber
      contained two skeletons, one of which is supposed to have been a
      female. The upper chamber contained but one skeleton. In addition
      to these, there were found a great number of shell beads,
      ornaments of mica, and bracelets of copper.26

      A moment’s thought will show us what a great work such a mound
      must have been for a people destitute of metallic tools and
      domestic animals. The earth for its construction was probably
      scraped up from the surface and brought thither in baskets. A
      people capable of erecting such a monument as this, with only
      such scanty means at their command, must have possessed those
      qualities which would sooner or later have brought them
      civilization.

      Another very interesting mound of this class once stood in the
      city of St. Louis. The rapidly growing city demanded its removal
      in 1869. It was an oblong mound, one hundred and fifty feet long
      by thirty in height. In its removal it was shown that it
      contained a burial chamber seventy-five feet long, from eight to
      twelve feet wide, and from eight to ten feet high, in which about
      thirty burials had taken place. The surface of the ground had
      first been leveled, then the walls raised to the desired height,
      made firm and solid, and plastered with clay. Timbers formed the
      roof, over which the mound had been raised to the desired height.

      Cross-section St. Louis Mound.

      In process of time the roof decayed and fell in, thus giving a
      sunken appearance to the top of the mound. This view is a cross
      section of the mound as it was revealed by the workmen. We notice
      where the roof has fallen in, and the outline of the interior
      chamber. This burial chamber was perhaps an exact model of the
      cabins in which the people lived. Can it be that this mound was
      the final resting place of some renowned chief, and that the
      other bodies were those of his attendants sent to accompany him
      to the other world? This is perhaps as reasonable a conjecture as
      any. Certain it is that this tumulus and that at Grave Creek were
      fit pyramids for the Pharaohs of the New World.

      It is not to be supposed that the mounds were the sole cemeteries
      of the people who built them. Like the barrows of Europe, they
      were probably erected only over the bodies of the chiefs and
      priests, the wise men, and warriors of the tribe. The amount of
      work required for the erection of a mound was too great to
      provide one for every person. The greater number of the dead were
      deposited elsewhere than in mounds, but it is doubtful whether we
      can always distinguish the prehistoric burial places from those
      of the later Indians. An ancient cemetery, discovered near
      Madisonville, Ohio, proved to be a most interesting find, as it
      was thought to be a burial place of the Mound Builders,27 but it
      seems there is strong doubt on this point. One writer thinks this
      was a cemetery of the Erie tribe of Indians, and not very ancient
      in date.28

      In Tennessee are to be found numerous burial places known as the
      stone-grave cemeteries. Stone graves of a similar character are
      found in Kentucky, Ohio, and Missouri. These are as yet but few
      facts which can be used as indicating that all the stone graves
      are of one people. Many of these cemeteries are of great
      antiquity, while similar stone graves are of quite recent date.
      In some places the cemeteries cover very large areas.

      Terraced Mound.

      We have now to describe a class of mounds that are always
      regarded with great interest, as a number of our scholars think
      they see in them the connecting link between the remains in this
      country and those of Mexico and the South. These are generally
      known as “temple mounds,” from the common impression that they
      were sites of temples or public buildings. In general terms,
      mounds of this class are distinguished by their large size and
      regularity of form, and they always have a flat or level top. On
      one side there is generally a graded way leading up to the
      summit, in some instances several such methods of approach.
      Sometimes the sides of the mound are terraced off into separate
      stages.29

      We have already noticed that different sections of country are
      distinguished by different classes of mound remains. In the
      present State of Ohio are found many altar mounds and inclosures.
      In the West are large numbers of burial mounds, but the so-called
      temple mounds are most numerous in the South. At one place in
      Wisconsin is found a low embankment inclosing four low mounds
      with leveled tops. But the resemblance between these and the
      regular temple mounds is certainly slight. Only a few instances
      of these flat-topped mounds are found in Ohio. Of these the still
      existing “elevated squares” at Marietta are good examples.

      Elevated Square, Marietta. This cut represents the mound
      preserved in the park at Marietta. It is ten feet high, one
      hundred and eighty-eight feet long, by one hundred and thirty-two
      feet wide. The platform on the top has an area of about half an
      acre. Graded ways lead up on each of the four sides. These grades
      are twenty-five feet wide, and sixty feet long.30

      As we approach the Gulf States, these platform mounds increase in
      number. The best representative of this class, the most
      stupendous example of mound builders’ work in this country, is
      situated in Illinois, not far from St. Louis. The mound and its
      surroundings are so interesting that they deserve special
      mention. One of the most fertile sections of Illinois is that
      extending along the Mississippi from the Kaskaskia to the Cahokia
      river, about eighty miles in length, and five in breadth. Well
      watered, and not often overflowed by the Mississippi, it is such
      a fertile and valuable tract that it has received the name of the
      “Great American Bottom.” It is well known that the Mound Builders
      chose the most fertile spots for their settlements, and it is
      therefore not surprising to find the evidence that this was a
      thickly settled portion of their territory. Mr. Breckenridge,
      writing in 1811, says: “The great number of mounds, and the
      astonishing quantity of human bones, everywhere dug up or found
      on the surface of the ground, with a thousand other appearances,
      announces that this valley was at one time filled with
      habitations and villages. The whole face of the bluff, or hill,
      which bounds it on the east, appears to have been a continuous
      burying ground.”31

      Mounds are numerous in this section. We learn that there are two
      groups of mounds or pyramids, one about ten miles above the
      Cahokia, and the other about the same distance below it, more
      than one hundred and fifty in all. Speaking of the group above
      the Cahokia, Mr. Breckenridge says: “I found myself in the midst
      of a group of mounds mostly of a circular shape, and, at a
      distance, resembling enormous hay-stacks scattered through a
      meadow. One of the largest which I ascended was about two hundred
      paces in circumference at the bottom, the form nearly square,
      though it had evidently undergone considerable alteration from
      the washing of rains. The top was level, with an area sufficient
      to contain several hundred men.” He represents the view from the
      top of the mound to be a very extensive and beautiful one. From
      this elevation he counted forty-five mounds or pyramids, besides
      a great number of small artificial elevations. This group was
      arranged in the form of a semicircle, about a mile in extent, the
      open space being on the river.

      Cahokia Mound.

      Three miles above occurs the group in which is found the famous
      big mound.32 This cut gives us a good idea of the mound as it was
      in its perfect state. All accounts given of this mound vary. From
      a cut of the model, as prepared by Dr. Patrick, the area of the
      base is a trifle over fifteen acres.33 The ascent was probably on
      the south side of the mound, where the little projection is seen.
      The first platform is reached at the height of about fifty feet.
      This platform has an area of not far from two and four-fifth
      acres. Large enough for quite a number of houses, if such was the
      purpose for which this mound was erected. The second platform is
      reached at about the height of seventy-five feet, and contains
      about one and three-fourth acres. The third platform is elevated
      ninety-six or ninety-seven feet, while the last one is not far
      from one hundred feet above the plain. The area of the last two
      is about three-fourths of an acre each. The areas of all the
      platforms are not far from six acres. We require to dwell on
      these facts a moment before we realize what a stupendous piece of
      work this is. The base is larger than that of the Great
      Pyramid,34 and we must not lose sight of the fact that the earth
      for its construction was scraped up and brought thither without
      the aid of metallic tools or beasts of burden, and yet the earth
      was obtained somewhere and piled up over an area of fifteen acres
      in one place to a height of one hundred feet, and even the lowest
      platform is fifty feet above the plain. Some have suggested that
      it might be partly a natural elevation. There seems to be,
      however, no good reason for such suggestions.

      What motive induced the people to expend so much labor on this
      mound? It is not probable that this was a burial mound, though it
      may ultimately prove to be so. The most probable supposition is
      that the mound was erected so as to secure an elevated site,
      perhaps for purpose of defense, as on these platforms there was
      abundant room for a large village, and an elevation or height has
      always been an important factor in defenses. In this connection,
      Prof. Putnam has called our attention to a fact which indicates
      that a very long time was occupied in the construction of the
      mound, and further, that a numerous population had utilized its
      platforms as house sites—that is, that “everywhere in the
      gullies, and over the broken surface of the mounds, mixed with
      the earth of which it is composed, are quantities of broken
      vessels of clay, flint chips, arrow-heads, charcoal, bones of
      animals, etc., apparently the refuse of a numerous people.” The
      majority of writers, however, think that this elevated site,
      obtained as the result of so much labor, was utilized for
      important public buildings, presumedly the temple of their gods,
      and no one can help noticing the similarity between this
      structure and those raised by the ancient Mexicans for both
      religious purposes and town sites.

      Mr. Foster thinks that “upon this platform was reared a capacious
      temple, within whose walls the high-priests gathered from
      different quarters at stated seasons, celebrated their mystic
      rites, while the swarming multitudes below looked up with mute
      adoration.”35 Mr. Breckenridge, whose writings we have already
      referred to, at the time of his first visit, “everywhere observed
      a great number of small elevations of earth, to the height of a
      few feet, at regular distances apart, which appeared to observe
      some order: near them pieces of flint and fragments of earthen
      vessels.” From this he concludes that here was a populous town,
      and that this mound was a temple site. It is doubtful whether we
      shall ever pierce the veil that lies between us and this
      aboriginal structure. The pyramids of the Old World have yielded
      up their secret, and we behold in them the tombs of Egypt’s
      kings. But this earthen pyramid on the western prairie is more
      involved in mystery, and we do not know even its builders. If the
      result of religious zeal, we may be sure that a religion which
      exacted from its votaries the erection of such a stupendous piece
      of work was one of great power.

      As before remarked, “temple mounds” increase in numbers and
      importance as we go south. In Kentucky they are more frequent
      than in the States north of the Ohio River, and in Tennessee and
      Mississippi they are still more abundant.36 We also learn that
      they are often surrounded, or nearly so, with moats or ditches,
      as if to fortify their location. Our next cut illustrates such an
      arrangement—a circular wall of earth four feet high and two
      thousand three hundred feet in circumference, incloses four
      mounds, two of which are temple mounds. According to the late
      Prof. Forshey, temple mounds abound in Louisiana. He described a
      group situated in Catahoola County, in which the principal mound
      has a base of more than an acre, a height of forty-two feet, and
      the upper platform an area of nearly one-third of an acre. The
      smaller mounds are arranged around this larger one. This group is
      defended by an embankment. From this point for a distance of
      twenty miles along the river, are scattered similar groups of
      mounds; in all cases the smaller ones arranged around the larger
      one, which is presumably the site of a temple.

      Temple Mounds inclosed in a Circle.

      A digression right here may not be devoid of interest. We are not
      sure but that the dim, uncertain light of history falls on the
      origin of this group of mounds. When the French first commenced
      their settlement in the lower Mississippi Valley, the Natchez
      Indians was the most powerful tribe in all that section. In the
      course of time, wars ensued between them and the French, and in
      the year 1730 they fled into Upper Louisiana, and settled at the
      place where these mounds are now found. But the French followed
      them a year or so afterwards, and nearly exterminated. them. Some
      of our scholars think that they erected these mounds.37 The
      historian of that epoch simply says they had “built a fort
      there.” It is however questioned whether they had time to build
      works of such magnitude. But they were both a mound-building and
      a mound-using people, and we are not prepared to say how long it
      would take them to do the work, until we know the number engaged,
      methods employed, and other considerations.38 If they did not
      build these works, they doubtless cleared them of trees and
      utilized them; and this place was therefore the scene of the
      final downfall of the Natchez—a people we have every reason to
      regard as intimately connected with the prehistoric
      mound-building tribes.

      The largest temple mound in the South is near Seltzertown,
      Mississippi. Its base covers about six acres, and it rises forty
      feet. This slope was ascended by means of a graded way. The
      summit platform has an extent of nearly four acres. On this
      platform three other mounds had been reared—one at each end, and
      a third in the center. Recent investigation by the Bureau of
      Ethnology have shown that the base of this mound is a natural
      formation. Lumps of sun-dried, or partially burnt clay, used as
      plastering on the houses of the Mound Builders, gave rise to a
      sensational account of a wall of sun-dried bricks two feet thick,
      supporting the mound on the northern side.39 The famous Messier
      Mound, in Georgia, is said to reach a height of ninety-five feet.
      But a large part of this elevation is a natural eminence; the
      artificial part is only a little over fifty feet.

      Etowah Mound, Georgia.

      A work of unusual interest occurs on the Etowah River, Georgia.
      This cut gives us a plan of the work. We notice, first of all,
      the moat or ditch by which they fortified their position. The
      ditch is still from five to twenty-five feet deep, and from
      twenty to seventy-five feet wide. It connects directly with the
      river at one end, but stops short at the other. It surrounds
      nearly fifty acres of land. At two points we notice reservoirs,
      each about an acre in size, and an average depth of not less than
      twenty feet. At its upper end is an artificial pond. This ditch,
      with its reservoirs and pond, is no slight work. The large mound
      seen in the center of the space is one of the largest of the
      temple mounds. Its shape is sufficiently shown in the cut. The
      height of the mound is sixty-five feet. We call especial
      attention to the series of terraces leading up the south side of
      the mound. Graded ways afford means of access from one terrace to
      the other. A pathway is also seen on the eastern side.

      To this group of works an interest attaches similar to that of
      the group of works mentioned in Louisiana. We are not certain but
      that we catch a glimpse of it while it was yet an inhabited
      Indian town. This is contained in the brief accounts we have of
      the wanderings of the unfortunate De Soto and his command. One of
      the chroniclers of this expedition La Vega, describes one of the
      towns where the weary Spaniards rested, and which we are sure was
      somewhere in Northern Georgia, in such terms, mentioning the
      graded way leading to the top, that Prof. Thomas, who has spent
      some time in this investigation, thinks his description can apply
      only to the mound under consideration.40 Whether this conclusion
      will be allowed to stand, remains to be seen. But, if true, then
      the darkness which rests upon this aboriginal structure lifts for
      a moment and we see around it a populous Indian town, able to
      send five hundred warriors to battle. The Spaniards marched on to
      sufferings and death, and darkness again closed around the Etowah
      Mound. When the Europeans next beheld it around it was the silent
      wilderness; the warriors had departed; the trees of the forest
      overspread it.

      We have now described the principal mound structures, and shown
      the different classes into which they are divided. But a large
      class of mounds are found scattered all through the Mound
      Builders’ territory that were probably used as signal mounds.
      Burial mounds were also often used for this purpose.41 This was
      because their location was always very favorable for signal
      purposes. Signaling by fire is a very ancient custom. The Indians
      on our western plains convey intelligence by this means at the
      present day. Some tribes use such materials as will cause
      different shades of smoke, using dried grass for the lightest,
      pine leaves for the darkest, and a mixture for intermediate
      purposes. They also vary the signal by letting the smoke rise in
      an unbroken column, or cover the fire with a blanket, so as to
      cause puffs of smoke. The evidence gathered from the position of
      the mounds, and traces of fire on their summit, is that the Mound
      Builders had a very extensive system of signal mounds.

      Hill Mounds.

      To illustrate this system, we would state that the city of
      Newark, Ohio, was the site of a very extensive settlement of the
      Mound Builders. This settlement was in a valley, but on all the
      surrounding hills were located signal mounds. And it is further
      stated that lines of signal mounds can be traced from here as a
      center to other and more distant points. The large mound at Mt.
      Vernon, twenty miles to the north, was part of this system. As
      the settlements of the Mound Builders were mostly in river
      valleys, we would expect to find all along on the bluffs fronting
      these valleys traces of signal mounds. In the Scioto Valley, from
      Columbus to Chillicothe, a distance of about forty miles, twenty
      mounds “may be selected, so placed in respect to each other that
      it is believed, if the country was cleared of forests, signals of
      fire might be transmitted in a few minutes along the whole line.”
      Some think the chain is much more extensive than this, and that
      the whole Scioto Valley, from Delaware County to Portsmouth, was
      so provided with mounds that signals could be sent in a very few
      minutes the whole distance.42

      Miamisburg Mound.

      The valley of the Miami River was equally well provided with
      signal mounds. This great mound, at Miamisburg, Ohio, rising to
      the height of sixty-eight feet, was one of the chain by which
      signals were transmitted along the valley. Not only was each
      river valley thus provided, but there is evidence that
      communication was established between different river systems, so
      we can easily see how quickly the invasion of their country by an
      enemy from any quarter would become known in widely scattered
      sections. Immediately across the river from Chillicothe, Ohio, on
      a hill nearly six hundred feet high, was located a signal mound.
      A fire built upon it would be visible twenty miles up the valley,
      and an equal distance down. It would be also visible far down the
      valley of Paint Creek. Some think that such a system of lofty
      observatories extended across the whole State of Ohio, of
      Indiana, and Illinois, the Grave Creek mound, on the east, the
      great mound at Cahokia, on the west, and the works in Ohio
      filling up the line. We do not believe, however, it is safe to
      draw such conclusions. It is doubtful whether there was any very
      close connection between the tribes in these several sections.

      In the State of Wisconsin are found some of the most interesting
      remains of the Mound Builders. They are so different from the
      ordinary remains found elsewhere that we must admit that the
      people who built them differed greatly from the tribes who built
      the great temple mounds of the South, or the earthworks of Ohio.
      The remains in Wisconsin are distinguished not by their great
      size or height, but by their singular forms. Here the mound
      building instincts of the people were expressed by heaping up the
      earth in the shape of animals. What strange fancy it was that led
      them to mould the figures on the bluffy banks of the rivers and
      the high lands about the lakes of their country, we shall perhaps
      never know. That they had some design in this matter is, of
      course, evident, and if we would try and learn their secret, we
      must address ourselves to a study of the remains.

      Effigy Mounds. Effigy mounds are almost exclusively confined to
      the State of Wisconsin. We, indeed, find effigy mounds in other
      sections, but they are of rare occurrence.43 They, however, show
      that the same reasons, religious, or otherwise, exists in other
      localities, while in the area covered by the southern portion of
      the State of Wisconsin it found its greatest expression. This cut
      affords us a fair idea of effigy mounds. Here are seen two
      animals, one behind the other. On paper we can readily see the
      resemblance. Stretched out on the ground, and of gigantic
      proportions, the resemblance is not so marked, and some might
      fail to notice it at first sight. Either of those figures is over
      one hundred feet long, and about fifteen feet wide. With few
      exceptions, effigy mounds are inconsiderable in height, varying
      from one to four feet. These mounds have been carefully studied
      of late years, and there is no doubt that in many instances we
      can distinguish the animals represented.

      We learn, then, that tribes formerly living in Wisconsin had the
      custom of heaping up the earth in the shape of the various
      animals peculiar to that section. But no effigies are found of
      animals that have since become extinct, or of animals that are to
      be found only in other lands.

      Elephant Mound. Our next cut represents the famous elephant mound
      of Wisconsin, on the strength of which a number of fair theories
      have been given relating to the knowledge of the mastodon by the
      builders of the mound, and its consequent antiquity. It now bears
      some resemblance to an elephant, but we learn that the trunk was
      probably produced by the washing of the banks and, from the same
      cause, a projection above the head, supposed to represent horns,
      has disappeared. Taking these facts into consideration, it is
      quite as likely that it represented a buffalo.44 One writer even
      thinks he found a representation of a camel, but the fact is, the
      more these effigy mounds are studied, the more certain are we
      that they are representations of animals formerly common in that
      region.

      Emblematic Mounds.

      The manner in which they represented the various animals is full
      of interest to us. It has been discovered that they worked on a
      system. The last cut represents a group of three animals
      discovered a few miles from the Blue Mounds in Dane County. We
      notice at once a difference between the central animal, with a
      tail, and the other two. It will also be observed that the
      animals are represented in profile, with only two projections for
      legs. They are never separated so that we can distinguish the two
      front and the two hind feet. Animals so figured are the bear,
      fox, wolf, panther, and others. Grazing animals, such as the
      buffalo, elk, and deer, are represented with a projection for
      horns. In the last cut the other two animals are buffaloes. In
      various ways the particular kind of animal can nearly always be
      distinguished.45

      Grazing Elks. Fox in the Distance.

      The preceding cut represents two elks grazing, and a fox in the
      distance. The long embankments of earth at one side are
      considered by Mr. Peet as in the nature of game drives. But we
      call attention to the expressiveness with which these figures are
      delineated. What could be more natural than the quietly grazing
      elks, with the suspicious prowling fox in the distance. In the
      cut we also see two cross-shaped figures. This was their method
      of representing birds, a projection on each side of a central
      body denoting wings. These figures are often very expressive.

      Eagle Mound.

      In this cut we have no difficulty in recognizing an eagle. It is
      represented as soaring high in the air. On the bluffs above it is
      a wolf effigy, and several conical and long mounds. In the cut
      preceding this the eagle and the hawk are hovering over the
      feeding elks, while in this cut a flock of hawks are watching
      some buffaloes feeding in the distance. This group of effigies
      was found on the banks of the Kickapoo River.

      Hawks and Buffaloes.

      Goose and Duck. Our next cut represents a wild goose with a long
      neck and beak followed by a duck with a short neck, flying
      towards the lake.

      Water-loving animals, such as salamanders and turtles, are
      represented in still another way, two projections on each side of
      a central figure. The next following cut represents a turtle. The
      tail was not always added. The salamander closely resembles the
      turtle, but notice the difference in the body, and still
      different is the cut of the musk-rat (see later). Fishes are
      figured as a straight embankment of earth tapering to a point.

      Turtle.

      The same system that was observed in the location of signal
      mounds is to be noticed in the arrangements of these groups of
      effigy mounds. They are not alone. One group answers to another
      on a distant hill, or is in plain view of another group in the
      valley below. Distant groups were so related, each commanding a
      wide extent of country, and thus group answers to group, and
      mound to mound, for miles away, making a complete system
      throughout the region.

Salamander and Musk-rat and Man-shaped Mound.

      We notice this as to the location of the mounds. When we examine
      the mounds themselves we observe no little skill in the way they
      represent the animals. They often impressed on them something
      more than mere animal resemblances. “There are groups where the
      attitudes are expressive of a varied action. Certain animals,
      like the weasel or mink, being seen with a bird so near that,
      apparently, it might be caught by a single spring; and still
      others, like the wolf or wild-cat, are arranged head to head, as
      if prepared for combat; and still others, like the squirrel or
      coon, are in the more playful attitudes, sometimes apparently
      chasing one another over hill or valley; and again situated
      alone, as if they had just leaped from some tree, or drawn
      themselves out of some den or hole.”46

      Nor is the effigy of the human form wanting. It is found in
      several localities throughout the State. This cut shows us one
      such effigy. This was the beginning of a long train of animal
      mounds, presumably representing bears, found near the Blue
      Mounds, Wisconsin.47 We can not observe that any more importance
      was ascribed to the effigy of a human being than to that of an
      animal.

      In casting about for suitable explanation for the erection of
      these animal mounds, we find ourselves lost in conjecture as to
      the motive which induced these people to prepare these earthen
      effigies. We may be sure that it was for some other reason than
      for amusement, or to give exercise to an artistic feeling. Only
      in very few instances do we detect any arrangements which would
      imply that they were in the nature of defenses. In some cases the
      effigies are so arranged as to form a sort of inclosure, some
      portion of the figure being prolonged to an unusual extent and
      thus inclosing a space that may have been utilized for a village
      site. This group on the Wisconsin River illustrates this point.
      Here the area thus partially inclosed, is about an acre. It is a
      singular fact that these inclosures are almost always triangular
      in shape.48 But it is manifest that a simple earth wall would
      serve for defense much better than these forms. They probably
      were not burial mounds, as few contain human remains, and it is
      not yet certain that these remains were not intrusive burials.49
      It seems, therefore that they must have been in some manner
      connected with the religious life of the people.

      Emblematic Mound Inclosure.

      If we examine the various groups scattered throughout the State,
      this belief is strengthened. It is found, for instance, in nearly
      every group, that some one effigy is the principal one, and is
      placed in a commanding position, about which the other forms are
      arranged. It is also thought that the same effigy is the
      principal or ruling effigy over a wide district. In illustration
      of this, it can be stated that in the south-eastern part of the
      State the turtle is always the ruling effigy. In any group of
      effigies it is the principal one. It seems to watch over and
      protect the others. In subordination to it are such forms as the
      lizard, hawk, and pigeon. Passing to the North, the turtle is no
      longer the important figure. It is replaced by the wolf, or
      wild-cat. This is now the principal form, and if the turtle is
      sometimes present, it is of less importance.

      So marked is the fact we have just stated that Mr. Peet says,
      “that sometimes this division assumes almost the character of a
      river system, and thus we might trace what seems to be the
      beginning in this country of that which prevailed on classic soil
      and in Oriental regions—namely, river gods and tutelar divinities
      of certain regions, each tribal divinity having its own province,
      over which it ruled and on which it left its own form or figure
      as the seal of its power and the emblem of its worship.”50

      Looking for some explanation of this, we may find a key in the
      known customs of various Indian tribes, and the lower races of
      men. It is known that a tribe of Indians is divided into smaller
      bands, which are called gens or clans. A gens may consist of
      several hundred persons, but it is the unit of organization. It
      takes the place of a family among civilized people. These various
      bands are generally named after some animal. In the beginning
      these names may have been of no special significance, but in
      course of time each band would come to regard themselves as
      descendants of the animal whose name they bore. Hence the animal
      itself would be considered sacred in their eyes, and its life
      would seldom be taken by members of that gens.

      The animal thus honored by the gens was, in the Indian dialect,
      the totem of the clan. This organization and custom we find
      running all through the Indian tribes. In many tribes the Indians
      were wont to carve a figure of their totem on a piece of slate,
      or even to carve a stone in the shape of the totem, which carved
      or sculptured stone they wore as an ornament, or carried as a
      charm to ward off evil and bring them good luck.51 We need only
      suppose that this system was very fully developed among the Mound
      Builders of Wisconsin, to see what important bearing it has on
      these effigy mounds.

      A tribe located on one of the fertile river valleys of Wisconsin
      was composed of various gens or clans. On some common point in
      proximity to their villages, or some spot which commanded a wide
      view of the surrounding country, each gens would rear an effigy
      of its totem, the animal sacred to them. In every tribe some gens
      would be the most powerful, or for some cause the most respected,
      and its totem would be given in the largest effigy, and would be
      placed in the most commanding position. In a different locality
      some other tribe would be located, and some other totem would be
      regarded as of the most importance.

      In this light effigy-mounds are not mere representatives of
      animal forms. They are picture-writings on a gigantic scale, and
      are the source of much true history. They tell us of different
      tribes, the clans which composed them, the religious beliefs, and
      the ruling gens of the tribe. Contemplating them, we seem to live
      again in the far-off past. The white man disappears; waving
      forests claim their ancient domain, and the rivers, with a more
      powerful current, roll in their olden channels. The animals whose
      forms are imaged here, go trooping through the forest or over the
      fertile bottom lands. The busy scenes of civilization give place
      to the placid quiet of primeval times, and we seem to see
      peaceful tribes of Mound Builders paying a rude veneration to
      their effigy-gods, where now are churches of a more
      soul-satisfying religion.

      But there is still another point to be learned from an
      examination of these ancient mounds. Not only are they totems of
      the tribes, but they were looked on in some sense as being
      guardian divinities, with power to protect the homes of the
      tribe. This is learned by studying the location in which they are
      placed. They occupy all points of observation. In other parts of
      the Mound Builders’ country, wherever we find signal-mounds we
      find corresponding positions in Wisconsin occupied by groups of
      effigy-mounds, or if one only is present, it is always the one
      which, from the considerations we have stated, was regarded as
      the ruling effigy of that section. It is as if their builders
      placed them as sentinels to guard the approaches to their homes,
      to give warning of the arrival of hostile bands. This is further
      borne out by finding that mounds placed in such positions
      frequently show evidence of the action of intense fire, and so we
      conclude they were used as signal stations also. So we need not
      doubt but that the region thus watched over by these
      effigy-mounds, group answering to group along the river banks, or
      in the valleys below, was at times lit up by the signal fires at
      night; or the warning column of smoke by day betokening the
      presence of dancer.52

      Bird Mound, surrounded by a Stone Circle.

      Before leaving the subject of effigy-mounds, we must refer to
      some instances of their presence in other localities. This cut is
      an eagle effigy discovered in Georgia. Only one other instance,
      also occurring in Georgia, is known of effigy-mounds in the
      South. Measured from tip to tip of the wings, the bird, in this
      case, is one hundred and thirty-two feet. This structure is
      composed of stones, and a singular feature is the surrounding
      circle of stone.53

      Big Serpent Mound.

      Several examples of effigy-mounds are found in Ohio. The most
      notable one is that known as the Great Serpent Mound, in Adanis
      County. We give an illustration of it. The entire surrounding
      country is hilly. The effigy itself is situated on a tongue of
      land formed by the junction of a ravine with the main branch of
      Brush Creek, and rising to a height of about one hundred feet
      above the creek. Its form is irregular on its surface, being
      crescent-shaped, with the point resting to the north-west. We
      give in a note some of the dimensions. The figure we give of this
      important effigy is different from any heretofore presented. We
      are indebted for the plan from which the drawing was made to Rev.
      J. P. MacLean, of Hamilton, Ohio. Mr. MacLean is a well-known
      writer on these topics. During the Summer of 1884, while in the
      employ of the Bureau of Ethnology, he visited the place, taking
      with him a thoroughly competent surveyor, and made a very careful
      plan of the work for the Bureau. All the other figures published
      represent the oval as the end of the works. Prof. Putnam, who
      visited the locality in 1883, noticed, between the oval figure
      and the edge of the ledge, a slightly raised, circular ridge of
      earth, from either side of which a curved ridge extended towards
      the sides of the oval figure. Mr. MacLean’s researches and
      measurements have shown that the ridges last spoken of are but
      part of what is either a distinct figure or a very important
      portion of the original figure. As figured, it certainly bears a
      very close resemblance to a frog, and such Mr. MacLean concludes
      it to be.

      There is both a similarity and a difference between this work and
      those of Wisconsin. The fact that it occurs isolated, the other
      effigies in Ohio being many miles away, shows that some special
      purpose must have been subserved by it. There the great numbers
      gave us a hint as to their purpose. In this case, however, nearly
      all observers conclude that it was a religious work. Mr. MacLean,
      after describing these three figures, propounds this query: “Does
      the frog represent the creative, the egg the passive, and the
      serpent the destructive power of nature?” Not a few writers,
      though not acquainted with the presence of the frog-shaped
      figure, have been struck with the combination of the egg and the
      serpent, that plays such an important part in the mythology of
      the Old World. We are told that the serpent, separate or in
      combination with the circle, egg, or globe, has been a
      predominant symbol among many primitive nations. “It prevailed in
      Egypt, Greece, and Assyria, and entered widely into the
      superstitions of the Celts, the Hindoos, and the Chinese.”
      “Wherever native religions have had their scope, this symbol is
      sure to appear.”54

      Even the Indians have made use of this symbol. On Big Medicine
      Butte, in Dakota Territory, near Pierre, is a train of stones
      arranged in the form of a serpent, which is probably the work of
      the Sioux Indians. Around about on the hill is the burying-ground
      of their chiefs. This was to them sacred ground, and no whites
      were allowed near. The stones are about the size of a man’s head,
      and are laid in two rows, from one to six feet apart. The length
      in all is three hundred and fifty feet, and at the tail, stones,
      to represent rattles, are rudely carved. The eyes are formed by
      two big red bowlders. No grass was allowed to grow between the
      two rows of stone.55

      It seems reasonable to suppose that the few isolated effigy
      mounds we have outside of Wisconsin were built to subserve a
      different purpose than those in that State. Mr. Peet has made
      some remarks on their probable use that seem to us to cover the
      ground, and to do away with any necessity of supposing on the
      part of its builders an acquaintance with Old World mythologies.
      Nature worship is one of the earliest forms of worship. The
      prominent features of a landscape would be regarded as objects of
      worship. Thus, for example, the island of Mackinac resembles in
      its outline the shape of a turtle; so the island was regarded as
      sacred to the turtle, and offerings were made to it. A bluff on
      the same island at a distance resembles a rabbit; accordingly, it
      was called by that name, and offerings were made to it. It is
      quite natural that the effigy-mound builders should seek to
      perpetuate by effigy some of these early traditions.

      In the case of the Big Serpent mound this point is worth
      considering. The ridge on which it stands is not only in the
      midst of a wild, rough region, but is so situated that it
      commands a wide extent of country. In shape this tongue of land
      is also peculiar. It is a narrow, projecting headland, and would
      easily suggest the idea of a serpent or a lizard. “This, with the
      inaccessibility of the spot, would produce a peculiar feeling of
      awe, as if it were a great Manitou which resided there; and so a
      sentiment of wonder and worship would gather around the locality.
      This would naturally give rise to a tradition, or would lead the
      people to revive some familiar tradition and localize it.”56 The
      final step would be to make an effigy.

      It seems to us very hazardous to draw any conclusions as to the
      religious beliefs of the Mound Builders from this effigy, or
      combinations of effigies. It also seems to us reasonable to
      suppose that but one figure was intended to be represented. A
      very slight prolongation of the serpent’s jaws and the limbs of
      the frog would connect them, in which case we would have some
      amphibious creature with an unduly extended tail, or perhaps a
      lizard. We must remember that the whole figure has been plowed
      over once or twice, so that we are not sure of the original
      outlines. We can not tell why they should represent a portion of
      the body as hollow, but neither can we tell why the head of the
      supposed serpent should be represented as hollow. We do not find
      any important earth-works near here. The hill on which it is
      placed commands a very extensive view of the surrounding country.
      Within the oval a pile of stones showed evidence of a
      long-continued fire, which would indicate that this was also a
      signal-mound. Prof. Putnam thinks it probable that there was a
      burial place between it and the large conical mound not far
      away.57

      In the vicinity of Newark, Ohio, are two examples of effigy
      mounds. This cut represents what is called the alligator mound,
      but it is probably the effigy of a lizard. The position which
      this mound occupies is significant. It is on the very brow of a
      hill about two hundred feet high, which projects out into a
      beautiful valley. The valley is not very wide. Directly across
      was a fortified camp, in the valley below it was a circular work,
      and a short distance below on another projecting headland was a
      strongly fortified hill. The great works at Newark were six miles
      down the valley, but were probably in plain view. That it was
      perhaps a signal station, is shown by the presence of traces of
      fire.

      Alligator Mound.

      The length of this effigy is two hundred and five feet, the
      breadth of the body at its widest part, twenty feet, average
      height about four feet.58 The effigy mounds of Wisconsin, and the
      other few examples mentioned, are among the most interesting
      objects of aboriginal work. Except in a few favored instances,
      they are rapidly disappearing. To the leveling influence of time
      is added the assistance of man, and our knowledge of them will
      soon be confined to existing descriptions, unless something is at
      once done to preserve them from destruction. Interesting mementos
      of a vanished race, we turn from their contemplation with a sigh
      of regret that, in spite of our efforts, they are still so
      enwrapped in doubt.

      Mounds and effigies by no means complete the description of Mound
      Builders’ remains. One of the most interesting and mysterious
      class of works is now to be described. Early travelers in Ohio
      came here and there upon embankments, which were found to inclose
      tracts of land of various sizes. It was noticed that the
      embankments were often of the form of perfect circles, or
      squares, or sometimes octagons, and very often combinations of
      these figures. It was further evident that the builders sought
      level, fertile lands, along the various river courses. They very
      seldom built them on undulating or broken ground. Often have the
      very places where civilized man has laid the foundation of his
      towns proved to be the sites of these ancient works of the Mound
      Builders, and thus it has happened that many of the most
      interesting works of antiquity have been ruthlessly removed to
      make way for the crowded streets and busy marts of our own times.

      The larger number of inclosures are circular, often of a small
      size. Where they occur separately they either have no gateway, or
      but one. Sometimes the circles are of very large size,
      surrounding many acres. Sometimes, though not very often, a ditch
      was also dug inside the embankment. This last circumstance is by
      many regarded as a strong proof that the primary object of these
      circles was not for defense.59 But an inclosure of this kind,
      even with the ditch on the inside, if surmounted by a row of
      pickets or palisades, would prove a strong position against
      Indian foes armed with bow and arrow. The Mandans constructed
      defenses of this kind around their villages.60 As to the original
      height of the walls, in the majority of cases it was not very
      great, generally from three to seven feet.

      It is estimated that in Ohio alone there are fifteen hundred
      inclosures, but a large number of them have nothing especially
      worthy of mention. Some, however, are on such a large scale that
      they call from all more than a passing glance. In contemplating
      them, we feel ourselves confronted by a mystery that we can not
      explain. The ruins of the old world excite in us the liveliest
      feeling of interest, but we know their object, their builders,
      and their probable antiquity. The mazy ruins at Newark, and other
      places in Ohio, also fill the mind with astonishment, but in this
      case we are not certain of their antiquity, their builders are
      unknown, and we can not conjecture with any degree of certainty
      as to their use. Before so many uncertainties imagination runs
      riot, and we are inclined to picture to ourselves a scene of
      barbaric power and magnificence.

      High Bank Works.

      One beautiful specimen of this work is found in this cut. It
      occurs on the right bank of the Scioto river, five miles below
      Chillicothe. Here we notice a combination of the octagon and the
      circle. The areas of each are marked. The octagon is nine hundred
      and fifty feet in diameter, and nearly regular in shape. In 1846
      its walls were eleven or twelve feet high, by about fifty feet
      base. It will be noticed that there is a gate at or near each
      angle of the octagon except one, and in front of that angle was a
      pit, from which some of the earth to form the walls was taken.
      Facing each gateway a mound was placed, as if to guard the
      entrance.

      The circle connected with the octagon is perfect in shape, and is
      ten hundred and fifty feet in diameter. Its walls were only about
      half the height of the octagon. We notice some other small
      circular works in connection with the main work. In this case the
      parallels are not very regular, and seem to be connected with one
      or more circular works. In a work situated but a few miles from
      the one here portrayed, the parallels extend in one direction
      nearly half a mile, only one hundred and fifty feet apart. They
      terminate on the edge of a terrace. The object of such parallels
      is as yet unknown. In some cases, after extending some distance,
      they simply inclosed a mound.

      It is easy enough to describe this work and give its dimensions,
      but who will tell us the object its builders had in mind? The
      walls themselves would afford but slight protection and if they
      were for defense, must have been surmounted with palisades. Works
      that were undoubtedly in the nature of fortified camps, are found
      in this same section, and one of the strongest was located not
      more than twelve miles away; but such defensive works differ very
      greatly in design from regular structures such as we are now
      describing. A very eminent scholar, Mr. Morgan, has advanced the
      theory that the walls were the foundations on which communal
      houses, like the Pueblos of the West, were erected.61 But this is
      mere theory. All traces of such habitations (if they ever
      existed) are gone, the usual _debris_ which would be sure to
      accumulate around house-sites, is wanting, and the walls
      themselves seem unfit for such purpose.62

      They may have been embankments surrounding towns and cultivated
      fields, but little has yet been found which can be cited as
      proofs of residence within the area so inclosed. We should not be
      surprised, however, if such would ultimately prove to be the
      case, since we now know that the Mound Builders of Tennessee did
      fortify their villages by means of embankments and ditches.63 A
      number of writers think that these regular inclosures were in
      some way connected with the superstitions of the people. In other
      words, that they were religious in character. Mr. Squier remarks,
      “We have reason to believe that the religious system of the Mound
      Builders, like that of the Aztecs, exercised among them a great,
      if not a controlling, influence. Their government may have been,
      for aught we know, a government of the priesthood—one in which
      the priestly and civil functions were jointly exercised, and one
      sufficiently powerful to have secured in the Mississippi Valley,
      as it did in Mexico, the erection of many of those vast
      monuments, which for ages will continue to challenge the wonder
      of men. There may have been certain superstitious ceremonies,
      having no connection with the purpose of the mound, carried on in
      inclosures especially dedicated to them.”64 Another late writer
      to whom we have several times referred, tells us there is no
      doubt but what a “religious view” was the controlling influence
      in the erection of these works, and that they express a
      “complicated system of symbolism,” that we see in them evidence,
      of a most powerful and wonderful religious system.65 Still such
      assertions are easier made than proven, and until we know
      somewhat the purpose for which they were used, how are we to know
      whether they were sacred or not?

      Casting conjectures, for the moment, aside, let us learn what we
      can from the works themselves. From their large extent they could
      only be reared by the expenditure of great labor. This implies
      some form of government sufficiently centralized and powerful to
      control the labors of large bodies of men. Moreover, they were
      sufficiently advanced to have some standard of measurement and
      some way of measuring angles. The circle, it will be remembered,
      is a true circle, and of a dimension requiring considerable skill
      to lay out. The sides of the octagon are equal, and the alternate
      angles coincident.

      Every year the plow sinks deeper into these crumbling
      embankments, and the leveling forces of cultivation are
      continually at work, and the time is not far distant when the
      curious traveler will with difficulty trace the ruins of what was
      once, to the Mound Builders, a place of great importance.

      Square and Circle Embankment. The more usual combination was that
      of a square and a circle. An example is given in this cut, which
      is a plan on a very small scale, of works which formerly existed
      in Circleville. One peculiar feature about this work was that a
      double wall formed the circle, with a ditch between the two
      walls. In the next cut we notice a peculiar combination of these
      two figures. The square is inclosed within the circle. Whatever
      we may ultimately decide as to the larger works, it would seem as
      if this could only be explained as in the nature of a religious
      work. We can see no reason for constructing a defensive work, or
      inclosing a village, or erecting foundations for houses of such a
      shape as this. They must have been in some way connected with the
      superstitions of the people.

      Square inscribed in a Circle.
      Circle and Ditch. A peculiar feature is also noticed in reference
      to some of the smaller circles in this section. The cut at left
      illustrates it. The circle has a ditch interior to the
      embankment, and also a broad embankment of about the same height
      with the outer wall, interior to the ditch, running about
      half-way around the circle. A short distance from the circle was
      one of those elevated squares, one hundred and twenty feet square
      at the base, and nine feet high.66 It may be that this square was
      the foundation on which stood a temple, in which case the circle
      might have been dedicated to religious purposes also.

      The great geometrical inclosures are especially numerous in the
      Scioto Valley. All the works we have described were in the near
      neighborhood of Chillicothe, and works as important as these are
      scattered all up and down the valley. We must also recall how
      well provided this valley was with signal mounds. All indications
      point to the fact that here was the location of a numerous
      people, ready to defend their homes whenever the warning fires
      were lit. Although Mound Builders’ works are numerous in the
      valley of the two Miami Rivers, Cincinnati being the site of an
      extensive settlement, yet they were not such massive structures
      as those in the Scioto. This would seem to indicate that these
      valleys were the seats of separate tribes.67 But this Eastern
      tribe must have occupied an extensive territory, since works of
      the most complicated kind are found at Newark.

      All indications point to the fact that near this latter place was
      a very important settlement of the Mound Builders. Several
      fortified works exist a few miles up the valley; signal-mounds
      are to be seen on all heights, commanding a wide view, and the
      famous alligator mound is placed, as if with the design of
      guarding the entrance to the valley. No verbal description will
      give an idea of the works, so we refer at once to the plan. This
      will give us a good idea of the works as they were when the first
      white settlers gazed upon them. They have nearly all been swept
      away by modern improvements, excepting the two circular works and
      the octagon. Here and there fragments of the other works can
      still be traced.

      Mound Builders’ Works, Newark, Ohio.

      Two forks of the Licking River unite near Newark; the bottom
      between these rivers comprising several square miles, was
      occupied by these ancient earth-works. By reference to the plan,
      we see the works consisted of mounds of various sizes, parallel
      walls, generally of a low elevation, small and low embankments,
      in the form of small circles and half-circles. There are also
      several large works consisting of a circle and octagon combined,
      one large circle, and a parallelogram. The circular structure at
      ‘E,’ is undoubtedly one of the best preserved and most imposing
      in the State. There are many inclosing larger areas, but none
      more clearly defined. As this is now included in the fair-grounds
      of Licking County, it is preserved from destruction, and will
      remain a monument of aboriginal work long after all traces of the
      others have disappeared. “At the entrance, which is towards the
      east, the ends of the walls curve outwards for a distance of a
      hundred feet, leaving a passage way eighty feet wide between the
      deep ditches on either hand.” From this point the work, even now
      presents an impressive appearance. The walls are twelve feet in
      perpendicular height, and about fifty feet base. There is a ditch
      close around it on the inside, seven feet deep by thirty-five
      feet wide. The area inclosed is about thirty acres.

      Eagle Mound. In the center is an effigy-mound, represented by
      this cut. It represents a bird on the wing, and is called the
      Eagle Mound. The long mound in the body of the bird has been
      opened, and it was found to contain an altar, such as has been
      already described. Was this a place of sacrifice, and did this
      wall inclose a sacred area? Our question remains unanswered. We
      can dig in the mounds, and wander over the embankments, but the
      secret of the builders eludes us.

      A mile to the north-west of the part of the work just described
      are the Octagon and works in connection with it. The Octagon is
      not quite regular, but the sides are very nearly equal. At each
      angle is a gateway, interior and opposite to which is a mound, as
      if to guard the opening. The cut gives a view of the Octagon,
      looking in through one of these gateways. At present, however,
      but a small portion is in the forest. Most of it is under
      cultivation, but the work can still be easily traced, and is one
      of the best preserved in the State. A portion of it, still in the
      forest, presents the same appearance to-day as it did to the
      first explorer. When a stranger for the first time wanders along
      the embankment and ascends the mounds, he can not fail to
      experience sensations akin to those of the traveler when he comes
      upon the ruins of some Old World city. We wish that for a brief
      space of time the curtain of the past would up-roll, and let us
      view these works while yet their builders flourished here.

      Gateway of Octagon.

      Connected with the Octagon by parallel walls three hundred feet
      long and placed sixty feet apart, is the smaller circle, “F.”
      This is a true circle, and is upwards of half a mile in
      circumference. A portion of it lying in the woods, still retains
      its primitive form, but the larger part is now under cultivation.
      There is no difficulty, however, in tracing its entire length.
      The most interesting feature in connection with this part of the
      work is immediately opposite the point of entrance from the
      octagon, and is represented in our next cut. At this point it
      seems as if the builders had started to make parallel walls, but
      afterwards changed their design and threw across the opening a
      large mound. From this mound a view of the entire embankment
      could be obtained. It is called the Observatory Mound. It has
      been so often dug into that it is now really in ruins, but is
      still too steep to be plowed over.

      Observatory Mound, Newark Works.

      It is scarcely necessary to describe the works further, except to
      state that three lines of parallel embankments lead away from the
      octagon. Those extending south have been traced for upwards of
      two miles, and are gradually lost in the plain. It was the
      opinion of Mr. Atwater, one of the earliest investigators, that
      these lines connected with other works thirty miles away, in the
      vicinity of Lancaster.68 Small circles are numerous in connection
      with these works. It has been suggested by several that they mark
      the sites of circular dwellings. The larger ones, indicated by
      the letter “G,” are more pretentious. They have the ditch and
      embankment, which we have already described. Many interesting
      coincidents in dimensions will be perceived between portions of
      this work and those described in the Scioto valley.69

      Although we have devoted considerable space to this branch of the
      Mound Builders’ work, we must still find space to describe the
      works at Marietta, which possessed some singular features. This
      cut gives us a correct plan of the works as they were when in
      1788 the first settlers arrived at the mouth of the Muskingum to
      lay out their town. The growth of the beautiful town of Marietta
      has completely destroyed these works, except the elevated
      squares, A and B, the large mound and inclosing circle at X, with
      a portion of the adjoining embankments, and a small fragment of
      the parallel walls forming what has been called the “Graded Way.”
      The elevated squares are the finest examples of “temple” mounds
      remaining in the Ohio Valley. The circle and ditch with the
      conical mound inclosed is also a fine example of that class of
      works. From the summit of the mound an extensive view is to be
      had both up and down the Ohio.

      Works at Marietta, Ohio.

      The gateways of the smaller square were guarded by mounds, which
      were wanting in the larger one. We would call especial attention
      to the two embankments which led from the larger square towards
      the river. They were six hundred and eighty feet long, and one
      hundred and fifty feet apart.70 Some have supposed these walls
      were designed to furnish a covered way to the river. But as Mr.
      Squier remarks, we would hardly expect the people to go to the
      trouble of making such a wide avenue for this purpose, nor one
      with such a regular grade. Besides, the walls did not reach the
      river. The work seems to be simply a passage way, leading from
      one terrace to the other, but why the builders should have made
      such a massive work, we can not explain. It has been called the
      “Sacred Way,” and this name may possibly be applicable, but it is
      only conjectural. Some twenty years ago these two massive and
      beautiful embankments were still preserved, thanks to the care of
      the early settlers, who planned a street to pass between them,
      which was named the _Via Sacra._ These words still remain on a
      corner signboard; but alas for sentiment! the banks, so long
      revered, have been utilized for brick-working.

      Graded Way, Piketon, Ohio.

      Several instances of these graded streets or ways have been found
      in connection with the Mound Builders’ works. Sometimes they lead
      from one terrace to another, sometimes directly to the water. One
      of the latter kind formerly existed near Piqua, Ohio.71 This cut
      is a view of a graded way near Piketon, Ohio. In this case,
      though the difference in level between the second and third
      terrace is but seventeen feet, these ancient people laid out a
      graded ascent some ten hundred and eighty feet long, by two
      hundred and ten feet average width. The earth was thrown out on
      either side, forming embankments. From the left hand embankments,
      passing up to the third terrace, there could formerly be traced a
      low embankment running for fifteen hundred feet, and connected
      with mounds and other walls at its extremity.

      Some have supposed that formerly the river flowed at the
      extremity of this graded way, and a passage way to the water was
      thus furnished. Squier says, in this connection: “It is
      sufficient to observe that the river now flows half a mile to the
      left, and that two terraces, each twenty feet in height,
      intervene between the present and the supposed ancient level of
      the stream. To assent to this suggestion, would be to admit an
      almost immeasurable antiquity to the structure under
      consideration.” The casual observer would say that it was
      intended to afford an ascent from one terrace to the other. But
      as the height was only seventeen feet, we can not see why it was
      so necessary to have a long passage way of easy grade from one
      terrace to the other. It was evidently built in connection with
      the obliterated works on the third terrace. This interesting
      remain is now utilized as a turnpike, and the passing traveler
      but little recks he is going over one of the most ancient
      causeways in the land. It may be that ceremonious processions,
      with stately tread, utilized this causeway in years long since
      elapsed. Speculation, always an unsafe guide to follow, is
      especially so in this case, and so we leave this memento of a
      vanished people as much an enigma to us as to its first
      explorers.

      We have described but a few of the sacred inclosures of Ohio, but
      enough have been given to give us a fair idea of all. We wish now
      to call attention to another class of remains. We have seen how
      the works we have been describing are lacking in defensive
      qualities. This becomes more marked, when we learn there are
      works, beyond a doubt, defensive in character, in which advantage
      is taken of all circumstances which would render the chosen
      retreat more secure. In the first place, strong natural positions
      were selected. They chose for their purpose bluffy headlands
      leading out into the river plain. A people surrounded by enemies,
      or pressed by invaders, would naturally turn their attention to
      such heights as places susceptible of defense. Accordingly, it
      does not surprise us to find many heights occupied by strong and
      complicated works. Generally the approaches to them were rugged
      and steep on all but one or two sides, and there they are guarded
      by walls of earth or stone.

      A fine example of a fortified hill was discovered in Butler
      County, Ohio, a few miles below the town of Hamilton. This hill
      is the highest one in the immediate vicinity. By reference to the
      figure, we see that on all sides, except towards the north, the
      approach was steep and precipitous, almost inaccessible.

      Fortified Hill, Hamilton, Ohio.

      The wall is not of regular shape. It runs around on the very brow
      of the hill, except in one or two places, where it cuts across a
      ridge. In 1843 this wall was still about five feet high and
      thirty-five feet base. The earth and stone of which the wall is
      made were evidently gathered up from the surface of the hill. In
      some places holes had been excavated, probably for the double
      purpose of securing materials for the wall, and providing
      reservoirs for water against a time of need. There are but four
      openings in the wall, and each is very carefully guarded. The
      complicated walls guarding the main entrance to the north are
      especially noticeable. There are no less than four inner walls
      besides the crescent shaped embankment on the outside. The signal
      mound was about five hundred feet to the north of the main
      opening. The stones on the surface of the mound all show the
      action of fire.

      If we were uncertain of the uses of the other class of
      inclosures, which have been named Sacred Inclosures, we have no
      need to hesitate as to the character of this work. Every thing in
      reference to it betokens that it was a defensive work. The valley
      of the Big Miami, in which it occurs, was a favorite resort of
      the Mound Builders. On the opposite side of the river, to the
      south, was a square and an ellipse combined, and several other
      large works were ranged along the river in the course of a few
      miles. We need scarcely doubt that this was a citadel in times of
      need, and that when warning columns of smoke or flaming fires
      showed the approach of an enemy, the old and the sick, the women
      and the children, fled hither for protection, while the warriors
      went forth to battle for their homes.

      We will call attention to but one more of these fortified hills,
      but this is on a magnificent scale. It is known as Fort Ancient,
      and is situated on the Little Miami River, about forty miles east
      of Cincinnati. It was not only a fort, but was also a fortified
      village site, and has some features about it which are regarded
      as of a religious nature. The hill on which it stands is in most
      places very steep towards the river. A ravine starts from near
      the upper end on the eastern side, gradually deepening towards
      the south, and finally turns abruptly towards the west to the
      river. By this means nearly the whole work occupies the summit of
      a detached hill, having in most places very steep sides. To this
      naturally strong position fortifications were added, consisting
      of an embankment of earth of unusual height, which follows close
      around the very brow of the hill. This embankment is still in a
      fine state of preservation, but is now annually exposed to
      cultivation and the inroads of cattle, so that it will not be
      long before it will be greatly changed if no effort be made to
      preserve it.

      Fort Ancient.

      This wall is, of course, the highest in just those places where
      the sides of the hill are less steep than usual. In some places
      it still has a height of twenty feet. We notice the wall has
      numerous breaks in it. Some of these are where it crosses the
      ravines, leading down the sides of the hill. In a few cases the
      embankment may still be traced to within a few feet of a rivulet.
      Considerable discussion has ensued as to the origin and use of
      these numerous gateways. Mr. Squier thinks that these openings
      were occupied by timber work in the nature of blockhouses which
      have long since decayed. Others, however, think that the wall was
      originally entire except in a few instances, and that the breaks
      now apparent were formed by natural causes, such as water
      gathering in pools, and musk-rats burrowing through the walls,
      and we are told that such an opening was seen forming in the year
      1847.72 No regular ditch exists inside the wall, the material
      apparently being obtained from numerous dug holes.

      It will be seen that the works could be naturally divided into
      two parts, connected by the isthmus. More than one observer has
      pointed out the resemblance in general outline of this work to a
      map of North and South America, but of course the resemblance, if
      any, is entirely accidental. Mr. Peet has called attention to the
      resemblance which the walls of the lower inclosure bear to two
      serpents, their heads being the mounds, which are separated from
      the body by the opening which resembles a ring around the neck.
      Their bodies are the walls, which, as they bend in and out, and
      rise and fall, much resembles, he thinks, two massive green
      serpents rolling along the summit of this high hill. If any such
      resemblance occurs, we think it purely accidental. In relation to
      the wall across the isthmus, it has been thought to have been the
      means of defending one part of the work should an enemy gain
      entrance to the other. It has also been supposed that at first
      the fort was only built to the cross wall on the isthmus, and
      afterwards the rest of the inclosure was added to the work.

      The total length of the embankment is about five miles, the area
      enclosed about one hundred acres. For most of this distance the
      grading of the walls resembles the heavy grading of a railroad
      track. Only one who has personally examined the walls can realize
      the amount of labor they represent for a people destitute of
      metallic tools, beasts of burden, and other facilities to
      construct it.

      Now, what was the object of this work? We think it was not simply
      a fort, but rather a fortified village. That it must have
      required the work of a numerous body of people, is undoubted, and
      if they lived elsewhere, where are the works denoting such a
      fact? We would further suggest that, if this was the seat of a
      tribe, each of the two divisions might have been the location of
      a phratry of the tribe, by a phratry, meaning the subdivision of
      a tribe. We would call especial attention to the two mounds seen
      just outside of the walls at the upper end. From these mounds two
      low parallel walls extended in a north-easterly direction some
      thirteen hundred and fifty feet, their distant ends joining
      around a small mound. As this mound was not well situated for
      signal purposes, inasmuch as it did not command a very extensive
      view, and as the embankments would afford very little protection,
      unless provided with palisades, it seems as if the most
      satisfactory explanation we have is that it was in the nature of
      a religious work.

      Mr. Hosea thinks he has found satisfactory evidence that between
      these walls there was a paved street, as he discovered in one
      place, about two feet below the present surface, a pavement of
      flat stones.73 From this, as a hint, he eloquently says:
      “Imagination was not slow to conjure up the scene which was once
      doubtless familiar to the dwellers at Fort Ancient. A train of
      worshipers, led by priests clad in their sacred robes, and
      bearing aloft the holy utensils, pass in the early morning, ere
      yet the mists have risen in the valley below, along the gently
      swelling ridge on which the ancient roadway lies. They near the
      mound, and a solemn stillness succeeds their chanting songs; the
      priests ascend the hill of sacrifice and prepare the sacred fire.
      Now the first beams of the rising sun shoot up athwart the ruddy
      sky, gilding the topmost boughs of the trees. The holy flame is
      kindled, a curling wreath of smoke arises to greet the coming
      god; the tremulous bush which was upon all nature breaks into
      vocal joy, and songs of gladness bursts from the throats of the
      waiting multitude as the glorious luminary arises in majesty and
      beams upon his adoring people. A promise of renewed life and
      happiness. Vain promise, since even his rays can not penetrate
      the utter darkness which for ages has settled over this people.”
      Thus imagination suggests, and enthusiasm paints a scene, but,
      from positive knowledge, we can neither affirm nor deny its
      truth.

      Most of the works of the Mound Builders are noticeable for their
      solidity and massiveness. We see this illustrated in the great
      walls of Fort Ancient. Some of our scholars think this is a
      distinguishing feature of the Mound Builders’ work.74 It seems to
      us that it is difficult to make this a distinguishing feature, as
      we have no means of knowing how much “massiveness” is required in
      a work to entitle it to be considered a work of the Mound
      Builders. Should this distinction be established, however, we
      have to notice that while in the western part of the State of
      Ohio the Mound Builders’ inclosures are more often of the
      defensive sort, the type changes to the eastward, where, as in
      the Scioto Valley, we find the so-called sacred inclosures in
      larger numbers. In the State of Ohio, then, there were at least
      two well defined types of works by the Mound Builders. But if we
      split the Mound Builders up into tribes, where shall we draw the
      line between them and our later Indians?

      Fortified Headland, Northern Ohio.
      Inclosures, Northern Ohio.

      Scattered through Ohio, but especially abundant in the northern
      part of the State, is a class of works which has excited
      considerable comment. This cut illustrates a work of this kind.
      It was located near where Cleveland now stands. The defense
      consists mainly in the location. The wall seems to have been
      rather of a secondary affair. The hill was too steep to admit
      approach to it except from the rear, where the double wall was
      placed. With both of these works a ditch was dug outside the
      wall. These works did not always consist simply of fortified
      headlands. This cut is of a portion of the works formerly
      existing near Norwalk, Ohio. The circular work, D, is shaped much
      like the sacred inclosures, though not on so large a scale. In
      the larger work, at B, we notice a truncated mound. The ditch is
      on the outside of the circles. This cut is of a work formerly on
      the banks of the Black River. Here we have a square inclosure,
      defended by two embankments and a ditch.

      Square Inclosure, Northern Ohio.

      This class of works was formerly common not only in Ohio and
      Western New York, but they were also to be observed in other
      sections of the country. They existed alike in the valley of the
      two Miami Rivers, and in that of the Scioto. They were also found
      throughout the South. Even Wisconsin, the home of the effigy
      Mound Builders, is not destitute of this class of remains. The
      peculiar interest attaching to them arises from the fact that in
      some places, at least, we have good reason to assign their
      construction to Indian tribes. Those of Western New York were
      very thoroughly studied by Mr. Squier. When he commenced his
      investigations, he was under the impression that he was dealing
      with the remains of a people very similar, at least, to those who
      built the massive works in the Ohio Valley and elsewhere, but he
      was led to the conviction that they were the works of the
      Iroquois Indians, and as further proof that such was the case, we
      are told that since the palisades that once inclosed places known
      to be villages of the Iroquois have disappeared, there is no
      difference to be observed between the appearance of the ruins of
      such a village site and any of the earthworks in Western New
      York. But we have just stated that the remains last mentioned are
      identical with those found in Northern Ohio, and indeed over a
      wide extent of country. The conclusion seems to be, then, that
      one large class of works in many points resembling Mound
      Builders’ works, found widely distributed throughout the
      Mississippi Valley, were really the works of Indians.75 But we
      are approaching a subject we do not wish to discuss just yet. We
      simply point out that not all the remains of prehistoric people
      in the Mississippi Valley are referable to the Mound Builders.

      We have tried to point out the more important works that are
      ascribed to them. It must of necessity occur in a work of this
      nature that the review should be very brief, yet we have touched
      on the different classes of their works. But before leaving this
      part of our field we must mention some anomalous works, and refer
      to others which, if they can be relied on as works of the same
      people, certainly imply a great advance on their part.

      Our next cut is named by Mr. Pidgeon the “Sacrificial Pentagon.”
      Writing in 1850, he states, “This remarkable group . . . has
      probably elicited more numerous conjectures as to its original
      use than any other earth-work yet discovered in the valley of the
      Mississippi. . . . It is situated on the west highlands of the
      Kickapoo River, in Wisconsin.”76 Mr. Pidgeon claims to have
      discovered two of these pentagons. We are not aware that any one
      else has verified these discoveries, and it is difficult to
      decide what value to give to his writings. He claims to have made
      extensive researches around the head-waters of the Mississippi as
      early as 1840, and there to have met an aged Indian—the last of
      his tribe—who gave him many traditions as to the mounds in that
      locality. Most of our scholars think his writings of no account,
      whatever, and yet Mr. Conant says, “He seems to have been a
      thoroughly conscientious and careful observer, faithfully noting
      what he saw and beard.”77

      Sacrificial Pentagon.

      We will briefly describe a few of the earth-works he mentions,
      notice their singular form, and give an outline of the traditions
      in regard to them, leaving the reader to draw his own
      conclusions. Of this work the outer circle is said to have been
      twelve hundred feet in circumference, the walls being from three
      to five feet in height; width on the ground from twelve to
      sixteen feet. The walls of the pentagon were from four to six
      feet high. The inner circle was of very slight elevation. The
      central mound was thirty-six feet in diameter. This singular
      arrangement of circle, pentagon, and mounds, is traditionally
      represented to have been a sacred national altar—the most holy
      one known to tradition—and no foot, save that of a priest, might
      pass within the sacred walls of the pentagon after its
      completion. The sacrifice offered on this altar was that of human
      life. Twice each year the offering was made.78

      Festival Circle.

      The work represented in the figure at left is stated to have been
      in the near neighborhood of the former, and to have been
      intimately connected with it. Mr. Pidgeon claims to have found
      five of these circles and two pentagons. So far as we know, he is
      the only authority for their occurrence, no one else having been
      so fortunate as to have found them. This is surely a singular
      work, and we can not fail to recognize in it a representation of
      the sun and the moon. In excavating in the central mound, we are
      assured that small pieces Of mica were found abundantly mixed
      with the soil. “Had the surface-soil been removed with care, and
      the stratum beneath been washed by a few heavy showers of rain,
      so thoroughly studded was it with small particles of mica, that
      under the sun’s rays it certainly would have presented no unapt
      symbolic representation of that luminary.”79

      Crescent Works.

      Our next figure is another singular arrangement of
      crescent-shaped works and mounds. Lapham says that
      crescent-shaped works are found in Wisconsin. Pidgeon says that
      crescent works are found in Illinois, but works arranged as shown
      in this wood-cut he found in but four places in Wisconsin. Could
      we verify this author’s statements, this illustration and the
      preceding one would be very good evidence of the prevalence of
      sun-worship among the effigy Mound Builders of Wisconsin. This
      would be nothing singular, since the Indian race almost
      universally reverenced the sun.80

      The figure below represents a group of works which, we are told,
      were of a class formerly abundant in Missouri and Iowa. The
      embankments are stated to be of varying heights, but all of the
      same length. They do not quite meet, but a mound defends the
      opening. Sometimes a square is so represented, and sometimes but
      two walls.

      Triangular Works.

      A singular statement is made in reference to a nice proportion
      said to be observed between the heights of the embankments and
      walls. In this case, for instance, the heights of the embankments
      are, three, four, and five feet; the sum of these, twelve feet,
      was the exact height of the central mound. Furthermore, the
      square of the sum of the heights of three embankments gives us
      one hundred and forty-four feet, which is the length of the
      embankments. We are gravely assured that this same nice
      proportion is always observed in works of this kind. The
      embankments being always of equal length, but of varying heights,
      still the sum of these heights, whether three or four sides,
      being always equal to the height of the central mound.81 We do
      not know of any specimen of this class of works now existing. If
      this early explorer’s account be reliable, then we have in works
      of this class very good evidence that some of their inclosures
      were in the nature of sacred inclosures. The trouble is to verify
      Mr. Pidgeon’s account. There is a good deal that is strange and
      marvelous in reference to the Mound Builders, and we must use
      judgment as to what is told us, unless we are sure there is no
      mistake, or unless the reports are vouched for by many observers.

      We wish to call attention to some singular works in Missouri,
      which would imply that the Mound Builders were possessed of no
      little engineering skill. We have every indication that near New
      Madrid was a very extensive settlement. The works consist of
      inclosures, large and small mounds in great numbers, and
      countless residence sites. One of fifty acres was noticed, which
      had evidently been inclosed by earthen walls. In some places in
      the forest, where this wall had been preserved, its height was
      found to be from three to five feet, and its base width fifteen
      feet.82 But the suggestive features about these works are noticed
      along the edge of the swamp near which they stood. This swamp in
      1811 was a lake, with a clear, sandy bottom. It is not at all
      doubted but that it was at one time the bed of the Mississippi
      River, and probably this town stood on its banks. The river is
      now some eighteen miles away. It must suddenly have changed its
      course, leaving behind it a lake, which, in course of time,
      became a swamp.

      But along the shores of this ancient lake, in front of the
      inclosure, small tongues of land have been carried out into the
      water, from fifteen to thirty feet in length, by ten, or fifteen
      in width, with open spaces between, which, small as they are,
      forcibly remind one of the wharfs of a seaport town. The cypress
      trees grew very thickly in all the little bays thus formed, and
      the irregular, yet methodical, outlines of the forest, winding in
      and out close to the shore of these tongues of land, is so marked
      as to remove all doubt as to their artificial origin.83 The
      suggestion is made in view of these wharfs, that the Mound
      Builders must have had some sort of boats to navigate the waters
      of the lake.

      And the singular part is, that right in this neighborhood are
      many evidences of a system of canals. A glance at the map will
      show that the portion of Missouri around New Madrid, and to the
      south of it, is dotted with swampy lakes and sluggish bayous. The
      evidence is to the effect that the ancient inhabitants connected
      these bayous and lakes with artificial canals, so as to form
      quite an extended system of inland water-ways. Right east of the
      town of Gayoso, we are told that a canal had been dug that now
      connects the Mississippi with a lake called Big Lake. A bayou
      running into this lake was joined by a canal with Cushion Lake.

      From this last lake, by means of bayous and lakes, a clear course
      could be pursued for some miles north, where finally another
      canal was cut to join with the Mississippi a few miles below New
      Madrid. The entire length of this water way was some seventy
      miles, but we are not told how much of it was artificial, neither
      are the dimensions given. Prof. Swallow speaks of a canal “fifty
      feet wide, and twelve feet, deep.” Whether this was one of this
      series or not, we do not know.84 This is indeed a singular piece
      of work. It would be more satisfactory if we had more definite
      information in regard to the same.

      With our present knowledge of the state of society among the
      Mound Builders, as made evident by the remains of their
      implements and ornaments, we are not justified in believing this
      part of a system of internal navigation. We have already seen
      that further south they sometimes surrounded their village sites
      with a wide and deep moat or ditch, as was observed around the
      inclosure containing the great mound on the Etowah. We are
      inclined to believe that a more careful survey would greatly
      modify the accounts we have of these canals, if it did not, in
      fact, show that they were the works of nature. According to a
      writer in the _American Antiquarian,_85 the whole lower part of
      the Mississippi Valley was abundantly supplied with canals,
      irrigating ditches, and evidences of a high intelligence. He
      speaks of observing the presence of an extensive canal a little
      north of the section we have described. He asserts they were dug
      to convey the surplus waters of the Mississippi in times of flood
      to the White and St. Francis Rivers, thus preventing disastrous
      overflows. It is needless to caution the reader against such
      conclusions. Our information in regard to those canals is far too
      limited to support the views advanced.

      This finishes our examination of the works of the Mound Builders.
      Except in the case of the more massive works, they have become
      obliterated, but here and there are left traces of the former
      presence of these now vanished people. The antiquary muses over
      the remains of their inclosures, their fortified places, their
      effigies and mounds. By the combined efforts of scholars in many
      departments, we may yet hope that the darkness now enshrouding
      this race may be dissipated, but at present our positive
      knowledge is very limited indeed. It is as if we were asked to
      reconstruct a picture which had faded in the lapse of time so
      that only traces here and there are visible. Here, perhaps, a
      hand is seen; there a piece of foliage; in one place something we
      think representing water, in another a patch of sky, or a
      mountain peak. Until a key is found which shall show us how to
      connect these scattered parts, our efforts are useless, since
      many pictures could be formed, but we have no surety we are
      right. So we may form mental conceptions of the Mound Builders,
      but they are almost as varied as the individual explorers.
      Science may yet discover the key which will enable us to form a
      clear mental conception of the race which flourished here many
      years ago, and left their crumbling memorials to excite the
      curiosity of a later people.

      We must now turn our attention to another branch of inquiry and
      learn what we can of the culture of the Mound Builders. This is
      to be determined by an investigation of the remains of their
      implements, weapons, and ornaments. When we know the skill with
      which they manufactured these articles, and gain an insight into
      some of their probable customs, we shall know where to place them
      in the scale of civilization. What we have learned of their works
      has already convinced us that we are dealing with a people
      considerably above the scale of Savagery. The nice proportion
      between the parts, the exact circles and coincident angles show
      considerable advance in mechanical skill. The character of the
      works indicates that the people had permanent places of abode,
      and were not subject to the vicissitudes of a hunter’s state of
      life for subsistence. This implies that we are dealing with a
      people living in village communities, practising agriculture and
      many other arts, and therefore entitled to rank in the middle
      status of Barbarism corresponding to the Neolithic inhabitants of
      Europe.86 We will now see how far this conclusion is sustained by
      an examination of the remains of the handiwork of the people.

      Arrow Points. Ax found in a Mound.

      Implements of stone are of course abundant. But men, when in the
      culture of the Stone Age, having a common material to work upon,
      and under the pressure of common needs, have everywhere provided
      similar forms. For this reason it is hard to find distinctive
      points of difference between implements of stone of Mound
      Builders’ work and a series of similar implements the work of
      Indians. We are assured, however, that when examining a series of
      each, those of the Mound Builders display a superior finish.87
      The preceding wood-cut represents a collection of arrow-points
      found in the mounds, but they are not particularly so
      distinguishable from specimens found on the surface. Great
      numbers of arrow-points are occasionally found on altars. Here we
      have a view of one of the stone axes fashioned by the hands that
      heaped the mounds. It is certainly a very fine specimen.

      The Mound Builders must have had all the varieties of stone
      implements common to people in their stage of culture, such as
      axes, fleshers, and chisels. They also must have possessed
      mortars and pestles for grinding corn, and some implements did
      duty as hoes and spades. We represent in a group a collection of
      weapons and implements from the mounds and stone graves of
      Tennessee. All these articles are finely finished. One of the
      axes has a hole bored through it. One of them is further provided
      with a stone handle, and is characterized as being the “most
      beautiful and perfect stone implement ever exhumed from the
      aboriginal remains within the limits of the United States.”

      Weapons of Stone from Tennessee. (Smith. Inst.)

      People in the culture of the Stone Age make but very rare use of
      metal, as metals are to them simply varieties of stone, much less
      useful for their purpose than the different kinds of flints,
      except for ornaments. From the altar mounds, near Cincinnati,
      were taken ornaments of silver, copper, iron and traces of gold,
      all of which had been worked into their present shape by simply
      hammering. The iron, it should be remarked, was meteoric iron,
      which can be hammered as easily as native copper. We have already
      remarked that about the only native iron is obtained from such
      sources. Copper was utilized for a great variety of purposes.

      Copper Ax.

      We give a cut of a copper ax found in one of the Ohio mounds.
      Copper axes have lately been found quite frequently in mounds
      near Davenport, Iowa, and in most cases before being deposited in
      the mounds, they had been wrapped in cloth. Copper ornaments are
      a more common find. Bracelets, beads, and ear ornaments are
      numerous. Our next cut represents some very fine bracelets found
      in a mound near Chillicothe, Ohio, Copper tools and weapons have
      been found quite frequently on the surface, but we are not sure
      in this case whether they are not the work of recent Indians. The
      early explorers noticed the presence of copper ornaments among
      the Indians. “When Henry Hudson discovered, in 1609, the
      magnificent river that bears his name, he noticed among the
      Indians of that region pipes and ornaments of copper.” The
      account says: “They had red copper tobacco pipes, and other
      things of copper they did wear about their necks.”88 De Soto also
      noticed among the Southern Indians axes of copper. Other accounts
      could be quoted showing that the Indians were well acquainted
      with copper.89 The fact is, in this matter also, it is impossible
      to draw a dividing line between relics of the Mound Building
      tribes and the Indians. However, the Mound Builders were
      certainly acquainted with copper, but to their minds it was only
      a singular stone, one that they could hammer, into a desired
      shape.

      Copper Bracelets.

      Where did they obtain their copper? We are all aware that in this
      country great supplies of pure copper exist near the southern
      shore of Lake Superior, and there is a peculiarity about the
      copper found there, that is, the presence of small pieces of
      silver with the copper. This is a very singular mixture, and we
      are not aware of its occurrence elsewhere. It would trouble the
      best chemists to explain it. From this fact we are enabled to
      identify articles of copper derived from that source, and to that
      region we can trace the copper from which are formed most of the
      copper implements and ornaments found in this country. It is also
      noticeable that the nearer we get to this region the more
      numerous are the finds of articles of copper. More are reported
      from Wisconsin than the rest of the United States put together.

      This leads us to a very interesting subject. In 1848 Mr. S. O.
      Knapp, agent of the Minnesota Mining Company on the northern
      peninsula of Michigan, discovered that the modern miners were but
      following in the footsteps of some ancient people who had mined
      for copper there some time now far past. The general conclusion
      is that these old miners were Mound Builders, but here the
      evidence of their presence is not found in the existence of
      mounds and earthworks, but of pits and excavations, which, by the
      slow accumulation of years, had become filled to near the surface
      with _débris_ of various kinds. Many had noticed these little
      pits and depressions without suspecting they had aught to do with
      the presence of man. The hollows made by large trees, overturned
      by the wind, frequently left as well marked depressions as these
      excavations.

      We have abundant proof that these old miners were practical
      workmen. They evidently did not neglect the most trifling
      indication of metals. They made thorough research and discovered
      the principal lodes. Our present day miners have long since
      learned to regard the presence of these ancient pits as excellent
      guides in this matter. With modern appliances they penetrate far
      beyond the power of the old workmen. At the Waterbury mine there
      is in the face of the vertical bluff an artificial opening, which
      is twenty-five feet wide, fifteen feet high, and twelve feet
      deep. The materials thrown out in digging had accumulated in
      front, and on this forest trees common to that region were
      growing of full size. Some of the blocks of stone which were
      removed from this recess would probably weigh two or three tons,
      and must have required the use of levers to move them. Beneath
      the surface rubbish was discovered the remains of a cedar trough,
      by which the water from the mines was conducted away. Wooden
      bowls were found, which were probably used to dip the water from
      the mine into this trough.

      Near the bottom of the pit, shovels, made of cedar, were found,
      shaped much like a canoe paddle, but showing by their wear that
      they were used as shovels. Although they appeared solid while in
      water, yet, on drying, they shrunk up, and were with difficulty
      preserved. A birch tree, two feet in diameter, was observed
      growing directly over one of these shovels. No marks of metallic
      tools were observed anywhere about this large pit.

      Ancient Mine, Michigan.

      In this case they constructed a sort of a cave, but in many cases
      they mined open to the air, that is, they simply dug trenches or
      pits. A row of these ancient pits, now slight depressions,
      indicate a vein. What they seem to have especially sought after
      was lumps of copper that they could easily manage and fashion by
      hammering. They had not discovered the art of melting. When they
      found an unusually large piece, they broke off what they could by
      vigorous hammering. In one case they found a mass weighing about
      six tons of pure copper. They made an attempt to master this
      piece. By means of wedges they had got it upon a cob-work of
      round logs or skids, six or eight inches in diameter, but the
      mass was finally abandoned for some unknown reason after breaking
      off such pieces as they could until the upper surface was smooth.
      This mass rested on the framework of logs while the years came
      and went, until, after the lapse of unknown time, the white men
      once more opened the old mine.

      On the rubbish in front of this mine was standing the stump of a
      pine tree ten feet in circumference. These ancient mines are
      found not only on the main-land, but on the islands off the coast
      as well. The only helps they seem to have employed was fire,
      traces of which are found everywhere, and stone mauls and axes.
      The mauls consist of oblong water-worn bowlders of hard tough
      rock, nature having done every thing in fashioning them except to
      form the groove, which was chiseled out around the middle. Some
      copper implements were also found.

      Col. Whittlesey, from whose writings we have drawn the foregoing,
      concludes that these mines were worked by the Mound Builders. As
      he finds no traces of graves or houses, or other evidence of a
      protracted stay, he thinks they were worked only through the
      Summer season of the year by bands of workmen from the south.

      As to what caused the abandonment of the works we do not know. It
      might have been an impulse of their race hurrying them on to some
      distant migration; or, more probably, pressed by foes from
      without, they were compelled to abandon their ancient homes.
      Whatever the cause was, nature resumed her sway. Forest trees
      crept up to and grew around the mouths of the deserted mines.
      Col. Whittlesey concludes from the group of trees growing on the
      top of the rubbish heap that at least five hundred years passed
      away before the white man came from the south to resume the work
      of his ancient predecessor.90

      It is not, however, proven that the Mound Builders were the sole
      workers of these ancient mines. It is known that the Indians
      mined for flint. Some of the excavations for this purpose, in
      what is known as Flint Ridge, in Muskingum County, Ohio, are as
      marked as the traces of ancient mining in Michigan. Similar
      appearances are recorded in Missouri. As copper was in demand
      among the Indians, and as it is probable that they obtained much
      of it from the North, they may have continued to work the ancient
      copper mines until comparatively recent times. Mr. Lapham
      believes that the progenitors of the Indian tribes found dwelling
      in the regions near these mines, carried on mining operations
      there. Dr. Rau thinks it probable that small bands of various
      Northern tribes made periodical excursions to the locality,
      returning to their homes when they had supplied themselves with
      sufficient quantities of the much-desired metal. The fact that
      many of the modern Indian tribes knew nothing about these mines
      is not of much weight, when we reflect how easily a barbarian
      people forget events, even those of a striking nature.

      We are apt to judge the culture of a people by the skill they
      display in works of arts. The article on which the Mound Builder
      lavished most of his skill was the pipe. This would show that
      with them, as with the modern Indians, the use of the pipe was
      largely interwoven with their civil and religious observances. In
      making war and in concluding peace, it probably played a very
      important part. “To know the whole history of tobacco, of the
      custom of smoking, and of the origin of the pipe, would be to
      solve many of the most interesting problems of American
      ethnology.”91

      The general decoration consisted in carving the bowl of the pipe
      into the shape of some animal or bird. In some instances we have
      carved representations of the human head. Such as these are of
      particular interest and value, as they are probably faithful
      representations of the features of the Mound Builders. This is a
      fine specimen found in one of the altar mounds in Ohio. The
      method of wearing the hair is worthy of notice. The holes placed
      in a row encircling the forehead and coming down as low as the
      ears, were once filled with pearls. In some they still remained
      when found, though they had been burned in the fire. The lines
      upon the face obviously imitate the custom of tattooing the
      countenance.

      Sculptured Face and Face of a Female.

      Scholars have called attention to the fact that Humboldt
      discovered in Mexico a small statue which he supposed represented
      an Aztec priestess. This statue had sculptured upon its forehead
      a row of pearls, worn in the same manner as is represented in
      this pipe. This is another pipe of great interest, and is
      supposed to represent the head of a woman. The countenance is
      expressive, the eyes prominent, and the lips full and rounded. We
      must notice again the headdress. While the faces are of Indian
      type, the method of wearing the hair is different from that of
      the typical Indian of the North.

      Beaver.

      The animal forms into which the pipe-bowls are carved, are also
      full of interest. This is not so much on account of animal forms
      themselves as the insight we gain as to the artistic skill of the
      people who fashioned the pipes, and in various ways learn of bits
      of customs and manners peculiar to them. Here we have figured a
      pipe, the bowl of which is carved to represent a beaver. No one
      need hesitate as to the animal which the carver had in mind. It
      is represented in a characteristic attitude, and has the broad,
      flat tail of its species. It must have required no little skill
      and patient labor to work a rough stone into this finished pipe,
      especially when we remember that the maker had no edged tools
      with which to work.

      Otter.

      We can not always determine the animal which the artist had in
      mind. In this illustration we have figured such a pipe.
      Considerable discussion has arisen as to the animal represented.
      Some cases of this nature have been thought to show either
      migration from a distant country on the part of the maker or else
      an extended system of trade.

      Squier and Davis, who first figured it, supposed it to represent
      a manatee, or sea-cow. This animal is essentially a tropical
      species, the only known place where it was found in the United
      States being Florida. From the presence of this carved specimen,
      found a thousand miles to the north, some interesting queries, as
      the origin of the mound-building tribes, and the state of life
      among them, were raised. It is almost certain, however, that the
      animal intended to be represented was the otter.92

      Birds on Pipes.

      The most general form of sculpture was that of birds, and we find
      specimens of almost all the common varieties. In this group we
      recognize the tufted heron striking a fish; the eagle, or hawk,
      tearing a smaller bird; the swallow, apparently just ready to
      fly; and in the last figure, one that has given rise to a good
      deal of discussion. Some think from the circumstance of its
      having a very large bill, toes pointing behind as well as before,
      that it represents a toucan, which, if true, would make it a most
      interesting specimen. But cautious scholars conclude that the
      “figure is not of sufficient distinctness to identify the
      original that was before the artist’s mind.” And therefore it is
      not wise to make this specimen the subject of a far-reaching
      speculation.93

      It may be of interest to inquire whether the Indians made pipes
      as tastefully ornamented as those we have described. We should
      notice that all the pipes here described are from one very
      limited locality in Ohio, and that is the valley of the Scioto,
      the same section of country where were found the great inclosures
      of a mathematical shape. We have no reason for supposing that the
      Mound Builders generally throughout the Mississippi Valley had
      this artistic skill. We have seen nowhere any thing to show a
      superiority for them in this respect. Whatever conclusion can be
      drawn from those pipes, applies only to the tribe in the Scioto
      Valley. It is believed they do constitute a peculiar class by
      themselves. As works of art, there are but few aboriginal relics
      of North American origin their equal.94

      We would also refer to the fact that most of these specimens were
      obtained from one altar-mound.95 We do not know what ceremonies
      were performed around this altar, but if it were a place of
      burial or cremation, they might have been the obsequies of some
      distinguished maker of pipes. That such a person would be the
      recipient of honor, is not singular, for “the manufacture of
      stone pipes, necessarily a painful and tedious labor, may have
      formed a branch of aboriginal industry, and the skillful pipe
      carver probably occupied among the former Indians a rank equal to
      that of the experienced sculptor in our times.” Among the Ojibway
      Indians, we are told, are persons who possess peculiar skill in
      the carving of pipes, and make it their profession, or at least
      the means of gaining, in part, their livelihood. One “inlaid his
      pipes very tastefully with figures of stars, and flowers of black
      and white stones. But his work proceeded very slowly, and he sold
      his pipes at high prices.”96 So we see how cautious we must be
      about drawing inferences from this peculiar class of pipes found
      in one limited locality.

      The knowledge of how to manufacture pottery is justly regarded as
      a turning point in the advance of primitive man along the weary
      road that brings him at last to civilization. At this point he
      ceases to be a savage, and enters the confines of Barbarism.97
      The skill shown in using this knowledge is one of the many things
      we have to take into consideration in determining the rank of a
      people in the scale of enlightenment. The Mound Builders were
      evidently quite well along in the potter’s art; and as they have
      left behind them many examples of their work, we must try and
      acquaint ourselves with some of the more important varieties.

      Group of Clay Vessels.

      This illustration is of a group of clay vessels of the bowl
      pattern, found in mounds in different parts of the Mississippi
      Valley. In one of these we see a good example of the style of
      ornamentation by means of incised lines. In the duck-headed
      vessel we have a representation of a class of vessels common in
      Missouri and Tennessee. Not unfrequently one or both of the
      handles of vessels of this class is in the form of a human head
      instead of that of an animal. Our next illustrations represent a
      group of such specimens. Judging from the skill with which they
      imitated animals, it is not unreasonable to believe that in these
      faces we have rude likenesses of the people who made them.

      Bowls with Human Faces.

      The two bottle-shaped vessels here figured, are from mounds in
      Louisiana. As will be noticed, the ornamentation is quite
      artistic. The ware is of a good quality, and they are good
      examples of the Mound Builders’ art. The form with the long neck
      is perhaps a water-cooler. When filled with water, and allowed to
      stand, some of the water passes through the pores, and
      evaporating, keeps the surface of the vessel cool.

      They also made some vessels of large size to serve for cooking
      purposes. On some of the larger vessels the imprint of woven
      weeds and willows of a basket on the outer surface leads to the
      belief that such vessels were formed or moulded within baskets.
      Many large pots and urns, however, were made without this aid.
      Some large urns were used for burial purposes. In a Michigan
      mound an urn about three feet in height had been so used. It was
      standing upright, and into it the whole skeleton of a man had
      been compressed, and a closely-fitting lid covered the top.98
      Very large, shallow vessels were used to manufacture salt—that
      is, they were filled from some salt-spring, and then the water
      was evaporated, leaving the salt. In localities near
      salt-springs, thick fragments of rude earthenware have been found
      that must have come from vessels as large as barrels.

      Bottle-shaped Vessels. (Smith. Inst.)
      Water Cooler.

      In the next group we have representations of a singular class of
      vessels. In some cases the mouth and neck of the vessel is shaped
      in imitation of animals. In the smallest one we recognize the
      head of a man, with an opening in the back of the head. Many
      vessels of this form are known, and a great many different animal
      heads are represented. The fish-shaped vessel is a curious one.
      The one figured evidently represents a sun-fish. The long vase or
      jug is in the shape of a child’s leg, with an opening in the
      heel.


 Pottery Vessels. (Smith. Inst.)

      Some very beautiful vessels of the character of those we have
      figured, have been found in Missouri. One enthusiastic explorer
      says, “Perhaps we have very few modern artists who could equal
      those ancient pottery makers in taste, skill, curious design, and
      wonderful imitation of nature. Birds, beasts, fishes, even the
      shells on the river shore, have an exact counterpart in their
      domestic utensils.” “While digging in one of these pottery mounds
      in Missouri, we unearthed a large tortoise. We thought it was
      alive, and seizing it, to cast it into the woods for its liberty,
      we were suddenly surprised to find our tortoise was an earthen
      vessel in that shape. In the same mound we uncovered a huge
      shell—the single valve of a unio. Closer inspection revealed that
      it was a perfect earthen vessel. Following these came a perfect
      fish, exhibiting, to our astonishment, the scales, fins, and
      peculiarities of that species of fish in detail.”99

      We must leave this interesting part of our subject. An entire
      volume would scarcely do justice to it, but for the sake of
      comparison, we must inquire as to the state of this art among the
      Indian tribes. It seems that before the arrival of the whites,
      the Indian tribes throughout North America, with few exceptions,
      were apt potters. The whites, however, soon supplied them with
      superior utensils of metal, so, that the majority of the Eastern
      tribes soon lost the knowledge of the art. It lingered longer
      among the tribes of the South, and of the interior, and even to
      this day the Pueblo tribes of New Mexico and Arizona make an
      excellent article of pottery. Early travelers wrote in high terms
      of the skill of the Southern Indians in this matter. Du-Pratz
      thought so highly of the work of the Natchez Indians that he had
      them make him an entire dinner set.

      Catlin, speaking of the Mandan Indians, says the women of that
      tribe made great quantities of dishes and bowls, modeled after
      many forms. He says they are so strong and serviceable that they
      cook food in them by hanging them over the fire, as we would an
      iron pot. “I have seen specimens,” he continues, “which have been
      dug up in Indian mounds and tombs in the Southern and Middle
      States, placed in our Eastern museums, and looked upon as a great
      wonder, when here this novelty is at once done away with, and the
      whole mystery: where women can be seen handling and using them by
      hundreds, and they can be seen every day in the summer, also,
      moulding into many fanciful forms, and passing them through the
      kilns, where they are hardened.”

      Dr. Rau, speaking of the artistic skill of the Indian potters, as
      shown by numerous remains gathered in Illinois, does not hesitate
      to assert, after personal examination of Mound Builders’ pottery,
      that the Indian relics were in every respect equal to those
      specimens exhumed from the mounds of the Mississippi Valley.100
      Lapham, speaking of fragments of Mound Builders’ pottery in
      Wisconsin, says, “They agree in every respect with fragments
      found about the old Indian villages.”

      The culture of a people is also determined by their knowledge of
      agriculture. The savage depends entirely upon hunting and fishing
      for subsistence. A knowledge of horticulture, of domestic
      animals, and of agriculture, even though rude, are each and all
      potent factors in advancing man in culture. So we must inquire as
      to the traces of agricultural knowledge observable among the
      remains of the Mound Builders. Some writers speak in quite
      glowing terms of the enormous crops they must have raised for
      their populous cities. The fact is, that while it is doubtless
      true that they practiced agriculture, yet we have no reason to
      suppose it was any thing more than a rude tillage, such as was
      practiced among the village Indian tribes. This is evident from
      the tools with which they worked.

      Agricultural Implements. (Smith. Inst.)

      In a few cases copper tools have been recovered which may have
      served for digging in the ground, but in most cases their art
      furnished them nothing higher than spades, shovels, picks, and
      hoes made of stone, horn, bone, and probably wood. In this cut
      are specimens of such agricultural tools. These were doubtless
      furnished with handles of wood. The notched one was perhaps
      provided with a handle at right angles to it, so as to constitute
      a hoe. That we are right in regarding these implements as
      agricultural tools, is shown not only by their large size, but
      also by the traces of wear discovered on them. We must admit,
      however, that agriculture carried on with such tools as these,
      must have been in a comparatively rude state.

      In this connection we must refer to the garden beds noticed in
      some places. We read that in Western Michigan the so-called
      garden beds are a distinguishing feature of the ancient
      occupation, often covering many acres in a place, in a great
      variety of forms, both regular and grotesque.101 These seem from
      the above account to be very similar to the garden beds of
      Wisconsin. Dr. Lapham tells us that in the latter State they
      consist of low, broad, parallel ridges, as if corn had been
      planted in drills.

      The average four feet in width, and the depth of the walk between
      them is six inches. Traces of this kind of cultivation are found
      in various parts of the State. We are also referred to the
      presence of garden mounds in Missouri, but in this case the low
      mounds are of the same mysterious class that Prof. Forshey says
      occur by millions in the South-west, and may not be the work of
      man. Just what the connection is between the garden beds and the
      Mound Builders is hard to determine. Mr. Lapham thinks that those
      in Wisconsin were certainly later in date than the mounds. He
      observed that they were frequently constructed right across the
      works of the Mound Builders. This would seem to imply that the
      makers were not one and the same people.

      As to the government and religion of the Mound Builders, all is
      conjecture. On both of these points a great deal has been
      assumed, but when we try to find out the grounds on which these
      theories rest we quickly see how little real foundation there is
      for any knowledge on this subject. If we are right in our views
      as to the effigy mounds of Wisconsin, then a sort of animal
      worship prevailed. Whether the great inclosures in the Scioto
      Valley were of a religious nature or not is very doubtful. The
      great serpent mound was probably an object of worship. The
      assertion is quite frequently made that the Mound Builders were
      sun worshipers, which may be correct, but we must observe that we
      have no proofs of it in the works they have left. We judge it to
      be true only because sun-worship was probably a part of the
      religion of a large proportion of the Indian race, and because we
      find special proofs of its existence among some of the Southern
      Indians who are supposed to be closely related to the Mound
      Builders.

      Idols. (Smith. Inst.)

      As we approach the South, we meet with what are supposed to be
      rude and uncouth idols, but they have not been found under such
      circumstances as to make it positive that they belonged to the
      Mound Builders. In this illustration we have two idols,
      considered to be genuine relics of the stone-grave people of
      Tennessee. The first one is an Aztec idol found at Cholula, and
      introduced here simply for comparison. What position these idols
      held in connection with the religion of the race, we are not
      prepared to say.

      Similar remarks might be made as to the system of government. A
      number of writers, taking into account the immense labor involved
      in constructing some of the works, have insisted that the people
      must have lived under a despotic form of government, one in which
      the state had unlimited power over the lives and fortunes of its
      subjects.102

      There is no real foundation for such views, and we think they are
      misleading. No one doubts but that the Mound Builders were living
      in a tribal state of society. If so, they doubtless had the usual
      subdivisions of a tribe. This point we remember afforded us some
      insight into the meaning of the effigy mounds of Wisconsin.

      This would imply the government by the council, and while the
      rulers may have been hereditary, the officers of the tribe were
      probably elective, and could be deposed for cause. We do not mean
      to assert that this is an exact picture of the state of
      government of the Mound Builders, because our knowledge on this
      point is not sufficient to make such a positive statement, but it
      is far more likely to be true than the picture of a despotic
      government, ruling from some capital seat a large extent of
      country, holding a court with barbaric pomp and circumstances
      such as some writers would have us believe.

      We hope our readers have not been wearied by this somewhat
      extended investigation of the Mound Builders. Every storm that
      beats upon their works tends to level them. The demands of our
      modern life are fast obliterating the remaining monuments and,
      indeed, it is now only those which are situated in favorable
      localities, or are massive in construction, that are left for our
      inspection. But these nearly obliterated records of the past are
      of more than passing interest to us as monuments of the
      prehistoric times of our own country. We wander over these ruins
      and find much to interest us, much to excite our curiosity. The
      purposes of many are utterly unknown. Some, by their great
      proportions, awaken in us feelings of admiration for the
      perseverance and energy of their builders. But when we
      investigate the objects of stone, of clay, and of copper this
      people left behind them, we notice how hard it is to draw a
      dividing line between them and the Indians.

      In fact, there is no good reason for separating them from the
      Indian race as a whole. We do not mean to say that they were not,
      in many respects, different from the tribes found in the same
      section of the country by the early explorers, though, we ought,
      perhaps, to confine this remark to the central portion of the
      country occupied by these ancient remains. But the American of
      to-day differs from the American of early Colonial times. The
      miserable natives of Southern California were Indians, but very
      different indeed from the ambitious, warlike Iroquois, who
      displayed so much statesmanship in the formation of their
      celebrated league. In another chapter we shall discuss this part
      of our subject, as well as the question of the antiquity of the
      ruins.

      REFERENCES


        (1) The manuscript of this chapter was submitted to Prof. F. W.
        Putnam, curator of the Peabody Museum of Archæology and
        Ethnology, Harvard University, for criticism.

        (2) Conant’s “Footprints of Vanished Races,” p. 122.

        (3) Force: “Some Considerations on the Mound Builders,” p. 64;
        “Am. Antiquarian,” March, 1884, pp. 93-4; “10th Annual Report,
        Peabody Museum,” p. 11.

        (4) Short’s “North Americans of Antiquity”, p. 28.

        (5) Squier and Davis’s “Ancient Monuments,” p. 105.

        (6) Foster’s “Prehistoric Paces,” p. 148.

        (7) Squier’s “Aboriginal Monuments of New York,” Smithsonia
        Contribution No. 11, p. 83.

        (8) Squier’s “Aboriginal Monuments of New York,” Smithsonia
        Contribution No. 11, p. 87.

        (9) Foster’s “Prehistoric Races,” p. 121.

        (10) “They are numbered by millions.” Ibid.

        (11) Prof. Forshey could frame no satisfactory hypothesis of
        their origin. Ibid, p. 122.

        (12) “Native Races,” Vol. IV, pp. 739 and 740.

        (13) Smithsonian Rep., 1870, p. 406.

        (14) Narrative of U.S. exploring expedition during the years
        1838-42, Vol. IV, p. 334.

        (15) Prof. Gibbs in Frank Leslie’s Monthly, August, 1883.

        (16) “Ancient Monuments,” p. 139.

        (17) Jones’s “Explorations in Tennessee,” p. 15.

        (18) “Ancient Monuments,” p. 143. Explorers for Bureau of
        Ethnology so report it in the South. Prof. Putnam, who has
        certainly had great experience, says he has always found the
        layers to be horizontal.

        (19) “Sixteenth Annual Report Peabody Museum,” p, 171. An
        ornament shaped to resemble the head of a wood-pecker, made of
        gold, derived from some Spanish source, was found in a mound in
        Florida. This particular mound must have been erected after the
        discovery of America. (“Smithsonian Report,” 1877, p. 298, _et
        seq._)

        (20) “Sixteenth and Seventeenth Report Peabody Museum.” These
        ornaments were made of hammered iron. This is the first time
        that native iron has been found in the mounds. (Putnam.)

        (21) “Prehistoric Races,” p. 178.

        (22) J. E. Stevens’s Paper, read before the Muscatine Academy
        of Science, Dec., 1878.

        (23) That this was at any rate sometimes the case See “Ancient
        Monuments,” p. 159.

        (24) “Peabody Museum Reports,” Vol. II, p. 58.

        (25) Jones’s “Explorations in Tennessee,” p. 15. See also
        “First An. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology,” p. 198.

        (26) “Ancient Monuments,” p. 169. See also note on same page
        for another account of a larger number of skeletons.

        (27) Short’s “North Americans of Antiquity,” App. A.

        (28) James’s “Popular Science,” File 1883, p. 445.

        (29) “Ancient Monuments,” p. 173.

        (30) “Ancient Monuments,” p. 74.

        (31) “Views of Louisiana.”

        (32) This cut represents the mound as it probably was before
        the outlines were destroyed by cultivation. It is based on a
        model prepared by Dr. Patrick for the Peabody Museum.

        (33) “Peabody Museum Report,” Vol. II, p.473. As this may
        include some of the wash from the mound, perhaps it would be
        better to give the real area of the base as over twelve acres.

        (34) That is, if we follow the plan.

        (35) “Prehistoric Races,” p. 107.

        (36) “Ancient Monuments,” p. 174.

        (37) Pickett’s “History of Alabama,” Vol. I., p. 301.

        (38) Carr’s “Mounds of the Mississippi Valley,” pp. 91, 92;
        note, 103.

        (39) “Ancient Monuments,” p. 117. Note.—For the statement made
        in this text we are under obligation to Prof. Thomas, of the
        Bureau of Ethnology, who, in answer to a letter of inquiry,
        kindly furnished the information.

        (40) _“Am. Antiquarian,”_ March, 1884, p. 99.

        (41) It may be that no mounds were built for signaling purposes
        alone. The work of erecting mounds was so great that it is
        quite likely they were always erected for some other purpose,
        and used only secondarily for signal purposes. Such is shown to
        be the case with many of the signal mounds in Ohio. Such is the
        opinion of Mr. MacLean, who has made extensive researches.

        (42) Force’s “Some Consideration of the Mound Builders,” p. 65.

        (43) Similar effigy mounds have been recently observed in
        Minnesota, but they have not yet been described. (Putnam.)

        (44) Peet’s _American Antiquarian,_ May, 1884, p. 184.

        (45) Peet’s _American Antiquarian,_ January, 1884. We are
        indebted to the writings of Mr. Peet in this periodical for the
        months of January, May, and July, 1884, for many interesting
        facts in reference to the effigy mounds. He has studied them
        more than any other person, and his conclusions are
        consequently of great value.

        (46) Peet’s “Emblematic Mounds and Totem System of the Indian
        Tribes.”

        (47) “Ancient Monuments,” p. 40.

        (48) _American Antiquarian,_ January, 1883.

        (49) Putnam, in “Proceedings of American Antiquarian Society,”
        1884.

        (50) Peet’s “Emblematic Mounds and Totem System of the Indian
        Tribes.”

        (51) Abbott’s “Primitive Industry,” p. 383.

        (52) Peet’s “Military Architecture of the Emblematic Mound
        Builders.”

        (53) “Smithsonian Report,” 1877, p. 278, _et seq._

        (54) “Ancient Monuments,” p. 97; _American Antiquarian,_
        January, 1883, p. 77.

        (55) This information is communicated by Mr. L. N. Tower, a
        gentleman in the employ of C. “&” N. W. E. R., at Tracy, Minn.,
        who, at the request of the writer visited this locality, made
        measurements, etc.

        (56) _American Antiquarian,_ November, 1884, p. 403.

        (57) The dimensions of this figure vary. Mr. MacLean’s survey
        makes the entire length of the serpent part eleven hundred and
        sixteen feet; the distance between the extended jaws, one
        hundred feet. The oval figure is one hundred and thirteen feet
        long by fifty feet wide. The frog or head portion is fifty-five
        feet. Mr. Squier says, “The entire length, if extended, would
        be not less than one thousand feet.” Mr. Putnam’s measurements
        make it fourteen hundred and fifteen feet. The writer would
        state that he visited this effigy in the summer of 1884. Though
        there but a very short time, and not prepared to make careful
        measurements, he did notice some points in which the
        illustrations, previously given, are certainly wrong. The oval
        is not at the very extremity of the cliff. The little
        projections generally called ears of the serpent are not at
        right angles to the body, but incline backwards. The
        convolutions of the serpent’s body bend back and forth quite
        across the surface of the ridge.

        (58) Schmuckers.

        (59) “Ancient Monuments,” p. 47.

        (60) Foster’s “Prehistoric Races,” p. 175.

        (61) “Contributions North American Ethnology,” Vol. IV, p. 210.
        A cut of this “restored” pueblo is there given.

        (62) See discussion of this subject in “Proceedings of Am.
        Antiq. Society,” Oct., 1883.

        (63) “Peabody Museum Reports,” Vol. II, p. 205.

        (64) “Ancient Monuments,” p. 47.

        (65) Peet: “The Mound Builders.”

        (66) “Ancient Monuments,” p. 53.

        (67) Force: “Some Considerations on the Mound Builders,” p. 64.

        (68) “Archæologia Americana,” Vol. I, p. 129.

        (69) For words at Newark, consult “Ancient Monuments,” p. 67,
        _et seq. “American Antiquarian,”_ July, 1882.

        (70) “Ancient Monuments,” p. 74.

        (71) “Ancient Monuments,” p. 88.

        (72) Mr. Putnam visited the work a few years since, and came to
        the conclusion that the larger and old openings were part of
        the original design, and that they were places where it was
        easier to put up log structures than earthen walls. Just such
        openings occur in the massive stone wall around Fort Hill, in
        Highland County. A few of the openings at Fort Ancient he
        thinks are unquestionably of recent origin, in order to drain
        the holes inside the embankments.

        (73) _Cincinnati Quart. Journal Science,_ 1874, p. 294.

        (74) Peet: “The Mound Builders.”

        (75) Peet’s “Mound Builders:” “If the reader will compare some
        of these last cuts with that of the fortified camp at Cissbury,
        Eng., p. 183, he will see how similar this last work is to
        those just mentioned. Perhaps the real lesson to be learned is
        that rude people, whether Indians, Mound Builders, or Celts,
        resorted to about the same method of defense.”

        (76) “Antiquarian Research,” p. 89.

        (77) Conant’s “Footprints of Vanished Races,” p. 15, _et seq._
        Mr. Conant refers to Mr. Pidgeon’s work in such a way as to
        give the impression that he was convinced of the genuineness of
        his account.

        (78) “Traditions of Decodah,” p. 89, _et seq._

        (79) “Antiquarian Research,” p. 190.

        (80) “The American Indian, so far as known, without the
        exception of a single tribe, worshiped the sun.” Carr’s “Mounds
        of the Mississippi Valley,” p. 56.

        (81) Conant’s “Footprints of Vanished Races,” p. 60.

        (82) Ibid., p. 32. If the explorers are really satisfied this
        was a walled town, it ought to throw some light on the
        inclosures in the Ohio Valley.

        (83) Conant’s “Footprints of Vanished Races,” p. 35.

        (84) Conant’s “Footprints of Vanished Races,” p. 77.

        (85) Vol. III, p. 290, _et seq._

        (86) Morgan’s “Ancient Society,” p. 11.

        (87) “Ancient Monuments,” p. 210; also Peet: “The Mound
        Builders.” “Their relics are marked by a peculiar finish.”

        (88) Rau’s “Anthropological Research.”

        (89) “Proceedings Am. Antiq. Society,” April, 1877, p. 61.

        (90) “Smithsonian Contribution to Knowledge,” Vol. XIII.

        (91) Abbott’s “Primitive Industry,” p. 315.

        (92) “Annual Report of Bureau of Ethnology,” 1880-1, p. 123,
        _et seq._

        (93) In the “Annual Report of Bureau of Ethnology,” for 1880-1,
        Mr. Henshaw has very fully discussed these mound-pipes, and
        shown that Messrs. Squier and Davis wore mistaken in a number
        of their identifications of the animal forms. He concludes
        there “are no representations of birds or animals not
        indigenous to the Mississippi Valley.”

        (94) The recent discoveries by Putnam and Metz, in the
        Altar-mounds in the Little Miami Valley, have brought to light
        many interesting and important sculptures in stone and
        terra-cotta, which, as works of art, are in some respects
        superior to those from the Scioto Valley, but as they have not
        yet been figured, we can only refer to them here in this brief
        note.

        (95) “Number Eight,” Mound City, near Chillicothe, Ohio.
        “Ancient Monuments,” p. 152.

        (96) Rau: “Anthropological Subjects,” p. 130.

        (97) Morgan’s “Ancient Society,” p. 12.

        (98) _American Antiquarian,_ 1879, p. 64.

        (99) McAdams: _American Antiquarian,_ 1880, p. 140.

        (100) “Smithsonian Report,” 1866. We have gathered these points
        for comparison from Dr. Rau’s article in that report.

        (101) Bella Hubbard, _American Antiquarian,_ 1876, p. 219.

        (102) Foster’s “Prehistoric Races,” p. 346.




Chapter XI
      THE PUEBLO COUNTRY.1


      Description of the Pueblo Country—Historical outline—Description
      of Zuñi—Definition of a Pueblo—Old Zuñi—Inscription Rock—Pueblo
      of Jemez—Historical notice of Pecos —Description of the Moqui
      tribes—The Estufa—Description of the San Juan country—Aztec
      Springs—In the cañon of the McElmo—The Ruins of the Rio Mancos—On
      Hovenweep Creek—Description of a Cliff-house—Cliff Town—Cave
      houses—Ruins on the San Juan—Cave Town—The Significance of
      Cliff-houses—Moqui traditions—Ruins in Northern New Mexico—Ruins
      in the Chaco cañon—Pueblo Bonito—Ruins in South-western
      Arizona—The Rio Verde Valley—Casa Grande—Ruins on the
      Gila—Culture of the Pueblo Tribes—Their Pottery—Superiority of
      the Ancient pottery—Conclusion.

      We have hitherto been describing people and tribes that have
      completely vanished. We have peered into the mysterious past and
      sought as best we could to conjure back the scenes of many years
      ago. The line between the known and the unknown, between the
      historic and prehistoric, is not far removed from us in the new
      world. Not yet four centuries have passed since the veil was
      lifted, and America, with her savage tribes of the North, and her
      rude civilization of the South, was revealed to the wondering
      eyes of Europe. But with a knowledge of this new land came also
      wondrous stories of wealth, and in consequence an army of
      adventurers were soon on her shores. Then follows a short period
      of war and conquest. The Indian race could not withstand the
      whites. European civilization, transplanted to America, has
      thriven. But whatever advance the native tribes have made since
      the discovery, has been by reason of contact with the whites.

      Map of the Pueblo Country.

      There was no single birthplace of American culture. Advance took
      place wherever the climate was mild and the soil fertile, and
      thus an abundant supply of food could be obtained. One such
      locality was the valley of the San Juan, in what is now the
      southwestern part of the United States. It is quite allowable to
      suppose that here the mild climate and bountiful soil suggested
      agriculture, and with a knowledge of this, rude though it was, a
      beginning was made in a culture which subsequently excited the
      admiration of the Spaniards. However that may be, we know this
      section contains abundant ruins of former inhabitants. And yet
      again we find in this same country the remnants of this former
      people, doubtless living much the same sort of life as did their
      forefathers. American scholars, with the best of reason, think
      this section affords the best vantage ground from which to study
      the question of native American culture. It presents us not only
      with ruins of past greatness, but in the inhabited pueblos, gives
      us a picture of primitive times, and invites us, by a careful
      study of their institutions, to become acquainted with primitive
      society.

      Travelers and explorers describe the scenery of the Pueblo
      country as a very peculiar one. It is bleak without being
      absolutely barren. The great mountain chains form picturesque
      profiles, which in a measure compensate for the lack of
      vegetation. No country on the face of the globe bears such
      testimony to the power of running water to wear away the surface.
      The rivers commenced by wearing down great cañons. They occur
      here on a grand scale. The cañon of the Colorado River, having a
      length of two hundred miles, and through the whole, nearly
      vertical walls of rock, three to six thousand feet in height.
      Nearly all the tributary streams of the Colorado empty into it by
      means of gorges nearly as profound. What is true of the Colorado
      is true, though in a lesser degree of the Rio Grande and of the
      Pecos, as only portions of these streams are cañon-born. But,
      besides digging out these cañons, the entire surface of the
      country has in places been removed to the depth of several
      hundred feet, leaving large extent of table-lands, called mesas,
      with generally steep, or even precipitous, sides, standing
      isolated here and there.

      Though thus bearing evidence of more extended rainfall, and of
      the action of water in the past, it is essentially an arid
      country now. Most of the minor water-courses laid down on the map
      are dry half of the year, or have but scattered pools of water;
      so a description of the surface of the country would tell us of
      deep river valleys, in many cases narrow and running through
      rocky beds, in which case we call them cañons; in other cases
      very wide, but having generally precipitous sides; the country
      often mountainous and great stretches of table-land, but
      generally dry and desolate, except in the immediate vicinity of
      rivers. The river valleys themselves are generally very fertile.

      Such is the country where we are to investigate native American
      culture. The history of the country since its first occupation by
      the Spaniards is not devoid of interest. It did not take the
      Indians of Mexico long to learn that what the Spaniards most
      prized was gold, and that the surest way to curry favor with them
      was to relate to them exaggerated stories of wonderful wealth to
      be gained in distant provinces. About 1530 the viceroy of New
      Spain (Mexico) learned from an Indian slave of seven great cities
      somewhere to the north; and of their wealth it was said they had
      streets exclusively occupied by workers in gold and silver.

      Though expeditions to the northern provinces of Mexico speedily
      dispelled the illusions in regard to them, the wonderful story of
      the Seven Cities flitted further north. Six years later these
      stories were invested with new life by the arrival in Mexico of
      Cabeza De Vaca and three companions. The story of their
      remarkable wanderings reads like an extract from a work of
      fiction. They were members of the unfortunate Spanish expeditions
      to the coast of Florida in 1528. After the shipwreck and final
      overthrow of the expedition, these four men had wandered from
      somewhere on the coast of the Gulf of Mexico, first north, and
      then west, passing through, probably, portions of Texas and New
      Mexico, until finally they were so fortunate as to meet with
      their own countrymen near Culiacan, in Mexico. The story they had
      to tell fell on willing ears. They stated to the viceroy that
      they had carefully observed the country through which they had
      passed, and had been told of great and powerful cities containing
      houses of four and five stories, with the usual accompaniments of
      great wealth.

      The next incident was the journey of three Franciscan friars and
      a negro (who, by the way, had been with De Vaca in his
      wanderings), sent out by the Governor Coronado, with orders to
      return and report to him all they could learn by personal
      observation of the Seven Cities. This expedition did not
      accomplish much. Arriving near Cibola (the Spanish name for the
      country of the Seven Cities), they sent the negro on ahead to
      gain the good will of the Indians. Instead of this, he was killed
      by them. On hearing which, the monks contented themselves with
      gazing on the pueblo (which they describe as “more considerable
      than Mexico”) from a safe distance, and then hurriedly returned
      to Culiacan. They gave Coronado a most glowing account of all
      they had discovered.

      Coronado now thought the time had come for decisive action.
      Accordingly, with the viceroy’s permission, he organized his
      forces, and in 1540 set out on his memorable march in search of
      the Seven Cities of Cibola. We do not propose to give in detail
      the series of conquests beginning with this expedition and
      finally ending with the subjection of New Mexico in 1598. It is
      needless to say that the Spanish forces found no cities teeming
      with wealth. What they did find was a country much the same as at
      present. The cities were the communal houses, or combination of
      houses, known as pueblos. The pueblo of Zuñi is the remaining one
      of the mystical seven. The ruins of at least six other pueblos
      are known to be in the immediate vicinity.2

    \ Pueblo of Zuñi.

      This historical account, short and imperfect as it is, introduces
      us to a most interesting people. If we would know more of them we
      can not do better than to adopt the advice of Hosta, ex governor
      of Jemez, to Dr. Loew: “If you wish to see what a great people we
      once were you must go upon the mesas and into the cañons of the
      vicinity, where ruins of our forefathers are numerous.”

      One of the most important pueblos yet remaining inhabited, and
      one of the first that Coronado encountered in his expedition, is
      Zuñi. The present pueblo is considered as the remaining one of
      the Seven Cities—at least, by the majority of Americanists.
      Whipple describes Zuñi as follows: “Treading an opening between
      rocky bluffs, . . . we entered the valley, several miles in
      width, which leads to Zuñi. The soil seemed light, but where
      cultivated it produced fine crops without the aid of irrigation.
      . . . Within the valley appeared occasional towers, where herders
      and, laborers watch to prevent a surprise from Apaches. Near the
      center of this apparent plain stood, upon an eminence, the
      compact city of Zuñi.3 By its side flowed the river which bears
      the same name. It is now but a rivulet of humble dimensions,
      though sometimes said to be a large stream. . . . Passing beneath
      an arch, we entered a court, . . . entirely surrounded by houses
      of several receding stories, which were attained by means of
      ladders loading from one to another. . . . From the top the
      pueblo reminds one of an immense ant-hill, from its similar form
      and dense population. . . . Going down from its outer side into
      the street, we encounter five stories of descent.”4

      In order to prevent confusion, we will state that a pueblo, which
      is the Spanish name for these old Indian towns, may be one of
      several different types. A common form of village consists of but
      one or two, seldom three, large buildings, so arranged as to
      surround an interior court. Sometimes there is but one large
      building, which is nearly in the shape of a half circle; instead
      of being really circular, it has a number of different sides. In
      some cases a village consists of a number of these large houses
      irregularly arranged. But the tendency is always to inclose a
      square.5

      In the modern villages the buildings forming the square do not
      meet, but in some cases are connected by bridges or covered
      gangways, and in some instances the houses project over the
      streets below, which, being narrow, are thus given an underground
      appearance.6

      Ground Plan and End View. The buildings, or communal houses, for
      one house contained sometimes five hundred rooms, are generally
      from three to four hundred feet long and about one hundred and
      fifty feet in width at the base. The lower story is divided by
      cross-walls into a mass of cell-like rooms, as shown in the
      illustrations which represents the ground plan of a pueblo having
      four ranges of rooms. Each story in height has one less range of
      rooms, so that, looking directly at the end of this building, it
      would present the appearance shown by this cut: The only means of
      getting from one terrace to the other is by the aid of ladders.
      In some cases these terraces run from both sides of the building;
      in others they face the inclosed space; and in others still they
      face outside. Most of the inhabited pueblos are built of
      adobe—that is, sun-dried bricks. The majority of the ancient
      ruins were built of stone set in adobe mortar. With this
      digression, we will now return to Zuñi.

      Old Zuñi.

      Ruins testifying to the former greatness of these people are
      scattered around them. Three miles to the east of the present
      pueblo of Zuñi, on the bluff seen in the cut, are the ruins of a
      larger pueblo, which is called Old Zuñi. Mr. Whipple, who
      explored this field of ruins, thus describes his visit: “The
      projecting summit of the cliffs seemed inaccessible. . . . We
      followed a trail which, with great labor, had been hammered out
      from seam to seam of the rocks along the side of the precipice.
      At various points of the ascent, where a projecting rock
      permitted, were barricades of stone walls, from which the old
      man7 told us they had hurled rocks upon the invading Spaniards.
      Having ascended one thousand feet, we found ourselves upon a
      level surface, covered with thick cedars. . . . The top of the
      mesa was of an irregular figure, a mile in width, bounded upon
      all sides by perpendicular bluffs. . . . The guide hurried us on
      half a mile further, where appeared the ruins of a city, indeed.
      Crumbling walls, from two to twelve feet in height, were crowded
      together in confused heaps, over several acres of ground. . . .
      Upon examining the pueblo, we found the standing walls rested
      upon ruins of greater antiquity.8 The primitive masonry, as well
      as we could judge, must have been about six feet thick. The more
      recent was not more than a foot or a foot and a half, but the
      small sandstone blocks had been laid in mud mortar with
      considerable care.”9

      The descriptions of ruins have so much that is similar that
      repetitions become tiresome. We will not, therefore, delay much
      longer with Zuñi. A few miles east of Old Zuñi we come to Pescado
      Springs, near which are the ruins of several pueblos. “This
      spring bursts from a broken point of the lava bed, and at once
      becomes a pretty stream, glittering with great numbers of the
      finny tribe, which gives name to it. The circular wall which once
      inclosed the fountainhead is now partly broken down. Upon each
      side, and almost tangent, are ruins of pueblos so ancient that
      the traditions of present races do not reach them. They are
      nearly circular in form, and of equal dimension. One measured
      three hundred and fifteen short paces, about eight hundred feet,
      in circumference. They were of stone; but the walls have
      crumbled, leaving only a heap of rubbish.”10

      Following up this stream, other ruins were found. It seems, then,
      that in the pueblo of Zuñi we have left a pitiful remnant of a
      numerous people. When the Spaniards first appeared on the scene
      they were apparently prosperous. The rapid decrease of the Pueblo
      tribes was owing to several causes. In 1680 they made an attempt
      to throw off the Spanish yoke. At first this was successful. But
      inter-tribal warfare at once set in. At this time also the
      inroads of the Apaches and Navajos became so troublesome that the
      Pueblo tribes could not successfully cultivate their land. At
      this time also a succession of dry years set in, and famine was
      the result. Their customs and manners we will describe in another
      place. There are many reasons for supposing that the country had
      been inhabited for a very long period, even before the Spaniards
      invaded it. Some places must have been even then in ruins, or, if
      inhabited, it is very strange that the Spanish records do not
      mention them. Such, for instance, is Inscription Rock, about
      fifteen miles east of Old Zuñi, which the Spaniards must have
      passed when on their way back and forth to Zuñi.

      Inscriptionn Rock.

      The small mesa here ends with a bold front of white sandstone
      rock, rising almost vertically two hundred and fifty feet high.
      This cut gives us a view on the top of the table-rock. We see
      here the foundations of two old buildings. A deep ravine nearly
      divides this little plateau into two portions. As we have said,
      this rises with a bold, precipitous front from the plain. At one
      place this front is completely covered with inscriptions. Here
      the Indians, unknown years ago, made their strange hieroglyphics
      which, presenting to our eyes only a senseless combination of
      forms of animals and men and meaningless figures, may have
      conveyed to them knowledge of important events. A great many
      Spanish inscriptions have also been carved on the rock. Whipple
      calls attention to the fact that though Spanish inscriptions
      placed there nearly two hundred years ago, seem but slightly
      affected by atmospheric action, still some of the Indian
      hieroglyphics are “almost wiped out by the fingers of time.” A
      number of centuries have probably rolled away since they were
      inscribed.

      It may be interesting to know the reading of some of these old
      inscriptions. A translation of one of the earliest and longest is
      here given, with the exception of a few words which could not be
      made out: “Bartolome Narrso, Governor and Captain-general of the
      province of New Mexico, for our lord, the king, passed by this
      place on his return from the pueblo of Zuñi, on the 29th of July,
      of the year 1620, and put them in peace, at their petition,
      asking the favor to become subjects of his majesty, and anew they
      gave obedience; all of which they did with free consent, knowing
      it prudent as well as very Christian, . . . to so distinguished
      and gallant a soldier, indomitable and famed; we love . . .”11

      It is somewhat strange to meet thus in the interior of the United
      States with the record of a military expedition some months
      before the Puritans landed at Plymouth. There seems to be nothing
      especial to describe about the ruins. Both Simpson and Whipple
      notice that the masonry seems to be unusually good. As it must
      have been very difficult to procure water, the location must have
      been chosen solely for the protection it afforded. The early
      Spanish accounts contain the names of one hundred and twenty-six
      pueblos. Some are, however, mentioned two or three times. Mr.
      Bandelier has succeeded in identifying every one. The Rio Puerco
      Valley was never a very prosperous one, and the river is scarcely
      a permanent one. At present a few ruins at Poblazon, for
      instance, are to be seen, and the valley looks poor and barren.

      The valley of the Rio Grande River was occupied by a number of
      Pueblo tribes, and there are at present eight inhabited pueblos
      along this river, in New Mexico, and one in Texas. The region
      around Bernalillo was a prosperous section. At intervals, up and
      down the river, and along its tributaries, we can still trace low
      crumbling ruins, evidence of an old pueblo. If the statements of
      the Spanish writers are to be believed, the number of inhabited
      towns, at the time of the conquest, was at least ten times that
      now existing. The population could never have exceeded forty
      thousand. At present it contains about nine thousand. Still
      making all allowance for Spanish exaggeration, we are convinced
      that it was a thickly populated country at the time of the
      conquest.

      One of the most interesting pueblos in New Mexico is Jemez, on a
      river of that name, sixty miles west of Santa Fe. We speak of it
      here because it is the center of a most interesting group of
      ruins. Like the pueblo of Zuñi, it is a remnant only of a
      prosperous people. The reports of Coronado’s expedition
      frequently mention Jemez, though it may be doubtful whether they
      refer to the pueblo of that name now, or to one of the numerous
      ruined ones in the immediate vicinity. Jemez is a prosperous
      pueblo, having fine fields, large irrigating ditches, and
      extensive flocks of sheep.

      Simpson describes it in 1849 as follows: “The pueblo of Jemez is
      an Indian town of between four and five hundred inhabitants, . .
      . and is built upon two or three parallel streets, the houses
      being of adobe construction, and having second stories disposed
      retreatingly upon the first, to which access is had by means of
      ladders. . . . About the premises are probably a dozen acres
      covered with apricot and peach trees. . . . The Rio de Jemez,
      upon which the pave lies, is an affluent of the Rio Grande,
      varies from thirty to fifty feet in breadth, is of a rapid
      current. . . . Patches of good corn and wheat skirt it here and
      there along its banks, and the extent of cultivable land
      bordering it may be estimated at about a mile in breadth.”

      We are more interested, however, in ruins testifying to past
      greatness. “Six miles up the river you come to the union of two
      cañons—the Guadalupe and San Diego. Where the mesa between these
      cañons narrows itself to a point, are the ruins of two pueblos,
      one upon the lower prominence of the mesa, the other upon the
      mesa proper, and only approachable by two narrow, steep trails,
      the mesa everywhere else being nearly perpendicular, and seven
      hundred and fifty feet high. The view from the mesa is
      picturesque and imposing in the extreme. Far beneath, to the
      right and left, a stream makes its way between the colossal walls
      of the sandstone upon the narrow width of the mesa; near
      frightful precipices are the ruins of a town of eighty houses,
      partly in parallel rows, partly in squares, and partly perched
      between overhanging rocks, the rim and surfaces of which formed
      the walls of rooms, the gaps and interstices being filled in
      artificially.”

      “Nearly every house had one story and two rooms. The building
      material was trachytic rock as found upon the mesa. Broken
      pottery, charred corn, and millstones for grinding corn, were
      found in some of the rooms. The roofs had all fallen in, and so
      also had many of the side walls, in the construction of which
      wood was but little used. Piñon trees have taken root within many
      of the former rooms. Upon asking my Indian guide whether the
      former inhabitants of this town were obliged to descend the steep
      and dangerous pathway every day to the creek to procure water, he
      replied there were cisterns upon the mesa, in which rain,
      formerly plentiful, was caught. He then called my attention to
      some conical heaps of stones along the rim of the precipice which
      was the material for defense.”12

      This description introduces us to another class of ruins—that is,
      detached separate houses, different from the great communal
      structures we have already described. What connection exists
      between these two forms of houses will be studied in another
      place. As a rule, the rooms in the detached houses are larger
      than in the communal houses. Exceptions occur in some of the
      inhabited pueblos.13 This is only one of many towns in ruins
      thereabouts. According to Dr. Loew there are no less than
      twenty-five or thirty.

      It is not our purpose to describe any more of the pueblos of this
      section of New Mexico than is required to enable us to understand
      the customs, manners, and habits of the Pueblo tribes. We learn
      that in New Mexico we are brought face to face with feeble
      remnants of former tribes, and that these were probably in their
      most flourishing condition when the Spaniards first invaded the
      country, and though in a few instances the ruins imply a great
      antiquity, as at Inscription Rock, still we may be reasonably
      sure that the majority of them date but a few centuries back. The
      ruins of Catholic churches established by the Franciscan monks in
      the sixteenth century occur in several places, five being found
      around Jemez.

      The story of the decline of the Pueblo tribes may be illustrated
      by the history of Pecos. This pueblo was situated on the Rio
      Pecos, about twenty-five miles south-east of Santa Fe. With the
      exception of the present inhabited town of Taos, it was the most
      eastern point reached by the pueblo building tribes. This, though
      a very large pueblo, has nothing especial to attract attention,
      except that the entire mesa was inclosed by a stone wall about
      six feet and a half high, and twenty inches thick, having a total
      length of three thousand, two hundred and twenty feet.14 Its
      history is, however, interesting and instructive. Coronado, with
      his army, visited Pecos before he abandoned the country in 1543.
      His reports mention it as a prosperous pueblo. Several raids were
      made into New Mexico by Spanish parties, but the conquest proper
      occurred in 1598, when the Pecos pledged fidelity to the crown of
      Spain.

      The Catholic Church at once set about establishing missions at
      various pueblos. The Pecos Church was established in 1629, though
      missionary work had been done here before that time. One of the
      priests who accompanied Coronado remained behind at Pecos. He was
      never afterwards heard from. This church became one of the most
      renowned in New Mexico. The inhabitants became herders as well as
      agriculturists. It was prosperous. In 1680 the Pueblo of Pecos
      sheltered two thousand Indians. “But a storm was brewing from
      whose effects the Pueblo tribes never recovered.” In 1680 the
      Indians rose against the Spanish and drove them from New Mexico.
      The priests were murdered, the churches were sacked. From this
      time doubtless date the ruins of the churches seen around Jemez.
      At Pecos and many other places intertribal warfare set in. Bloody
      battles were fought.

      Neither were the Spaniards idle. In 1682 one expedition was made,
      and at least two pueblo towns were destroyed by them. In 1689 the
      entire country was reconquered. Some tribes were nearly
      exterminated, and all more or less weakened and a great many
      ruins date from that time. It was the beginning of a decline for
      the Pueblo tribes, and this decline was hastened by intertribal
      warfare, by drought, and by ravages from wild Indians. As to the
      drought, it is sufficient to state that some ruins are now
      fifteen, and even twenty, miles from permanent water. The
      Comanches were the scourge of the Pecos. On one occasion they
      slaughtered all the young men but one. This was a blow from which
      they never recovered. Finally reduced by sickness to but five
      adults, the Pecos sold their lands and, at the invitation of
      their brethren at Jemez, went to live with them, and the pueblo
      of Pecos speedily became the ruins we now find it.15

      No doubt a similar history could be written of many other ruins.
      “Our people,” said Hosta, “were a warlike race, and had many
      fights, not only with the Spaniards, but also with other Indian
      tribes the Navajos and Taos, for instance and were thus reduced
      to this pueblo of Jemez, which now forms the last remnant.” New
      Mexico is now becoming rapidly “Americanized,” and it will soon
      be brought to a test whether the Pueblo tribes can withstand this
      new influence and retain their peculiar civilization, or whether,
      like many other races, their life force is nearly spent, in which
      case they will live only in history.

      We must not overlook the Moki Pueblos in Arizona. They are
      situated one hundred miles northwest of Zuñi. The Spaniards
      discovered them, and called their province Tusayan. They are much
      like the Pueblo tribes of New Mexico, only they have been much
      less disturbed by outside influence. There are a number of ruined
      towns in this vicinity. We wish to refer to them because of their
      intimate connection with the ruins to the North. Their houses are
      built of stone on precipitous mesas.

      Wolpi. (Maj. Powell)

      Lieut. Ives, who visited them in 1858, has left quite a full
      description of them. He states that “each pueblo is built around
      a rectangular court, in which, we suppose, are the springs that
      furnished the supply to the reservoirs. The exterior walls, which
      are of stone, have no openings, and would have to be scaled or
      battered down before access could be gained to the interior. The
      successive stories are set back, one behind the other. The lower
      rooms are reached through trap-doors from the first landing. The
      houses are three rooms deep, and open upon the interior court.”16
      He was much pleased with the manner in which they had terraced
      off the bluff of the mesas into little garden patches, irrigating
      them from the large reservoirs from the top.

      There is one feature common to all the Pueblo tribes which is
      necessary to refer to here, from its connection with the ruined
      structures further north. In all of the inhabited pueblos there
      is a structure known as an Estafa, some pueblos having several.
      They are usually circular, but occasionally (as at Jemez)
      rectangular. They are generally subterranean, or mostly so. They
      are great institutions among the Pueblos. “In these subterranean
      temples the old men met in secret council, or assembled in
      worship of their gods. Here are held dances, festivities, and
      social intercourse.”

      Another common feature, represented in this cut, is the
      watch-tower. It is either round, as in this case, or rectangular.
      It may be interesting to recall in this connection the signal
      mounds of the Mound Builders. They were not always in the
      immediate vicinity of other ruins. Neither can we state that
      there was a system in their arrangement, one answering to another
      at a distance, and yet it was noticed where the rains were
      numerous that several were in view from one point.17 In
      dimensions these towers range from ten to fifteen feet in
      diameter, and from five to fifteen feet in height, while the
      walls are from one to two feet thick. They are in many cases
      connected with structures rectangular in form.

      Watch Tower.

      We will now leave the inhabited pueblos and the ruins in their
      immediate vicinity and, going to the north, explore a section of
      country that shows every evidence of having sustained a
      considerable population some time in the past. To understand this
      fact clearly, it will be necessary to fix the location of the
      places named by means of the map. From time to time confused
      reports of the wonders to be seen in the San Juan section of
      Colorado had appeared in the East, but the first clear and
      satisfactory account is contained in the reports of Messrs.
      Jackson and Holmes, members of the U.S. Geographical and
      Geological survey of the territories under Dr. Hayden for 1874
      and 1876.

      In the south-western portion of Colorado is a range of mountains
      known as the San Juan. Stretching from their base west to the
      Sierras is a great plateau region, drained by the numerous
      tributaries of the San Juan River. It would, perhaps, be more in
      keeping with the facts of the case to say “had been drained some
      time in the past,” for this is now such an arid, semi-desert
      country that the majority of the streams are dry, or have but
      scattered pools of water in them, during a large portion of the
      year; and yet, at times, great volumes of water go sweeping
      through them. This whole plateau is cut up with long, cañoned
      valleys, presenting, in effect, the same surface features that we
      have already described in New Mexico. Yet this precipitous,
      cañon-marked section of country is literally filled with the
      crumbling ruins of a former people. The situation in which they
      occur is in many cases very singular, and the whole subject is
      invested with great interest to us, because we see in them the
      remains of a people evidently the same as the Pueblo people
      to-day.

      One of the most extensive ruins in this section is situated at
      Aztec Springs. This, it will be seen, is about midway between the
      Rio Mancos and the McElmo. Mr. Holmes found the site of the
      spring, but it contained no water. He was told, however, by those
      familiar with the locality that there had been a living spring
      there up to within a few years. It was evidently a place of
      considerable importance once. Mr. Holmes describes the ruins as
      forming the most imposing pile of masonry found in Colorado. They
      cover an area of over ten acres. This includes only the ruins
      around the springs. But all about this central portion are
      scattered and grouped the remnants of smaller structures. So that
      nearly a square mile is covered with the ruins of this ancient
      pueblo. Most of the stone used was brought from the Mesa Verde
      (Green Plateau), a mile away, and must have been a great work for
      a people so totally without facilities.

      Ruins at Aztec Springs. It will be seen that immediately to the
      right of the Springs is a large rectangular ruin in better
      preservation than the rest. This now “forms a great mound of
      crumbling rock from twelve to twenty feet in height, overgrown
      with artemisia, but showing clearly, however, its rectangular
      structure, adjusted approximately to the four points of the
      compass.” This house, from its massive walls, must have had an
      original height of at least forty feet. “The walls seem to have
      been doubled, with a space of seven feet between; a number of
      cross-walls at regular intervals indicate that this space has
      been divided into apartments, as seen in the plan.” Two low lines
      of rubbish cross the square, probably partition walls.

      Surrounding this house is a net-work of fallen walls, so
      completely reduced that none of the stones seem to remain in
      place. Mr. Holmes was at a loss to know whether to call them a
      cluster of irregular apartments, having low, loosely built walls,
      or whether they are the remains of imposing pueblos. In the group
      of ruins to the left of the spring are two well-defined circular
      estufas. Below the main mass of ruins, connected by low walls of
      ruins, is another great square, nearly two hundred feet in
      dimensions. One wall seems to have consisted of a row of
      apartments; the other walls served to simply inclose the square,
      near the center of which was another large estufa.

      Several important conclusions can be drawn from a study of this
      locality. The spring, now dry, was once evidently the source of a
      considerable stream. Whether the group of low ruins were
      collections of small houses, or remains of imposing pueblos, we
      need not doubt that the walls of the square inclosures were
      composed of pueblo houses. The estufas were probably in all
      respects similar to those of the present inhabited pueblos. The
      country around, now so dry and barren, must once have supported
      considerable population. As to the period of abandonment, we have
      nothing to guide us. Being an agricultural settlement, it was
      probably abandoned at an earlier date than the cave-dwellings and
      cliff-houses of the cañons of the vicinity. The reason for this
      will appear subsequently. The site of this ruin, as well as for a
      long distance around, is covered with pieces of broken pottery.
      We notice that the spring has only lately gone dry. This
      illustrates the changes now taking place all through the country.
      It is drying up, and this process has been in operation for a
      long while.

      Ruins in the McElmo Cañon. Many groups of ruins are now in
      localities where the people could not hope for subsistence. About
      six miles to the north of these ruins, about a mile from the
      McElmo, is the group of ruins here represented, which may throw
      some light on the remains at Aztec Springs. The principal feature
      is the triple walled tower, of which a plan is given. The tower
      has a diameter of about forty-three feet, and a circumference of
      about one hundred and thirty-five feet. The walls are traceable
      nearly all the way around, and the space between the two outer
      ones, which is about five feet, contains fourteen apartments or
      cells. The walls about one of these cells were still standing at
      the time of Mr. Holmes’s visit, but the cell was filled with
      rubbish from the fallen walls. A door-way, opening into this
      apartment, could still be seen. The inner wall was probably never
      very high. It simply inclosed the estufa.

      The ruins surrounding this tower consist of low, fallen walls,
      scarcely traceable. The apartments number nearly one hundred, and
      were generally rectangular. They are not of a uniform size, and
      were certainly not arranged in regular order. Now, as Mr. Holmes
      observes, it would certainly seem that, if they are the ruins of
      such structures as the pueblos of the south, there would be some
      regularity of size, and some systematic arrangement. He says
      that, in reality, they are more like a cluster of pens, such as
      are used by the Moqui tribes for keeping sheep and goats.

      Since these surveys were made, Mr. Bandelier, as agent for the
      Archæological Institute, has made important researches. He finds
      that the small, detached houses, such as we described in the
      ruined village near Jemez, are found in Arizona, with a small
      court-yard or inclosure attached to them. If we understand the
      description of the ruins just mentioned, and those at Apache
      Springs, they are villages of these small houses and their
      inclosures. In such villages the inclosures meet each other, so
      as to form a checker-board of irregularly alternating houses and
      courts. The houses are easily discernible from the fact of little
      rubbish mounds having accumulated where they stood. Around these
      parts of the wall can still be traced. This combination makes a
      strong, easily defended position. Each of such villages contains
      one or more open spaces of large size, but they are irregularly
      located.

      We must notice one point more: Each village of this nature, that
      was of any size, contained a larger ruin in the center. This was
      noticed in the ruins at Aztec Springs. This larger building was
      in the nature of a citadel, and there the inhabitants could
      retire when the approaches were carried by the enemy. This
      central building ultimately swallowed up all the others, and so
      developed into the pueblo structures we have noticed. The little
      walled inclosures surrounding the houses were largely in the
      nature of defenses. Tradition asserts that in many cases they
      were garden plats, and appearances sometimes confirm this. “They
      may also have been the yard proper for each family, in which the
      latter slept, cooked—in fact, lived—during the heat of the Summer
      months.”18

      Referring once more to the ruins near the McElmo, we are told
      that every isolated rock and bit of mesa within a circle of miles
      of this place is strewn with remnants of ancient dwellings. We
      presume these were small, separate houses. They may have been
      outlying settlements of the tribe whose main village was at Aztec
      Springs. We must also notice the small tower in the corner. This
      was a watch tower. It was fifteen feet in diameter, walls three
      and a half feet thick, and in 1876 was still five feet high, It
      overlooked the surrounding country. The rainfall in the past must
      have been more abundant, to support the population we are
      justified in thinking once lived there. The nearest water is now
      a mile away, and during the dry season some fifteen miles to the
      north, in the Rio Dolores, and yet we have every reason to
      believe these old inhabitants were very saving of water. They
      built cisterns and reservoirs to store it up against the time of
      need.

      Tower on the Rio Mancos. We give a cut of the tower of the ruins
      of a similar village, or settlement, to the one just described,
      which occurs twenty miles to the southeast in the cañon of the
      Rio Mancos. Being so similar, we will mention it here. In this
      case the tower had only two walls. Mr. Holmes says the diameter
      of the outer wall is forty-three feet, that of the inner
      twenty-five feet. The space between the two circles is divided by
      cross-walls into ten apartments. This tower is placed also in the
      midst of a group of more dimly marked ruins or foundations,
      extending some distance in each direction from it. Mr. Holmes,
      however, states that there are no ruins of importance in
      connection with this tower, but that there are a number of ruins
      in the immediate vicinity. In this case, then, the citadel (if
      such it was) was not directly connected with other ruins.

      The Rio Mancos, that we have just mentioned, was a favorite place
      of resort for these old people. This stream, rising in the La
      Platte Mountains, flows through beautiful valleys to a great
      table-land known as the Mesa Verde. Mr. Jackson explored this
      valley in 1874, and he reports as follows: “Commencing our
      observation in the park-like valley of the Mancos, between the
      mesa and the mountains, we find that the low benches which border
      the stream upon either side bear faint vestiges of having at some
      far away time been covered with dwellings, grouped in communities
      apparently, but so indistinct as to present to the eye little
      more than unintelligible mounds. By a little careful
      investigation, however, the foundation of great square blocks of
      single buildings and of circular inclosures can be made out, the
      latter generally of a depressed center, showing an excavation for
      some purpose.”

      From this description we can not quite make out whether these
      ruins are great communal buildings, like the modern pueblo, or
      clusters of separate houses. We incline to the latter opinion,
      however. The circular depressed area was doubtless used as an
      Estufa, the place of religious meetings for men alone. “The
      greater portion of these mounds are now overgrown with artemisia,
      pinion-pine, and cedar, concealing them almost entirely from
      casual observation.” “We found the surest indication of their
      proximity in the great quantity of broken pottery which covered
      the ground in their neighborhood. The same curiously indented,
      painted, and glazed ware, was found throughout New Mexico and
      Arizona. It was all broken into very small pieces, none that we
      could find being larger than a silver dollar.” Specimens of this
      pottery will be figured in its appropriate place.

      “Nowhere among these open plane habitations could we discover any
      vestige of stone-work, either in building material or implements.
      It is very evident that the houses were all of adobe, the
      mound-like character of the remains justifying that belief.” In
      this last respect we note a difference between these remains and
      those already described. The mesa verde is one of those elevated
      plateaus we have so often described. Through this the Mancos has
      cut a cañon nearly thirty miles in length, and from one to two
      thousand feet deep. The description we have already given is of
      the valley of the river before coming to the cañon.

      Entering the cañon, Mr. Jackson continues: “Grouped along in
      clusters, and singly, were indications of former habitations,
      very nearly obliterated, and consisting mostly, in the first four
      or five miles, of the same mound-like forms noticed above, and
      accompanied always by the scattered, broken pottery. Among them
      we find one building of squared and carefully laid sandstone, one
      face only exposed of three or four courses, above the mass of
      _debris_ which covered every thing. This building lay within a
      few yards of the banks of the stream, was apparently about ten
      feet by eight, the usual size, as near as we could determine, of
      nearly all the separate rooms or houses in the larger blocks,
      none larger, and many not more than five feet square. The stones
      exposed are each about seven by twelve inches square, and four
      inches thick, those in their original position retaining correct
      angles, but, when thrown down, worn away by attrition to
      shapeless bowlders.”

      “As we progressed down the cañon the same general characteristics
      held good. The great majority of the ruins consisting of heaps of
      _debris_ a central mass considerably higher and more massive than
      the surrounding lines of sub-divided squares. Small buildings,
      not more than eight feet square, were often found standing alone
      apparently, no trace of any other being detected in their
      immediate neighborhood.” We would call especial attention in this
      description to the character of the ruins, the central, higher
      mass surrounded by other ruins; also to the houses found
      occasionally standing alone. We notice they are of the same
      general character as the ruins at Aztec Springs.

      We are finding abundant evidence that this section was once
      thickly settled. Going back to the triple-walled tower on the
      McElmo, Mr. Jackson says of the immediate vicinity: “On the mesa
      is group after group upon the same general plan, a great central
      tower and smaller surrounding buildings. They cover the whole
      breadth and length of the land, and, turn which way we would, we
      stumbled over the old mound and into the cellars, as we might
      call them, of these truly aborigines.” We believe, however, that
      no excavation for cellar purposes are found in the entire region
      covered by these ancient ruins.

      “Starting down the cañon (the McElmo), which gradually deepened
      as the table-land rose above us, we found upon either hand very
      old and faint vestiges of the homes of a forgotten people, but
      could give them no more attention than merely noting their
      existence.”

      Mr. Morgan has shown the existence of regular large houses in the
      valley of Aminas River, east of the Mancos;19 and he also speaks
      of the ruins at the commencement of McElmo cañon as being large
      communal buildings. We should judge from Mr. Jackson’s report
      just given that these ruins were rather small clusters of houses
      of the same design as the ruins at Apache Springs.

      Near the Utah boundary line we notice the Hovenweep Creek joining
      the McElmo from the north. The mesa, narrowing to a point where
      the two cañons meet, is covered with ruins much like what we have
      described already. The Hovenweep is appropriately named, meaning
      “deserted valley.”

      Ruins in the Hovenweeep Cañon.

      Further west still is the Montezuma Valley. Mr. Jackson’s party
      found the ruins so numerous as to excite surprise at the numbers
      this narrow valley must have supported. He says, “We camped at
      the intersection of a large cañon coming in from the west. . . .
      At this point the bottoms widen out to from two to three hundred
      yards in width, and are literally covered with ruins, evidently
      those of an extensive settlement or community, although at the
      present time water was so scarce (there not being a drop within a
      radius of six miles) that we were compelled to make a dry camp.
      The ruins consist evidently of great solid mounds of rock
      _debris,_ piled up in rectangular masses, covered with earth and
      a brush growth, bearing every indication of extreme age—just how
      old is about as impossible to tell as to say how old the rocks of
      this cañon are. This group is a mile in length, in the middle of
      the valley space, and upon both sides of the wash. Each separate
      building would cover a space, generally, of one hundred feet
      square; they are seldom subdivided into more than two or four
      apartments. Relics were abundant, broken pottery and arrow-points
      being especially plenty. At one place, where the wash held
      partially undermined the foundation of ore of the large
      buildings, it exposed a wall of regularly laid masonry, extending
      down six feet beneath the superincumbent rubbish to the old
      floor-level, covered with ashes and the remains of half-charred
      sticks of juniper.”

      Lower down, the valley was noted for little projecting tongues of
      rock extending out into the cañon, sometimes connected with the
      main walls of the cañon by narrow ledges of rock, and in cases
      even this had disappeared, leaving detached masses of rock
      standing quite alone. “Within a distance of fifteen miles there
      are some sixteen or eighteen of these promontories and isolated
      mesas of different height, every one of them covered with ruins
      of old and massive stone-built structures.”

      We have been somewhat full in our description of these ruins, yet
      their importance justifies this course. So far we see but very
      little to remind us of the pueblo towns. On the other hand, the
      buildings seem to be often single houses, or a few houses grouped
      together. In some locations they were built of stone, in others
      of adobe. It is to be observed, however, that the houses are very
      small—not larger than the rooms in the modern pueblos. We
      evidently have here quiet scenes of agricultural life. They of
      course had enemies, and guarded against their attacks by the
      watch-towers, of which an example is given in the McElmo ruins.
      The country must have been better watered than now, the soil
      productive the seasons kind; and who can tell how long these
      agricultural tribes held the land? Under these conditions, time
      must have been rapidly bringing them civilization. But we must
      now turn to a sorrowful chapter in their history, and trace the
      dispersion of these tribes, their unavailing attempts to hold
      their own against a savage foe, and the desperate chances they
      took before leaving the land of their fathers.

      This brings us to a consideration of cliff-houses—that is, houses
      so placed that manifestly the only reason the people would have
      for putting them where found would be of a defensive nature; and,
      for a similar reason, we may be very sure they are of a later
      date than the majority of the ruins in the valley or in the
      cañons. People would never have settled in the valley in the
      first place if they had felt the necessity of seeking
      inaccessible places in which to build shelters as a resort in
      time of need. We can not do better than to refer once more to Mr.
      Jackson’s exploration in the valley of the Rio Mancos. We have
      already referred to it in reference to the larger ruins.

      Two-storied House in the Mancos Cañon.

      This cut gives us a general view of the first cliff-house
      discovered in this valley. This was far up on the cliff. Mr.
      Jackson says, “We had no field-glass with the party, and to this
      fact is probably due the reason we had not seen others during the
      day in this same line, for there is no doubt that ruins exist
      throughout the entire length of the cañon, far above and out of
      the way of ordinary observation.” Subsequently Mr. Holmes proved
      this supposition to be true. The sides of this cañon have nearly
      all their ledges occupied by these houses.

      Every advantage was taken, both natural and artificial, to
      conceal them from view. “Cedars and pines grew thickly along the
      ledges upon which they are built, hiding completely any thing
      behind them. All that we did find were built of the same
      materials as the cliffs themselves with but few, and then only
      the smallest, appertures toward the cañon, the surface being
      dressed very smooth, and showing no lines of masonry. It was only
      on the very closest inspection that the houses could be separated
      from the cliff.”

      View of Cliff in which the House is situated. To illustrate the
      singular position in which this house was located, we introduce
      this cut. It is seven hundred feet above the valley. “Whether
      viewed from below or from the heights above, the effect is almost
      startling, and one can not but feel that no ordinary
      circumstances could have driven a people to such places of
      resort.” As showing the difficulty an enemy would have to
      approach such a house, we give Mr. Jackson’s account of his climb
      to it:

      “The first five hundred feet of ascent were over a long, steep
      slope of _debris,_ overgrown with cedar, then came alternately
      perpendiculars and slopes. Immediately below the house was a
      nearly perpendicular ascent of one hundred feet, that puzzled us
      for a while, and which we were only able to surmount by finding
      cracks and crevices into which fingers and toes could be
      inserted. From the little ledges occasionally found, and by
      stepping upon each other’s shoulders, and grasping tufts of
      yucca, one would draw himself up to another shelf, and then, by
      letting down a stick of cedar or a hand, would assist the
      others.”

      “Soon we reached a slope, smooth and steep, in which there had
      been cut a series of steps, now weathered away into a series of
      undulating hummocks, by which it was easy to ascend, and without
      them almost an impossibility. Another short, steep slope, and we
      were under the ledge on which stood our house.” By referring to
      the first cut, we see that the house stands on a very narrow
      ledge, and that the rocks overhang it so as to furnish a roof. It
      will also be noticed that the ledge is rounding, so that the
      outer walls of the house rise from an incline. Piers, or
      abutments, had also been built along the ledge, so as to form an
      esplanade.

      Plan of the House.

      The house itself was only about twelve feet high, but this had
      been divided into two stories. Whether it ever had any other roof
      than the overhanging walls of rock is doubtful. The plan is shown
      in the preceding cut. The curved apartment at the right is a
      reservoir, capable of holding about five barrels. A series of
      pegs were inserted in the wall, so as to form a means of descent
      from a window to the bottom. A number of doorways are seen in the
      plan; a cut of one is presented in this figure.

      Doorway of the House.

      We are, however, warned that the artist has represented the
      stonework a little too regularly. The support for the top of the
      doorway is not clearly shown; a number of small beams of wood
      were laid across, on these the stones. This cut gives us a view
      of the front room. Looking in from the end window, we can see
      where the second story commenced. The doorway we have been
      describing was not a very handy mode of entrance. Its builders,
      however, did the best they could in their limited space. The
      house displays perseverance, ingenuity, and taste. It was
      plastered, both within and without, so as to resemble the walls
      of the cañon, but an ornamental border was added to the
      plastering of the interior rooms.

      Room of the House. This cliff house could only have been used as
      a place of refuge in a time of need. We must observe the care
      with which it was hidden away. The walls were plastered on the
      outside, so as to resemble the cañon-walls. Then we must notice
      what a secure place of retreat it afforded the people. No
      invading party could hope to storm this castle as long as there
      was any one to defend it. This house, with its four small rooms,
      could give shelter to quite a band of Indians. Then, besides, it
      was not alone. Ruins of half a dozen smaller houses were found
      near by. Some had been crushed by the overhanging walls falling
      upon them, and others had lost their foothold and tumbled down
      the precipice.

      It needs but a glance to satisfy any one that only dire necessity
      would have driven a people to such resorts. When we consider how
      much labor it must have required to convey the materials to the
      almost inaccessible place, the many inconveniences the people
      must have been put to when they were occupied, we may imagine how
      the people clung to their old home. It is altogether likely that
      such resorts would be only used now and then. During seasons of
      war and invasion probably the women and old the men, with the
      little ones, went thither for protection.

      Mr. Holmes calls attention to one point bearing on the antiquity
      of this ruin. The buttresses, which probably support a
      balustrade, noticed in the figure on the house, were built on the
      sloping surface of the rock. It would take but very little
      weathering of the rocks to throw them to the bottom of the cañon;
      and, furthermore, the rock is a rough sandstone, and hence easily
      crumbles; and it is not well protected by the overhanging cliff;
      but no perceptible change has taken place since the buttresses
      were first built. The thickness of a sheet of paper has hardly
      been washed from the surface, and the mortar, almost as hard as
      the rock itself, lies upon it as if placed there within a dozen
      years. This structure is, evidently, not as old as the low mounds
      of crumbling ruins we have heretofore described. It is more than
      probable that such retreats as this were not provided until near
      the close of their stay in the country.

      A ruin further down the cañon, described by Mr. Holmes, is of
      great interest, as it shows how necessary the people considered
      it to be to construct an estufa. It will be observed that there
      are two houses. So nicely are these hidden away that Mr. Holmes
      had almost completed a sketch of the upper house before he
      noticed the lower one. They are both overhung by the rocks above
      so as to be protected from the weather. The upper house can only
      be approached by means of steps cut in the rock. It appears to be
      in an unfinished state, and, when we consider the great labor
      required for its construction, we can not wonder that they grew
      tired before its completion.

      The lower house is some eight hundred feet above the bottom of
      the cañon, but is comparatively easy of approach. The interesting
      feature about it is the estufa. It was situated near the center
      of the main portion of the house. The entrance to this chamber
      shows the peculiar importance attached to it by the builders. Mr.
      Holmes says: “A walled and covered passage-way of solid masonry,
      ten feet of which is still intact, leads from an outer chamber
      through the small intervening apartments into the circular one.
      It is possible that this originally extended to the outer wall,
      and was entered from the outside. If so, the person desiring to
      visit the estufa would have to enter the aperture about
      twenty-two inches high by thirty wide, and crawl, in the the most
      abject manner possible, through a tube-like passage-way nearly
      twenty feet in length.”

      “My first impression was that this peculiarly constructed way was
      a precaution against enemies, and that it was probably the only
      means of entrance to the interior of the house, but I am now
      inclined to think this is hardly probable, and conclude that this
      was rather designed to render a sacred chamber as free as
      possible from profane intrusion.” This illustrates the peculiar
      regard in which it was held. Even when sore pressed by their
      enemies, and obliged to flee to inaccessible heights, they still
      constructed their sacred place.

      Cliff-Town, Rio Mancos.

      These cliff-houses, of which we give illustrations, are quite
      common in the Mancos. Our frontispiece shows an interesting
      group, about ten miles from the foot of the cañon. These are
      situated only about forty feet above the bed of the creek, but
      still in a secure position. Here a bed of shale had been
      weathered out of the sandstone, leaving a sort of horizontal
      groove four feet high and from four to six feet deep. In this a
      row of minute houses had been built. They had been made to occupy
      the full height and depth of the crevice, so that when one
      reaches it at the only accessible point he is between two houses,
      and must pass through these to get at the others.

      Besides the cliff-houses, the explorers found that these people
      had made use of little cave-like openings in the cliffs, and, by
      walling up the openings, had converted them into houses. These
      were very common in the Mancos, and of all sizes. Some were
      evidently merely little hiding places, in which to store away
      provisions or other articles. In some places the cliffs were
      literally honey-combed with these little habitations. Sometimes
      the walls were quite well preserved and new-looking, while all
      about were others in all stages of decay.

      “In one place in particular a picturesque outstanding promontory
      has been full of dwellings. . . . As one from below views the
      ragged, window-pierced crags, he is unconsciously led to wonder
      if they are not the ruins of some ancient castle, behind whose
      mouldering walls are hidden the dread secrets of a long-forgotten
      people; but a nearer approach quickly dispels such fancies, for
      the windows prove to be only the doorways to shallow and
      irregular apartments hardly sufficiently commodious for a race of
      pigmies. Neither the outer openings nor the apertures that
      communicate between the caves are large enough to allow a person
      of large stature to pass, and one is led to suspect that these
      nests were not the dwellings proper of these people, but
      occasional resorts for women and children, and that the somewhat
      extensive ruins of the valley below were their ordinary dwelling
      places.”20

      Caves used as Houses, Rio Mancos.

      On the San Juan, about ten miles above the mouth of the Mancos,
      is a significant combination of cave-dwellings and towers. In
      this case, about half-way up the cliff, which is not more than
      forty feet high, excavations had been made in a soft bed of
      shale. They are now quite shallow, but were probably once deeper
      and walled up in front. Directly above these cave-openings, on
      the very brink of the cliffs, were the remains of two circular
      towers, in each case double-walled, and probably divided by
      cross-walls into partitions. The towers were probably their
      council chambers and places of worship. The caves, directly
      below, down a steep bank, were their fortresses, whither in times
      of danger they could flee. The little community, by means of
      ladders, could freely pass from their cave resorts to the towers
      and back.

      Ruins in the San Juan Cañon.

      The San Juan River does not seem to be as rich in ruins as some
      of its tributaries. Yet near the mouth of the Montezuma we came
      upon a ruin which shows considerable analogy to the pueblos. Mr.
      Jackson says upon the top of the bench (fifty feet high)
      overlooking the river are the ruins of a quadrangular structure
      of a peculiar design. It is arranged very nearly at right angles
      to the river. We see from the plan that we have the ruins of a
      larger building arranged around an open court—at least, Mr.
      Jackson could detect no trace of a wall in front. We must notice
      the seven apartments, arranged in the form of a semicircle, back
      of the court. Extreme massiveness is indicated throughout the
      whole structure.

      In the immediate vicinity of this ruin were found a number of
      little, cave-like dwellings. They were so small that doubts were
      raised as to whether they were suitable for human habitations,
      but the majority of them bore ample evidence in smoke-begrimed
      walls that such was their use. Twelve miles below the mouth of
      the Montezuma this group of ruins was discovered. These were
      situated in a cave that was almost exactly a hemisphere in shape.
      Where the curve of the roof met the curve from the bottom a
      little projecting bench had been utilized as a foundation for a
      row of houses.

      Cave-Town.

      The little community that built their houses here seem to have
      practised all the industries of a savage life. In one place there
      was evidence that on that spot had been carried on the
      manufacture of stone implements. At another place holes had been
      drilled, as if for a loom. In the main building there were
      fourteen rooms or apartments, ranging from sixteen to nine feet
      in width. “In the central room of the main building we found a
      circular, basin-like depression, that had served as a fireplace,
      being still filled with the ashes and cinders of aboriginal
      fires, the surrounding walls being blackened with smoke and soot.
      This room was undoubtedly the kitchen of the house. Some of the
      smaller rooms appear to have been used for the same purpose, the
      fires having been made in the corner against the back wall, the
      smoke escaping overhead. The masonry displayed in the
      construction of the walls is very creditable. A symmetrical curve
      is preserved throughout the whole line, and every portion
      perfectly plumb. The subdivisions are at right angles to the
      front. The whole appearance of the place and its surroundings
      indicate that the family or little community who inhabited it
      were in good circumstances, and the lords of the surrounding
      country. Looking out from one of their houses, with a great dome
      of solid rock overhead that echoed and re-echoed every word
      uttered with marvelous distinctness, and below them a steep
      descent of one hundred feet to the broad, fertile valley of the
      Rio San Juan, covered with waving fields of maize and scattered
      groves of majestic cotton-woods, these old people, whom even the
      imagination can hardly clothe with reality, must have felt a
      sense of security that even the incursions of their barbarian
      foes could hardly have disturbed.”21

      To describe the defensive ruins on Epsom Creek, Montezuma Creek,
      and the McElmo is simply to repeat descriptions already given. We
      meet with cave-houses, cliff-houses, and sentinel-towers in
      abundance. The whole section appears to have been thickly
      settled. Further explorations will doubtless make known many more
      ruins, but probably nothing differing in kind from what is
      already known. We think the defensive ruins belong to a later
      period of their existence than do the old and time-worn
      structures we have hitherto described along the river valleys and
      open plains, as at Aztec Springs. These structures plainly show
      that at the time they were built the people were subject to an
      invasion from a stronger foe, one before whose approach they had
      to fly for protection to the almost inaccessible cliffs.

      They would obviously never have settled there had they always had
      to contend with these savage tribes. It needs no great skill to
      read the story of the dispersion of these old people from the
      ruins we have described; the many watch-towers, which were also
      used as fortresses or citadels in which to find protection,
      testifying to the need of increased watchfulness. The cave-houses
      and cliff-fortresses, cunningly hidden away to escape detection,
      or so placed as to defy the assault of their enemies, show to
      what desperate straits they were driven; and imagination only can
      picture the despair that must have filled their hearts when the
      hour of final defeat came, and they must have realized that even
      these shifts would not allow them to stay in the lands of their
      fathers.

      That this is the explanation of these ruins, we will cite the
      legendary stories given by an old man among the Moquis concerning
      some ruins in the cañon of the McElmo, just over the line in
      Utah. At this point the cañon widens out considerably, and in the
      center of the valley is still standing a portion of the old mesa,
      once filling the entire valley. It is now a mass of dark red
      sandstone, about one hundred feet high, and three hundred feet
      around, seamed and cracked, and gradually disappearing, as the
      rock has gone all around it. The top of this rock is covered with
      the ruins of some building; there are also ruins at the base and
      all around the immediate vicinity. There were watch towers and
      estufas, showing that this was a place of great interest.

      Battle Rock, McElmo Cañon.

      The story is as follows: “Formerly the aborigines inhabited all
      this country as far east as the headwaters of the San Juan, as
      far north as the Rio Dolores, west some distance into Utah, and
      south and south-west throughout Arizona, and on down into Mexico.
      They had lived there from time immemorial, since the earth was a
      small island, which augmented as its inhabitants multiplied. They
      cultivated the valley, fashioned whatever utensils and tools they
      needed very neatly and handsomely out of clay, and wood, and
      stone, not knowing any of the useful metals; built their homes
      and kept their flocks and herds in the fertile river bottoms, and
      worshiped the sun. They were an eminently peaceful and prosperous
      people, living by agriculture rather than by the chase. About a
      thousand years ago, however, they were visited by savage
      strangers from the north, whom they treated hospitably. Soon
      these visits became more frequent and annoying. Then their
      troublesome neighbors, ancestors of the present Utes, began to
      forage upon them, and at last to massacre them and devastate
      their farms. So, to save their lives at least, they built houses
      high up on the cliffs, where they could store food and hide away
      until the raiders left.

      “But one Summer the invaders did not go back to their mountains,
      as the people expected, but brought their families with them and
      settled down. So, driven from their homes and lands, starving in
      their little niches on the high cites they could only steal away
      during the night and wander across the cheerless uplands. To one
      who has traveled these steppes such a flight seems terrible, and
      the mind hesitates to picture the sufferings of the sad
      fugitives. At the ‘Creston’ (name of the ruin) they halted, and
      probably found friends, for the rocks and caves are full of the
      nests of these human wrens and swallows. Here they collected,
      erected stone fortifications and watch-towers, dug reservoirs in
      the rocks to hold a supply of water, which in all cases is
      precarious in this latitude, and once more stood at bay. Their
      foes came, and for one long month fought, and were beaten back,
      and returned day after day to the attack as merciless and
      inevitable as the tide. Meanwhile the families of the defenders
      were evacuating and moving south, and bravely did their defenders
      shield them till they were all safely a hundred miles away.

      “The besiegers were beaten back and went away. But the narrative
      tells us that the hollows of the rocks were filled to the brim
      with the mingled blood of conquerors and, conquered, and red
      veins of it ran down the cañon. It was such a victory as they
      could not afford to gain again, and they were glad, when the long
      flight was over, to follow their wives and little ones to the
      south. There, in the deserts of Arizona, on well-nigh
      unapproachable, isolated bluffs, they built new towns, and their
      few descendants, the Moquis, live in them to this day, preserving
      more carefully and purely the history and veneration of their
      forefathers than their skill or wisdom.”22

      Mr. Jackson thinks this legend arises from the appearance of the
      rocks. The bare floor of nearly white sandstone, upon which the
      butte stands, is stained in gory streaks and blotches by the
      action of an iron constituent in the rocks of another portion of
      the adjoining bluffs. That may well be true, but we believe that
      there are germs of truth in the story. Driven from their homes,
      where did the fugitives go? Some of them may have gone east, but
      probably the body of the migration was to the south. It has been
      the tendency of all tribes, but especially of the sedentary
      tribes, to pass to the south and east, and this is also the
      traditions among the inhabitants of still existing pueblos.23 We
      find that every available portion of New Mexico and Arizona bears
      evidence of having been once populated by tribes of Indians, who
      built houses in all respects like those already described. In
      northern New Mexico, Prof. Cope has described a whole section of
      country as being at one time more densely populated than the
      thickly inhabited portions of the Eastern States. He says: “The
      number of buildings in a square mile of that region is equal to,
      if not greater than the number now existing in the more densely
      populated rural districts of Pennsylvania and New Jersey.”24

      In one location he found a village of thirty houses, built of
      stone, and all in ruins. He found, over a large extent of
      country, that every little conical hill and eminence was crowned
      with ruins of old houses. We, of course, can not say that these
      ruins are necessarily younger than those to the north of the San
      Juan, and yet we think from Prof. Cope’s description that they do
      not present such evidence of antiquity as do the crumbling ruins
      previously described. And then, besides, they were always located
      in easily defended positions.

      The village spoken of was really a Cliff Village, being arranged
      along the very edge of a precipitous mesa, the only access to it
      being along a narrow causeway. Then again, although we have
      described many ruins near which no water is to be had, at least,
      in dry seasons, yet we have every reason to suppose water was
      formerly more plentiful and easily attained. But in this section
      it must always have been a serious question with them to obtain
      enough water for necessary purposes. They must have had to store
      away water in vessels of pottery, whose ruins are now so
      abundant. It is not such a country as we would suppose a people
      to choose for a place to settle in, only that they knew not where
      else to go.

      It is also considered settled that all the inhabited pueblos, as
      well as those in ruins near the inhabited ones, were built by the
      descendants of these people whose houses we have described. This
      is proven by the similarity of pottery. Though some styles of
      ancient corrugated ware are found in the San Juan section not
      found near the inhabited pueblos, yet vast quantities of ware,
      similar to that now found in the inhabited pueblos, can be picked
      up all over the ruins to the north. Again, their religion must
      have been the same, as ruined estufas are common, in all respects
      similar to those now in use. In the modern pueblos we are struck
      with the small cell-like rooms, yet they are but little smaller
      than the ordinary single houses plentifully found over the entire
      field of ruins. All the Pueblo tribes are agricultural, so were
      these old people. In fact, all evidence confirms the conclusion
      that the remnants of the Pueblo people that we have already
      described, are also the descendants of the people driven by
      hostile bands from north of the San Juan.

      This statement may give false impressions, however. The
      traditions of the Pueblo Indians, of New Mexico, are to the
      effect that they came from the north, and also that their
      ancestors formerly lived in the small houses we have described.
      But we do not mean to say that all the small houses and pueblos
      in Arizona and New Mexico are later in date than the
      cliff-houses. The pressure has always been from the north to the
      south. Neither would we be understood as saying that all the
      sedentary tribes, both ancient and modern, belong to the same
      stock of people. There are several different stocks of people
      even among the present Pueblos.25

      In the valley of the Rio Chaco, about midway between the Rio
      Grande and the San Juan, we meet a group of ruined pueblos whose
      style of masonry is thought to indicate a greater antiquity than
      the inhabited pueblo towns; these probably indicate another
      settlement of these people. As these are really remarkable ruins,
      we must briefly describe them. In the Chaco cañon, as indicated
      on the map, within the space of ten miles are the ruins of eight
      larger pueblos. Another is located at the very beginning of the
      cañon, and two more on the edge of the mesas just outside of the
      cañon. These are large communal houses of regular pueblo type,
      and, theoretically at least, they should be later in date than
      the majority of ruins throughout the area represented on the map.
      We think the development has been from small, separate houses, to
      a closely connected cluster, with a central citadel, which
      finally drew to itself all the other buildings, and became the
      communal building we call a pueblo.26

      We give a restoration of, one—the Pueble Bonito—one of the
      largest and most important of the ruins. We can not doubt but
      what the restoration is substantially correct. It shows the open
      court, the terraced structure, and the system of defense. The
      circle itself is not as near a half-circle as we would imagine.
      The ground plan shows that it was really a many-sided building.
      This pueblo must have presented a striking appearance when it was
      in a complete state.

      Restoration of Pueblo Bonito.

      By comparing this structure with the views of some of the present
      pueblo towns, we will understand the remarks made earlier, as to
      the different styles of pueblo structures. This building must
      have had not far from six hundred and fifty rooms. “No single
      edifice of equal accommodations has ever been found in any part
      of North America. It would shelter three thousand Indians.”27
      This pueblo will compare favorably with some of the structures of
      Yucatan; though not so ornamental, yet for practical convenience
      it must have met the wants of the builders fully as well. This
      may be given as a fair example of the entire class.

      The evident plan on which they started to build their structures,
      is shown in the following plan of the pueblo. But some of them
      were not fully completed. Two of them had but one wing. In the
      restoration the court is seen to be closed by a straight row of
      small buildings, but in most cases the wall inclosing the court
      was more or less circular. In one case the court was left open.
      We will only give general descriptions. It is now believed that
      these great structures were built only a part at a time; perhaps
      the main body, or a part of it, first. Afterwards, as the number
      of inhabitants increased, a wing would be added, and then the
      other; and so, many years would elapse before the pueblo would
      assume its completed form.

      Plan of Pueblo Bonito.

      These structures ranged in extent from about four hundred to
      twelve hundred feet in external measurement and could furnish a
      home to from two hundred to eight hundred or a thousand Indians,
      and, in one case at least, many more.

      In the next cut we have represented the different styles of
      masonry employed in the pueblos of this valley. It varied all the
      way from careful piling of big and little stones, and of
      alternate layers of such materials, to very good masonry indeed.
      Speaking of it, Mr. Jackson says, “It is the most wonderful
      feature in these ancient habitations, and is in striking contrast
      to the careless and rude methods shown in the dwellings of the
      present pueblos. The material, a grayish-yellow sandstone,
      breaking readily into thin laminae, and was quarried from the
      adjacent exposures of that rock. The stones employed average
      about the size of an ordinary brick, but as the larger pieces
      were irregular in size, the interstices were filled in with very
      thin plates of sandstone, or rather built in during its
      construction; for by no other means could they be placed with
      such regularity and compactness. So closely are the individual
      pieces fitted to each other that at a little distance no jointage
      appears, and the wall bears every indication of being a plain,
      solid surface.”

      Different Styles of Masonry.

      Besides these important ruins, there are a great many others not
      especially different from those previously described. We can not
      state positively that these ruins are of a later date than those
      of the North; we think they are. From the character of the
      structures, we are more inclined to class them with the great
      pueblos of the Rio Grande, Puerco, and Zuñi. By examining the map
      we see that the Rio Chaco would afford a convenient route for
      them in their migration from the San Juan Valley.

      Room in Pueblo Bonito.

      It may be of some interest to notice one of the rooms in this
      pueblo. Simpson says it is walled up with alternate layers of
      large and small stones, the regularity of the combination
      producing a very pleasant effect. Mr. Morgan thinks this room
      will compare not unfavorably with any of equal size to be found
      in the more imposing ruins of the South. We must notice the
      ceiling. The probabilities are that the Rio Chelly, further to
      the west, afforded another line of retreat. Some ruins are found
      scattered up and down the river or cañon, which we will not stop
      to describe. Off to the south-west are the inhabited towns or
      pueblos of the Moquis, who, as we have seen, have a tradition
      that they came from the north.

      There are some ruins found in the south-western part of Arizona
      which must be described in a general survey of the ruins of the
      Pueblo country. The river Gila, with numerous tributaries, is the
      most important stream in that portion of the State. It is in just
      such a section as we would expect to find ruins, if anywhere.
      Coronado, as we have seen, invaded the country about three
      hundred and fifty years ago. At the time of his visit this was
      then a ruin, for his historian describes one ruin as “a single
      ruined and roofless house . . . the work of civilized people who
      had come from afar.”28 This gives us a point as to the antiquity
      of some of the ruins in the Gila Valley. As we shall see, there
      is every reason to suppose that this section was at one time a
      thickly inhabited one.

      From the similar character of the remains, we conclude the
      original inhabitants to be of the same race of people as those we
      have already described, but what was the exact relation between
      them we can not tell, but we think a study of the ruins will only
      confirm the general truth of the traditions of the Pueblo tribes.
      In any one tradition there is doubtless much that is distorted.
      One form in which the traditions find expression is: “That they
      proceeded from the north-west to the upper waters of the Rio
      Colorado. There they divided, portions ascended by the San Juan,
      cañon De Chelly, or the more easterly branches of that stream
      towards the center of New Mexico. Others, passing over the waters
      of the Rio Verde (see map), descended its valley to the Rio
      Gila.”29

      One hundred and fifty miles southwest of Zuñi we notice the Verde
      River flowing into the Rio Salado, and the latter into the Gila.
      Besides those streams, there are other smaller ones, not marked
      on the map.30 Mr. Bandelier found near the cañon del Tule an
      improvement on the irrigating ditches, that was a lining of
      concrete; and in this section also was noticed the ruins of both
      pueblos and the small houses. Near Ft. Apache he found the ruins
      of the largest villages discovered in Arizona, but we have no
      details of it. The valley of the Rio Verde and Salado seems to
      have been a favorite resort.

      As early as 1854 attention was called to ruins in the Rio Verde.
      Mr. Leroux reported to Mr. Whipple that the “river banks were
      covered with ruins of stone houses and regular fortifications,
      which appeared to have been the work of civilized men, but had
      not been occupied for centuries. They were built upon the most
      fertile tracts of the valley, where were signs of acequias
      (irrigating ditches) and of cultivation. The walls were of solid
      masonry, of rectangular form, some twenty or thirty paces in
      length, were of solid masonry, and yet remaining ten or fifteen
      feet in height. The buildings were of two stories, with small
      apertures or loop-holes for defence, when besieged.”31

      Mr. Bandelier confirms this account as to the number of ruins.
      The entire valley of the Verde is filled with ruins of every
      description. From the account of the valley itself, we can see
      how well suited it was to the needs of village Indians. Mr.
      Leroux speaks in high praise of its fertility. Wood, water, and
      grass were abundant. In the neighborhood of Fort Reno Mr.
      Bandelier discovered a new architectural feature of great
      interest to us. This is a raised platform, on which the buildings
      were supported. This raised platform is a very important feature,
      as we shall learn in the ruins of Mexico and Central America. We
      have already seen how it was employed by the Mound Builders.

      In other words, the detached houses are seen to form villages,
      with a central stronghold, and the tendency is observed to raise
      an artificial foundation for this central house, which draws into
      itself the surrounding houses. This is but another modification
      of the same idea which, in other sections of this area developed
      into the communal pueblo. Near Tempe a still more significant
      arrangement was noticed. Here was a four-sided platform, three
      hundred and forty feet long by two hundred and eighty feet wide,
      and five feet high, supported a second platform measuring two
      hundred and forty by two hundred feet, and six feet high.
      Elevated platforms, as a general rule, were not very distinct.
      Mr. Bandelier thinks that, owing to the peculiar drainage of the
      country, these artificial foundations were required to preserve
      the buildings from being swept away by a sudden torrent. The
      settlement of the sedentary tribes in this region cluster on the
      triangle formed by the Rio Verde, Salado, and Gila Rivers. “This
      is a warm region, with a scanty rainfall, and but little timber,
      and the soil is very fertile when irrigated, and two crops a year
      can be readily raised. Mr. Bandelier regards it as exceedingly
      well adapted to the wants of a horticultural people, and even
      traces in it some resemblance to Lower Egypt.”

      A very celebrated ruin on the Gila River gives us a fair idea of
      what this central stronghold of the village cluster, sometimes
      supported on a raised foundation, was like. This cut is a view of
      the principal ruin in this section, which, however, is only a
      portion of an extensive settlement, covering some five acres in
      all. The building is not very large, only fifty by forty feet,
      and four stories, of ten feet each, in height, with a possibility
      that the central portion of the building rose ten feet higher.
      The walls are built of adobe, five feet thick at the base, but
      tapering slightly at the top.

      Casa Grandes, on the Gila.

      This house was surrounded by a court-yard which inclosed about
      two acres. Shapeless mounds, presumably the ruins of houses, are
      to be seen in various parts of this inclosure. “If the ground
      plan of this great house,” says Mr. Bandelier, “with its
      surroundings of minor edifices, courts and inclosures is placed
      by the side of the ground plan of other typical ruins, the
      resemblance is almost perfect except in materials used.” This
      settlement was separated into two divisions. In one place was
      noticed a large elliptical tank with heavy embankments, nearly
      eight feet deep.

      As to other ruins on the Gila, Mr. Bartlett tells us: “One thing
      is evident, that at some former period the valley of the Gila was
      densely populated. The ruined buildings, the irrigating canals,
      and the vast quantities of pottery of a superior quality, show,
      that while they were an agricultural people, they were much in
      advance of the present semi-civilized tribes of the Gila.”
      Speaking of the ruins of the Gila east of the San Pedro River,
      Emory says: “Whenever the mountains did not infringe too closely
      on the river and shut out the valley, they were seen in great
      abundance, enough, I should think, to indicate a former
      population of at least one hundred thousand; and in one place
      there is a long wide valley, twenty miles in length, much of
      which is covered with the ruins of buildings and broken pottery.
      Most of these outlines are rectangular, and vary from forty to
      fifty feet to two hundred by four hundred feet.”32

      It is, however, necessary to be very cautious in judging
      population by the number of ancient ruins. Prehistoric people
      were naturally of a roving disposition. The multitude of ruins in
      Western New York is not regarded as evidence of dense population,
      but they were occasioned by the known customs of the Indians in
      changing the sites of their villages “every ten, fifteen, or
      thirty years; or, in fact, whenever the scarcity of firewood, the
      exhaustion of their fields, or the prevalence of an epidemic made
      such a step desirable.”33 Doubtless a similar remark may explain
      the difference of opinion as to the numbers of the Mound
      Builders.34 And, finally, Mr. Bandelier concludes that the great
      number of ruins scattered through New Mexico and its neighboring
      territories is by no means evidence of a large population. The
      evidence of tradition is to the effect that a large number of
      villages were successively, and not simultaneously, occupied by
      the same people.35

      We have about completed our survey of the Pueblo country. We
      might state that the large communal houses, known as pueblos, are
      found as far south on the Rio Grande as Valverde. Clusters of
      separate houses occur as far south as Dona Ana. A range of low
      mountains lies to the west of the Rio Grande; between it and the
      headwaters of the Gila evidences of ancient habitations were
      observed on the small streams. Though these occur sometimes in
      little groups, the court-yards are not connected so as to form a
      defensive village. Small inclosed surfaces, with no evidence that
      a house ever was connected with them, were also observed. Mr.
      Bandelier could only surmise that these were garden-plots,
      something like the ancient terrace garden-plots in Peru.

      Take it all in all, this is, indeed, a singular region, and the
      Pueblo tribes were a singular people. Their architecture shows us
      a people in the Middle Status of Barbarism. That they practised
      agriculture is shown by the presence of old irrigating ditches.
      Corn and corn-cobs are found in the rubbish-heaps of old
      settlements. Mr. Morgan thinks that the valley of the San Juan
      and its numerous tributaries was the place where the Indian race
      first rose to the dignity of cultivators of the soil.36 Cotton
      cloth has been found in the ruins on the Salado River. “At the
      time of the Spanish conquests the Pueblo Indians along the Rio
      Grande used cotton mantles.”37

      As we have devoted considerable time to the pottery of the Mound
      Builders, we must see how it compares with the pottery of this
      region. Fragments of pottery are very numerous all over the field
      of ruins. All explorers mention their abundance. Mr. Holmes on
      one occasion counted the pieces of pottery that by their shape
      evidently belonged to different vessels that he found in an area
      ten feet square. They numbered fifty-five, and we are led to
      believe they were not more numerous here than in other
      localities.

      We recall that the ornamentations on the vessels of clay made by
      Mound Builders were either incised lines or indentations on the
      surface of the vessels. And, still further, the clay vessels
      themselves were frequently molded in the shape of animals or
      heads of animals. In this plate we have fragments of indented and
      corrugated ware, from the San Juan valley. This ware is only
      found under such circumstances indented and that we are justified
      in considering it very ancient. The ware made at the time of the
      conquest was always painted.

      Indented and Corrugated Ware.

      At Zuñi and some of the other pueblos, at the present day, they
      make vessels in the form of various animals and other natural
      objects. This is, however, a recent thing. Only one vessel is
      known that was found under such circumstances that we are
      justified in thinking it very old. That was molded into a shape
      resembling some kind of an animal. This was found on the Rio
      Gila, in New Mexico; and even that has some peculiarities about
      it that renders its age uncertain. Mr. Bandelier says: “No vessel
      of ancient date, of human or animal shape, has ever been found.”
      This is a most important point for us to consider, when we recall
      how numerous were animal-shaped vessels among the Mound Builders.

      Painted Pueblo Pottery.

      In this plate we have specimens of the ordinary painted ware from
      the ancient ruins. The most of these are restorations, but so
      many fragments have been obtained of each vessel that we have no
      doubt of the accuracy of the drawings. They decorated their
      pottery by painting. Even in many cases where they were further
      ornamented by indentations they still painted it, showing that
      painting was regarded as of the most importance. We notice that
      the ornamentation consists almost entirely of geometrical
      figures, parallel lines, and scrolls. Over the entire field of
      ruins the body of the vessels is of one of two colors; it is
      either white or red. The color employed to produce the
      ornamentation is black. There is almost no exception to this
      rule, though sometimes the ornamentation is of a brownish color
      with a metallic luster. Along the Rio Grande and the Gila some
      changes are noticed. The ornamentation is not strictly confined
      to two colors. Symbolical representations of clouds, whirlwind,
      and lightning are noticed. The red ware has disappeared, and a
      chocolate-colored ground takes its place.

      All have noticed the superiority of the ancient pottery over that
      of the present tribes. Says Prof. Putnam. “A comparison of this
      ancient pottery with that made by the present inhabitants of the
      pueblos shows that a great deterioration has taken place in
      native American art, a rule which I think can be applied to all
      the more advanced tribes of America. The remarkable hardness of
      all the fragments of colored pottery which have been obtained
      from the vicinity of the old ruins in New Mexico, Colorado,
      Arizona, and Utah, and also of the pottery of the same character
      found in the ruins of adobe houses, and in caves in Utah, shows
      that the ancient people understood the art of baking earthenware
      far better than their probable descendants now living in the
      pueblos of New Mexico and Arizona.”38

      We have learned that the remnant of an aboriginal people, now
      living in the inhabited pueblos of the West, present us, in their
      primitive usage, with the fading outlines of a culture once
      widespread in the section of country we have examined. Many of
      the early sedentary tribes have vanished completely. Traditions
      state that other tribes have moved southward into regions
      unknown. “The picture which can be dimly traced to-day of this
      past is a very modest and unpretending one. No great cataclysms
      of nature, no wave of destruction on a large scale, either
      natural or human, appear to have interrupted the slow and tedious
      development of the people before the Spaniards came. One portion
      rose while another fell, sedentary tribes disappeared or moved
      off, and wild tribes roamed over the ruins of their former
      abode.” At present but a few pueblos are left to show us what the
      people once were. But the fate of the Pueblo of Pecos hangs over
      them all. The rising tide of American civilization is rapidly
      surrounding them. Before many decades, possibly centuries, the
      present Pueblo tribes will yield to their fate. They, too, will
      be numbered among the vanished races of men.

      REFERENCES


        The manuscript of this chapter was submitted to Mr. Ad. F.
        Bandelier, of Highland, Illinois. As agent for the
        Archæological Institute of America, he spent three years in
        explorations in the Pueblo country.

        See an excellent historical account by Bandeliers: “Papers of
        the Archæological Institute of America.” American series No. 1.

        The term “City of Zuñi” is scarcely correct; it should be
        Pueblo of Zuñi.

        Pacific Railroad Report; Whipple, Vol. III., pp. 67 and 68.

        “Archæological Institute of America,” Fifth An. Rep., pp. 55
        and 56.

        Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. I., p. 534.

        His guide.

        The ruins on the top were, however, built after 1680, when the
        inhabitants of Flavona, the Spanish “Alvona,” fled to the top
        of the mesa to escape the forays of the Navajos. The ruins were
        abandoned before 1705. Zuñi is partly built on the ruins of
        Flavona, which is still its aboriginal name. (Bandelier.)

        Pacific Railroad Reports, Whipple, Vol. III., p. 69.

        Pacific Railroad Reports, Whipple, Vol. III., p. 65.

        “Simpson’s Report,” p. 124.

        Dr. Loew, in “U.S. Geographical Survey West of the 100th
        Meridian,” Vol. VII, p. 343.

        “Fifth An. Rep. Archæological Inst. of America,” p. 61.

        Bandelier’s “Papers of the Archæological Inst.” p. 46.

        These facts are drawn from Mr. Bandelier’s article already
        referred to.

        “Colorado River of the West,” p. 119, _et seq._

        U.S. Survey, Hayden, 1876, p. 390.

        Bandelier, “Fifth Annual Report Archæological Inst. of
        America,” pp. 62, 68, and 65.

        “Contributions to North American Ethnology,” Vol. IV, p. 172,
        _et seq._

        Holmes.

        U.S. Survey, Hayden, 1876, p. 419.

        Rendered by Ingersoll, in _N.Y. Tribune,_ Nov. 3, 1874.

        Bandelier, in Fifth Ann. Rep., Arch. Inst., p 79.

        U.S. Survey West of 100th M., Vol. VII, p. 358.

        “First Annual Report of Bureau of Ethnology,” p. 74.

        “Fifth Annual Report Arch. Inst.,” pp. 42, 78.

        Morgan: “Contribution to N. A. Ethnology,” Vol. IV, p. 163.

        “Smithsonian Report,” 1863, p. 313.

        Whipple, Pacific R. R. Report, Vol. III.

        Wherever reference is made to Mr. Bandelier’s discoveries, it
        is taken from the oft-quoted Fifth Annual Report, Archæological
        Institute.

        Whipple, Pacific R. R. Reports, Vol. III., p. 14.

        Bartlett’s “Personal Narrative.”

        Carr’s “Mounds of the Mississippi Valley.”

        Morgan’s “House and House Life,” p. 218.

        Fifth Annual Report, p. 84.

        “Contributions to N. A. Ethnology,” Vol. IV., p. 192.

        Bandelier’s “Fifth Annual Report Arch. Inst.,” p. 76.

        U.S. Survey West of 100th Meridian, Vol. VII., p. 381.




Chapter XII
      THE PREHISTORIC AMERICANS.1


      Different views on this subject—Modern system of government—
      Ancient system of government—Tribal government universal in North
      America—The Indians not wandering Nomads—Indian houses communal
      in character—Indian methods of defense—Mandan villages—Indians
      sometimes erected mounds—Probable government of the Mound
      Builders—Traditions of the Mound Builders among the
      Iroquois—Among the Delawares—Probable fate of the Mound
      Builders—The Natchez Indians possibly a remnant of the Mound
      Builders—Their early traditions—Lines of resemblance between the
      Pueblo tribe and the Mound Builders—The origin of the
      Indians—America inhabited by Indians from a very early time—
      Classification of the Indian tribes—Antiquity of the Mound
      Builders’ works.

      The attempts to explain the origin of the numerous tribes found
      in possession of America at the time of its discovery by
      Europeans have been many and various. There are so many
      difficulties attending the solution of this problem that even at
      this day no theory has received that full assent from the
      scientific world deemed necessary for its establishment as an
      ascertained fact. New interest has been thrown around this
      question by the discoveries of late years. In our south-western
      territories we have clearly established the former wide extension
      of the village Indians, remnants of which are still to be found
      in the inhabited pueblos; and, as we have seen, the wide expanse
      of fertile soil, known as the Mississippi Valley, has undoubtedly
      been the home of tribes who are generally supposed to have
      attained a much higher stage of culture than that of the
      Indians—at least, of such culture as we are accustomed to
      ascribe, whether justly or not, to Indian tribes. It becomes an
      interesting question, therefore, to determine what connection, if
      any, existed between the Mound Builders and the Indian tribes on
      the one hand, and the Pueblo tribes on the other.

      As to the works of the Mound Builders, one class of critical
      scholars think they see in them the memorials of a vanished race,
      and point out many details of construction, such as peculiarities
      in form, in size, and position, which they think conclusively
      prove that the works in question could only have been produced by
      races or tribes far more advanced in culture than any Indians.
      This belief finds expression by a well-known writer in the
      following words: “A broad chasm is to be spanned before we can
      link the Mound Builders to the North American Indians. They were
      essentially different in their form of government, their habits,
      and their daily pursuits.” This is substantially the opinion of a
      great many writers on this subject.2

      But this conclusion has not been allowed to pass unchallenged. We
      have on record the convictions of a few careful investigators
      that there is no necessity for supposing that only an extinct or
      vanished race could have built the mounds and thrown up the
      embankments which we observe in the valley of the Ohio and
      elsewhere; that there is nothing, in fact, either in the
      construction of the mounds themselves or in the remains of art
      found in them, which we may not with safety ascribe to the
      ancestors of our present Indians.3 It will be seen that we may,
      indeed, be at a loss to know what conclusion to adopt; hence, as
      an aid to us in this direction, it may be well to inquire into
      the organization of Indian tribes and their customs and manners
      at the time of their discovery.

      It is not necessary to sketch their history, as this has been
      done many times. Moreover, it is but a dreary recital of the
      gradual encroachment of the Whites on the lands of the Indians,
      the vain endeavors of the latter to repress them, and a record of
      many cruel acts of savage warfare, burning villages, midnight
      massacre, and scenes of terrible sufferings. The uniform result
      was that the Indian tribes were steadily driven away from their
      ancient homes, until we now find them but a sorry remnant on
      scattered reservations or grouped together in the Indian
      Territory. Their ancient institutions are nearly broken down, and
      it is with difficulty that we can gain an understanding of their
      early condition; and yet this seems to be necessary before we are
      prepared to decide on the origin of the mound-building people.

      It seems necessary here to briefly describe the two great plans
      or systems of government, under one or the other of which
      mankind, as far as we know them, have always been organized,
      though, theoretically, there must have been a time, in the very
      infancy of the race, when there was either no government or
      something different from either of them. At the present day, in
      all civilized countries, government is founded upon territory and
      upon property. A person is described as living in such a
      township, county, and state.4 This seems to be a very simple and
      natural division, but, like every thing else, it is the result of
      growth—of a development. It took nearly three centuries of
      civilization and a succession of able men, each improving on what
      the other had done, to fully develop this system among the
      Greeks.5 This is the basis of the modern form of government.
      Whenever it was organized, it marked the termination of ancient
      government. The other plan of government is founded on personal
      relations.

      A person would be described as of such a gens, phratry, and
      tribe. It is sufficient to state the words gens, and phratry
      simply denote subdivisions of a tribe.6 This is the ancient
      system of government, and goes very far back in the history of
      the race. It is that state of society which everywhere preceded
      history and civilization. When we go back to the first beginning
      of history in Europe, we find the Grecian, Roman, and Germanic
      tribes in the act of substituting the modern system of government
      for the tribal state, under which they had passed from savagism
      into and through the various stages of barbarism, and entered the
      confines of civilization. The Bible reveals to us the tribal
      state of the Hebrews and the Canaanites.

      Under the light of modern research, we can not doubt but what
      this form of government was very ancient, and substantially
      universal. It originated in the morning of time, and so
      completely answered all the demands of primitive society that it
      advanced man from savagism, through barbarism, and sufficed to
      enable him to make a beginning in civilization. It was so firmly
      established as one of the primitive institutions, that when it
      was found insufficient to meet the demands of advancing society,
      it taxed to the utmost the skill of the Aryan tribes to devise a
      system to take its place.

      This was the system of government throughout North America when
      the Spaniards landed on its shores. This is true, at least as far
      as our investigations have gone.7 In several cases tribes
      speaking dialects of the same stock-language had united in a
      confederacy; as, for instance, the celebrated league of the
      Iroquois, and in Mexico, the union of the three Aztec tribes. But
      confederacies did not change the nature of tribal government. As
      there was but one general form or plan of government in vogue
      amongst the Aborigines of North America at the time of discovery,
      we ought certainly to find common features in the culture of the
      Pueblo Indians of the South-west, the Mound Builders of the
      Mississippi Valley, and the various Indian tribes; and if the
      lines of resemblance are sufficient to show a gradual progress
      from the rude remains of savage tribes to the more finished works
      of the Pueblos, and between these and the Mound Builders, then we
      may consider this fact as one more reason for believing that they
      constitute but one people in different stages of development.

      The tribal state of society is always associated with village
      life. It makes no difference where we commence our
      investigations, we will soon be convinced that village life is
      the form in which people organized in tribes lived. This is true
      of the wild tribes in Africa, and of the hill tribes of India
      to-day.8 The same was true of the early Greeks.9 There must be a
      reason for this. It is found in their peculiar system of
      government. People divided into groups and clusters would
      naturally be drawn together into villages. We would expect, then,
      to find that the Indian tribes lived in villages. We are
      accustomed to speak of them as wandering nomads. This is scarcely
      correct; or rather, it is certainly wrong, if applied to the
      tribes east of the Mississippi, when first encountered by the
      whites. Some of them may have been in a state of migration, in
      search of better homes, or homes more secure from the attacks of
      too powerful enemies, as was the case with the Shawnees, and
      wandering bands on hunting or warlike expeditions were common
      enough. The Germanic, tribes that overthrew the Roman Empire, for
      a similar reason, were in a migrating state. But it is none the
      less certain that they established permanent villages wherever
      they found suitable places.

      Nearly all the tribes claimed separate districts, in which they
      had permanent villages, often stockaded.10 The site of Montreal
      was a famous Indian village,11 and other villages were found in
      Canada. The Iroquois tribes had permanent villages, and resided
      in them the greater part of the year.12 One visited in 1677 is
      described as having one hundred and twenty houses, the ordinary
      one being from fifty to sixty feet long, and furnishing shelter
      to about twelve families. In one case, at least, the town was
      surrounded by palisades.

      In 1539 De Soto made his appearance on the coast of Florida. Four
      years later a feeble remnant of this expedition landed at Panuco,
      Mexico. His route has not been accurately traced, but it is
      certain he travelled the Gulf States and crossed the Mississippi.
      De Soto himself found a grave in the waters of this river, but
      under new leaders the expedition pushed on through Arkansas, and
      probably found its most western point on the prairies of the
      West, where, disheartened, it turned back to near where De Soto
      died, constructed some rude boats, and floated down the
      Mississippi, and so to Mexico. We have two accounts written by
      members of this expedition,13 and a third, written by Garcilasso
      de La Vega from the statements of eye-witnesses and memoranda
      which had fallen into his hands.

      From these considerable can be learned of the Southern Indians
      before they had been subjected to European influences. One of the
      first things that arrests attention is the description of the
      villages. They found, to be sure, some desert tracts, but every
      few miles, as a rule, they found villages containing from fifty
      to three hundred spacious and commodious dwellings, well
      protected from enemies—sometimes surrounded by a wall, sometimes
      also by a ditch filled with water. When west of the Mississippi
      they found a tribe living in movable tents, they deemed that fact
      worthy of special mention. But in the same section they also
      found many villages.

      One hundred and forty years afterward the French explorer, La
      Salle, made several voyages up and down the Mississippi. He
      describes much the same state of things as do the earlier
      writers. The tribes still dwelt in comfortable cabins, sometimes
      constructed of bark, sometimes of mud,14 often of large size, in
      one case forty feet square, and having a dome-shaped roof. Nor
      was this village life confined to the more advanced tribes. The
      Dakota tribes, which include the Sioux and others, have been
      forced on the plains by the advancing white population, but when
      first discovered they were living in villages around the
      headwaters of the Mississippi. Their houses were framed of poles
      and covered with bark.15

      Lewis and Clark, in 1805, found the valley of the Columbia River
      inhabited by tribes destitute of pottery, and living mainly on
      fish, which were found in immense quantities in the river. They
      describe them as living in large houses, one sometimes forming a
      village by itself. They describe one house capable of furnishing
      habitations for five hundred people. Other authorities could be
      quoted, showing that the Algonquin Indians, living in Eastern and
      Atlantic States, had permanent villages.16 The idea then, that
      the Indians are nothing but wandering savages, is seen to be
      wrong. It is well to bear this in mind, because it is often
      asserted that the Mound Builders must have been a people
      possessing fixed habitations. While this is doubtless correct, we
      see that it is also true of the Indians.17

      There is another feature of Indian life which we will mention
      here, because it shows us a common element in the building of
      houses, seen alike in the pueblo structures of the West and the
      long houses of the Iroquois. That is, the Indian houses were
      always built to be inhabited by a number of families in common.
      All nations in a tribal state possess property in common. It is
      not allowed to pass out of the gens of the person who possesses
      it, but at his death is supposed to be divided among the members
      of his gens; in most cases, however, to those nearest of kin
      within the gens.18 This communism showed itself in the method of
      erecting houses.

      The long house of the Iroquois was divided into apartments so as
      to shelter from one hundred to two hundred Indians. A number of
      these houses gathered together composed a village. These were
      quite creditable structures of Indian art, being warm and
      comfortable, as well as roomy. Should we examine the whole list
      of writers who have mentioned Indian villages, we would find them
      all admitting that the houses were usually occupied by a number
      of families, one in the Columbia Valley, as we see, sheltering
      five hundred persons.

      There is no question but the pueblos were built by people holding
      property in common. They were, of course, erected by a more
      advanced people, who employed better materials in construction,
      but it is quite plain that they were actuated by the same
      instincts, and built their houses with the same design in view as
      the less advanced Indian tribes in other sections of the country.
      What we have described as the small houses in Arizona in the
      preceding chapter, in most cases includes several rooms, and we
      are told that in one section they “appear to have been the abode
      of several families.”19

      Long House of the Iroquois.

      One of the main points the Indians would have to attend to in the
      construction of their villages was how to defend them, and we can
      not do better than to examine this point. A French writer
      represents the villages of Canada as defended by double, and
      frequently triple, rows of palisades, interwoven with branches of
      trees.20 Cartier, in 1535, found the village of Hochelaga (now
      Montreal) thus defended. In 1637 the Pequot Indians were the
      terror of the New England colonies, and Capt. Mason, who was sent
      to subject them, found their principal villages, covering six
      acres, strongly defended by palisades.

      Stockaded Onondaga Village.

      The Iroquois tribes also adopted this method of defense. In 1615
      Champlain, with Indian allies, invaded the territory of the
      Iroquois. He left a sketch of his attack on one of their
      villages. This sketch we reproduce in this illustration, which is
      a very important one, because it shows us a regularly palisaded
      village among a tribe of Indians where the common impression in
      reference to them is that they were a wandering people with no
      fixed habitations. The sketch is worthy of careful study. The
      buildings within are the long houses which we have just
      described. They are located near together, three or four in a
      group. The arrangement of the groups is in the form of a square,
      inclosing a court in the center. This tendency to inclose a court
      is a very common feature of Indian architecture. Such, as we have
      seen, is the arrangement of the pueblos. Such was also the
      arrangement of the communal buildings in Mexico, Central America,
      and Peru. In this case the village covered about six acres also.
      The defense was by means of palisades. There seem to be two rows
      of them. They seem to have been well made, since Champlain was
      unsuccessful in his attack. In earlier times these fortified
      villages were numerous.

      Pomeiock. Further south, this method of inclosing a village was
      also in use. In 1585 the English sent an expedition to the coast
      of North Carolina. An artist attached to this expedition left
      some cuts, one of which represents a village near Roanoke. It is
      surrounded, as we see, by a row of palisades, and contains
      seventeen joint tenement houses, besides the council house. The
      historians of De Soto’s expedition make frequent mention of
      walled and fortified towns. “The village of Mavilla,” from which
      comes our name Mobile, says Biedman, “stood on a plain surrounded
      by strong walls.” Herrera, in his General History, states that
      the walls were formed by piles, interwoven with other timber, and
      the spaces packed with straw and earth so that it looked like a
      wall smoothed with a trowel.

      Speaking of the region west of the Mississippi, Biedman says: “We
      journeyed two days, and reached a village in the midst of a
      plain, surrounded by walls and a ditch filled by water, which had
      been made by Indians.” This town is supposed to have been
      situated in the north-eastern part of Arkansas, and it is
      interesting to note that recent investigators find what are
      probably the remains of these walled towns, in the shape of
      inclosures with ditches and mounds, in North-eastern Arkansas and
      South-eastern Missouri.21 The tribes throughout the entire extent
      of the Mississippi Valley were accustomed to palisade their
      villages—at least, occasionally.22

      Mandan Village. On the Missouri River we find some Indian tribes
      that have excited a great deal of interest among archæologists.
      It has been surmised that, if their history could be recovered,
      it would clear up a great many difficult questions. They were
      accustomed to fortify their village’s with ditches, embankments,
      and palisades. This gives us a cut of one of their villages. It
      is to be observed that it has a great likeness to some of the
      inclosures ascribed to the Mound Builders.

      This has been noted by many writers. Says Brackenridge: “In my
      voyage up the Missouri I observed the ruins of several villages
      which had been abandoned twenty or thirty years, which in every
      respect resembled the vestiges on the Ohio and Mississippi.”23
      Lewis and Clark, in their travels, describe the sites of several
      of these abandoned villages, the only remains of which were the
      walls which had formerly inclosed the villages, then three or
      four feet high. The opinion has been advanced that the inclosures
      of the Mound Builders were formerly surmounted by palisades. Mr.
      Atwater asserts that the round fort which was joined to a square
      inclosure at Circleville showed distinctly evidence of having
      supported a line of pickets or palisades.24

      Should it be accepted that the inclosures of the Mound Builders
      represent village sites, and that they were probably further
      protected by palisades, it would seem, after what we have just
      observed of the customs of the Indians in fortifying their
      villages, to be a simple and natural explanation of these
      remains.

      We have already referred to the fact that scholars draw a
      distinction between the more massive works found in the Ohio
      Valley and the low, crumbling ruins occupying defensive positions
      found in such abundance along Lake Erie and in Western New York,
      asserting the former to be the works of the Mound Builders
      proper, and the latter the remains of fortified Indian villages.
      This may be true, but it seems to us that there is such a common
      design running through all these remains that it is more
      reasonable to infer that the more massive works were constructed
      by people more advanced than those who built the less pretentious
      works, but not necessarily of a dilterent race. We can not do
      better than to quote the remarks of Mr. Brackenridge in this
      connection: “We are often tempted by a fondness for the marvelous
      to seek out remote and impossible causes for that which may be
      explained by the most obvious.”25

      But inclosures and defensive works are only a small part of the
      Mound Builders’ remains. We know that large numbers of mounds are
      scattered over the country, and we recall in this connection what
      was said as to the erection of mounds by Indian tribes in a
      preceding essay. Somewhat at the risk of repetition we will once
      more examine this question. It is generally admitted that it was
      the custom of Indian tribes to erect piles of stones to
      commemorate several events, such as a treaty, or the settlement
      of a village, but more generally to mark the grave of a chief, or
      some noted person, or of a person whose death occurred under
      unusual circumstances.26 These cairns are not confined to any
      particular section of the country, being found in New England,
      throughout the South, and generally in the Mississippi Valley.
      From their wide dispersion, and from the fact that they do not
      differ from the structures built by Indian tribes within a few
      years past, it is not doubted but what they are the works of
      Indians.

      Now, if we could draw a dividing line, and say that, while the
      Indians erected mounds of stone, the Mound Builders built theirs
      of earth, it would be a strong argument in favor of a difference
      of race. But this can not be done. When De Soto landed in
      Florida, nearly three hundred and fifty years ago, he had an
      opportunity of observing the customs of the Indians as they were
      before the introduction of fire-arms, and before contact with the
      Whites had wrought the great change in them it was destined to.
      Therefore, what few notes his historians have given us of the
      ways of life they observed amongst the southern tribes are of
      great importance in this connection. At the very spot where he
      landed (supposed to be Tampa Bay) they observed that the house of
      the chief “stood near the shore, upon a very high mound, made by
      hand for strength.”

      Garcilasso tells us “the town and the house of the Cacique
      (chief) Ossachile are like those of the other caciques in
      Florida. . . . The Indians try to place their villages on
      elevated sites, but, inasmuch as in Florida there are not many
      sites of this kind where they can conveniently build, they erect
      elevations themselves, in the following manner: They select the
      spot, and carry there a quantity of earth, which they form into a
      kind of platform, two or three pikes in height, the summit of
      which is large enough to give room for twelve, fifteen, or twenty
      houses, to lodge the cacique and his attendants. At the foot of
      this elevation they mark out a square place, according to the
      size of the village, around which the leading men have their
      houses. To ascend the elevation they have a straight passage-way
      from bottom to top, fifteen or twenty feet wide. Here steps are
      made by massive beams, and others are planted firmly in the
      ground to serve as walls. On all other sides of the platform the
      sides are cut steep.”27

      Biedman, the remaining historian, says of the country in what is
      now (probably) Arkansas. “The caciques of this country make a
      custom of raising, near their dwellings, very high hills, on
      which they sometimes build their huts.”28 Twenty-five years later
      the French sent an expedition to the east coast of Florida. The
      accounts of this expedition are very meager, but they confirm
      what the other writers have stated as to the erection of platform
      mounds with graded ways.29 Le Moyne, the artist of this
      expedition, has left us a cut of a mound erected over a deceased
      chief. It was, however, but a small one.30

      La Harpe, writing in 1720, says of tribes on the lower
      Mississippi: “Their cabins . . . are dispersed over the country
      upon mounds of earth made with their own hands.” As to the
      construction of these houses, we learn that their cabins were
      “round and vaulted,” being lathed with cane and plastered with
      mud from bottom to top, within and without. In other cases they
      were square, with the roof dome-shaped, the walls plastered with
      mud to the height of twelve feet.31 It is interesting to observe
      how closely what little we do know about Mound Builders’ houses
      coincides with the above.

      Recent investigations by the Bureau of Ethnology have brought to
      light vestiges of great numbers of their buildings. These were
      mostly circular, but those of a square or rectangular form were
      also observed. In Arkansas their location was generally on low,
      flat mounds, but vestiges of some were also noticed near the
      surface of large mounds. In Southern Illinois, South-eastern
      Missouri, and Middle and Western Tennessee the sites of thousands
      were observed, not in or on mounds, but marked by little
      circular, saucer-shaped depressions, from twenty to fifty feet in
      diameter, surrounded by a slight earthen ring. We know the
      framework of these houses was poles, for in several cases the
      charred remains of these poles were found. We know they were
      plastered with a thick coating of mud, for regular layers of
      lumps of this burnt plastering are found. These lumps have often
      been mistaken for bricks, as in the Selzertown mound. In several
      cases the plastering had been stamped with an implement, probably
      made of split cane of large size.32

      On the lower Mississippi we meet with the Natchez, a tribe that
      has excited a great deal of interest; but at present we only want
      to note that they also constructed mounds. They were nearly
      exterminated by the French in 1729. But before this Du Pratz had
      lived among them, and left a description of their customs. Their
      temple was about thirty feet square, and was situated on a mound
      about eight feet high, which sloped insensibly from its main
      front on the north, but was somewhat steeper on the other sides.
      He also states that the cabin of the chief, or great sun, as he
      was called, was placed upon a mound of about the same height,
      though somewhat larger, being sixty feet over the surface.33 A
      missionary who labored among them, stated that when the chief
      died his mound was deserted, and a new one built for the next
      chief.34

      Neither was this custom of erecting mounds confined to the
      Southern Indians. Colden states of the Iroquois: “They make a
      round hole in which the body is placed, then they raise the earth
      in a round hill over it.”35 It was the custom among a large
      number of tribes to gather together the remains of all who had
      died during several years and bury them all together, erecting a
      mound over them.36 Mr. Jefferson, in his notes on Virginia,
      describes one of these mounds, and relates this interesting fact
      in reference to it: “A party of Indians passing about thirty
      years ago through the part of the country where this barrow is,
      went through the woods directly to it, without any instructions
      or inquiry; and having staid about it some time, with expressions
      which were construed to be those of sorrow, they returned to the
      high road, which they had left about a half dozen miles to pay
      this visit, and pursued their journey.”37

      Coming down to our own times, the Indians had lost a great many
      of their ancient customs, yet, at times, this old instinct of
      mound burial asserts itself. About the first of the century
      Blackbird, a celebrated chief of the Omahas, returning to his
      native home after a visit to Washington, died of the small-pox.
      It was his dying request that his body be placed on horseback,
      and the horse buried alive with him. Accordingly, in the presence
      of all his nation, his body was placed on the back of his
      favorite white horse, fully equipped as if for a long journey,
      with all that was necessary for an Indian’s happiness, including
      the scalps of his enemies. Turfs were brought and placed around
      the feet and legs, and up the sides of the unsuspecting animal,
      and so gradually the horse and its rider were buried from sight,
      thus forming a good-sized burial mound.38 Another instance came
      under Mr. Catlin’s observation at the pipe stone quarry in
      Dakota. He visited there about 1832 and saw a conical mound, ten
      feet high, that had been erected over the body of a young man
      accidentally killed there two years before.

      Enough references have now been given to show that the Indian
      tribes certainly did erect mounds, and that there is every reason
      to suppose they were the authors of the temple mounds of the
      South, or of some of them, at any rate. We have now shown that,
      according to early writers, the Indians did live in permanent
      villages, often stockaded, and knew very well how to raise
      embankments and mounds. It would seem as if this removed all
      necessity for supposing the existence of an extinct race to
      explain the numerous remains, collectively known as Mound
      Builders’ works. Yet, as this is surely an important point, it
      may be well to carry the investigations a little further.

      Taking in account the great amount of labor necessary to raise
      such structures as the mounds at Cahokia and Grave Creek, and the
      complicated works at Newark, some writers have asserted that the
      government of the Mound Builders was one in which the central
      authority must have had absolute power over the persons of the
      subjects, that they were in effect slaves;39 and as this was
      altogether contrary to what is known amongst Indian tribes, they
      must have been of a different race.

      If the Indians in a tribal state are known to have erected some
      mounds, and to have built temple-platforms and walled towns in
      the south, then all they needed was sufficient motive, religious
      or otherwise, to have built the most stupendous works known. We
      think the ruined pueblos in the Chaco Cañon represent as great an
      amount of work as many of those of the Mound Builders. A
      calculation has been made, showing that over thirty million
      pieces of stone were required in the construction of one
      pueblo,40 besides an abundance of timber. Each piece of stone had
      to be dressed roughly to fit its place; the timbers had to be
      brought from a considerable distance, cut and fitted to their
      places in the wall, and then covered with other courses, besides
      other details of construction, such as roof-making, plastering,
      and so forth, and this is not the calculation of the largest
      pueblo either.41 Yet no one supposes that the Indian tribes who
      erected these structures were under a despotic form of
      government.

      We think, however, that it might be freely admitted that in all
      probability the government of the Mound Builders was arbitrary,
      but so was the government of a great many Indian tribes. Amongst
      the Natchez the chief was considered as descended from the sun.
      Nor was this belief confined to the Natchez, as the tribes of the
      Floridian Peninsula asserted the same thing of their chiefs.
      Among all these latter tribes the chief held absolute and
      unquestioned power over the persons, property, and time of their
      subjects.42

      Amongst the Natchez the power of the Great Sun (their title for
      chief) seems to have been very great. This nation had a regularly
      organized system of priesthood, of which the chief was also the
      head. On the death of the chief a number of his subjects were put
      to death to keep him company. But we must notice that the
      subjects considered it an honor to die with the chief, and made
      application beforehand for the privilege. Bearing these facts in
      mind, it does not seem improbable that in more distant days, when
      the Natchez or some kindred tribe were in the height of their
      power, the death of some great chief might well be memorialized
      by the erection of a mound as grand in proportion as that of
      Grave Creek.

      In fact, the more we study the subject, the more firmly we become
      convinced that there is no hard and fast line separating the
      works of the Mound Builders from those of the later Indians. We
      therefore think that we may safely assert that the best
      authorities in the United States now consider that the mound
      building tribes were Indians, in much the same state of culture
      as the Indian tribes in the Gulf States at the time of the
      discovery of America, and we shall not probably be far out of the
      way if we assert, that when driven from the valley of the Ohio by
      more warlike people they became absorbed by the southern tribes,
      and, indeed the opinion is quite freely advanced that the Natchez
      themselves were a remnant of the “Mysterious Mound Builders.”

      If the Mound Building tribes were here at a comparatively late
      date, we ought to expect to find some traditions of their former
      existence. The statement is quite often made that the Indians had
      no tradition as to the origin or purpose of the mounds, and from
      this it is argued that the mounds are of great antiquity. But,
      instead of finding no traditions, we find nearly every tribe
      possessed of some, and often very full and distinct.43 It makes
      no difference that a number of those traditions are childish, and
      that traditions are a very unsatisfactory sort of proof at best.
      Still, if we observe that the traditions, such as they are, are
      corroborative of other proofs, it is well to examine into them
      anyway.

      The Iroquois tribes have a tradition, that is given in the
      writing of Cusick, a Tuscaroa Indian. It is generally considered
      as a nonsensical production, but Mr. Hale points out that,
      “whenever his statements can be submitted to the tests of
      language, they are invariably confirmed.”44 Such, for instance,
      are the assertions that they formerly inhabited the country
      around the St. Lawrence River in Canada, and further, that the
      Mohawk was the oldest tribe, from whence the others separated in
      time.

      The substance of the tradition supposed to refer to the Mound
      Builders, is as follows: South of the great lakes was the seat of
      a great empire. The emperor resided in a golden city. The nations
      to the north of the great lakes formed a confederacy, and seated
      a great council fire on the river St. Lawrence. This confederacy
      appointed a high chief as ambassador, who immediately departed to
      the south to visit the emperor at the golden city. Afterwards,
      the emperor built many forts throughout his dominions, and almost
      penetrated to Lake Erie. The people to the north considered this
      an infringement on their territory, and it resulted in a long
      war.

      The people of the north were too skillful in the use of bows and
      arrows, and could endure hardships which proved fatal to a
      foreign people. At last, the northern people gained the victory,
      and all the towns and forts were totally destroyed and left in
      ruins.45 If this tradition stood alone, it would not be deserving
      of much attention, but we know the Iroquois tribes did originally
      live in the valley of the St. Lawrence. We also feel sure the
      Mound Builders were a powerful people, and lived in the Ohio
      Valley. What is there unreasonable, therefore, in supposing that
      the Iroquois came in contact with them, and that this tradition
      rests on facts?

      But this tradition is very similar to one among the Delawares.
      This tribe spoke a different stock language than the Iroquois,
      and belonged to the Algonquin division of the Indian tribes.
      There were many wars between the Delawares and the Iroquois, but
      finally the latter were acknowledged masters. It is well to keep
      this in mind, because with this feeling between the two tribes,
      they would not be apt to have similar traditions unless there was
      a basis of fact.46

      Mr. Gallatin informs us that the original home of the Algonquins
      was to the north of Lake Superior. The tradition states that the
      Delawares (they called themselves the Leni-lenape) were living in
      a cold, fir-tree country—evidently the wooded regions north of
      Lake Superior. Getting tired of this country, they set out
      towards the East in search of a better place, and probably
      followed the lake shore around until they finally came to a great
      river—that is, the Detroit. The country beyond was inhabited by a
      numerous and powerful people, called the Allegewi,47 who dwelt in
      great fortified towns. Here they found the Huron-Iroquois tribes.
      This was before the Iroquois had separated from the Hurons.

      Some treachery on the part of the Allegewi was made the occasion
      of war. The Leni-lenape and the Hurons united their forces. This
      is perhaps the Confederacy of Cusic. A long war resulted, but in
      the end the Allegewi were defeated, and, as the tradition states,
      “all went southward.”48 We see no reason to doubt but what we
      have here a traditional account of the overthrow of the Mound
      Builders. The remnant that fled south found the country inhabited
      by mound-building tribes, and doubtless became absorbed among
      them. In confirmation of this view it may be said that the
      languages of the tribes of the Gulf States, which belong to one
      stock language,49 have all been greatly influenced by words
      derived from a foreign source.50

      Perhaps a large body of them may have lived on as a fully
      organized tribe. As we have already stated, the opinion is quite
      freely advanced that this is the origin of the Natchez.51 It
      seems advisable to inquire more particularly into the customs and
      traditions of this tribe. Du Pratz, who lived among them in 1718,
      and claims to have enjoyed the confidence of their chiefs and
      principal men, has left the most complete account of them; though
      Father Charlevoix, a Jesuit priest, in his letters, also
      describes them fully.

      A number of interesting statements in regard to them, at once
      arrest attention. Most of the tribes in the southern region of
      the United States spoke dialects of a common stock language
      (Chata-muskoki), showing a derivation from a common source. The
      Natchez spoke a different language. Sun-worship seems to have
      been carried to a greater extent than among any other tribes we
      are acquainted with. As late as 1730 they still had their
      temples, where the eternal fire was kept burning, carefully
      watched; for they believed that should it become extinguished, it
      would surely bring great trouble on the tribe. Among the Natchez,
      if anywhere among Indian tribes, the power of the chief was
      absolute, and there seems to have been something like privileged
      classes amongst them. We have already referred to them as Mound
      Builders.

      But most interesting is it to learn of their former wide
      extension and ancient power. Du Pratz says, “According to their
      traditions they were the most powerful nation of all North
      America, and were looked upon by other nations as their
      superiors, and on that account were respected by them. To give an
      idea of their power, I shall only mention that formerly they
      extended from the River Manchas, or Iberville, which is about
      fifty leagues from the sea, to the River Wabash, which is distant
      from the sea about four hundred and sixty leagues; and that they
      had about eight hundred suns, or princes.”52 It is at least a
      reasonable supposition that that the Natchez were a remnant of
      the Mound Builders.

      So far we have dwelt chiefly on the relations between the Indians
      and the Mound Builders. Let us now see if we can not detect some
      connection between the Pueblo tribes of the south-west and the
      Mound Builders. All the tribes in the Gulf States had traditions
      of a western and south-western origin. In regard to the Creek
      Indians, this tradition is very distinct. They relate, with many
      details, their journey from the west, their fight with the
      Alabamas, etc.53 In the Natchez tradition, as given by Du Pratz,
      they are seen, not only to come from the same western source, but
      distinctly preserve recollections of pueblo houses.

      The substance of their traditions is that they came from a
      pleasant country and mild climate, “under the sun,” and in the
      south-west, where the nation had lived for many ages, and had
      spread over an extensive country of mountains, hills, and plains,
      in which the houses were built of stone, and were several stories
      high. They further relate how, owing to increase of enemies, the
      great sun sent some one over to examine and report on the country
      to be found to the east. The country being found extremely
      pleasant, a large part of their nation removed thither; and,
      after many generations, the great sun himself came also. Speaking
      of the ancient inhabitants of the country they came from, the
      tradition states that “they had a great number of large and small
      villages, which were all built of stone, and in which were houses
      large enough to lodge a whole tribe.”54 We would offer the same
      suggestion on these traditions as on the others. They are of
      value only so far as supported by other testimony. The great
      objection to them is that the pueblo structures of the west are
      evidently of recent origin. So these traditions would prove that
      the Natchez Indians were quite recently connected with the Pueblo
      tribes, which is not at all probable. We have some slight
      evidence that does not rest on traditions. Mr. Holmes has given
      us a plan of an ancient village he discovered on the La Platte
      River, San Juan Valley. It will be seen by reference to the plate
      that the buildings were separated from each other. The forms are
      chiefly rectangles and circles, and one or two seem to have been
      elliptical. This description certainly reminds us of the circles
      and squares so common among the Mound Builders. But there is also
      a truncated mound, fifty by eighty feet, and nine feet high. “Its
      flat top and height give it more the appearance of one of the
      sacrificial mounds of the Ohio Valley than any others observed in
      this part of the West.” Mounds are known to exist in Utah.55

      Ruins near the La Platte Valley of the San Juan. We need not
      expect to trace a continuous line of ruins from the San Juan
      Valley to that of the Ohio, granting the migration to have taken
      place, because a migrating race would not be apt to erect
      monuments until they reached the end of their line of migration.
      Those who take this view of it say that it is not at all strange
      that when these migrating tribes reached their new homes in the
      Mississippi Valley they erected structures differing from those
      they had formerly built, because all their surroundings would be
      different, and in the prairie sections they would find neither
      stone for building their pueblos nor clay suitable for adobe
      construction. So they would do the next best thing, and build a
      fortified village. This is the view of that eminent scholar, Mr.
      Morgan. It must be borne in mind, however, that the fortified
      villages of the southern Indians, including those of the
      Mississippi Valley, corresponded more nearly with those of the
      Atlantic shore, and more northern tribes, than with the pueblo
      structures.

      There is another line of proof which we think has been read the
      wrong way, or, at least, applied too strongly, and made to do
      service in proving that the Mound Builders migrated from the
      valley of the Ohio to Mexico, and there laid the foundation of
      that wonderful civilization which is yet a riddle to the
      antiquarian.56 This is derived from a study of the skulls
      procured from various sections of this country, Peru, and Mexico.
      It is sufficient to state that anatomists have made a careful
      study of the skulls of individuals of various nations, and
      instituted certain comparisons between them, and discoveries of
      great importance have been made by this means. Now, some of our
      best American scholars have insisted that the skulls of the Mound
      Builders and the ancient inhabitants of Mexico and the Inca
      Peruvians are so similar that they must have belonged to the same
      race.

      This type of skull, however, is characteristic, not only of the
      Mound Builders, the ancient Mexicans and the Peruvians, but of
      the Pueblos, and of such tribes as the Natchez, Creeks, and
      Seminoles. We think, with all due regard to the opinions of
      others, that in the present state of our knowledge of craniology
      we are not authorized in drawing very important conclusions
      therefrom. About all we are justified in stating is that the
      sedentary or village Indians, whether found in North or South
      America, have certain common features.

      It is also hard to see any great resemblance between the works of
      the Mound Builders and the Pueblo tribes. The truncated mounds
      discovered by Mr. Holmes, we remember, were also used as
      foundations for house structures along the Gila. In this feature
      we, of course, see a resemblance to the platform mounds of the
      Mississippi Valley. But we must be careful in tracing connections
      on such a slim basis as this. We must remember also what a
      difference there is in the pottery of the two sections.57 If we
      were to give an opinion, based on the present known facts, we
      should say the separation between the people who afterwards
      developed as the pueblo builders of the west and the Mound
      Builders of the Mississippi Valley took place at an early date.

      But let us not suppose that this conclusion clears up all
      mysteries. A problem which has thus far defied the efforts of
      some of our best thinkers is still before us, and that is: “From
      whence came the Indians?” As we remarked at the beginning of this
      chapter, no one theory has yet received universal acceptance. In
      view of these facts, it is not best to present any theories, but
      content ourselves with such statements as seem reasonably well
      settled. On all hands it is agreed that the Indians have been in
      America a long while, and whatever advance they were able to make
      in the scale of civilization has been achieved in this country.58

      This statement implies that they were in undisturbed possession
      of this country long enough for some tribes of them to reach the
      middle status of barbarism, which means advancement sufficient to
      enable them to cultivate the ground by irrigation, and to acquire
      a knowledge of the use of stone and adobe brick in building.59
      More than half the battle of civilization had then been won. Look
      at it as we will, this demands an immense period of time for its
      accomplishment. In the arts of subsistence, government, language,
      and development of religious ideas the advancement they had been
      able to make from a condition of savagism to that in which the
      Mound Builders evidently lived, or the Aztecs in Mexico,
      represents a progression far greater than from thence to
      civilization.

      We are, therefore, sure that the Indians have inhabited this
      country for an extended period. We can prolong the mental vision
      backwards until we discover them, a savage race, gaining a
      precarious livelihood by fishing and the chase. In America there
      was but one cereal, or grain, growing wild. That was maize, or
      Indian corn. We can not tell in what portion of the continent it
      was native, but, in whatever section it was, there, probably,
      first commenced permanent village life.

      A settled residence, and being no longer dependent on hunting for
      a livelihood, would advance the Indians greatly in the scale of
      culture. So we can understand how in one section would arise
      Indian tribes possessed of quite complicated systems of
      government and religion and a knowledge of agriculture. And from
      this as a center they would naturally spread out to other
      sections. The conclusion to which we seem driven is, that there
      is no necessity for supposing the Mound Builders to be any thing
      more than village Indians, in much the same state of development
      as the southern Indians at the time of the discovery. The Indian
      race shows us tribes in various stages of development, from the
      highly developed Pueblo Indians on the one hand to the miserable
      Aborigines of California on the other.

      These various tribes may be classified as the wild hunting tribes
      and the sedentary, partially civilized tribes. To this last
      division belong the Mound Builders. We have seen how the
      partially civilized tribes in the valley of the San Juan were
      gradually driven south by the pressure of wild tribes. We need
      not doubt but such was the case in the Mississippi Valley. But we
      need not picture to ourselves any imposing movement of tribes. In
      one location a mound-building tribe may have been forced to
      abandon its territory, which would be occupied by bands of
      hunting tribes. In other cases they would cling more tenaciously
      to their territory. The bulk of them may have been forced south;
      some in other directions, and, like the Pimas on the River Gila,
      or the Junanos east of the Rio Grande, have retrograded in
      culture.60 Some bands may even have reached Mexico, and exerted
      an influence on the culture of the tribes found there.61

      It is only necessary to add a brief word as to the antiquity of
      the Mound Builders’ works, or rather as to the time of
      abandonment. On this point there is a great diversity of opinion,
      and it seems to us almost impossible to come to any definite
      conclusion. The time of abandonment may vary greatly in different
      sections of the country, and we have seen how apt Indian tribes,
      even in the same section, are to abandon one village site in
      order to form another a few miles away.62 Fort Hill, in Ohio,
      that so strongly impressed its first explorers with a sense of
      antiquity,63 may have been abandoned long before the Circleville
      works, where Mr. Atwater could still distinguish vestiges of the
      palisades that once helped to defend it.

      We have said about all that can be said in a brief review of the
      prehistoric life in America north of Mexico. We have seen how
      much there is still for our scholars to work up before we can
      profess to as full and complete a knowledge as we have of the
      prehistoric life in Europe. We are just on the threshold of
      discoveries in regard to the Paleolithic Age in this country. The
      southern boundary of the great ice sheet is now known to us. Many
      scholars have pointed out to us the scattering bits of evidence
      going to show that the ancestors of the present Eskimos once
      inhabited the interior of this continent. Dr. Abbott has found
      unmistakable evidence of the presence of such a people in New
      Jersey. Our Indian tribes who came next, are not properly
      prehistoric, though many questions relating to them belong to
      that field.

      We have examined the works of the people known as Mound Builders.
      They are indeed varied and full of interest, but our conclusion
      leaves their origin involved in the still deeper question of the
      origin of the Indian race. We are satisfied that they were
      village Indians and not tribes of a vanished people. We have also
      examined that section of country wherein the greatest development
      of village Indian life north of Mexico took place. It would be
      very satisfactory could we show lines of migration from the
      valley of the San Juan, as a center, to the Mississippi Valley on
      the one hand, and to Mexico and the South on the other. We can
      find some lines of evidence, but not enough to positively state
      such an important truth.

      We must now leave this field of inquiry. We trust such of our
      readers as have followed us in these pages will have clearer
      ideas of the prehistoric life in North America. They must however
      regard this knowledge as simply a foundation, a starting-point,
      or as the shallows along the shore, while the massive building,
      the long journey, or the great ocean, is still before them. Our
      scholars are giving their time and attention to these problems.
      They are learning what they can of the traditions and myths of
      the tribes still existing. They are studying their languages and
      plan of government. They are also making great collections of the
      works of their hands. We will hope some day for clear light on
      all these topics, which will either confirm our present
      conclusions or show us wherein we must change them, or, perhaps,
      reject them altogether.

      Stone Mask found in Tennessee. REFERENCES



        The manuscript of this chapter was submitted to Cyrus Thomas,
        Ph.D., of the Bureau of Ethnology, for criticism.

        Baldwin’s “Ancient America,” p. 58. Gallatin, Trans. Am.
        Ethnol. Soc., I., p. 207. Short’s “North Americans of
        Antiquity,” p. 65. Conant’s “Footprints of Vanished Races,” p.
        120. Jone’s “Antiquities of Tennessee,” p. 146. MacLean’s “The
        Mound Builders,” Chap. xii.

        Carr’s “Mounds of the Mississippi Valley.” Schoolcraft’s
        “Archives of Aboriginal Knowledge,” Vol. I., p. 66; Vol. II.,
        p. 30. Morgan’s “House and House Life American Aborigines,”
        Vol. IV.; “Contributions to N. A. Ethnology,” p. 199. Brinton:
        _American Antiquarian,_ October, 1881. Thomas: _American
        Antiquarian,_ March, 1884. Powell: Transactions of
        Anthropological Society, 1881, p. 116.

        Of course these words vary in different nations, but the
        meaning is the same in all.

        Morgan’s “Ancient Society,” p. 269.

        The gens, phratry, and tribe were subdivisions of the Ancient
        Greeks. Of a similar import were the gens, curiæ, and tribe of
        the Roman tribes. The Irish sept and the Scottish clan are the
        same in meaning as the gens of other tribes. American authors,
        in treating of the Indians, have generally used the words tribe
        and clan as equivalent of gens. This is not correct. Almost all
        the tribes had a complete organization in gens and phratries,
        though of course they did not so name them. These terms are
        adopted by Mr. Morgan because they have a precise and
        historical meaning. As an example of Indian
        tribal-organization, we give an outline of the Seneca-Iroquois
        tribe.

              TRIBE.
              First Phratry, or Brotherhood.
              Bear Wolf Beaver Turtle
              Gens.

              Second Phratry, or Brotherhood.
              Deer Snipe Heron Hawk
              Gens.

 It is proper to remark that the phratries are not a necessary member
 of the series. Several of the Indian tribes had only gens and tribe.
 Mr. Schoolcraft uses the words totemic system to express the same
 organization. Totem, the Ojibway dialect, signifies the symbol or
 devise which they use to designate the gens. Thus the figure of a bear
 would be the totem of the bear gens. We must remember that the tribes
 of to-day have, in many cases, lost their ancient organization. See
 Morgan’s “Ancient Society,” where this subject is fully treated. Also
 Powell, in “First Annual Report of Bureau of Ethnology;” Grote’s
 “History of Greece,” Vol. III, p. 55, _et seq._; Smith’s “Dictionary
 of Greek and Roman Antiquities,” articles, gens, civitas, tribus,
 etc.; also Dorsey, in _American Antiquarian,_ Oct., 1883, p. 312, _et
 seq._

        The Mexican tribes form no exception to this statement. See
        this volume, Chapter XV.

        Lewis’s “Wild Races of South-eastern India.”

        Grote’s “History of Greece,” Vol. II.

        Mallery: “American Association Reports,” 1877.

        Hochelaga.

        Morgan: “Contribution to N. A. Ethnology,” Vol. IV, p. 119.

        “Luis Hernando De Biedman,” and “A Gentleman of Elvas,” both
        translated in “Historic Collections of Louisiana,” Vol. II.

        “Historical Collections of Louisiana,” Vol. I, p. 61.

        Morgan’s “Contribution to N. A. Ethnology,” Vol. IV, p. 114.

        Read Capt. John Smith, “Hist. of Virginia;” also “Mass. Hist.
        Col.,” Vol. VIII, of the third series.

        Consult “The Mounds of the Mississippi Valley,” by Lucian Carr,
        of the Kentucky Graphical Survey, where this subject is fully
        treated, and copious quotations given.

        Morgan’s “Ancient Society,” p. 526.

        Bandelier’s “Fifth Annual Report, Arch. Inst.,” p. 60.

        “Charlevoix’s Travels in North America,” p. 241.

        Fourth Annual Report of Peabody Museum, and from information
        furnished me by the U.S. Bureau of Ethnology.

        “The custom of palisading appears to have been general among
        the northern tribes.”—Brackenridge’s “Views of Louisiana,” p.
        182.

        “Views of Louisiana,” p. 183.

        “Archæology Americanæ,” Vol. I., p. 145.

        “Views of Louisiana,” p. 182.

        Carr: “Mounds of the Mississippi Valley,” p. 78.

        Quoted from Brinton, _Am. Antiq.,_ Oct., 1881.

        Hist. Col. of Louisiana, Vol. II., p. 105.

        “Mounds of the Mississippi Valley,” p. 90.

        “Expedition to Florida,” p. 15.

        Shea’s “Early Voyages on the Mississippi,” p. 135. “Historical
        Collections of Louisiana,” Vol. I., p. 61. Quoted from Cyrus
        Thomas in _American Antiquarian,_ March, 1884.

        See article by Cyrus Thomas, of the Bureau of Ethnology, in
        _American Antiquarian,_ March, 1884.

        “History of Louisiana,” Lond., 1763, Vol. II., pp. 188 and 211.

        Father Le Petit: Note, p. 142. “Hist. Col. Louisiana,” Vol.
        III.

        “Hist. of the Five Nations,” Introduction, p. 16.

        Smithsonian Contribution to Knowledge, No. 259, p. 15; “Mounds
        of the Mississippi Valley,” p. 87.

        “Notes on Virginia,” p. 191.

        Catlin’s “North American Indians,” p. 95.

        Foster’s “Prehistoric Races of the U.S.,” p. 346.

        Pueblo Chettro-kettle, Chaco Cañon.

        “Geographical and Geological Survey of the Territories,”
        Hayden, 1876, p. 440. Calculations made by Mr. Holmes.

        Brinton’s “Floridian Peninsula,” p. 21. We think, however, this
        statement requires to be taken with some allowance. Personal
        liberty seems to have been the birthright of every Indian.
        (“Mounds of the Mississippi Valley,” Carr, p. 24.) The council
        of the tribe is the real governing body of all people in a
        tribal state of society. (“Ancient Society,” Morgan.) When the
        war-chief united in his person priestly powers also, he at once
        became an object of greater interest. This explains why the
        government of the chiefs among all the Southern Indian tribes
        appears so much more arbitrary than among the northern tribes.
        His real power was probably much the same in both cases, but
        superstition had surrounded his person with a great many
        formalities. The early explorers, acquainted only with the
        arbitrary governments of Europe, saw in all this despotic
        powers whereas there might not have been much foundation for
        this belief.

        “Traditions of Decodah,” Pidgeon. Carr, “Mounds of the
        Mississippi Valley,” p. 70.

        “Indian Migrations,” _American Antiquarian,_ April, 1883.

        Mr. Hale suggests that copper was the gold of the North
        American Indians, and that the “golden city” simply means a
        city or town where they knew how to work copper. It is well
        known that the mound building tribes had such knowledge, at
        least they knew how to work native copper.

        This tradition was first made known by Heckwelder, a missionary
        among the Delawares, in his “History of the Indian Nations.” It
        is repeated at much greater length, and with additional
        particulars, in a paper read by Mr. E. G. Squier, before the
        Historical Society of New York. Mr. Squier has simply
        translated a genuine Indian record known as the Bark Record.
        The two authorities here mentioned consider the Delawares as
        coming from west of the Mississippi. Mr. Hale points out that
        it was more likely the Upper St. Lawrence—that portion known as
        the Detroit River—that was the “Great River” of the traditions.

        From this word comes Alleghany Mountains and River.

        In this connection it is at least interesting to note that
        several authors—Squier, MacLean, and others—have contended,
        judging from the fortified hills and camps, that the pressure
        of hostilities on the Mound Builders of the Ohio Valley was
        from the north-east.

        The Chata-muskoki family. (Brinton.)

        Hale: _American Antiquarian,_ April, 1883.

        We are not at all certain but our scholars will shortly come to
        the conclusion that the Cherokees or Shawnees are quite as
        likely to be the descendants of the Allegewi as the Natchez.

        It is scarcely necessary to caution the reader as to the value
        of this statement of ancient greatness. The chroniclers of De
        Soto’s expedition had nothing to say about it.

        Pickett’s “History of Alabama,” Vol. II.

        Du Pratz: “History of Louisiana,” Vol. II.

        Stone _metates,_ or mills, have so far been found only in
        Missouri, not far from the Missouri River. As this is such an
        important implement among the Pueblo tribes, its presence in
        this locality is significant. (Thomas.)

        (56) As the proof seems to be conclusive that the Indians of
        the south who were encountered by the Europeans first visiting
        that section were the builders of the mounds of that region, it
        brings these works down to a date subsequent to the entry of
        the civilized tribes into Mexico. (Thomas.)

        Some of the pottery from South-eastern Missouri and Arkansas
        shows a strong resemblance to that of some Pueblo tribes.
        (Thomas.)

        Short’s “North Americans of Antiquity,” p. 202.

        Morgan: “Ancient Society,” p. 12.

        “Fifth Annual Report Archæological Institute,” p. 85.

        Short’s “North Americans of Antiquity,” p. 458.

        Carr: “Mounds of the Mississippi Valley,” p. 97.

        “Ancient Monuments,” p. 14.




Chapter XIII
      THE NAHUA TRIBES.


      Early Spanish discoveries in Mexico—The Nahua tribes
      defined—Climate of Mexico—The Valley of Anahuac—Ruins at
      Tezcuco—The hill of Tezcocingo—Ruins at Teotihuacan—Ancient
      Tulla—Ruins in the province of Querataro—Casa Grandes in
      Chihuahua—Ancient remains in Sinaloa—Fortified hill of
      Quemada—The Pyramid of Cholula—Mr. Bandelier’s investigations at
      Cholula—Fortified hill at Xochicalco—Its probable use—Ruins at
      Monte Alban—Ancient remains at Mitla—Mr. Bandelier’s
      investigations—Traditions in regard to Mitla—Ruins along the
      Panuco River—Ruins in Vera Cruz—Pyramid of
      Papantla—Tusapan—Character of Nahua Ruins.

      When the ships of the Spanish admiral came to anchor before the
      Island of San Salvador, he had indeed discovered a “New World.”
      It was inhabited by a race of people living in a state of society
      from which the inhabitants of Europe had emerged long before the
      dawn of authentic history. The animal and plant life were also
      greatly different from any thing with which they were acquainted.
      The Spaniards little suspected the importance of their discovery.
      Columbus himself died in the belief that he had simply explored a
      new route to Asia. A quarter of a century elapsed after the first
      voyage of Columbus before an expedition coasted along the shores
      of Mexico. This was the expedition of Juan De Grijalva, in 1518.
      He gave a glowing description of the country he had seen, which
      “from the beauty and verdure of its indented shores, and the
      lovely appearances of its villages, he called ‘New Spain.’”1

      Map of Mexico.

      This was followed, in the year 1519, by the history-making
      expedition of Cortez. The scene of his first landing was about
      forty miles south of the present town of Vera Cruz, but to this
      place they soon removed. At his very first landing-point he
      learned of the existence of what he was pleased to call a
      powerful empire, ruled by a most valiant prince. The accounts the
      Indian allies gave him of the power and wealth of this empire
      inflamed the imagination of Cortez and his followers. This was an
      age, we must remember that delighted in tales of the marvelous;
      add to this the further fact that Cortez was not, at the
      beginning of his expedition, acting with the sanction of his
      royal master; indeed, his sailing from the island of Cuba was in
      direct violation of the commands of the governor. It was very
      necessary for him to impress upon the court of Spain a sense of
      the importance of his undertaking.

      Certain it is that the accounts that have been handed down to us,
      though read with wonder and admiration, though made the basis on
      which many writers have constructed most glowing descriptions of
      the wonders of the barbaric civilization, which they would fain
      have us believe, rivaled that of “Ormus and of Ind,” are to-day
      seriously questioned by a large and influential portion of the
      scientific world. We have another point to be considered that is
      of no little weight, as all candid men must admit that it would
      influence the opinions the Spaniards would form of the culture of
      the Indians. As the man of mature years has lost the memory of
      his childhood, so have the civilized races of men lost, even
      beyond the reach of tradition, the memory of their barbaric
      state. The Spaniards were brought face to face with a state of
      society from which the Indo-European folks had emerged many
      centuries before. They could not be expected to understand it,
      and hence it is that we find so many contradictory statements in
      the accounts of the early explorers; so much that modern scholars
      have no hesitation in rejecting.

      The main tribe of the empire which Cortez is said have overthrown
      is known to us by the name of the Aztecs; but as this name
      properly denotes but one of many tribes in the same state of
      development, it is better to use a word which includes all, or
      nearly all, of the tribes that in olden times had their home in
      the territory now known as Mexico. Careful comparisons of the
      various dialects of ancient Mexico have shown that, with the
      exceptions of some tribes in Vera Cruz, they all belonged to one
      stock-language; and so they are collectively known as the Nahua
      tribes.2

      We wish now to inquire into the culture of this people, to see
      how much of the strange story that the Spaniards have to tell us
      has a reasonable foundation. We will state frankly that, though
      the literature on this subject is of vast proportions, yet it is
      very far from being a settled field. All accounts of the early
      explorers of the strange scenes, customs, and manners of the
      inhabitants, when they were first discovered, are so intermixed
      with self-evident fables, and statements that are undoubtedly
      exaggerations, that we have a most difficult task before us. We
      will first examine the antiquities of this section, compare them
      with those found in more northern regions, and then examine the
      statements of the early writers as to the customs of the people.
      We do not propose to do more than to follow after our leaders in
      thought, and try to make plain the conclusions to which they have
      arrived. We are not to deal wholly with a prehistoric people,
      though their origin is unknown. What we desire to do is to clear
      away the mists of three and a half centuries, and to catch, if
      possible, a glimpse of what was probably the highest development
      of prehistoric culture in North America just before the arrival
      of the Spaniards.

      Mexico was surely a land well adapted to the needs of a
      prehistoric people. Along the coasts the ground is low. This
      constitutes what is known as the “Hot Country.”3 The greater part
      of Mexico consists of an elevated table-land, which rises in a
      succession of plateaus. As we leave the coast region and climb
      the plateau, we experience changes of climate. If it were level,
      it would have mainly a tropical climate, but owing to the
      elevation we have just mentioned, it has mainly a temperate
      climate. The whole plateau region is cut up with mountains. The
      Sierra Madre, on the west, is the main chain, but numerous
      cross-ranges occur. The result is, a greater part of Mexico
      abounds in fertile, easily defended valleys—just such localities
      as are much sought after by a people in barbaric culture,
      constantly exposed to the assaults of invading foes.4

      We may as well pass at once to the valley of Anahuac, the most
      noted in all the region, and learn of the antiquities of this
      central section. It is in this valley that the capital of the
      Mexican Republic is situated. All travelers who have had occasion
      to describe its scenery have been enthusiastic in its praise. The
      valley is mountain-girt and lake-dotted, and in area not far
      different from the State of Rhode Island. On one of the principal
      lakes was located the Pueblo of Tenochtitlan, the head-quarters
      of the Aztecs, commonly known as the City of Mexico. When Cortez
      first stood upon the encircling mountains, and gazed down upon
      the valley, he saw at his feet one of the most prosperous and
      powerful pueblos of the New World.

      This is not the place to recount the story of its fall. Our
      present inquiry is concerned solely with the remains of its
      prehistoric age. The enthusiastic Spaniards would have us believe
      in a city of Oriental magnificence. We have no illustrations of
      this pueblo. It was almost completely destroyed by Cortez before
      its final surrender in August, 1521. It was then rebuilt as the
      capital city of New Spain. Of course, all traces of its original
      buildings soon disappeared. What we can learn of its appearance
      is derived from the accounts of the early writers, which we will
      examine in their proper place. After having surveyed the entire
      field of ruins, we will be much better qualified to judge of the
      vague statements of its former grandeur. A few relics have,
      indeed, been found buried beneath the surface of the old city.
      They illustrate the culture of the people, as will be noticed
      further on.

      Directly across the lake from the Pueblo of Mexico was that of
      Tezcuco, the head-quarters of the second powerful tribe of the
      Aztec Confederacy. Traces only are recoverable of its former
      buildings. At the southern end of the modern town were found the
      foundations of three great pyramids. They were arranged in a line
      from north to south. Mr. Mayer says of these ruins: “They are
      about four hundred feet in extent on each side of their base, and
      are built partly of adobe and partly of large, burned bricks and
      fragments of pottery.”5 He tells us further that the sides of the
      pyramids “were covered with fragments of idols, clay vessels, and
      obsidian knives.” From other discoveries, it would seem these
      pyramids were coated with cement. The suggestion is made that on
      one of these pyramids stood the great temple of Tezcuco, which,
      an early writer tells us, was ascended by one hundred and
      seventeen steps.

      Bas-Relief, Tezcuco.

      In another part of the town a sculptured block of stone was
      found, of which this cut is given. “It appears to be the remains
      of a trough or basin, and the sculpture is neatly executed in
      relief. I imagine that it was designed to represent a conflict
      between a serpent and a bird, and you can not fail to remark the
      cross distinctly carved near the lower right-hand corner of the
      vessel.” Bullock, who traveled in Mexico in 1824, has left a
      brief description of the ruins of what he calls a palace. “It
      must have been a noble building. . . . It extended for three
      hundred feet, forming one side of the great square, and was
      placed on sloping terraces raised one above the other by small
      steps. Some of these terraces are still entire and covered with
      cement. . . . From what is known of the extensive foundations of
      this palace, it must have covered some acres of ground.”6 This
      last statement is doubtless exaggerated. From what we know of
      Indian architecture, these ruins were doubtless long, low, and
      narrow, and placed on one or more sides of a square, perhaps
      inclosing a court.

      About three miles from the town of Tezcuco is a very singular
      group of ruins. This is the Hill of Tezcocingo. This is very
      regular in outline, and rises to the height of about six hundred
      feet. A great amount of work has evidently been bestowed on this
      hill, and some very far-fetched conclusions have been drawn from
      it. Probably as notable a piece of work as any was the aqueduct
      which supplied the hill with water, and this is really one of the
      most wonderful pieces of aboriginal work with which we are
      acquainted.

      The termination of the aqueduct is represented in our next cut.
      This is about half-way up the hill, right on the edge of a
      precipitous descent of some two hundred feet. “It will be
      observed in the drawing that the rock is smoothed to a perfect
      level for several yards, around which seats and grooves are
      carved from the adjacent masses. In the center there is a
      circular sink, about a yard and a half in diameter and a yard in
      depth, and a square pipe, with a small aperture, led the water
      from an aqueduct which appears to terminate in this basin. None
      of the stones have been joined with cement, but the whole was
      chiseled, from the mountain rock.”7 This has been called
      “Montezuma’s Bath,” simply from the custom of naming every
      wonderful ruin for which no other name was known after that
      personage; but this was not a bath, but a reservoir of water.

      Montezuma’s Bath.

      From this circular reservoir the side of the mountain is cut down
      so as to form a level grade, just as if a railroad had been made.
      This grade winds around the surface of the hill for about half a
      mile, when it stretches out across a valley three-quarters of a
      mile wide, an elevated embankment from sixty to two hundred feet
      in height. Reaching the second mountain, the graded way commences
      again, and is extended about half-way around the mountain, where
      it extends on another embankment across the plains to a range of
      mountains, from which the water was obtained.

      Aqueduct, Tezcocingo.

      This cut represents the embankment crossing the valley. Along the
      top of this way was laid the canals to transport the water, made
      of an exceedingly hard cement of mortar and fragments of pounded
      brick. It is estimated that nearly, if not quite, as much labor
      was expended on this aqueduct as on the Croton aqueduct that
      supplies New York City.8 This last statement is probably too
      strong, but, considering that this work was accomplished by a
      people destitute of iron tools, it is seen to be a most
      extraordinary work. From what we have already learned, this hill
      was evidently a very important place. On all sides we meet with
      evidences that the whole of the hill was covered with artificial
      works of one kind or another. On the side of the hill opposite
      this reservoir was another recess bordered by seats cut in living
      rock, and leading to a perpendicular cliff, on which a calendar
      is said to have been carved, but was destroyed by the natives in
      later days.9

      Traces of a spiral road leading up the summit have been observed.
      In 1824 Bullock (who, however, is not regarded as a very accurate
      observer) “found the whole mountain had been covered with
      palaces, temples, baths, hanging-gardens, and so forth.” Latrobe,
      somewhat later, found “fragments of pottery and broken pieces of
      obsidian knives and arrows; pieces of stucco, shattered terraces,
      and old walls were thickly dispersed over its whole surface.”10
      Mr. Mayer, after speaking of the abundance of broken pottery and
      Indian arrows, says: “The eminence seems to have been converted
      from its base to its summit into a pile of terraced gardens.”

      By one class of writers this hill is regarded as the “suburban
      residence of the luxurious monarchs of Tezcuco, . . . a pleasure
      garden upon which were expended the revenues of the state and the
      ingenuity of its artists.”11 Mr. Bancroft has gathered together
      the details of this charming story,12 and tells us that the kings
      of Mexico had a similar pleasure resort on the Hill of
      Chapultepec, a few miles west of the city.13 It is sufficient at
      present to state that an explanation much simpler and more in
      accord with our latest scientific information can be given. It is
      more likely that this hill was the seat of a village Indian
      community. Its location was naturally strong. The water, brought
      with so much labor from a distance, furnished a supply for the
      purpose of irrigation, as well as bodily needs. The terraced
      sides show that every foot of ground was utilized, and the ruins
      of the palaces that Mr. Bullock mentions were the
      fast-disappearing ruins of their communal buildings. Owing to the
      cruel raids of the Aztec tribes, this place may have been
      deserted before the coming of the Spaniards, and thus no mention
      was made of it.

      Teotihuacan.

      Still further to the north, about thirty miles from Mexico, is
      found another extensive field of ruins, which is called
      Teotihuacan, meaning “City of the Gods.” The principal ruins now
      standing are the two immense pyramids (which are represented in
      this cut), which the natives call the “House of the Moon” and the
      “House of the Sun.” We will describe the surroundings first. It
      is unquestioned but that here was a very extensive settlement in
      early times. When the Nahua tribes entered Mexico they probably
      found it inhabited. One very recent writer thinks that “nowhere
      else in America can you find a more imposing mass of ruins.”14 He
      estimates that it was “a city upwards of twenty miles in
      circumference.”

      Other writers have also noticed its great extent. According to
      Thompson, “the ruins cover an area very nearly as large as that
      of the present City of Mexico, and the streets are as distinctly
      marked by the ruins of houses.”15 And in another place Mr.
      Charney tells us “the city was of vast extent; and, without
      indulging in any stereotyped reflections on the vanity of human
      greatness, I will say that a more complete effacement is nowhere
      else to be seen. The whole ground, over a space five or six miles
      in diameter, is covered with heaps of ruins, which at first view,
      make no impression, so complete is their dilapidation.”16

      Of this mass of ruins we are told but little, beyond the general
      assertion that it consists of the ruins of buildings, temples,
      etc. But very recently M. Charney has uncovered the foundation of
      one of these houses. He calls it a palace. It was, in all
      probability, a communal building. It had two wings inclosing a
      court, and was located on a terraced pyramid. He found, on
      digging into the terrace in front of the ruins, a great number of
      sloping walls, covered with cement, containing small
      compartments, etc. M. Charney can not account for their presence.

      In view of the discoveries further north, we would respectfully
      suggest that this was, in reality, the lower story of the
      building, whose flat roof formed the terrace in front of the
      second story, whose foundation M. Charney so happily discovered.
      But such suggestions as this are very unsafe to make, and must be
      supported by further discoveries before they are of any real
      value.

      He found a large number of good-sized rooms, and speaks
      especially of one hall fifty feet square, in the center of which
      was six pillars, sloping from the base upwards. They, doubtless,
      served to support the roof. We regret that we have not been able
      to see M. Charney’s ground plan of this ruin. Of the pyramids
      themselves we have quite full information. The larger one, that
      of the sun, is seven hundred and sixty feet square and two
      hundred and sixteen feet high. It will be seen that these
      dimensions throw the great mound at Cahokia into the shade.
      Though the base may not be quite as great, the height of the
      pyramid is over twice that of the mound. Three terraces are
      plainly visible. The surface was covered with cement, large slabs
      of which remain in their place. The moon pyramid is further
      north.

      It is in all respects like that of the sun, but of smaller
      dimensions, being one hundred and fifty feet high. In early times
      these pyramids are said to have supported statues, but, if so,
      they have long since been thrown down. Their surface and the
      ground around is thickly strewn with fragments of pottery,
      obsidian knives, and other small relics. Running south from the
      House of the Moon, and passing a little to one side of the House
      of the Sun, are the remains of a wide, paved road. Its width is
      stated to be one hundred and thirty feet, and its length about
      two hundred and fifty rods.17

      This road suddenly expands in front of the Moon, so as to suggest
      the idea of a Greek cross. Pieces of cement (with which this road
      was covered) are still visible in places. It is lined with mounds
      on either side, and they stand so close together as to resemble
      continuous embankments in some places. Speculations are abundant
      as to the object of this graded way. Tradition calls it the “Path
      of the Dead.” Small mounds are very numerous over the surface.
      They may have been for burial purposes, but sculptured stones are
      found in them, and specimens of hard cement. This group of ruins
      is regarded as of very great antiquity.

      We can easily see that the growth of the soil formed by the decay
      and detrition of the stone slabs of the pyramids, temples, and
      other buildings would be slow, especially as the rainfall is
      light. But in some localities it is more than three feet thick.
      In places three separate floors are observed, one over the other,
      pointing to as many successive occupations of the same sections
      by men.

      About sixty-five miles to the north of Mexico was located Tollan,
      or Tulla. According to tradition, this was the capital city of
      the Toltecs, a mysterious people who long preceded the Aztecs. We
      are told that “extensive ruins remained at the time of the
      conquest, but very few relics have survived to the present
      time.”18 M. Charney, whose labors we have referred to at
      Teotihuacan, succeeded also in making important discoveries here.
      He tells us that on the site of this ancient capital there is a
      hill, “about one mile long by half a mile broad, covered with
      mounds, plateaus, and ruins of all kinds.”

      He gives us the dimensions of two pyramids, as follows. The first
      is one hundred and ninety-six feet on each front, and forty-six
      feet high. The second is one hundred and thirty-one feet square,
      and thirty-one feet high. Both of these pyramids stood on raised
      foundations, which M. Charney calls esplanades. As no other
      pyramids are mentioned, we are to suppose these are the two
      principal ones. Perhaps they are also pyramids of the sun and
      moon. Our chief interest is concerned with the remains of the
      habitations he discovered here. He says: “I set the men to work
      at one of the many mounds upon the ridge, and soon found that I
      had hit upon a group of habitations.” A general idea of this
      group of buildings is given in this passage: “The dwellings were
      united together in groups, and erected on isolated mounds, one in
      the middle, the others around about, the whole forming a sort of
      honey-comb, with its cells placed at different elevations.”

      We can not help being struck with the general resemblance of the
      descriptions here given and that of the ruins in the vicinity of
      the River Gila. The general tendency is seen to gather together
      in clusters, with, probably, the most important house in the
      center. As to the materials used in this building, we are told
      “they used clay and mud for the inside of the walls, cement to
      coat them, dressed stone and brick for casings, bricks and stone
      for stairways, bricks for pilasters, and wood for roofing the
      edifice. The houses bad flat roofs, consisting of timbers coated
      with cement. Of such timbers we find vast quantities.”19

      Of the arrangements of the rooms, he tells us, “The apartments
      that have been brought to light comprise a number of chambers,
      big and little, placed at different heights. We shall have no
      clear idea of the relation of these different chambers to one
      another, or of the mode of access to them through the
      labyrinthine passages and the numerous stairways, until the whole
      edifice has been unearthed.”

      This was not the only building he discovered. On digging into a
      mound supposed to be the support of a temple, he discovered it
      was the ruined foundation of a still grander house. He says, “It
      is much larger than the other one, stands on a pyramid, and has
      two wings inclosing a courtyard. The walls are thicker than those
      of the first habitation, and more strongly built. The apartments,
      too, are larger, though arranged in a similar fashion.” Elsewhere
      he tells us that this building contained at least forty-three
      apartments, large and small. We presume very few will now
      question but what the buildings he here describes are ruined
      communal buildings, much like the structures in Arizona.

      But perhaps the most interesting result of his labors was the
      proof that these ruins were certainly inhabited after the
      conquest—for how long a time we can not tell. This is shown by
      fragments of bones and other articles found in the refuse heaps.
      The bones were of such animals as the horse, swine, sheep, oxen,
      etc.—animals introduced into this country by the Spaniards. The
      fragments of pottery include specimens plainly not of Indian
      manufacture, such as fragments of porcelain, and that variety of
      glazed ware known as delf, and lastly, the neck of a glass
      bottle. It may be said that these fragments might have been left
      by a band of Spaniards who occupied the ruins in the early days
      of the conquest, perhaps long after the Indian owners had left.
      This is of course possible, but it is just as reasonable to
      suppose the fragments were left by descendants of the original
      builders.

      Northward from Tulla is a small province, marked on the map
      Querataro. From the accounts at our disposal, which are very
      brief, we gather that this whole section is a tableland split up
      by ravines of great depths and precipitous sides; consequently
      one abounding in easily defended positions. It was found that all
      the projecting points, naturally strong, were rendered still
      stronger by the presence of ditches, walls, and embankments.
      Three groups of ruins are mentioned especially, and their
      location is marked on the map. At Pueblito there was, at an early
      day, plainly to be seen, the foundation of a large, rectangular
      building. The walls were built of stone laid in clay.

      At Canoas, in the northern part of the State, there is a steep
      and strongly fortified bill, but particulars in regard to it are
      very meager. “There are, in all, forty-five defensive works on
      the hill, including a wall about forty feet in height, and a
      rectangular platform with an area of five thousand square
      feet.”20 Ranas, the most northern one of the three sites
      mentioned, is regarded as the center of population in early
      times. “A small lake and a perennial spring are supposed to have
      been the attractions of this locality in the eyes of the people.
      On all the hills about are still seen vestiges of their
      monuments.”

      If we look at the map we will notice that we have gone but a
      little ways north of the valley of Anahuac. Yet, with the
      exception of the Gulf-coast, there are but few striking
      aboriginal ruins in Northern Mexico. At the time of the conquest
      the whole northern section was the home of tribes not generally
      considered to be as far advanced as those who lived in the
      section we have already described, and in regions further south.
      Yet it is certainly hard to draw the line between the culture of
      the two people. We are told that, these Northern tribes though
      styled “dogs,” and “barbarians,” by the Southern tribes, were yet
      “tillers of the soil, and lived under systematic forms of
      government, although not apparently much given to the arts of
      agriculture and sculpture.”

      This point is of considerable interest to us, theoretically; for
      it is a question from whence came the various Nahua tribes. We
      would naturally think, if they came from the North, we ought to
      find evidence of their former presence in the various Northern
      States of Mexico. We must remember, however, that a migrating
      people are not apt to leave monuments until they reach the end of
      their migration. Neither has the territory been as carefully
      explored as it should be. What accounts we can obtain of the
      remains in this section are certainly very meager. But one place
      in Sonora do ruins occur, and they have never been examined by
      competent personages.21 In Chihuahua occur ruins, evidently the
      works of the same people as built the separate houses to the west
      of the Rio Grande, in New Mexico.

      These ruins have received the same name as those on the Rio
      Gila—that is, “Casas Grandes,” meaning “Great House.” This cut
      represents a view of these ruins. The river valley is here about
      two miles wide, and is said to be very fertile. Mr. Bartlett
      thinks there is no richer valley to be found from Texas to
      California. This valley was once the seat of a considerable
      population. Mounds are here found in considerable numbers. Over
      two thousand are estimated as occurring in a section of country
      sixty miles long by thirty in width.22 We wish we knew more about
      the mounds. They are said to contain pottery, stone axes, and
      other implements. It is possible, then, that these mounds are
      ruins of separate houses. At any rate, such are the only kind of
      ruins noticed in the upper part of this same valley by Mr.
      Bandelier.

      Casas Grandes.

      The ruins in question are undoubtedly those of a rich and
      prosperous pueblo. They are so placed as to command a very
      extensive view. The river valley is cut through a plain, and has
      precipitous sides about twenty-five feet in height. The ruins in
      question are found partly in the bottoms and partly on the upper
      and more sterile plateau. The walls were made of adobe, and in
      consequence of their long exposure to the elements are very far
      gone in ruins; so much so that Mr. Bartlett was unable to make
      out the plan. But enough was seen to show that this was a pueblo
      much like the structure already described. They properly belong
      to the Arizona group of ruins.

      We are told they face the cardinal points, and consist of fallen
      and erect walls. The portions still standing are from fifty to
      sixty feet high, or rather were that height in 1851. It is
      doubtful whether any thing more than a mound of adobe mud now
      marks the spot. The walls were highest in the center of the mass.
      At the distance of a few miles was a hill said to be fortified.
      But the descriptions of it are conflicting. Some represent it as
      crowned with a stone-built fortress two or three stories high.
      Others more reasonable, represent it as the site of a
      watch-tower, or sentry station, and that at regular intervals on
      the slope of the hill are lines of stone, with heaps of loose
      stones at their extremities.23 Probably the same fate overtook
      the tribes of this valley as did the sedentary tribes of the
      North. They would not willingly abandon a place so well suited to
      their needs. The presence of an invading foe, cruel and
      vindictive, alone accounts for this group of ruins.

      In Sinaloa we have no very definite account of ruins. However,
      Mr. Bandelier says, the existence of ancient villages in that
      section is certain, and that from “Sinaloa there are ample
      evidences of a continuous flow Southward.”24 There are no ruins
      worth mentioning in any of the other States, excepting Zacatecas,
      where we find a ruin of great interest. This is at Quemada, in
      the southern part of the State. The name is taken from that of a
      farm in the near neighborhood. The ruins are situated on the top
      of a hill, which is not only naturally strong, but the approaches
      to it are fortified. The hill ascends from the plain in a gentle
      slope for several hundred yards, it then rises quite
      precipitously for about a hundred and fifty feet. The total
      height of the hill above the plain is probably not far from eight
      hundred feet.25

      At all points where the approach to the top of the hill is not
      steep enough to form a protection of itself, the brow is guarded
      by walls of stone. This is especially true of the northern end of
      the hill. One peculiar feature of this place is the traces of
      ancient roads, which can still be clearly distinguished crossing
      each other at various angles on the slope we have mentioned. They
      can be followed for miles, and are described as being slightly
      raised and paved with rough stones. In places on the slope, their
      sides are protected by embankments.

      Considerable speculations have been indulged in as to the
      purposes for which these roads were used. It has been suggested
      that they were the streets of an ancient city which must once
      have existed on the plains; and that the fortified hill, with the
      ruins on its summit, was the citadel, the residence of their
      rulers, and the location of their temples. But we think a more
      reasonable view is that all of the city that ever stood in that
      neighborhood was on the hill summit, and that these streets were
      for religious purposes, reminding us in this respect of the
      graded ways and traces of paved streets sometimes met with in the
      Mississippi Valley. In proof of this view, it is said that many
      of them, after being followed for a long distance, are found to
      terminate in a heap of stones, which are evidently the ruins of a
      regular pyramid. In opposition to both of these views, it has
      been suggested that the surrounding plain was low and marshy, and
      that the object of these causeways was to secure a dry passage,
      which explanation is certainly very reasonable.

      Quemada.

      Of the top of the hill, it may be sufficient to state that it is
      of irregular shape, half a mile in length from north to south,
      and of varying width, but on an average one thousand feet wide.
      The approach to the top of the hill was strongly guarded.
      Although buildings were observed covering the whole top of the
      hill, yet they were in two principal groups. This cut, though but
      one of many, will give us very good ideas of all the ruins. It is
      seen to be an inclosure. It is on a small scale. It was one
      hundred and fifty feet square. We notice terraces on three sides.
      These terraces are three feet high by twelve wide, and in the
      center of each side are steps by which to descend to the
      square.26 Each terrace is backed by a wall, portions of which are
      seen in the engraving. These walls are twenty feet high by eight
      or nine in thickness. The openings seen in the wall are not
      properly doors, as they extend to the top of the wall.

      This court, encompassed by terraces, is a peculiar feature. It is
      different from any thing we know of, either north or south.27
      Courts, surrounded by buildings located on terraces, are common
      enough, but all accounts of these ruins say nothing of buildings.
      We remember the inclosures that surrounded the houses clustered
      in groups on the Rio Gila. We think this comes near to being a
      development of the same idea. The low walls of the former
      inclosure are here quite pretentious pieces of masonry. In some
      cases two or more of these inclosed courts are joined by
      openings.

      The opening in the wall on the right of the engraving leads into
      a perfect inclosed square of two hundred feet. In one case a
      range of pillars was noticed parallel with the walls, and distant
      twenty-three feet. These are supposed to have supported the roof
      of the portico, and houses of a rude description might have been
      ranged along under this roof, which has since completely
      vanished. Back of this square, but not very well shown on the
      drawing, rises a precipitous hill. A pyramid is placed in the
      center of the side towards the hill. It is only nineteen feet
      high,28 but is divided into five stages or stories.29

      This pyramid will serve as an example of numerous other pyramids
      scattered over the summit of the hill. They are made of stone.
      The largest one, whose dimensions are given, is fifty feet
      square, and the same in height. In front of the pyramid, and in
      the center of the square, are the remains of an altar. In view of
      the altar and pyramid, within the inclosed square, we may suppose
      this to have been dedicated to their religion. As if to confirm
      this belief, is the statement that on the hill to the back of the
      pyramid are numerous tiers of seats, either broken in the rock or
      built of rough stone. The people seated on them would be
      conveniently located as regards both sight and hearing of what
      transpired there.

      From an Indian’s point of view, this hill was very strongly
      fortified. It would be almost impossible for an enemy to capture
      the settlement on its summit. The surrounding country was
      probably fertile, and a large body of Indians could have lodged
      within the fortified inclosures. It has some peculiar features,
      which have been pointed out. There is now no water on the hill,
      but traces of what is supposed to be an aqueduct are observed, as
      well as several tanks, and at one place a well. There is not an
      appearance of great antiquity about these ruins, and yet native
      traditions are silent in regard to them, and but one of the early
      writers refers to them, and he had not seen them.30

      West of the central basin the remains are more numerous than to
      the north, but they are not very striking, and it is scarcely
      worth our while to stop and examine them. About sixty miles in a
      south-easterly direction from Mexico is the modern town of
      Cholula. This has grown at the expense of the ancient city of
      Cholula, grouped around the famous pyramid of that name. This was
      the Mexican “Tower of Babel.” The traditions in regard to it
      smack so strongly of outside influence that but little reliance
      can be placed on them. They are evidently a mixture of native
      traditions and Biblical stories. Like Teotihuacan and Tulla, this
      is regarded as a relic of Toltec times. This is but another way
      of saying that it is older in time than the majority of ruins.

      At the time of Cortez’s march to Mexico Cholula was a very
      important place. In his dispatches he says: “The great city of
      Cholula is situated in a plain, and his twenty thousand
      householders in the body of the city, besides as many more in the
      suburbs.” He further states that he himself counted the towers of
      more than four hundred “idol temples.”31

      We must remember that this is a Spanish account, and therefore
      exaggerated. Still, after making due allowance for the same, it
      would remain an important aboriginal settlement. We have no
      reliable data of the population at the time of the conquest. From
      documentary evidence Mr. Bandelier has shown that while Cholula
      was certainly a populous Indian pueblo, it is a misnomer to call
      it a city. It was a group of six distinct clusters, gathered
      around a common market. He estimates that its population may
      possibly have been thirty thousand.32 All explorers have
      mentioned the fertility of the plain in the midst of which this
      monument is found.

      But this plain is almost destitute of easily defended positions;
      which fact has an important bearing on the purpose for which the
      great mound was erected. At a distance it presents all the
      appearance of a natural hill. The casual observer would not
      believe it was entirely the work of men. “In close proximity,”
      says Mr. Bandelier, “the mound presents the appearance of an
      oblong conical hill, resting on projecting platforms of unequal
      length. Overgrown as it is with verdure and partly by trees, and
      with a fine paved road leading to the summit, it looks strikingly
      like a natural hill, along whose slopes the washing of the rains
      and slides have laid bare bold bluffs, and into whose bulk clefts
      and rents have occasionally penetrated.”

      Pyramid of Cholula.

      This celebrated mound or pyramid has lately been the subject of a
      very careful study by Mr. Bandelier. The illustration we present
      gives us a very good idea of the present appearance of the mound.
      The mass is probably solid throughout, and if there is a natural
      hill in its center, it must be a very small one. The height of
      the central higher mass is very nearly two hundred feet.33 The
      present appearance of the summit is entirely due to the
      Spaniards. At the time of the conquest the summit was convex; the
      friars had it leveled in order to plant a cross. The area of this
      upper platform is not far from two-thirds of an acre. It is now
      paved and surrounded by a wall.

      In the illustration we detect the appearance of terraces. These
      are level areas, not all of the same height; neither do they
      extend entirely around the mound. In fact, the present appearance
      indicates three projections, or aprons, surrounding and
      supporting a conical hill, and separated from each other by wide
      depressions. This central mound, with its three projections,
      rests upon a very extensive platform, which was probably
      cross-shaped. This platform seems to have been about twelve feet
      high, and covered an area of at least sixty acres.

      The object for which this great pile was erected is a topic that
      has exercised the thoughts of many scholars. Some have supposed
      it was a burial mound. Some years ago, while in constructing a
      road from Pueblo to Mexico, the first terrace or story was
      slightly dug into, and disclosed a chamber, which contained two
      skeletons, two idols, and a collection of pottery. Yet, before
      deciding it to be a burial mound, it will be necessary to show
      the presence of tombs near the center.

      We have referred to the results of Mr. Bandelier’s explorations.
      He made a very thorough study of this great pyramid—more complete
      than any that had hitherto been made—and his results should have
      corresponding weight. He finds that the materials of which the
      adobe brick is composed are exactly the same as that of the
      surrounding plain. This does away with one old tradition, that
      the bricks were manufactured at a distance, and brought several
      leagues to their destination by a long line of men, who handed
      them along singly from one to another.

      From the manner in which the bricks are laid, and from their
      variation in size, he concludes that the structure was not all
      erected at one time, but that the mound is the accumulation of
      successive periods of labor. From this it follows that it was
      built to serve some purpose of public utility, and not as a token
      of respect for some individual. Wherever found, these great works
      show the same evidence of not being all completed at once. This
      was true of the North; we shall also find it true of the South.
      Charney noticed the same thing in the house at Tulla. Nothing is
      more natural than that an Indian community would increase their
      buildings as the tribe increased.

      Mr. Bandelier’s final conclusion in regard to the purpose of its
      erection is one of great interest, but not at all surprising. “If
      we imagine the plateaus and aprons around it covered with houses,
      possibly of large size, like those of Uxmal and Palenqué,34 or on
      a scale intermediate between them and the communal dwellings of
      Pecos and many other places in New Mexico,35 we have then, on the
      mound of Cholula, as it originally was, room for a large
      aboriginal population. The structure, accordingly, presents
      itself as the base of an artificially elevated, and therefore,
      according to Indian military art, a fortified, pueblo.”

      But this does not remove from it the air of mystery. Long-fallen
      indeed are the communal walls. It was not simply a few years ago
      that these pueblo-crowned terraces were reared. The date of its
      erection is hid in the dim traditions of the past. The traditions
      of the Nahua tribes, who came at a far later date, speak of it as
      even then standing on the plain. Scattered over the plain are
      other ruins of a somewhat different nature from the general ruins
      in the valley. These may be the ruins of works erected by the
      same class of people as built the mounds. Especially is this
      thought to be true of ruins found on the slopes of neighboring
      volcanoes.

      To the south-west of Cholula are the ruins of Xochicalco, which,
      by some, are pronounced to be the finest in Mexico. There are
      many points of resemblance between this ruin and Tezcocingo. The
      meaning of the word is “Hill of Flowers.” The hill is a very
      regular, conical one, with a base nearly three miles in
      circumference, and rises to a height above the plain of nearly
      four hundred feet.36 The hill is considered to be entirely a
      natural formation; but it probably owes some of its regular
      appearance to the work of man. Around the base of the hill had
      been dug a wide and deep ditch. When Mr. Taylor visited the
      place, the side of this moat had fallen in, in many places, and
      in some quite filled up—but it was still distinctly visible.37
      The whole surface of this hill was laid off into terraces.

      Five of these terraces, paved with blocks of stone laid in
      mortar, and supported by perpendicular walls of the same
      material, extend, in oval form, entirely around the whole
      circumference of the hill, one above the other. From the
      accumulation of rubbish, these terraces are not easy to detect in
      all places. Probably, at one time, there was some easy means of
      access from one terrace to the other, but they have
      disappeared—so that now the explorer has to scramble up
      intervening slopes of the terraces as best he can. It is probable
      that defensive works once protected these slopes.

      Mr. Mayer says: “At regular intervals, as if to buttress these
      terraces, there are remains of bulwarks shaped like the bastions
      of a fortification.”38 “Defense seems to have been the one object
      aimed at by the builders.” The top of the hill is leveled off.
      Some writers represent that a wall of stone was run along the
      edge of the summit but others think that the whole top of the
      hill had been excavated, so as to form a sunken area, leaving a
      parapet along the edge. This summit-platform measured two hundred
      and eighty-five feet by three hundred and twenty-eight feet.
      Within this area were found several mounds and heaps of stones.
      The probabilities are that it was once thickly covered with
      ruins. In the center of this sunken area are the remains of the
      lower story of a pyramid, which the inhabitants in the vicinity
      affirm to have been once five stories high.

      To judge from the ruins still standing, this must have formed one
      of the most magnificent works of aboriginal skill with which we
      are acquainted. This cut gives a general idea of the ruins from
      the west. We presume the broken appearance presented by this side
      is in consequence of the removal of stones by planters in the
      vicinity for their own use. It seems they have used this monument
      as a stone-quarry. This pyramid, or the first story of it, was
      nearly square—its dimensions being sixty-four feet by
      fifty-eight.

      Xochicalco.

      The next cut is an enlarged drawing of the north-west corner seen
      in the first drawing. Notice the grotesque ornamentations on it.
      The ornaments are not stucco-work, but are sculptured in
      bas-relief. As one figure sometimes covers parts of two stones,
      it is plain they must have been sculptured after being put in
      position. The height of this front is nearly fifteen feet. In the
      left-hand corner of this sculpture will be perceived the bead of
      a monstrous beast with open jaws and protruding tongue. This
      figure is constantly repeated in various parts of the façade.
      Some have supposed it to be a crocodile. The rabbit is another
      figure that constantly reappears in portions of the wall.

      Enlarged View of Ruins of Xochicalco.

      We can scarcely realize the labor involved in the construction of
      this pyramid and the terraced slope. Some idea may be formed of
      the immense labor with which this building was constructed from
      measurements made of several of the masses of porphyry that
      compose it. One stone was nearly eight feet long by three broad.
      The one with the rabbit on is five feet by two and a half. When
      it is recollected that these materials were not found in the
      neighborhood, but were brought from a great distance, and borne
      up a hill more than three hundred feet high, we can not fail to
      be struck with the industry, toil, and ingenuity of the builders,
      especially as the use of beasts of burden was, at the time,
      unknown in Mexico. Nor was this edifice, on the summit, the only
      portion of the architect’s labor. Huge rocks were brought to form
      the walls supporting the terraces that surrounded the hill, a
      league in circumference, and the whole of that immense mass was
      eased in stone. Beyond these terraces, again, there was still
      another immense task in the ditch, of even greater extent, which
      had to be dug and regularly embanked.39

      Now, what was the object of all this labor? This must have been
      the center of a large settlement. It seems that the surrounding
      hills—or, at least, some of them—were also terraced. Mr. Taylor
      says: “On the neighboring hills we could discern traces of more
      terraced roads of the same kind. There must be many miles of them
      still remaining.” In a Mexican book we are told “adjoining this
      hill is another higher one, also covered with terraces of
      stone-work in the form of steps. A causeway of large marble flags
      led to the top, where there are still some excavations, and among
      them a mound of large size.” Mr. Latrobe, from the top of the
      “Hill of Flowers,” saw that it was the center towards which
      converged several roads, which could be traced over the plain.
      The road he examined was “about eight feet in breadth, composed
      of large stones tightly wedged together.” It is extremely
      probable that in Xochicalco we have another instance of a
      strongly fortified hill, on the top of which was their pueblo,
      arranged around their teocalli, or temple.40

      In our description of this ruin we must not forget to mention
      some curious underground chambers, excavated in the hill itself.
      On the northern slope, near the foot, is the entrance to two
      galleries, one of which terminated at the distance of eighty
      feet. The second gallery is cut in solid limestone, about nine
      feet square, and has several branches. The floors are paved with
      brick-shaped blocks of stone. The walls are also, in many places,
      supported by masonry, and both pavement, walls, and ceilings are
      covered with lime-cement, which retains its polish, and shows
      traces, in some parts, of having had originally a coating of red
      ocher. The principal gallery, after a few turns, finally
      terminated, or appeared to, in a large room eighty feet long, in
      which two pillars were left to support the roof. In one corner of
      this room there was a dome-shaped excavation in the roof, from
      the apex of which a round hole about ten inches in diameter
      extended vertically upwards.

      The natives say there are still other excavations. We have seen
      no good explanation of the uses of these excavations. The labor
      in constructing them must have been very great. In the province
      of Oaxaca we shall find several groups of ruins. In all
      probability those known and described are not more numerous than
      those unknown. The class of ruins represented by Quemada,
      Tezcocingo, and Xochicalco (that is, a hill strongly fortified,
      with traces of a settlement on the summit, mounds, foundations of
      communal houses, and pyramidal structures) are also to be found
      here. At Quiotepec we have very meager accounts of such a ruin.
      The hill is over two miles in circumference and a thousand feet
      high. A running stream has rendered one side of the hill very
      steep and precipitous, but the other sides are terraced.

      One of the terrace-walls at the summit is about three hundred and
      twenty feet long, sixty feet high, and five and a half feet
      thick.41 On the summit of the hill are found great numbers of
      mounds, foundations of small buildings, as well as ruins of
      statelier buildings, called by some palaces, but which were
      probably regular communal structures; also the pyramid base of a
      temple. At different points near the summit of the hill are three
      tanks or reservoirs, one of which is sixty feet long, twenty-four
      feet wide, and six feet deep, with traces of steps leading down
      into it.

      Still further south, near the center of the state at Monte Alban,
      is a more extensive group of ruins on the same general plan as
      the one just described. In this case, from the banks of a stream,
      there rises a range of high hills with precipitous sides. At
      their summit is an irregular plateau half a mile long by nearly a
      quarter of a mile wide. M. Charney states that a portion of this
      plateau is artificial. He represents the whole surface as
      literally covered with blocks of stone—some sculptured—the ruined
      foundations of buildings, terraces, and so forth. He regards it
      as one of the most precious remains of aboriginal work, and this
      is the view of Mr. Bandelier also. It is to be regretted that we
      have not more details of such interesting ruins. We, however,
      would learn but little new from them. One ruin is spoken of as an
      immense square court, inclosed by four long mounds, having a
      slight space between them at the ends. It is extremely probable
      that these mounds once supported buildings.

      The most celebrated ruin in Oaxaca is Mitla. These are the first
      ruins we have met that, by their strange architecture and
      peculiar ornamentation, suggest some different race as their
      builders. The present surroundings are of the gloomiest
      character. The country is barren and desert. The valley in which
      the ruins are located is high and narrow, but surrounded by bleak
      hills. The soil is dry and sandy, and almost devoid of
      vegetation. The cold winds, blowing almost constantly, sweep
      before them great clouds of sand. A small stream flows through
      this dreary waste, which, during the rainy season, is a raging
      torrent. “No birds sing, or flowers bloom,” around these old
      ruins. Appropriately enough, tradition speaks of this as the
      “Place of Sadness,” or “Dwelling of the Dead.” As to the extent
      of territory covered by the ruins, we have not been able to learn
      further than the general statement that at the time of the
      conquest they covered an immense area.42

      Wall at Mitla. Mr. Bandelier found, besides two artificial hills,
      traces of thirty-nine distinct edifices, and, as he thinks these
      are all the buildings that ever stood there, it is manifest that
      this was not a city in our sense of the word. Two or three of the
      buildings were constructed of adobe, plastered, and painted red.
      The others were built of stone. Of these latter the greater part
      stands upon the ground, but a few are built upon elevated
      terraces, composed of stone and earth heaped together and faced
      with stone. In one group of four buildings the terraced
      foundation contained a basement—in one case, at least—in the form
      of a cross. The purpose of this cellar or basement left in the
      artificial foundation is unknown. Some think they were used for
      burial purposes but it is more likely they were general
      store-rooms. The arrangement of these buildings was the same as
      elsewhere. That is, so placed as to inclose a court. This
      illustration shows us the method of constructing the walls of the
      building. We notice two distinct parts. The inner part is built
      of broken stones laid in tolerably regular courses in clay. There
      was no mortar used. This inner core is much the same sort of work
      as the masonry in the pueblos of Arizona. A facing was put on
      over this inner core, which served both for ornament and for
      strength. This illustration is a corner of one of these
      buildings, and gives us in excellent idea of the peculiar
      ornamentation employed at Mitla. Mr. Bancroft gives us a clear
      idea of how this facing was put on: “First, a double tier of very
      large blocks are placed as a base along the surface of the
      supporting mound, projecting two or three feet from the line of
      the wall, the stones of the upper tier sloping inward. On this
      base is erected a kind of framework of large, hewn blocks with
      perfectly plain, unsculptured fronts, which divide the surface of
      the wall into oblong panels of different dimensions.”43

      Ornamentation at Mitla.

      It would, then, seem as if the panels were thickly coated with
      clay. Into this clay was then driven small, smoothed blocks of
      wedge-shaped stones, in such a way as to cover them with
      geometrical ornamentations, which, though not absolutely
      symmetrical, present a striking and agreeable appearance. Each
      section of the wall presents a different pattern, but this
      difference is so slight that the general effect is harmonious.44
      This mosaic ornamentation is found in some of the inner facings
      of the walls as well. In general, however, the walls on the
      inside were covered with mortar and painted.

      Hall at Mitla.

      Some of the blocks of stone forming the basement, the framework
      of the panels, and the lintels of the door are of great size, and
      the lintels were in some cases sculptured. One of the largest
      rooms at Mitla is represented in the preceding cut. The peculiar
      feature about it is the range of columns seen in the drawing. The
      inner plastering has fallen, exposing the rough wall. The columns
      are simple stone pillars, having neither chapter nor base. It is
      generally supposed that these pillars supported the roof. As in
      the pueblo buildings to the north, as well as the Toltec house at
      Tulla, the roof was probably formed of the trunks of small-sized
      trees laid close together and covered with clay and cement.

      We have as yet not seen any thing in these ruins sufficiently
      striking to justify the somewhat extravagant assertion made about
      them. The ornamentation is indeed peculiar and tasteful, but
      aside from that, we see no reason to speak of them as magnificent
      structures. The buildings are low and narrow; the rooms are
      small, dark, and illy ventilated. “Light could only have been
      admitted from one side, and the apertures for this purpose were
      neither lofty nor broad.” Mr. Bandelier fittingly characterizes
      the ruins as the “barbaric effort of a barbarous people.” Those
      scholars who think we have in Mexico the ruins of a highly
      civilized, powerful empire, regard these ruins as in some way set
      aside for mourning purposes of the royal family. “According to
      tradition,” says Mayer, “They were . . . intended as the places
      of sepulture for their princes. At the death of members of the
      royal family, their bodies were entombed in the vaults beneath;
      and the sovereign and his relatives retired to mourn over the
      departed scion in the chambers above these solemn abodes,
      screened by dark and silent groves from the public eye.” Another
      tradition devotes the edifices to a sect of priests, whose duty
      it was to live in perfect seclusion, and offer expiatory
      sacrifices for the royal dead who reposed in the vaults
      beneath.45

      With all due respect to traditions, we think a much more
      reasonable explanation can be given. One reason why Mitla has
      been regarded as such an important place, is because it has been
      assumed that there were no other ruins like it, especially in
      Mexico. This, according to Mr. Bandelier, is a mistake. He
      examined one or two quite similar ruins in the near vicinity, and
      at another place he found a group of ruins in every way worthy of
      being compared to Mitla, but he was not able to examine them. So
      we must either decide there were a number of these “Sepulchral
      Palaces,” or else adopt some simpler explanation. But still
      stronger is the fact, that at the time of the conquest, Mitla was
      an inhabited pueblo. We have the account of a monk who visited it
      in 1533. He mentions in particular the ornamentation of the
      walls, the huge doorways, and the hall with the pillars. It is
      extremely probable that if it was devoted to any such purpose,
      some mention would have been made of it. We think Mr. Bandelier
      is right when he concludes that these structures are communal
      buildings, but little different from others.

      As for the other ruins in Oaxaca, we will not stop longer to
      examine them. At Guingola, in the southern part of the State, was
      found a ruined settlement. The principal ruins were located on
      the summit of a fortified hill, which, from a brief description,
      must have been much like those we have already described.

      We will now turn our attention to the Gulf-coast. The whole coast
      region abounds in great numbers of ruins. It is in this section,
      however, that tribes of people belonging to a different family
      than the Nahua tribes, were living at no very distant time in the
      past. So it is not doubted but that many of these ruined
      structures, perhaps the majority of them, were the works of their
      hand. When Cortez landed on the coast, in the neighborhood of
      Vera Cruz, he was received by the Totonacas. These were a Nahua
      tribe, but both to the north and south of them were Maya
      tribes.46 We will, however, describe the ruins in the present
      State of Vera Cruz under one head.

      We notice, on the coast, the Gulf of Tampico, into which pours
      the river Panuco. From an antiquarian point of view, this is a
      most interesting locality. It was here that a feeble remnant of
      De Soto’s disastrous expedition found a refuge in 1543. And it
      was here that, at a far earlier period, according to the dim,
      uncertain light of tradition, the ancestors of some of the
      civilized nations of Mexico made their first appearance; of this,
      more hereafter. Certain it is that, commencing at this river, we
      find ourselves in a land of ruins.

      It is to be regretted, however, that our information is not
      definite in regard to them. We are told, in general terms, of a
      great field of ruins, but in the absence of cuts, can scarcely
      give a clear description of them. On the northern bank of the
      Panuco, Mr. Norman found at one place the ground “strewn with
      hewn blocks of stone and fragments of pottery and obsidian.”47
      They were found over an area of several square miles. Many of the
      blocks of stone were ornamented with sculpture. They imply the
      presence, in former times, of some kind of buildings. We can not
      form an opinion as to the number, style, etc. Mr. Norman regards
      them as the ruins of a great city, the site of which is now
      covered with a heavy forest.

      Amongst these ruins are about twenty mounds, both circular and
      square, from six to twenty-five feet in height. Some authorities
      think that the Mound Builders went by water from near the mouth
      of the Mississippi to this region. To such as place any real
      reliance on this theory, these mounds are full of interest. But
      some details of construction would seem to indicate a different
      people as their builders than those who reared mounds in the Gulf
      States of the Mississippi Valley. The main body of the mound is
      earth, but they are faced with hewn blocks of sandstone, eighteen
      inches square and six inches thick. Although one of the mounds is
      quite large, covering two acres, yet in but one instance was a
      terraced arrangement noticed. As a general thing, the facing of
      stone had fallen to the ground, and some of the smaller mounds
      had caved in; showing, perhaps, that they were used as burial
      mounds. In other cases the mounds had entirely disappeared,
      leaving the stone facing on the surface. This may account for
      some of the stones scattered over the surface. A few miles away
      there is another group of circular mounds.

      Across the river in Vera Cruz, from very slight mention, we
      gather that, substantially, the same kind of ruins occur. At
      Chacuaco the ruins are said to cover three square leagues—but we
      have no further account of them than that. Small relics of
      aboriginal art are said to be common, and mention is made of
      mounds. The antiquities of Vera Cruz are a topic about which it
      is very difficult to form correct ideas. It will be noticed that
      it presents a long stretch of country to the Gulf. The land near
      the coast is low, and very unhealthy. About thirty miles from the
      coast we strike the slope of the mountains bounding the great
      interior plateau. This section is fertile and healthy, and was,
      evidently, thickly settled in early times. We must remember that
      it is always in a mountainous section of country that a people
      make their last stand against an invading foe. It was in these
      mountain chains where the Maya tribes made their last stand
      against the invading Nahua tribes, and even this line was pierced
      through by the Tonacas.

      It is not strange, then, to find abundant evidence of former
      occupation in all this section of country. One thing in its favor
      was the number of easily defended positions. The country is cut
      up by deep ravines. The early inhabitants used all the land that
      was at all available for agricultural purposes. On steep slopes
      they ran terraces to prevent the soil from washing. In the
      smaller ravines they located great numbers of water-tanks, from
      which, in the dry season, they procured water to irrigate their
      land. Of this section, we are told, “there is hardly a foot of
      ground in the whole State of Vera Cruz in which, by excavation,
      either a broken obsidian knife, or a broken piece of pottery, is
      not found. The whole country is intersected with parallel lines
      of stones, which were intended, during the heavy showers of the
      rainy season, to keep the earth from washing away. The number of
      these lines of stones shows clearly that even the poorest land,
      which nobody in our day would cultivate, was put under
      requisition by them.”48

      Papantla.

      They no less conclusively show that a considerable body of people
      had here been pressed by foreign invasion into a small,
      contracted space. It is useless to attempt a more particular
      description of these ruins. In the absence of cuts, the
      description would only prove tiresome. Pyramids, both with and
      without buildings on their summits, are comparatively frequent.
      As they would be noticed where other ruins would be overlooked,
      we have some cuts of the more remarkable ones. The preceding cut
      is the pyramid at Papantla.

      The base is ninety feet square, and the pyramid has seven
      stories, as seen in the engraving. Only the last one contains
      apartments; with this exception, the pyramid is solid. Stairways
      in front lead up to the top. Mr. Mayer says “there is no doubt,
      from the mass of ruins spread over the plain, that the city was
      more than a mile and a half in circuit.” But we have no further
      description of them. Other localities with pyramids and ruins are
      known. At Tusapan occurs this ruin, which may be taken as a type
      of all the pyramids in this region. This was the only building
      remaining standing at Tusapan; but, from the ruins lying about,
      this is not supposed to have been the grandest structure there.

      Tusapan.

      This will complete what we have to say of the ruins in territory
      occupied by the Nahua tribes. Other remains of their handiwork we
      will examine when we treat of their customs and manners. We will
      now turn our attention to the ruins in the territory of the
      Mayas. As the culture of these two people is so similar, we will
      devote but one chapter to the two. Comparison is the great means
      we have of fixing in the mind points we wish to keep. We have to
      admit that the treatment of the Nahua ruins is not very
      satisfactory; but it is difficult to obtain accurate information
      in regard to them. We think what resemblance can be traced, is
      more in the direction of the Pueblo tribes than of the Mound
      Builders. The first ruin found in Mexico, Casa Grandes, in
      Chihuahua, is evidently but another station of Pueblo tribes.

      The fortified hill at Quemada is apparently but a further
      development of the clustering houses with the little inclosures
      noticed on the Gila. Mounds are, indeed, mentioned in a number of
      localities, but they seem to be more nearly related to the
      terraced foundation of buildings observed in Arizona than to the
      mounds of the Mississippi Valley. Surely as striking a ruin as
      any is at Mitla, but Mr. Bandelier does not hesitate to compare
      it with some in the Pueblo country. Now, it is very unsafe and
      very unsatisfactory to trace resemblances of this kind, and we do
      not assign any especial value to them. But it only shows that, so
      far as this method is of use, it points to a closer connection
      with the Pueblo tribes than with the Mound Builders.

      REFERENCES


        Gregory’s “History of Mexico,” p. 19.

        Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. II, p. 92.

        The _Tierra Caliente._

        Ober’s “Mexican Resources,” p. 2.

        “Mexico As It Was,” p. 221.

        “Six Months in Mexico,” p. 386.

        Mayer: “Mexico As It Was,” p. 234.

        Thompson’s “Mexico,” p. 144.

        Bancroft: “Native Races,” Vol. IV, p. 526.

        “Rambles in Mexico,” p. 140.

        “Gratacap, in _American Antiquarian,_ October, 1883, p. 310.

        “Native Races,” Vol. II, pp. 168-173.

        As to this hill, Mr. Bandelier remarks: “As a salient and
        striking object, and on account of the freshwater springs,
        Chapultepec was worshiped, but I find no trace among older
        authors of any settlement there—still less of a Summer palace—
        at the time of the conquest.” “Report of an Archæological Tour
        in Mexico,” p. 73.

        Charney in _North American Review,_ September, 1880, p. 190.

        “Recollections of Mexico,” p. 140.

        We have several times remarked that it is not safe to judge
        prehistoric population by the amount of ruins. “Indians never
        rebuild on ruins or repair them.”

        Bancroft: “Native Races,” Vol. IV., p. 537.

        Bancroft: “Native Races,” Vol. IV, p. 547.

        The ceilings in the pueblos of Arizona were often made of poles
        covered with cement. See Chapter XI.

        Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. IV, p. 550.

        Bandelier: “Fifth Annual Report Arch. Inst.,” p. 86.

        Bancroft’s “Native Faces,” Vol. IV, p. 610.

        Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. IV, p. 613.

        “Fifth Annual Report,” p. 86.

        Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. IV, p. 581. These dimensions
        are different in different accounts, as may be seen by
        consulting Mr. Bancroft’s work.

        _Lyons’s Journal._ From Mayer’s “Mexico As It Was,” p. 243.

        There is something of a similarity between these ruins and
        those of the coast tribes of Peru.

        Another authority states that it is thirty feet square and
        thirty feet high. Bancroft: “Native Races,” Vol. IV, p. 587,
        note.

        As seen in the Drawing. Mr. Lyons states there are seven
        stories.

        This was Clavigaro. Mayer’s “Mexico As It Was,” p. 245.

        Thompson’s “Recollections of Mexico,” p. 29.

        “An Archæological Tour in Mexico,” p. 163.

        The altitude varies according to the side where the measurement
        is taken. The average height is about one hundred and seventy
        feet.

        To be described hereafter.

        See Chapter XI.

        Different explorers give different figures.

        Taylor’s “Anahuac,” p. 184.

        “Mexico As It Was,” p. 180.

        Mayer: “Mexico As It Was,” p. 184.

        This is in strict keeping with what we have seen to be true of
        their pueblo sites. This is the conclusion of Mr. Bandelier,
        who discusses this subject in his essay on “Art of War Among
        the Mexicans.” Peabody Museum Reports, Vol. II, p. 146, note
        186.

        Bancroft: “Native Races,” Vol. IV, p. 419.

        Bancroft’s “Native Races,” 393, note.

        Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. IV, p. 395.

        Bandelier: “An Archæological Tour in Mexico,” p. 295.

        Mayer: “Mexico As It Was,” pp. 251-2.

        Valentine, in “Proceedings Am. Antiq. Soc.,” Oct., 1882.

        Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. IV, p. 595.

        “Smithsonian Report,” 1873, p. 373.




Chapter XIV
      THE MAYA TRIBES.


      The geographical location of the Maya tribes—Description of
      Copan—Statue at Copan—Altars at Copan—Ruins at Quiriga
      Patinamit—Utatlan—Description of Palenque—The Palace at
      Palenque—The Temple of the Three Inscriptions—Temple of the
      Beau-relief—Temple of the Cross—Temple of the Sun—Maler’s Temple
      of the Cross—Significance of the Palenque crosses—Statue at
      Palenque—Other ruins in Tobasco and Chiapas—Ruins in
      Yucatan—Uxmal—The Governor’s House—The Nunnery—Room in
      Nunnery—The sculptured façades—Temple at
      Uxmal—Kabah—Zayi—Labna—Labphak—Chichen-Itza—The Nunnery—The
      Castillo—The Gymnasium—M. Le Plongon’s researches—The tradition
      of the Three Brothers—Chaac-mol—Antiquity of Chichen.

      Inthe Central American region of the Western Continent are found
      the ruins of what are pronounced by all scholars to be the
      highest civilization, and the most ancient in time, of any in the
      New World. There it arose, flourished, and tottered to its fall.
      Its glory had departed, its cities were a desolation, before the
      coming of the Spaniards. The explorer who would visit them finds
      himself confronted with very great difficulties. Their location
      is in a section of the country away from the beaten track of
      travel. Their sites are overspread with the luxuriant vegetation
      of tropical lands, through which the Indian’s machete must carve
      a passage. The states in which they are situated are notorious
      for anarchy and misrule, and the climate is such that it is
      dangerous for those not acclimated to venture thither during a
      large part of the year. So it is not strange that but few have
      wandered among these ruins, and described them to the world at
      large.

      Map of Central America.

      But the accounts thus presented are interesting in the extreme,
      though they have raised many questions that have thus far defied
      solution. There is no doubt but what there exist large groups of
      ruins not yet described, structures and monuments which might,
      perhaps, throw some light on a past that now seems hopelessly
      lost. But the ruins thus far described are so numerous, their
      similarity is so evident, that we feel we have but little to hope
      from such undiscovered ruins. There are, doubtless, richly
      ornamented façades, grotesquely sculptured statues, and
      hieroglyphic-covered altars, but they would prove as much of an
      enigma as those already known. Our only hope is that some
      fortunate scholar will yet discover a key by whose aid the
      hieroglyphics now known may be read. Then, but not until then,
      will the darkness that now enshrouds ancient Maya civilization be
      dissipated.

      As will be seen from a glance at the map, the most important
      ruins are in the modern states of Honduras, Guatemala, Chiapas,
      and especially Yucatan, the northern portion of this peninsula
      being literally studded with them. The river Usumacinta and its
      numerous tributaries flowing in a northern direction through
      Chiapas is regarded as the original home of the civilization
      whose ruins we are now to describe. From whence the tribes came
      that first settled in this valley is as yet an unsettled point.
      We notice that we have here another instance of the influence
      that fertile river valleys exert upon tribes settling therein.
      The stories told us of the civilization that flourished in
      primitive times in the valleys of the Euphrates and the Nile are
      not more wonderful—the ruins perhaps not more impressive—than are
      the traditions still extant, or the material remains fallen in
      picturesque ruins, of the civilization that once on a time held
      sway in the Usumacinta Valley.

      One of the most famous groups of ruins in this section of the
      country is that of Copan, situated in Honduras, but very near the
      Guatemala line. This is commonly spoken of as “the oldest city in
      America,”1 and has some evidence to substantiate this claim.
      Whatever be its relative antiquity, it is doubtless very old, as
      it was probably in ruins at the time of the conquest. There are
      several facts going to prove this assertion. When Cortez, in
      1524, made his march to Honduras, he passed within a few leagues
      of this place. He makes no mention of it, which he would have
      been very apt to do had it been inhabited. Fifty years later
      Garcia De Palacio made a report on these ruins to the king of
      Spain. According to this report, it was then in much the same
      state as described by modern travelers, and the same mystery
      surrounded it, showing that it must have been in ruin much longer
      than the short space of time from the conquest to the date of his
      report. But few travelers have visited Copan, and fewer still
      have left a good description of it. Mr. Stephens, accompanied by
      Mr. Catherwood, explored it in 1839, and this constitutes our
      main source of information.2

      We feel that here is the place to speak a word of caution. In
      common with other writers, we have used the word cities, in
      speaking of the ruins of Maya civilization. In view of the
      criticisms that have been freely expressed by some of the best
      scholars of American ethnology, as to the generally accepted view
      of the civilization of the Mexican and Central American races, it
      is necessary to be on our guard as to the language employed. In
      the case of Copan, for instance, all the remains known, occur in
      an irregularly inclosed space of about nine hundred by sixteen
      hundred feet, while but a portion of such inclosed space is
      covered by the ruins themselves. Now it can, of course, be said
      that this space contains simply the remains of public buildings,
      so to speak—such as temples, palaces, and others—while the
      habitations of the great body of the common people, poorly built,
      and located outside of this area, may have vanished away. But, on
      the other hand, it may also be that in this small area we have
      the ruins of all the buildings that ever stood at Copan. In which
      case the word city is a misnomer; pueblo would be more
      appropriate. But looking at them in the simplest light, we shall
      find there is still a great deal to excite astonishment.
      Fragments of the wall originally inclosing the area in which are
      located the temple pyramids and statues, are still to be found.
      Very few particulars have been given of this wall. It was made of
      blocks of stone, and seems to have been twenty-five feet thick at
      the base, but the height is not given. The northern half of this
      area is occupied by a large terrace, somewhat irregular in
      outline, and impressed Mr. Stephens with the idea that it had not
      all been erected at the same time, but additions had been made
      from time to time. Instead of describing the ruins in full, we
      will let the illustration speak for itself. The dimensions of
      this terrace are, six hundred and twenty-four feet by eight
      hundred and nine feet. The side fronting on the river was
      perpendicular. The other three sides consist of ranges of steps
      and pyramidal structures. All these steps and pyramidal sides
      were once painted. The general height of the terrace was about
      seventy feet above the surface of the ground.

      Ruins of Copan.

      Though Mr. Stephens warns us that this terrace was not as large
      as the base of the Pyramid of Ghizeh, still it must have required
      an immense amount of work, since careful computations show that
      over twenty-six million cubic feet of stone were used in its
      construction. This stone was brought from the quarries two miles
      away. We must not forget that this work was performed by a people
      destitute of metallic tools.

      On the terrace were the ruins of four pyramids, one rising to the
      height of one hundred and twenty-two feet. The surface of the
      terrace was not continuous. In two places there were court-yards,
      or sunken areas. The larger is ninety by one hundred and
      forty-four feet, and has a narrow passage-way leading into it
      from the north. Whatever buildings that once stood on this
      terrace, have vanished away. At one place only, on the terrace,
      fronting the river, are the remains of small, circular towers,
      thought to have been watch towers. The whole terrace was thickly
      overgrown by trees of a tropical growth. Mr Stephens noticed two
      immense Ceiba trees growing from the very summit of one of the
      pyramids. This structure has been called the Temple, and a great
      many surmises have been made as to the scenes once enacted there.
      If analogous to other structures in Central America, this terrace
      was surmounted with buildings. They may have been temples or
      palaces, or they may have been communal houses, not unlike those
      of New Mexico, to the north.

      But of more importance than the ruins of this temple, are the
      statues and altars peculiar to this region. Mr. Stephens found
      fourteen of them. It seems very singular, indeed, to come upon
      these statues in the depth of a Central American forest, and they
      give us an idea of the state of advancement of these old tribes
      that nothing else does. They raise many queries. Why is it that
      so many are found here—so few elsewhere? Are they statues of
      noted personages, or idols? We are powerless to answer these
      questions. These secrets will only be yielded up when the
      hieroglyphics with which they are covered shall be read.

      The places where these statues are found is seen to the right of
      the main body of ruins. It will be seen that only one is within
      the terrace area of the temple. Three others are situated near
      it, but the majority are near the southern end of the inclosure.
      We are not given the dimensions of all, but the smallest one
      given is eleven feet, eight inches high, by three feet, four
      inches width and depth; the largest, thirteen feet high, four
      feet wide, and three feet deep. No inconsiderable part of the
      labor on the statues must have been that of quarrying the large
      blocks of stone out of which they were carved, and transporting
      them to the place where found. They came from the same quarry as
      the other stones used in building; and so were transported a
      distance of about two miles. Mr. Stephens found, about midway to
      the quarry, a gigantic block, “which was probably on its way
      thither, to be carved and set up as an ornament, when the labors
      of the workmen were arrested.”

      Copan Statue.

      There is such a similarity in all these statues that a
      representation of one will suffice. This is the representation of
      one of the largest statues. It is seen to be standing on a sort
      of pedestal. A face occupies a central position on the front.
      Some of the faces have what may be a representation of a beard.
      In all but one, the expression is calm and peaceful. They were
      once painted red. Traces of color were still visible at the time
      of Mr. Stephens’s visit. In all but one the hands are represented
      as placed back to back on the breast.

      The complicated headdress and the ornaments on the robes utterly
      defy description. The sides and back of the statues are covered
      with hieroglyphics, though now and then a face is introduced. A
      side view of another statue shows this feature. All are convinced
      that we have in these hieroglyphics an explanation of each
      statue, but what it is, is yet unknown. Mr. Stephens says: “Of
      the moral effect of the monuments themselves, standing as they
      do, in the depths of a tropical forest, silent and solemn,
      strange in design, excellent in sculpture, rich in ornament,
      different from the works of any other people; their uses and
      purposes—their whole history—so entirely unknown, with
      hieroglyphics explaining all, but perfectly unintelligible, I
      shall not pretend to convey any idea. Often the imagination was
      pained in gazing at them. The tone which pervades the ruins is
      that of deep solemnity.”

      In front of most of the statues is what is called an altar, which
      would seem to imply that these monuments are really idols. “The
      altars, like the idols, are all of a single block of stone. In
      general, they are not so richly ornamented, and are more faded
      and worn, or covered with moss. Some were completely buried, and
      of others it was difficult to make out more than the form. All
      differed in position, and doubtless had some distinct and
      peculiar reference to the idols before which they stood.”

      Statue, Copan.

      These altars are strongly suggestive of sacrificial scenes. The
      altar before the idol found in the court-yard on the terrace of
      the temple, is one of the most interesting objects found at
      Copan. It is six feet square and four feet high. The top is
      divided into thirty-six tablets of hieroglyphics which we may
      well imagine records some events in the history of this
      mysterious people. Each side has carved on it four human figures.
      They are generally all represented as facing the same way. We
      give an illustration of the east side. Each individual is sitting
      cross-legged on a hieroglyphic, and has a ponderous head-dress.

      Hieroglyphics, top of Altar.

      Mr Stephens found the quadrangle at the south-east corner of the
      plan to be thickly strewn with fragments of fine sculpture.
      Amongst the rest was a “remarkable portrait.” (Shown later.) “It
      is probably the portrait of some king, chieftain, or sage. The
      mouth is injured, and part of the ornament over the wreath that
      crowns the head. The expression is noble and severe, and the
      whole character shows a close imitation of nature.” Colonel
      Gallindo, who visited Copan in 1835, discovered a vault very near
      where the circular towers are located, on the terrace fronting
      the river. This vault was five feet wide, ten feet long, and four
      feet high. It was used for burial purposes. Over fifty vessels of
      red pottery, containing human bones, were found in it.3

      Bas-relief, East Side of Altar.

      In this hasty sketch we do not feel that we have done justice to
      Copan. It is, however, all the space we can devote to this
      interesting ruin. We call special attention to the hieroglyphics
      on the altar and the statues. We will find other hieroglyphics at
      Palenque, and in Yucatan, evidently derived from these.4 They
      have been made the subject of very interesting study, and we will
      refer to them again at another page. We also notice especially
      the fact that we have no ruined buildings at Copan. In this
      respect it stands almost alone among the Central American ruins.
      The distinguishing features, however, are the carved obelisks.
      They are evidently not the work of rude, people. Mr. Stephens,
      who was every way qualified to judge, declares that some of them
      “are in every way equal to the finest Egyptian workmanship, and
      that with the best instruments of modern times, it would be
      impossible to cut stone more perfectly.”

      Portrait, Copan.

      A dark mystery hangs over these ruins. Their builders are
      unknown. Whether we have here some temple sacred to the gods of
      the Maya pantheon or some palace made resplendent for royal
      owners, who can tell? Whether these are the ruins of the more
      substantial public buildings of a great city, of which all other
      buildings have vanished—or whether this is the remains of a
      prosperous pueblo, whose communal houses crowded the terraces,
      with sacrificial altars on the lofty pyramids—who knows? At long
      intervals a passing traveler visits them, ponders over their fast
      disappearing ruins, and goes his way. The veil drops, the
      tropical forest more securely environs them—and thus the years
      come and go over the ruins of Copan.

      Nearly north from Copan (see map), about half-way to the coast,
      on the bank of the river Montagua, is found a small hamlet, by
      the name of Quiriga. Mr. Stephens, when traveling in the country
      in 1840, after many careful inquiries, heard of ruins near that
      place. Though not able to explore them himself, his companion,
      Mr. Catherwood, did. The result of this gentleman’s exertion
      makes us acquainted with another group of ruins, in many respects
      similar to those of Copan, though apparently much farther gone in
      decay. His visit was a very hurried one; and he was not able to
      clear the moss away from the statues so as to draw them as it
      should be done.5

      We must notice that, though called a city, all the monuments and
      fragments thus far brought to light are scattered over a space of
      some three thousand square feet. No plan has been given. We
      gather, however, from Stephens’s work, that a pyramidal wall
      inclosed the ruins, as at Copan.6 No dimensions of this wall are
      given. Within the inclosure (if such it was) was a terrace. Here,
      again, dimensions are not given; but we are told it was about
      twenty-five feet to the top, and that the steps were, in some
      places, still perfect. It was constructed of neatly cut sandstone
      blocks. No monuments or altars were observed on the terrace, but
      in close proximity to it were fragments of sculpture. At another
      place near the wall, Mr. Catherwood mentions eight standing
      statues, one fallen one, and saw fragments of at least thirteen
      others. They are represented as being very similar to those of
      Copan, but two or three times as high. The hieroglyphics are
      pronounced identical with those already described.

      There are no traditions extant of these ruins. No thorough
      exploration has been made. A city may have stood there; but, if
      so, its name is lost, its history unknown. “For centuries it has
      lain as completely buried as if covered with the lava of
      Vesuvius. Every traveler from Yzabel to Guatemala has passed
      within three hours of it. We ourselves have done the same; and
      yet there it lay, like the rock-built city of Edom, unvisited,
      unsought, and utterly unknown.”

      A large extent of territory in Guatemala and Yucatan is as yet an
      unknown country, or at least has never been thoroughly explored.
      Strange stories have flitted here and there of wonders yet to be
      seen. The country swarms with savages, living in much the same
      state as they were when the Spaniards invaded the country. They
      have never been conquered, and, in the rugged fastnesses of their
      land, bid defiance to all attempts to civilize them. From all we
      can learn, there are numerous groups of ruins scattered here and
      there—but of their nature we are, as yet, mostly in the dark.

      We have, indeed, historical notices of a few places; but, as the
      color of an object is the same as that of the medium through
      which it is viewed, we can not help thinking that the glamour of
      romance, which the early Spanish writers threw around all their
      transactions in the New World, has woefully distorted these
      sketches. This same effect is to be noticed in all the
      descriptions of the ruins. Where one party sees the ruins of
      imperial cities, another can detect but the ruins of imposing
      pueblos, with their temples and pyramids. It can be truthfully
      stated, that this is a land of ruins. Every few leagues, as far
      as it has been explored, are the remains of structures that
      excite astonishment.

      The meager reports given us raise our curiosity, but fail to
      satisfy it. Almost all explorers relate stories of the existence
      of an aboriginal city. The location of this city shifts from
      place to place; always, however, in a section of country where no
      white men are allowed to intrude. The Curé of Santa Cruz, in whom
      Mr. Stephens expressed confidence, declared that he had, years
      before, climbed to the summit of a lofty sierra, and then “he
      looked over an immense plain, extending to Yucatan and the Gulf
      of Mexico, and saw, at a great distance, a large city, spread
      over a great space, with turrets white and glittering in the
      sun.” We are afraid a search for this mythical city would be
      attended with much the same results as rewards the child’s
      pursuit of a golden treasure at the end of the rainbow.

      As a sample of known ruins, we might cite two in the immediate
      neighborhood of Quirigua. At the distance of a few leagues, both
      above and below this latter place, are the remains of former
      settlements. The accounts are very brief. Of the ruins below, we
      are informed that they consist of the remains of a quadrilateral
      pyramid, with traced sides, up which steps lead to the summit
      platform, where _débris_ of hewn stone are enveloped in dense
      vegetation.” Of the ruins located above Quirigua, we are simply
      told “of a large area covered with aboriginal relics—in the form
      of ruined stone structures, vases and idols of burned clay, and
      monoliths, buried for the most part in the earth.”

      These descriptions will serve as samples of many others, and,
      though they are interesting in their way, we are afraid they
      would grow tiresome by repetition. We will, therefore, only make
      mention of one or two important points; premising, however, that,
      beyond a doubt, similar ruins are scattered up and down the river
      valleys of the entire country.7

      Two cities of ancient Guatemala especially mentioned by Spanish
      writers are Utatlan and Patinamit. Here, if we may believe their
      recitals, were the capitals of two powerful monarchies. The
      pictures they draw for us are those of cities of Oriental
      magnificence. The system of government they describe is that of
      absolute monarchy, founded on feudalism. We will briefly glance
      at the remains of these “imperial cities.” Their location is seen
      on the map. The approach to Patinamit is very difficult, indeed.
      Situated on a high table-land, it commands an almost boundless
      view. On every side are immense ravines, and the only way of
      entering it was by a narrow passage cut in the side of the
      ravine, twenty or thirty feet deep, and not wide enough for two
      horsemen to ride abreast.

      Mr. Stephens mentions coming to a wall of stone, but broken and
      confused. The ground beyond was covered with mounds of ruins, and
      in one place he saw the foundations of two buildings, one of them
      being one hundred and fifty by fifty feet. He does not give us
      the area covered by the ruins, but there is nothing in his
      description to make us think it very large in extent. He also
      quotes for us Fuentes’s description of this same place, written,
      however, one hundred and forty years earlier. In this he speaks
      of the remains of a magnificent building, perfectly square, each
      side measuring one hundred paces, constructed of hewn stones,
      extremely well put together. In front of the building is a large
      square, on one side of which stand the ruins of a sumptuous
      palace; and near to it are the foundations of several houses.8 He
      also asserts that traces of streets could still be seen, and that
      they were straight and spacious, crossing each other at right
      angles. Fuentes certainly had remarkable eyes. He wrote a
      description of Copan which not only differs from all accounts of
      modern travelers, but also from the still earlier description by
      Garcia De Palacio.9

      Patinamit means “The City,” and is represented as the capital
      city of the Cakchiquel “monarchy.” The site of the city was
      certainly admirably chosen for defense, and we have no doubt but
      what here was the head-quarters of a powerful tribe of Indians;
      but, until scholars have settled some very disputed points about
      the civilization of the Central American nations, we must be
      cautious in the use of the words monarchy and palaces as applied
      to these old people or these ruins.

      Thirty-five or forty miles north-eastward from Patinamit we come
      to the ruins of the most renowned city in Guatemala at the time
      of the conquest. This was Utatlan, the Quiche capital, a city
      which the Spaniards compared to Mexico in magnificence, and
      which, at the time of its destruction, was at its zenith of
      prosperity. The location was very similar to that of Patinamit.
      It also stood on an elevated plateau, with immense ravines on
      every side. It was approached only at one point, and guarding
      this one point of approach was a line of fortifications. They
      consisted of the remains of stone buildings, probably towers. The
      stones were well cut and laid together. These fortifications were
      united by a ditch.

      Within this line of towers stood a structure, generally regarded
      as a fort, directly guarding the line of approach. Steps led up a
      pyramidal structure having three terraces, one over the other.
      The top was protected by a wall of stone, and from the center
      rose a tower. Beyond this fort was the ruins of the city. Mr.
      Stephens describes a large ruin which is called The Palace. It is
      said, in round numbers, to have been eleven hundred by twenty-two
      hundred feet. As this area is more than fifty-five acres in
      extent, we can see it was not a palace in our sense of the word.
      The stones of which it was composed have been largely removed to
      build the modern town of Santa Cruz. But the floor could still be
      traced, and some remains of partition walls. The floor was still
      covered with hard cement.

      Adjoining the palace was a large plaza or court-yard, also
      cemented, in the center of which was the ruins of a fountain.
      Another structure still remaining was a small pyramid, at the top
      of which was probably a temple, or, at least, a place of
      sacrifice. No hieroglyphics or statues have been found here. A
      few terra-cotta figures have been found, and one small gold
      image. It would seem from this description that the ruins simply
      consist of a few large structures. For aught we know, they may
      have been communal houses.

      Mr. Stephens, however, condenses Fuentes’s account, which is
      truly wonderful. According to him, the center of the city was
      occupied by the royal palaces, around which were grouped the
      houses of the nobles. The extremities were inhabited by the
      plebeians. He tells us there were many sumptuous buildings, the
      most superb of which was a seminary, where between five and six
      thousand children were educated at royal expense. The palace was
      formed of hewn stones of various colors. There were six principal
      divisions. In one was lodged the king’s body-guard, in the second
      the princes and the relatives of the king, and so forth.

      It is not necessary to remind the reader that it is very doubtful
      whether such a state of things ever existed. It is related, for
      instance, that the king marched from Utatlan with seventy-two
      thousand warriors to repel the attack of Alvarade. This would
      indicate a total population of between two and three hundred
      thousand souls. It seems to us that a city of that size would not
      so completely disappear in a little over three centuries that a
      careful explorer could find only the ruins of a few large
      buildings.

      We do not feel that we have done near justice to the ruins of
      Guatemala. As we have before remarked, there are, doubtless, many
      ruins not yet brought to light. They are rapidly disappearing,
      and we do not know that we will ever possess a description of
      them, or understand their real import. The light of history,
      indeed, fell on the two groups of ruins last described. But the
      Spanish writers were totally unacquainted with Indian society,
      and may, therefore, have widely erred in applying to their
      government terms suited only to European ideas of the sixteenth
      century. And it is not doubted but that their estimate of the
      population of the towns, and of the enemies with which they had
      to contend, were often greatly overdrawn. In short, the remains
      themselves are remarkable, but every ruined pyramid is not
      necessarily the remains of a great very great city, nor every
      large building in ruins necessarily a palace.

      Going northward out of Guatemala, we pass into the modern state
      of Chiapas. This is described a country of great natural beauty
      and fertility. And here it is that we meet with a group of ruins
      which have been an object of great interest to the scientific
      world. They have been carefully studied and described, and many
      theories have been enunciated as to their builders, their
      history, and civilization. The place is supposed to have been
      deserted and in ruins when Cortez landed in the country. At any
      rate, he marched within a few leagues of it, but, as in the case
      of Copan, he is silent in regard to it.

      They take their name from the modern town of Palenque, near which
      they are located. This town was founded in 1564. It was once a
      place of considerable importance, but its trade has died away,
      and now it would not be known were it not for the ruins of a
      former people located near it. Though distant from the village
      only some eight miles, nearly two centuries went by before their
      existence was known. Had they been visited and described at the
      time of the founding of the village, no doubt much that is now
      mysterious in regard to them would have been cleared away. But
      for two centuries they were allowed to sleep undisturbed in the
      depths of the forest, and in that time the elements played sad
      havoc with the buildings, inscriptions, and ornaments. What are
      left are not sufficient to impart full information. Imagination
      is too apt to supply the details, and these ruins, grand in
      proportion, wonderful in location, enwrapt by dense forests,
      visited by the storms of tropical lands, are made to do service
      in setting forth a picture of society and times which we are
      afraid has but little real foundation to rest upon.

      The ruins of Palenque are the first which awakened attention to
      the existence of ancient ruins in America, and, therefore, it may
      not come amiss to state more particularly the circumstances of
      their first discovery. The existence of an aboriginal city in
      this locality was entirely unknown; there were no traditions even
      that it had ever existed. Of course the natives of the modern
      town of Palenque must have known of their existence, but no
      account of them was published. They are said to have been
      discovered in 1750 by a party of traveling Spaniards. This
      statement Mr. Stephens doubts. The first account was published in
      1784. The Spanish authorities finally ordered an exploration.
      This was made under the auspices of Captain Del Rio, who arrived
      on the ground in 1787. His report was locked up in the government
      archives, and was not made public until 1822.

      The reception of this report illustrates how little interest is
      taken in American antiquities. It was scarcely noticed by the
      _Scientific World._ As Mr. Stephens remarks, “If a like discovery
      had been made in Italy, Greece, Egypt, or Asia, within the reach
      of European travel, it would have created an interest not
      inferior to the discovery of Herculaneum, or Pompeii, or the
      ruins of Paestum.” But, from some cause, so little notice was
      taken of this report that in 1831 the explorations of Colonel
      Galindo, whose works we have referred to at Copan, was spoken of
      as a new discovery. In the meantime another government expedition
      under the direction of Captain Dupaix explored these ruins in
      1807. Owing to the wars in Europe and the revolution in Mexico,
      his report was not published until 1835. Mr. Stephens visited the
      ruins in 1840. His account, profusely illustrated, was the means
      of making known to a large class of readers the wonderful nature
      of the ruins, not only at Palenque, but in Yucatan as well.

      In this outline we have given an account of the early
      explorations at Palenque. Private individuals have visited them,
      and governments have organized exploring expeditions, and by both
      pencil and pen made us familiar with them. As to the remains
      actually in existence, these accounts agree fairly well, but we
      have some perplexing differences as to the area covered by the
      ruins. Where the early explorers could trace the ruins of a large
      city modern travelers can find but a few ruined structures,
      which, however, excite our liveliest interest. One of the
      earliest accounts speaks of the ruins of over two hundred
      buildings. Another speaks of them as covering an area of many
      square miles. Mr. Stephens thinks a few acres would suffice.

      From the researches of M. Charney, it would seem that the ruins
      are really scattered over quite an area. His exploration made in
      1881, seems to confirm the older writers. With abundant means at
      his command, he was enabled to explore the forest, and he found
      many ruins which escaped the other observers. According to him,
      the ruins are scattered over an area extending about one mile and
      a quarter from north to south, and about one and three-fourths
      from east to west. Throughout this space, the ruined structures
      were in all respects similar to those previously described,
      consisting altogether of what he calls palaces and temples.10

      There seems to be no especial order in the arrangement of the
      buildings. They are separated by quite an interval, excepting to
      the south of the palace, where there are groups of buildings near
      together. The fact that such careful explorers as Stephens and
      Waldeck failed to notice these additional ruins, gives us a faint
      idea of the density of the forest.

      Plan of Palenque.

      The plan represents the distribution and relative size of the
      ruins of which we have definite descriptions. Those having no
      numbers are some of the groups that were passed by as of no
      account. We must understand that so dense is the forest that not
      one of these structures is visible from its neighbors. Where the
      trees are cut down, as they have been several times, only a few
      years are necessary for it to regain its former density, and each
      explorer must begin anew.

      The largest structure, marked one on the plan, is known as the
      palace. This is only a conjectural name. We have no reason,
      except its size, to suppose it the residence of a royal owner.
      Its base is a pyramid which, Mr. Stephens tells us, is of oblong
      form, forty feet high, three hundred and ten feet in front and
      rear, and two hundred and sixty feet on each side. The pyramid
      was formerly faced with stone, which has been thrown down by the
      growth of trees, so that its form is hardly distinguishable. The
      sides may once have been covered with cement, and perhaps
      painted. Dupaix, who examined these ruins in 1808, so represents
      them. Mr. Stephens expressly states that the eastern front was
      the principal entrance. Mr. Waldeck, however, detected traces of
      stairways on the northern side. M. Charney has settled the point,
      that the principal entrance was on the northern side.

      The principal bulk of this pyramid seems to have been earth; the
      facing only being composed of stone. Mr. Bancroft thinks he has
      discovered evidence that there were four or more thick
      foundation-walls built from the surface of the ground to support
      the buildings on top of the pyramid; that the space between these
      walls was subsequently filled with earth, and that sloping
      embankments, faced with stones, were built upon the outside.11
      The summit platform of this pyramid supports the building, or
      collection of buildings, known as the palace. Though generally
      spoken of as one building, we think we have here the ruins of a
      number of buildings.

Bas-relief, Palenque.

      Probably the original inhabitants built a continuous structure
      close to the edge of the platform, leaving the interior for an
      open court. Subsequently, as population increased, rather than
      resort to the labor necessary to raise a new pyramidal structure,
      they erected other buildings on this court. From the plan, as
      given by Mr. Stephens, there seems to have been no less than five
      such put up, besides the tower. Thus covering the platform with a
      somewhat confused mass of buildings, and, instead of the large
      open court, there were left only three narrow courts, and one
      somewhat larger—seventy by eighty feet.12 The building erected
      near the edge of the platform, inclosing the court, was some two
      hundred and twenty-eight feet on its east and west sides, by one
      hundred and eighty feet on its north and south sides, and about
      thirty feet high.

      General View of Palace.

      Our general view, taken from Mr. Stephens’s works, represents the
      ruined eastern front of this building, surmounting the pyramid.
      Trees are seen growing all over the ruins. The outer wall is
      pierced by numerous doorways which, being somewhat wider than the
      space that separates them, gives to the whole the appearance of a
      portico with wide piers: no remains of the doors themselves have
      been discovered. Drilled holes in the projecting cornice,
      immediately above the doorway, gave Mr. Stephens the impression
      that an immense cotton curtain, perhaps painted in a style
      corresponding with the ornaments, had been extended the whole
      front, which was raised or lowered, according to the weather. The
      lintels of the doors were of wood. They had long since vanished,
      and the stones over the doorway fallen down. Of the piers
      separating the doorways, only fifteen were found standing, but
      the crumbling remains of the others were readily traced on the
      ruins.

      Each of the standing piers, and presumably all the others, was
      ornamented with a bas-relief in stucco. This cut gives us a good
      example of this style of ornamentation. We notice portions of a
      richly ornamented border. This stucco work consists of human
      figures in various attitudes, having a variety of dress,
      ornaments, and insignia. The stucco is said to be nearly as hard
      as the stone itself. Traces of paint, with which the figures were
      once ornamented, were still to be seen. The conjectures in regard
      to these figures, have been innumerable. Vividly painted, and
      placed in a conspicuous place on the wall, we may be very sure
      they were full of significance to the builders. Three
      hieroglyphics are placed over the head of each group, but so far,
      they are as little understood as the figures themselves. We can
      imagine the effect, when the building was still perfect and
      entire, and all the piers were thus ornamented.

      Cross-section Palace, Palenque.

      Passing to the top of the pyramid, we find the construction of
      the building whose outer wall we have been describing, to be
      substantially as follows: Three parallel walls, from two to three
      feet in thickness, composed of hewn stones, were erected about
      nine feet apart. At the height of ten feet, the walls commenced
      approaching each other; not, however, in an arch, for this was
      unknown, but in a triangular manner, the stones in each course
      projecting a little farther out. This cut represents a
      cross-section of the buildings, and shows also the slight
      cornice. All inequalities in the surface, as here represented,
      were then filled with cement, thus furnishing a smooth surface,
      which was then painted. The two outer walls were plentifully
      supplied with doorways; the central wall had but few. We are only
      given the description of one, which may not apply to all. This
      one, opposite the entrance on the east side, has a trefoil-shaped
      arch over the door, thus giving it this shape. Besides the few
      doorways, the central wall had numerous depressions, or niches,
      some of which served for ventilation, others for the support of
      beams, and perhaps others as receptacles for torches or idols.
      This principle of construction is substantially the same for all
      the buildings in the interior of the court, and indeed for all
      the buildings at Palenque.

      Trefoil Arch.

      Passing through the doorway just described, we come into the
      second corridor, and continuing through that, we come to what was
      once a large court; but, as we stated, it was subsequently built
      over so as to leave only a few courts. The largest one, eighty by
      seventy feet, is immediately before us, with a range of steps
      leading down into it. On each side of the stairway is sculptured,
      on stucco, a row of grim and gigantic figures. The engraving
      opposite represents the same. “They are adorned with rich
      headdresses and necklaces, but their attitude is that of pain and
      trouble. The design and anatomical proportions of the figures are
      faulty, but there is a force of expression about them which shows
      the skill and conceptive force of the artist.” From this small
      court stairways lead to the other buildings situated around it.

      Entrance to Principal Court.

      Stucco ornaments were plentiful. In one room, rather more richly
      ornamented than the others, was found a stone tablet, which is
      the only important piece of stone sculpture about the palace. We
      are told it is of hard stone, four feet long by three feet wide,
      and the sculpture is in bas-relief. It is set in the wall, and
      around it are the remains of a rich stucco border. Its
      significance is unknown. We must notice the small medallion,
      containing a face, suspended by a necklace of pearls from the
      neck of the principal figure. Mr. Stephens conjectures that it
      may represent the sun. Mr. Waldeck gives a drawing of this same
      subject; but instead of a face, he represents a cross.13

      Stone Tablet.

      In the general view we see a tower rising up from the mass of
      ruins. Mr. Stephens speaks of this tower as follows. “This tower
      is conspicuous by its height and proportions, but an examination
      in detail is found unsatisfactory and uninteresting. The base is
      thirty feet square, and it has three stories. Entering over a
      heap of rubbish at the base, we found within another tower
      distinct from the outer one, and a stone staircase, so narrow
      that a large man could not ascend it. The staircase terminated
      against a dead stone ceiling, closing all further passages, the
      last step being only six or eight inches from it. For what
      purpose a staircase was carried up to such a bootless termination
      we could not conjecture. The whole tower was a substantial stone
      structure, and in its arrangements and purposes about as
      incomprehensible as the sculptured tablets.”

      At the best we can do, it is hard to give such a description of
      this ruin that it can be readily understood, so we will present a
      restoration of it by a German artist,14 taken, however, from Mr.
      Bancroft’s work.15 This is very useful to us, since it conveys an
      idea of how the palace looked when it was complete. This view
      also includes a second structure, which we will examine soon. We
      notice the numerous doorways leading into the first corridor, the
      ornamental pier-like portions of the wall separating the doors,
      and the several buildings on the court; rising over all, the
      tower, which would have been better if the spire had been
      omitted.

      Palace, Palenque.

      This may have been a real palace. Its rooms may have been the
      habitations of royalty, and its corridors may have resounded with
      the tread of noble personages. M. Charney thinks the palace must
      have been the home of priests, and not kings—in fact, that it was
      a monastery, where the priests lived who ministered in the
      neighboring temples. He thinks Palenque was a holy place, a
      prehistoric Mecca. We must be cautious about accepting any theory
      until scholars are more agreed about the plan of government and
      society among the Central American tribes. But, whatever it was,
      many years have passed by since it was deserted. For centuries
      tropical storms have beat against the stuccoed figures. The
      court-yards and corridors are overrun with vegetation, and great
      trees are growing on the very top of the tower. So complete is
      the ruin that it is with difficulty the plan can be made out. The
      traveler, as he gazes upon it, can scarcely resist letting fancy
      restore the scene as it was before the hand of ruin had swept
      over it. In imagination he beholds it perfect in its amplitude
      and rich decoration, and occupied by the strange people whose
      portraits and figures may perhaps adorn its walls.

      Ruined Temple of the Three Tablets.

      We must now describe the more important of the remaining
      structures of Palenque. Glancing at the plan for a moment, we see
      to the south-west of the palace a ruin marked 2. This is the site
      of a pyramidal structure known as the “Temple of the Three
      Tablets,” or “Temple of Inscriptions.” The pyramid is not as
      large in area as the palace, though of a greater height. It
      measures in height one hundred and ten feet on the slope, but we
      are not given the other dimensions. All the sides, which were
      very steep, seem to have had steps. Trees have grown up all over
      the pyramid and on the top of the building. This illustration,
      taken from Mr. Stephens’s work, can not fail to impress on us the
      luxuriant growth of tropical vegetation, and we can also see how
      such a growth must accelerate the ruin. The stone steps leading
      up the sides of the pyramid have been thrown down, and such must
      be in time the fate of the building itself. The building on the
      summit platform does not cover all the area. It is seventy-six
      feet front by twenty-five feet deep and about thirty-five feet
      high.

      This small cut is a representation of the same building on a
      small scale, but cleared of trees and vines. The roof is seen to
      consist of two parts, sloping at different angles. The lower part
      was covered with stucco ornaments, which, though too much injured
      to be drawn, gave the impression that, when perfect and painted,
      they must have been rich and imposing. The upper slope is of
      solid masonry. “Along the top was a range of pillars, eighteen
      inches high and twelve apart, made of small pieces of stone laid
      in mortar and covered with stucco, having somewhat the appearance
      of a low, open balustrade.”

      Elevation Temple of the Three Tablets.

      In this wood-cut the front wall, as in the palace, presents more
      the appearance of a row of piers than any thing else. Each of the
      corner piers contains on its surface hieroglyphics, each of which
      contains ninety-six squares. The other piers have ornaments of
      stucco similar to those we have already examined on the palace.
      In the building itself we have the usual three parallel walls. In
      this case, however, the second corridor is divided into three
      rooms, and there is no opening in the third wall, unless it be
      three small openings for air. The central wall is four or five
      feet thick.16 The interior is very plain.

      The principal point of interest about the building, from whence
      the name is derived, is three tablets of hieroglyphics. One on
      either side of the principal doorway of the middle wall, and the
      third in the rear wall of the middle room. Being so similar to
      other tablets, it is not necessary to give separate cuts of them.
      The similarity to those of Copan is very great, the differences
      being in minute points, which only critical examination would
      detect. Mr. Stephens tells us that the Indians call this building
      a school. The priests who came to visit him at the ruins called
      it a temple of justice, and said the tablets contained the law.
      We do not think either are very safe guides to follow.

      At number three on the plan are the ruins of an edifice which is
      fast disappearing. The outer wall had already fallen at the time
      of Mr. Stephens’s visit. It stands on the bank of the stream. The
      pyramid base is one hundred feet high on the slope. The building
      on the top is twenty-five feet front by eighteen feet deep. In
      the inner corridor could be dimly traced the outlines of a
      beautiful piece of stucco work. At the time of Waldeck’s visit it
      was still complete, so we are enabled to give a cut of it.

      The Beau-Relief.

      We are sure the readers will not fail to notice the many points
      which make this such an exceptionally fine piece of work. In the
      original drawing the grace of the arms and wrists is truly
      matchless, and the chest muscles are displayed in the most
      perfect manner. The embroidered girdle and folded drapery of the
      figure, as well as the drapery around the leopard’s neck, are
      arranged with taste. The head-dress is not unlike a Roman helmet
      in front, with the addition of numerous plumes. The sandals of
      the feet are secured by a cord and rosette, while the ornaments
      on the animal’s ankles seem secured by leather straps.17 Mr.
      Waldeck, however, who drew this sketch, is supposed to have drawn
      at times better than his model.18 This is generally called the
      “Temple of the Beau-relief.” Mr. Holden, in his able article
      already referred to, comes to the conclusion that this figure
      represents the god Quetzalcohuatl, the nature god of the Mayas.

      Temple of the Cross. (Smithsonian Institute.)

      Eastward from the palace, and across the creek, are seen on the
      plan the location of two other structures. The one marked is a
      somewhat famous structure, which, for reasons that will soon
      appear, is called the “Temple of the Cross.” The pyramid in this
      case is one hundred and thirty-four feet on the slope. It,
      however, stands on a terrace about sixty feet on the slope. The
      forest is so dense that, though other structures are but a short
      distance from it, yet they can not be seen. The last two
      engravings represent the building and the ground plan. This is
      not a fanciful sketch, but is a restoration, “from such remains
      and indications that it is impossible to make any thing else out
      of it.”

      Plan of Temple. (Smithsonian Institute.)

      “The building is fifty feet front, thirty-one feet deep, and has
      three door-ways. The whole front was covered with stucco
      ornaments. The two outer piers contain hieroglyphics.” We notice
      a new feature about the roof. It is similar to the roof of the
      temple of the “Three Tablets,” in having two different slopes—the
      lower one covered with stucco ornaments, but the range of pillars
      along the roof is here replaced by a peculiar two-storied
      arrangement nearly sixteen feet high. Mr. Stephens says: “The
      long sides of this narrow structure are of open stucco-work,
      formed into curious and indescribable devices, human figures with
      legs and arms spreading and apertures between, and the whole was
      once loaded with rich and elegant ornaments in stucco relief. Its
      appearance at a distance must have been that of a high, fanciful
      lattice. It was perfectly unique—different from the works of any
      other people with which we are familiar, and its uses and
      purposes entirely incomprehensible.”

      It was evidently added to the temple solely for the sake of
      appearance. One writer19 believes the roof structures were
      erected by some people that succeeded the original builders of
      the temple. The plan of the temple gives us a clear idea of the
      arrangement of the inner rooms. Our principal interest centers in
      the altar, which we notice placed in the center of the back room.
      We give an illustration of a similar altar-form in the temple, at
      number 5 of the plan. In form it is that of an inclosed chamber,
      having a roof of its own. The altar in the Temple of the Cross
      was very similar to this. Mr. Stephens’s description is as
      follows: “The top of the doorway was gorgeous with stuccoed
      ornaments, and on the piers at each side were stone tablets in
      bas-relief. Within, the chamber is thirteen feet wide and seven
      feet deep.”

      Altar in Temple of the Sun.—(Bureau of Ethnology.)

      The room was plain within, and right against the back was the
      famous “Tablet of the Cross.” This tablet was six feet four
      inches high, ten feet eight inches wide, and formed of three
      stones. The right-hand one is now in the National Museum in
      Washington. The central one, though torn from its original place,
      is still at the ruins. The next cut gives us only the sculptured
      part of the tablet. On both the right and left-hand were tablets
      of hieroglyphics. A long chain of ornaments hung suspended from
      the cap of the right-hand figure. The two figures are regarded as
      priests. The cross is very plainly outlined, and is the regular
      Latin one. Considerable discussion has arisen as to what supports
      the cross. Dr. Brinton thinks it a serpent.20 Others think it a
      human skull.21 We must also notice the bird on top of the cross.
      It is almost impossible to make out the species. The right-hand
      figure is offering it something.

      Tablet of the Cross.

      We must refer to some more tablets found at Palenque before
      proceeding further. At number five of the plan was a temple but
      little smaller than the one just described. There is, however,
      such a similarity between the buildings, that it is not necessary
      to give illustrations. The temple, also, had an inclosed altar;
      and against the back of that was placed the tablet which was very
      similar to the one just described. This illustration represents
      the sculptured portions. On each side were tablets of
      hieroglyphics. It needs but a glance to show that the priests
      are, evidently, the same personages as in the other tablet.

      The Sun.

      The one on the left is standing on the back of a human being. The
      one on the right is, perhaps, standing on a beast; or, if a human
      being, he is crushed beneath the weight of the priest. Two other
      human figures support a platform, from which rise two bâtons
      crossed like a St. Andrew’s cross. These support a mask, from the
      center of which a hideous human face looks out. The Aztecs
      sometimes represented the sun by such a mask, and hence the name
      “Temple of the Sun.”

      In still another temple, situated but a short distance from the
      others, was discovered a third tablet, which is shown in the cut
      opposite. We give all the tablet, showing the hieroglyphics as
      well. We must compare this with the first tablet given. The
      priests are, evidently, the same—but, notice, they stand on
      different sides of the cross. The same priest is making the
      offering as in the first, and the same bird is seen on the top of
      the cross. The priests stand on flowered ornaments. The support
      of the cross resembles the same thing as in the first but whether
      it is a human skull, or a serpent, is hard to tell. The cross
      itself is not as well outlined. The two arms are floral
      ornaments. We must also notice the two faces seen on the upright
      part.22

      Maler’s Cross.

      These tablets are all of great interest. That of the cross, the
      first one given, has attracted more attention than almost any
      other in the field of American antiquities. This is largely owing
      to the cross. As far as the sacred emblem itself is concerned, we
      do not think this tablet of more significance than that of the
      sun. It is well known that the cross, as a sacred emblem, had
      peculiar significance in the ancient religions of the world. Its
      use as such has come down to us from time immemorial. On the
      first expedition of the Spaniards, in 1518, to the coast and
      islands of Yucatan, they discovered that the cross was of some
      significance to the natives. In the island of Cozumel they found
      a large cross, to which the natives prayed for rain.23

      Mr. Brinton thinks that the source of this veneration of the
      cross, like the the sacredness of the number four, of which he
      gives numerous illustrations, is the four cardinal points.24 From
      these points blow the four winds which bring the fertilizing
      rains, and thus render the earth fruitful; and hence the cross,
      in so many and widely separated portions of the earth, is used as
      the symbol of the life-giving, creative, and fertilizing
      principle in nature.25 He thinks this is, perhaps, the
      significance of these Palenque crosses. It is true we have
      different forms of the cross; but in ancient sculpture they seem
      to have been of equal importance.26

      The results of these inquiries into the hidden meaning of these
      tablets are not devoid of interest; but, thus far, but few
      conclusions of value have been obtained. They have been made to
      do service in support of some far-fetched theories. The early
      Spanish writers on these subjects concluded that the crosses
      found in Central America were positive proof that St. Thomas had
      traveled through the country preaching the doctrines of
      Christianity. The padres, who came to visit Mr. Stephens at the
      ruins, “at the sight of it, immediately decided that the old
      inhabitants of Palenque were Christians, and fixed the age of the
      buildings in the third century.”

      Wilson finds in the tablets of the cross a strong argument for
      the existence of a great Phœnician empire in Central America.
      This tablet represents, he thinks, the sacrifice of a child to
      Astarte,27 also called Ashtoreth, the great female deity of the
      ancient Semitic nations on both sides of the Euphrates, but
      chiefly of Phœnicia. The original meaning of this word was “Queen
      of Heaven.” Modern scholars do not think these early speculations
      of the slightest worth. Dr. Charles Rau28 concludes that as
      reasonable a conjecture as any is the supposition that it
      represents a sacrifice to the god of rain, made, perhaps, at a
      time of drought, apparently influenced to that conclusion by the
      fact that the natives of Cozumel regarded a cross in such a
      light,29 and further that a cross represents the moisture-bearing
      winds.

      E. S. Holden30 has made a critical study of the hieroglyphics of
      Copan and Palenque. Though far from complete, most interesting
      results have been obtained. We can not do more than set forth the
      results of his investigations.31 He concludes, from a careful
      study of the tablets of the cross and of the sun, that in both
      the left-hand priests are representatives of the god of war,32
      the right-hand priests being in both representatives of the god
      of rain and water.33 In Mexico these deities frequently occupied
      the same temple.34 He does not state his conclusions in regard to
      the central figures in the tablets. Mr. Brinton thinks the
      central figure in the tablet of the cross is a rebus for the
      nature god Quetzalcohuatl. The cross was one of the symbols of
      Quetzalcohuatl, as such signifying the four winds of which he was
      lord. Another of his symbols was a bird. We notice the two
      symbols present in the tablet. Mr. Holden also finds that the
      glyph standing for this god occurs several times in the tables of
      hieroglyphics belonging to this figure.

      According to these last views, then, the old Palenquians seem to
      have been a very religious people, and Quetzalcohuatl, the god of
      peace, seems to have been their principal deity, differing in
      this regard from Mexico, where all honor was paid to the god of
      war. We are not given any explanation of the Temple of the Three
      Tablets, but the other temples have to do with the worship of
      this benign deity. The beautiful stucco-work in the Temple of the
      Beau-relief, Mr. Holden thinks, also represents him. At the
      Temples of the Cross, if we be right as to the meaning of the
      central figure, the priests of the god of war and the god of rain
      do honor to him.35

      Mr. Bandelier makes a statement in regard to the cross which, if
      it be accepted, clears away a number of theories. He remarks:
      “The cross, though frequently used previously to the conquest by
      the Aborigines of Mexico and Central America as an ornament, was
      not at all an object of worship among them. Besides, there is a
      vast difference between the cross and the crucifix. What has been
      taken for the latter on sculptures, like the ‘Palenque tablet,’
      is merely the symbol of the ‘Newfire,’ or close of a period of
      fifty-two years. It is the fire drill more or less ornamented.”
      According to this view, these interesting tablets have reference
      to the ceremonies observed by the Mayas at the expiration of a
      cycle.36

      It now only remains to describe some miscellaneous relics
      obtained from Palenque. But few specimens of pottery have been
      found. One of the early explorers speaks of finding an earthen
      vessel about a foot in diameter. Waldeck made an exploration in a
      portion of the palace area, and found a gallery containing hewn
      blocks of stone and earthen cups and vases, with many little
      earthen balls of different colors. He also speaks of a fine
      specimen of terra-cotta.37

      The only statues known were found near the Temple of the Cross.
      There were two of them, and they supported a platform before the
      central doorway. One was broken to pieces; the other is here
      represented. Many writers point out resemblances between this
      figure and some Egyptian statues.

      Statue Palenque. (Smith. Inst.)

      In the village of Palenque, built in the wall of a church,38 are
      two stone tablets which once stood on each side of the doorway of
      the altar containing the tablet of the cross.39 Mr. Stephens was
      under the impression that they were originally placed on the
      altar of the tablet of the sun, and they are so represented in
      the cut (Altar in the Temple of the Sun.) earlier. This plate
      represents the left-hand figure. The only explanation which we
      have met is contained in that oft-quoted article by Mr. Holden.
      He regards it as the representation of the Maya god of war. We
      are warned that the weak part of Mr. Holden’s method is his
      assumption that the mythology of the Mayas was the same as that
      of the Aztecs, when the evidence is not strong enough to assert
      such a fact.40

      We feel that we have been somewhat lengthy in describing the
      ruins of Palenque. But it is one of the most important groups of
      ruins that this continent possesses. The most faithful work on
      the part of the scholars of all lands has not as yet succeeded in
      clearing up the mystery connected with it. We can tread the
      courts of their ancient citadel, clamber up to the ruined temples
      and altars, and gaze on the unread hieroglyphics, but, with all
      our efforts, we know but little of its history. There was a time
      when the forest did not entwine these ruins. Once unknown priests
      ministered at these altars. But cacique, or king, and priest have
      alike passed away. The nation, if such it was, has vanished, and
      their descendants are probably to be found in the savage tribes
      of Yucatan to-day. “In the romance of the world’s history,” says
      Mr. Stephens, “nothing ever impressed me more forcibly than the
      spectacle of this once great and lovely city, overturned,
      desolate, and lost, discovered by accident, overgrown with trees
      for miles around, without even a name to distinguish it. Apart
      from every thing else, it was a mournful witness to the world’s
      mutation.

                              “‘Nations melt From power’s high
                              pinnacle, when they have felt The
                              sunshine for awhile, and downward go.’”

      The ruins at Palenque have been so well known, that but little
      attention has been given to other ruins in the States of Tobasco
      and Chiapas; and yet, according to M. Charney, imposing ruins of
      great extent exist in the western part of Tobasco. At a place
      about thirty-five miles from San Juan, in a north-westerly
      direction, he found veritable mountains of ruins “overgrown with
      a luxuriant vegetation.”41 In the absence of cuts, we can not do
      more than give a general idea of these ruins.

Bas-relief on the left-hand of the Altar of the Corss. (Bureau of
Ethnology.)

      He asserts that the whole State of Tobasco, and part of Chiapas,
      is covered with ruins. One landed proprietor informed him that,
      on his estate, he had counted over three hundred pyramids, all of
      them covered with ruins. In this connection he refers to the
      assertions of some of the early Spanish voyagers, that, when
      skirting the shores of Tobasco, they “saw on the shore, and far
      in the interior, a multitude of structures, whose white and
      polished walls glittered in the sun.” On one large pyramid, one
      hundred and fifteen feet high, he found the remains of a building
      two hundred and thirty-five feet long.

      This building is named the palace. In this building we met with
      the type that we have learned is the prevailing one further
      south—that is, three parallel walls, forming two rows of rooms.
      In general, the rooms are not well arranged for comfort,
      according to our opinion; but they were, doubtless, well adapted
      to the communal mode of life prevalent among the Indians. M.
      Charney seems to have been strongly impressed with the number and
      importance of the ruins in this State; but, strangely enough,
      others have not mentioned them.42 He says: “I am daily receiving
      information about the ruins scattered all over the State of
      Tobasco, hidden in the forests. . . . The imagination fails to
      realize the vast amount of labor it would involve to explore even
      a tithe of these ancient sites. These mountains of ruins extend
      over twelve miles. We still see the hollows in the ground whence
      the soil was taken for the construction of these pyramids. But
      they did not consist merely of clay; bricks, too, entered into
      their construction, and there were strengthening walls to make
      them firmer. These structures are more wonderful than the
      pyramids and the other works at Teotihuacan, and they far surpass
      the pyramids of Egypt.”

      In the neighboring State of Chiapas, we find the location of
      several groups of ruins. At Ocosingo, we have the evident traces
      of a large settlement. Mr. Stephens mentions four or five
      pyramids crowned with buildings. Immediately beyond these
      pyramids he came upon an open plateau, which he considered to
      have been the site of the city proper. It was protected on all
      sides by the same high terraces, overlooking for a great distance
      the whole country around, and rendering it impossible for an
      enemy to approach from any quarter without being discovered.
      “Across this table was a high and narrow causeway, which seemed
      partly natural and partly artificial, and at some distance on
      which was a mound, with the foundation of a building that had
      probably been a tower. Beyond this the causeway extended till it
      joined a range of mountains. . . . There was no place we had seen
      which gave us such an idea of the vastness of the works erected
      by the aboriginal inhabitants.”43

      The ruins at Palenque are considered by some to belong to the
      ancient period of Maya architecture; those we are now to examine
      are regarded as of more modern date. This is at least true with
      respect to the time of their abandonment. Though the efforts of
      explorers in Yucatan have been attended with rich results, still
      few places have been fully described. The country is fairly
      dotted with sites of aboriginal settlements. In all probability
      there are many that are yet unknown. Hidden in tropical jungles,
      they are fast falling into meaningless mounds of _débris._ The
      early Spanish explorers, skirting the coasts of Yucatan, gazed in
      astonishment at the views they occasionally obtained of pyramids
      crowned with temples and imposing buildings. But this gleam of
      historic light was but momentary in duration. It served but to
      throw a sunset glow over the doomed tribes and civilization of
      the Mayas. By the aid of that dim, uncertain light, we are asked
      to recognize a form of government and society which, under the
      clearer light of modern researches is seen to bear an equally
      strong resemblance to institutions more in keeping with the
      genius of the New World.

      The few travelers who visit the country are generally content to
      revisit and describe places already known. This is not strange,
      considering the difficulties that have to be overcome. The
      country swarms with savage Indians, who are jealous of the
      intrusions of strangers. We have, however, this consolation:
      those ruins already brought to light show such a uniformity of
      detail, that it is not probable that any new developments are to
      be expected. The ruins that are already known are sufficient to
      illustrate all the points of their architecture; and we can draw
      from them, doubtless, all that can be drawn from ruins, throwing
      light on the civil organization of the Mayas of Yucatan.

      Plan of Uxmal.

      We can not do better than to describe some of the more important
      ruins, and then notice wherein others differ. Examining the map,
      we see that Uxmal44 is one of the first ruins that would meet us
      on arriving, in the country. It is more fully described than any
      other, though perhaps not of greater importance than those of
      some other localities. As at Palenqué, while the principal ruins
      are said to be situated in a small area, the whole section
      abounds in mounds and heaps of _débris,_ and it may well be said
      that buildings as imposing as those already described are
      concealed in the forest not far removed from the present ruins. A
      plat of ground seventeen hundred feet long by twelve hundred feet
      wide would include the principal structures now known.

      The most imposing single edifice here is that called the
      Governor’s House. The only reason for giving it this name is its
      size. Being of large size, and located on a terraced pyramid, it
      has received a name which may be very inappropriate. We will
      first notice the pyramid on which the building stands. At
      Palenque the pyramid rises regularly from the ground. Here the
      pyramid is terraced. In order to understand clearly the
      arrangement of these various terraces, we introduce this drawing.
      The base is a somewhat irregular figure, though nearly a square.
      Another pyramid cuts into one corner of the terrace. The first
      terrace is about three feet high, fifteen feet broad, and five
      hundred and seventy-five feet long. The second terrace is twenty
      feet high, two hundred and fifty feet wide, and five hundred and
      forty-five feet in length. The third terrace, on which the
      building stands, is nineteen feet high, and its summit platform
      is one hundred by three hundred and sixty feet. The height of
      this platform above the general surface is a little over forty
      feet.45

      Pyramid at Palenque.

      The material of which the pyramid is composed, is rough fragments
      of limestone, thrown together without order; but the terraces
      were all faced with substantial stone work. At the time of Mr.
      Stephens’s visit the facing of the second terrace was still in a
      good state of preservation. Charney believes the platform was
      paved with square blocks. This pyramid was not entirely
      artificial—they took advantage of a natural hill, as far as it
      went. No stairway or other means of ascent to the first terrace
      is mentioned. From its low height, probably none was needed. The
      second terrace being twenty feet high, some means of ascent was
      required. This was afforded, as seen in the drawing, by an
      inclined plane, at the south side one hundred feet broad. From
      the second terrace a grand staircase, one hundred and thirty feet
      wide, containing thirty-five steps, led up to the summit of the
      third terrace.

      No buildings or other ornaments are mentioned as having been
      found on the lower terrace. The wide promenade of the second one
      supported some structures of its own, but they were in too
      dilapidated a condition to furnish a clear idea of their original
      nature, except in one instance—that is of the building at A of
      the drawing. This building was ninety-four feet long, thirty-four
      feet wide, and about twenty feet high.

      The roof had fallen in, so that we do not know the arrangement of
      the rooms in the interior. The simplicity of ornaments on the
      outer wall is commented on. Instead of the complicated ornaments,
      so apparent on the buildings of Yucatan, the only ornament in
      this case was a simple and elegant line of round columns,
      standing close together, and encircling the whole edifice. At
      regular intervals on the upper cornice appeared a sculptured
      turtle. From this circumstance, the building was named “The House
      of Turtles.” No steps lead to the terrace below or to the one
      above. “It stands isolated and alone, seeming to mourn over its
      own desolate and ruinous condition.”

      At B, along the south end of the terrace, there was a long, low
      mound of ruins, and arranged along its base was a row of broken
      columns about five feet high and nearly five feet in
      circumference. Some have supposed, from this, that columns
      extended along the entire promenade of the second terrace. This
      would indeed give it a very grand appearance; but there is no
      foundation for such a view. East of the central stairway at C,
      was a low, square inclosure. This contained a standing pillar,
      now in a slanting position, as if an effort had been made to
      throw it over. It was about eight feet above the surface of the
      ground and five below. The Indians called it a whipping-post. Mr.
      Stephens thinks it was connected with the ceremonial rites of an
      ancient worship. He found a similarly shaped stone in connection
      with other buildings at Uxmal, and at other places in Yucatan.

      Two-headed Monument, Uxmal.

      Still further east, at D, he found a rude, circular mound of
      rough stones. On excavating this, he was rewarded by the
      discovery of a double-headed monument. It was carved out of a
      single block of stone. The probabilities are that it was
      purposely buried when the natives abandoned Uxmal, to prevent the
      Spaniards from destroying it. Scattered about over this platform
      were found excavations much like well-made cisterns in shape. As
      it is something of a mystery where the inhabitants obtained
      water, it is a reasonable supposition that these were really
      cisterns. Similar excavations were discovered all over the area
      of the ruins.

      Leaving the second terrace, and passing up the ruined stairway,
      we find ourselves on the summit platform of the third terrace,
      and see before us one of the long, low, richly ornamented
      buildings of Yucatan. This cut presents us an end view, but gives
      us a good idea of the building as a whole. It does not occupy the
      entire summit; there is a wide promenade all around it. Its
      length is three hundred and twenty-two feet; its width,
      thirty-nine feet, and its height twenty-six feet.

      End View.

      In order to understand clearly the arrangement of the rooms, we
      will here give the ground-plan. The two end portions may have
      been additions to the original structure. There are, at any rate,
      reasons for supposing the small rooms in the two recesses of
      later construction. We must notice that we have here the usual
      three parallel walls and two rows of rooms. All the walls are
      massive, the rear wall especially so. It is nine feet thick
      throughout, and so are the transverse walls of the two recesses.
      Supposing the rear wall might contain rooms, Mr. Stephens made an
      opening through it. He found it to be solid.

      Ground Plan.

      The stones facing the walls and rooms are smooth and square, and
      the mass of the masonry consists of rough, irregular fragments of
      stone and mortar. This cross-section makes this meaning plain. We
      can but notice what an immense amount of useless labor was
      bestowed on the walls and ceilings of this building. We gather
      more the idea of galleries excavated in a rocky mass, than of
      rooms inclosed by walls. The rooms are very plain; no attempt at
      decoration was observed. In one or two instances the remains of a
      fine coat of plastering was noticed. “The floors were of cement,
      in some places hard, but by long exposure broken, and now
      crumbling under foot.” The arches supporting the roof are of the
      same style as those at Palenque—that is, triangular,—though, in
      this case, the ends of the projecting stones were beveled off so
      as to form a smooth surface. At Palenque, we remember, the
      inequalities were filled with cement. Across the arches were
      still to be observed beams of wood, the ends buried in the wall
      at both sides. The supposition is that they served to support the
      arches while building, and afterwards for the suspension of
      hammocks.46

      Cross-section of Uxmal.

      There are no openings for light and ventilation, consequently
      some of the rear rooms are both damp and dark. The lintels over
      each doorway were of wood. This was the common and ordinary
      material employed for lintels in Yucatan, though in one or two
      instances stone was used. They used for this purpose beams of
      zapote, a wood noted for its strength and durability. Some inner
      lintels still remain in place. The one over the central doorway
      of the outer wall was elaborately carved, the others were plain.

      The outside of the building is also of interest to us. By a
      careful examination, we notice a cornice just above the doorway.
      The wall below the cornice presents a smooth surface of
      limestone, no traces of plaster or paint appearing; above the
      cornice the façade is one solid mass of rich, complicated, and
      elaborately sculptured ornaments. This is not stucco work, as at
      Palenque, but the ornaments are carved on stone. Mr Stephens
      tells us, “Every ornament or combination is made up of separate
      stones, each of which had carved on it part of the subject, and
      was then set in its place in the wall. Each stone, by itself, is
      an unmeaning fractional portion, but placed by the side of
      others, makes, part of a whole which, without it, would be
      incomplete.”

      It is not possible to give a verbal description of all of the
      ornaments; we can notice but few. Over each doorway was
      represented a person apparently seated on a sort of throne,
      having a lofty head-dress, with enormous plumes of feathers
      falling symmetrically on each side. Though the figures varied in
      each case, in general characteristics they were the same as the
      one here represented, which was the figure over the central
      doorway of the building.

      Figure over the Doorway. Ornament over the Doorway.

      Among the most commonly reappearing ornaments at Uxmal, and at
      other places, is one that has received the name of the
      “Elephant’s Trunk,” and has given rise to no little discussion.
      One occurs immediately above the figure. Part of this ornament is
      represented in this plate. The central part of this figure, which
      appears as a plain band, is in reality a curved projecting stone,
      which, when looked at sideways, has the appearance given in this
      cut. Though requiring a little imagination, the majority of
      travelers see in this some monster’s face. The eyes and teeth are
      seen in the first engraving. This projecting stone is the nose.

      Elephant’s Trunk.

      We stand in amazement before this sculptured façade. We must
      reflect that its builders were not possessed of metallic tools.
      It extends entirely around the building, though the end and rear
      walls are not as elaborately decorated as the front. A little
      calculation shows that it contains over ten thousand square feet
      of carved stone. The roof of the building was flat. It had been
      covered with cement. But vegetation had somehow acquired a
      foothold, and the whole is now overgrown with grass and bushes.
      Such is a brief description of this “casa.” Hastening to ruins,
      it appeals powerfully to the imagination. It is a memorial of
      vanished times. We wonder what of the strange people that pressed
      up these stairs and entered these rooms? For many years it has
      been abandoned to the elements. Year by year portions of the
      ornamented façade fall. Though the walls are massive and the roof
      is strong, it is but a question of time when a low mound of ruins
      will alone mark its site.

      Like the palace at Palenque, this structure has given rise to
      conflicting theories as to its use. While many of the writers on
      this subject claim that it was the residence of royalty, there
      are, on the other hand, those who think it is simply a communal
      house of village Indians, or the official house of the tribe. In
      whatever light we shall ultimately view it, it is surely an
      interesting monument of native American culture. The labor
      necessary to rear the terraced pyramid, even though advantage was
      taken of a natural eminence, must have been great. The building
      itself, though not of great dimensions, except in length, must
      have required the labor of a large number of Indians for a long
      time. For purposes of defense, the location, from an Indian point
      of view, was an excellent one, since with them elevation
      constitutes the principal means of defense. The terraces could be
      easily ascended from but one point, where an enemy could be
      easily resisted. In a general way, it may be regarded as a
      representative of Yucatan buildings, and so we will be able to
      more rapidly describe the remaining structures.

      Plan of Nunnery.

      On the general plan we see, to the north of the structure we have
      just described, a group of ruins marked “C.” This is regarded as
      the most wonderful collection of edifices in Yucatan, and as
      exhibiting the highest state of ancient architecture and
      sculpture in North America. They are known as the “Nunnery,”
      which we think is a very absurd name. The pyramid on which they
      stood is also terraced, though on one side only. We give a
      drawing showing the position on the summit platform of the four
      buildings forming this group. Since we have so many ruined
      structures to describe, we must avoid such details as will prove
      tiresome. We will give in a note the dimensions of these
      buildings, and of the pyramid, and pass at once to some points of
      special interest.47

      Traces of stairways are mentioned as leading up to the terrace,
      but none of the steps remained in place. The southern building is
      seen to have doors in both the court and terrace walls, but in
      this case the middle wall is unbroken. All the rooms of this
      building are single. In the plan it appears divided into two
      buildings; the opening is, however, but a triangular arched
      doorway, through which access was had to the court.

      There is no one to dispute our right of way, and so, climbing up
      the ruined stairs, and passing through the deserted gateway, we
      emerge into a courtyard, now silent and deserted and overgrown
      with bushes and grass. It was once paved and covered with cement,
      and in the center are the remains of a stone pillar, similar to
      that in front of the governor’s house. When the houses were all
      occupied this court must have presented an animated scene. But,
      now that the buildings are tenantless and going to ruin, it must
      impress all beholders with a sense of the changes wrought by
      time.

      Room in Nunnery.

      It will be noticed that the northern building does not stand in
      quite the same direction as the southern one, which detracts from
      the symmetry of the whole. It stands on a fourth terrace, twenty
      feet higher than the others. A grand, but ruined, staircase leads
      up the center of the terrace. At each end of this staircase built
      against the terrace, could be distinguished the ruins of a small
      building. There is one unusual feature about the ruins in the
      eastern building. In general, only two rooms open into each
      other. In this building, however, six rooms form one suite, and,
      furthermore, all the doorways of this suite are decorated with
      sculpture. As this suite of rooms was evidently a place of
      interest, we will introduce this illustration, which gives us a
      good idea of the appearance of the rooms on the inside. We would
      do well to compare this cut with that of the room in Pueblo
      Bonito. The arched roof is not a true arch but simply the
      triangular arch we have already spoken of.

      Façade, Southern Building.

      The principal attraction about these buildings is the beautiful
      façades which overlook the court-yard. They are pronounced by all
      to be the finest examples of native American art. With one
      exception, they are neither complicated nor grotesque, but chaste
      and artistic. As in the Governor’s House, the part below the
      cornice is plain, but the remaining part, both front and rear, is
      covered with sculpture. On entering the court-yard from the
      arched gateway of the southern building, we notice that its
      façade is composed of diamond lattice-work and vertical columns,
      while over each doorway is something that resembles a house, with
      a human figure seated in a doorway. This cut represents but a
      small portion of this façade, but it gives us an idea of the
      whole.

      Façade, Eastern Building.

      The façade of the eastern building was in the best state of
      preservation of any. We give a section of this also. The
      ornaments over the doorway, shown in the cut, consist of three of
      those mysterious masks, with the projecting curved stone, already
      described. “The ornaments over the other doorways are less
      striking, more simple, and more pleasing. In all of them there
      is, in the center, a masked face, with the tongue hanging out,
      surmounted by an elaborate head-dress. Between the horizontal
      bars is a range of diamond-shaped ornaments, in which the remains
      of red paint are still distinctly visible, and at each end of
      these bars is a serpent’s head, with the mouth wide open.” It is
      necessary to examine the drawing attentively, to distinguish
      these features. Some think the masked face represents the sun.

      Serpent Façade, Western Building.

      The western façade is known as the Serpent Façade. It was very
      much in ruins at the time of Mr. Stephens’s visit. When entire,
      it must have been of great beauty. Two serpents are trailed along
      the whole front, and by the interlacing of their bodies divide
      the surface into square panels. In the open mouth of these
      serpents is sculptured a human head. The panels are filled with
      ornaments similar in design to those of the “Governor’s House,”
      and among the ornaments of each panel are found one or more human
      faces, while full-sized figures are not entirely absent. This cut
      represents but a small portion of the façade. It gives us,
      however, an idea of the whole. We notice, over the doorway again,
      the elephant’s trunk ornament.

      The northern building, standing high above the rest, on its own
      terrace, was doubtless intended to have the grandest front of
      all. It was, however, in such a ruined state, and the few
      remaining fragments so complicated, that no drawings have been
      given us. Human figures are represented in several places; two
      are apparently playing on musical instruments. We recall that at
      Palenque, the roof of some of the temples bears a curious
      two-storied work, erected apparently for ornamental purposes. The
      same instinct reappears in this building. At regular intervals
      along the front they carried the wall above the cornice, forming
      thirteen turret-like elevations ten feet wide, and seventeen feet
      high. These turrets were also loaded with ornaments. Another
      curious feature about this building is, that it was erected over,
      and completely inclosed, a smaller building of an older date.
      Wherever the outer walls have fallen, the ornamented cornice of
      the inner building is visible.

      When we reflect on the patient labor that must have been expended
      on this pyramid and these buildings, we are filled with
      admiration for their perseverance and ingenuity. They had neither
      domestic animals or metallic tools. The buildings were massively
      built and richly ornamented. The sculptured portion covers over
      twenty-four thousand square feet.48 The terraced mound supporting
      the house contained over sixty thousand cubic yards of materials,
      though this may not be wholly artificial. To our eyes, as these
      rooms had neither windows nor fire-places, they are not very
      desirable. But we may be sure that the builders considered them
      as models of their kind.

      Leaving this interesting ruin, we will now visit one of the
      temples. This is east of the Nunnery, and is marked “D” on the
      plan. The mound on which this building stands is high enough to
      overlook the entire field of ruins. This cut represents the
      eastern side of the mound, up which a flight of stone steps lead
      to the building on the summit. There are some grounds for
      supposing a grander staircase, supported on triangular arches,
      led up the western side.

      Temple, Uxmal.

      The building on the top is not large—only seventy-two feet long,
      and twelve feet wide—and consists of but three rooms, none
      opening into each other. The front of the building, though much
      ruined, presented an elegant and tasteful appearance. There seems
      to be no doubt that this temple was the scene of idolatrous
      worship; perhaps of human sacrifices. In a legal paper which Mr.
      Stephens saw at Meridia, containing a grant of the lands on which
      these ruins stand, bearing date 1673, it is expressly stated that
      the Indians at that time had idols in these ancient buildings, to
      which, every day, openly and publicly, they burned copal. Nor is
      there any doubt that this was the continuation of an old custom.
      In the end room of this temple are engraved two circular figures
      which, by some, are considered as proofs of the presence of
      Phallic worship.49

      The buildings we have described will give us a very good idea of
      the structures of this ancient city. We have described but a few
      of them, but we have now only space to make some general
      observations. We wish to point out some resemblances to the ruins
      at Palenque. In both, buildings that served as temples were not
      large, but of small dimensions, and contained but few rooms. They
      occupy the summits of high pyramids. Such was probably the
      building on the summit of the pyramid at “F” (see plan). The
      buildings on the top of this pyramid, like that just described,
      had but three rooms. A very large pyramid is seen at “E.” Our
      information in regard to it is very meager. A square platform was
      found on the summit. It is not unreasonable to suppose that this
      platform was intended to support a temple. But, before it was
      erected, the presence of the Spaniards put an end to all native
      building. There are, however, no proofs to be advanced in support
      of this statement; it is a mere suggestion.

      We think the House of the Nuns illustrates the general plan of
      building employed at both places. That is as follows: They first
      erected a rectangular pyramid or mounds often terraced. Buildings
      were then put up parallel to the four sides, thus inclosing a
      court. At Palenque this court, as we have seen, was built over.
      Besides the House of Nuns, there are several other instances at
      Uxmal of courts with buildings on their sides. Looking at the
      plan, we see one at “G,” and a still more ruined one between that
      and “F.” Such a court, with traces of ruined buildings, also
      exists between the nunnery and the temple, at “D.” It is not
      improbable that groups of low ruins existing to the westward of
      the structures described would be found, on examination, to
      reveal the same arrangements.

      As for the grand terraced pyramid supporting the Governor’s
      House, it may well be that other buildings would have been added
      in process of time, as population increased. It is not necessary
      to suppose they erected all the buildings around a court at once.
      It seems very reasonable to suppose the northern building of the
      House of Nuns the oldest. The direction is not quite the same as
      the others; it stands on a higher terrace; and, furthermore, the
      present exterior walls are simply built around the older
      building. It may be, however, that the great terraced mound of
      the Governor’s House was intended to support but one building. As
      there is the best of reason for supposing that Uxmal was
      inhabited at the time of the conquest, there is nothing to forbid
      the conclusion that the erection of pyramids, temples, and
      buildings was still going on.

      Hieroglyphics, which formed such an interesting feature at
      Palenque, are here almost entirely wanting. A few rows occur
      around the head of the figure over the principal doorway of the
      Governor’s House. They are of the same general character as those
      already described, but are “more rich, elaborate, and
      complicated.” As to the probable antiquity of these ruins, we
      must defer consideration until we become more acquainted with the
      ruins of Yucatan.

      The places we have now described will make us acquainted with the
      general character of the ruins scattered all over Yucatan. We do
      not feel as if we would be justified in dwelling at any great
      length over the remainder, though one or two important places
      must be mentioned. A word as to the frequency with which the
      ruins occur. We want to repeat that Yucatan, even to this day, is
      far from being thoroughly explored. Almost our only source of
      information is the writings of Mr. Stephens. But he only
      described a few places. In a trip of thirty-nine miles he took in
      a westerly direction from Uxmal he saw no less than seven
      different groups of ruins. Some of these, though in a very
      dilapidated state, presented points of great interest. When he
      started he knew of but few of those ruins. Some he heard of quite
      by accident while on his way, and some he first saw as he
      journeyed along the road. We must suppose the whole country
      equally well supplied.

      After he had left Uxmal for good, at the village of Nochahab (see
      map), a little inquiry brought him information of so many ruins
      that he did not have time to visit them all. As to the question
      of use to which these buildings were applied, we must either
      suppose they had an immense number of temples and palaces—one or
      the other every few miles—or else they were the residences of the
      people themselves. And, though it may seem very strange that an
      imperfectly developed people should ornament so profusely and
      delicately their ordinary places of abode,50 yet it is difficult
      to understand why they should rear such an abundance of temples
      and palaces.

      At Kabah (see map) Mr. Stephens found a most interesting field of
      ruins, rivaling Uxmal in extent, if not surpassing it. One group
      of buildings, arranged much like the House of Nuns, has some
      interesting features about it. The highest terrace in this case
      is nearly square, and the building on its summit is nearly the
      same shape. We have here two rows of double rooms, separated by a
      middle wall, very massive, as if two of the typical Maya
      buildings had been placed back to back. The front of this
      building was elaborately ornamented. In all the buildings at
      Uxmal the part above the cornice only was ornamented. Here the
      entire front was covered with carved stone. To make room for
      further ornaments the roof bore an additional appendage, like the
      second story of the Palenque temples. This building must have
      presented a wonderful appearance when entire.

      Another feature at this place has reference to the pyramid. We
      are familiar with the idea of a terraced mound supporting
      buildings. In one of these Kabah structures the buildings are
      arranged in a different and suggestive way. That is, the pyramid
      was terraced off. There were three ranges of buildings, the roof
      of one range forming a promenade in front of the other. In
      another of the Kabah structures was found a wooden lintel,
      elegantly carved. Mr. Stephens tells us the lines were clear and
      distinct, and the cutting, under any test, and without any
      reference to the people by whom it was executed, would be
      considered as indicating great skill and proficiency in the art
      of carving on wood. At the expense of a great deal of hard work,
      he succeeded in getting this lintel out and removed to New York,
      where it was unfortunately destroyed by fire.

      They worked stone to better advantage at Kabah than at Uxmal. For
      the first time we meet with lintels of stone and a doorway with
      carved jambs. The lintels were supported in the center by a
      pillar. The pillars were rude and unpolished, but they were not
      out of proportion, and, in fact, were adapted to the lowness of
      the building. We will only mention one more structure. This is a
      lonely arch, of the same form as all the rest, having a span of
      fourteen feet. It stands on a ruined mound, disconnected from
      every other structure, in solitary grandeur. “Darkness rests upon
      its history, but in that desolation and solitude, among the ruins
      around, it stood like the proud memorial of a Roman triumph.”
      There was the usual pyramid with a temple. In a plan given of the
      field of ruins seventeen groups are seen, and, without a doubt,
      many more exist in the immediate forest.

      Arch, Kabah.

      M. Charney has of late years made a discovery which conclusively
      shows that this was an inhabited place at the time of the
      conquest. In a room as ruined as the rest he discovered the
      stucco-figure of a horse and its rider. They are formed after the
      Indian manner by an inexperienced hand guided by an over-excited
      imagination. Both figures are easily recognized. The horse has on
      its trappings. We can see the stirrups. The man wears his
      cuirass. We all know what astonishment the appearance of men on
      horseback produced among the Indians, and so we are not at a loss
      to divine the cause which led to the construction of this figure.
      We must remember Mr. Stephens was hurried for time. Portions of
      this figure were mutilated, and other portions had been covered
      over by a layer of stucco, which Charney had to remove before the
      figure could be distinctly made out.51

      Zayi.

      Within a radius of ten miles from Kabah are located no less than
      six so-called cities. The general appearance of all is the
      same—low ranges of buildings on terraced mounds, and ornamented
      façades. One of these places, by the name of Zayi, is of interest
      to us, because it gives us a hint as to how these people
      constructed their buildings. Amongst other buildings they found
      one large terraced mound, with buildings arranged on it in a very
      significant manner. There were three ranges of buildings, one
      over the other—the roof of one range on a level with the
      foundation of the range above. A grand stair-way led up the
      mound. This feature is illustrated in the plate above. We can
      imagine what a grand appearance must have been presented by this
      great terraced mound, when its buildings were all perfect.

      Plan of Zayi. (Bureau of Ethnology.)

      The plan of this mound and buildings is shown in the last cut.
      Ten rooms on the north side of the second range presented a
      curious feature. They were all filled up with a solid mass of
      stone and mortar, and this filling up must have gone on as fast
      as the walls rose, and the arched ceiling must have closed over a
      solid mass. A very reasonable explanation is given of this state
      of things by Mr. Morgan.52 He considers that such was the
      rudeness of mechanical knowledge among these people that the only
      way they could construct their peculiar arched roof was to build
      it over an internal core of masonry. Once put together over such
      a core, and carried up several feet, the down weight of the arch
      would articulate and hold the mass together. Then the core of
      masonry would be cleaned out, and the room was ready for use. If
      this be true, it follows that these rooms were the last erected.
      They were not yet cleared out when the operations of the
      Spaniards put an end to all native building. We must notice the
      structures at Zayi are in as ruined a condition as the
      others—thus strengthening the conviction that their abandonment
      was at about the time of the conquest of the peninsula.

      We have not space to follow Mr. Stephens in all his journey.
      Every few miles he came across one of these peculiar structures.
      A common design is apparent in all; but all are alike enveloped
      in mystery. At Labna he found an extensive field of ruins, equal
      in importance to any in Yucatan. The next illustration represents
      an arched gateway, which reminds us of that in the “House of
      Nuns.” Passing through this he found himself in a ruined
      court-yard, fronting which were the remains of buildings; but
      this was only one of many groups of ruins, and Labna was but one
      of many places visited. At Labphak Mr. Stephens found “the
      tottering remains of the grandest structure that now rears its
      ruined head in the forests of Yucatan.” This was a terraced
      mound, faced by buildings on three sides, leaving an immense
      stair-way occupying the fourth side.

      Gateway at Labna.

      Small interior stair-ways are mentioned in this building, but no
      particular description is given of them. At two places sculptured
      tablets were found. These tablets are worthy of notice. They were
      the only ones Mr. Stephens found, except at Palenque. It will be
      seen, on the map, that this ruin is nearer Palenque than any of
      the places in Yucatan yet described. Stucco ornaments, so
      apparent at the latter place, were now becoming numerous again.
      At Uxmal stone for building could be had in the greatest
      abundance—it was not as plenty here. The builders, apparently,
      adapted their ornamentation to the material at hand; and, while
      at Palenque they employed stucco in ornament, at Uxmal they
      carved stone.53

      We must now leave this interesting section of Yucatan, though
      only a few places have been mentioned. The reader is well aware
      of the difference of opinion with which these ruins are viewed.
      Some of them are unquestionably temples. If we regard the others
      as palaces and the public buildings of great cities, we are at
      once puzzled to account for their great numbers. If we look on
      the majority of them as communal residences of the inhabitants,
      we are amazed at the mass of decorations with which they are
      adorned. But our admiration stops there—we are accustomed to
      speak of them as stately edifices. This is owing to their
      exterior ornaments, and their position on terraced mounds. The
      houses are often of great length, but not striking in other
      regards. The rooms, in the majority of cases, are small, low,
      dark, and ill ventilated. A great amount of useless labor was
      bestowed upon the walls, which were unnecessarily massive.

      Near the center of the northern part of the peninsula is seen a
      place marked Chichen, to which is generally added the word Itza,
      making the entire name of the place Chichen-Itza. In this case
      the ancient Maya name has come down to us with the ruins—Chichen
      meaning the “mouth of wells,” having reference to two springs
      which supplied the place with water. Itza is the name of a branch
      of the Maya people. This place is of interest to us in several
      ways. It was, unquestionably, a renowned city in aboriginal
      times. Here the Spaniards met with a very severe repulse. As a
      ruin it attracted the attention of early writers, and it has been
      the subject of antiquarian research in recent times. The
      description of the buildings will not detain us long. They are,
      evidently, the work of the same people as those whose structures
      we have already described.

      One of the most important buildings is known as the Nunnery,
      reminding us at once of the collection of buildings of that name
      at Uxmal. In this case, however, the pyramid is represented by a
      solid mass of masonry one hundred and twelve by one hundred and
      sixty feet, rising with perpendicular sides to the height of
      thirty-two feet. This is seen to be a departure from the method
      of constructing pyramids hitherto described. The proprietor of
      the estate on whose grounds these ruins are located used this
      mound as a stone-quarry. An excavation of thirty feet revealed no
      secret chambers.

      The probabilities are that it is solid throughout. A grand
      staircase, fifty-six feet wide, leads up to the top of this
      mound. Mr. Stephens tells us that three ranges of buildings
      occupied the summit, and his drawings represent the same. The
      roof of the one forms a promenade in front of the one above. So
      each range of buildings rests on a foundation solid from the
      ground. Mr. Bancroft describes this mound as having but two
      ranges of buildings on the summit. Of these buildings the second
      range was, seemingly, the most important. Several of its rooms
      contained niches in the back wall, extending from floor to
      ceiling. From traces still visible, they were once covered with
      painted ornaments. One of the rooms was fifty-seven feet long and
      nine wide.

      In the rear wall of this room were nine of these niches. “All of
      the walls of this room, from the floor to the peak of the arch,
      had been covered with painted designs, now wantonly defaced, but
      the remains of which present colors, in some places, still bright
      and vivid; and among these remains detached portions of human
      figures continually reappear, well drawn, the heads adorned with
      plumes of feathers and the hands bearing shields and spears.” To
      this pile of masonry, at one end, a wing had been attached. This
      building was similar in design to other buildings in Yucatan.
      Theoretically we would expect this wing to be much later in time
      than the buildings on the mound. That it is so, is proven by the
      fact that in two rooms the internal core of masonry, as described
      at Zayi, had not been wholly removed.

      We have noticed in all these structures, the builders first threw
      up a mound or pyramid to support the building. In one of the
      Chichen edifices the earth had been excavated from all around it,
      so as to still present the appearance of a mound. Perhaps the
      most prominent object at this place is a stately pyramid, with an
      imposing building, represented in the plate below. The mound
      itself is nearly two hundred feet square, and rises to the height
      of seventy-five feet. On the west and north sides are ruined
      staircases.

      Castillo, Chichen-Itza.

      On the ground, at the foot of the stairway on the north side,
      “forming a bold, striking, and well conceive commencement to this
      lofty range, are two colossal serpents’ heads, ten feet in
      length, with mouths wide open, and tongues protruding. No doubt
      they were emblematic of some religious belief, and, in the mind
      of an imaginative people passing between them, to ascend the
      steps, must have excited feelings of solemn awe.” The temple on
      the summit of this pyramid has some peculiar features about it.
      It is nearly square—forty-three by forty-nine feet—only one door
      in each side. In the room within, instead of partition walls
      supporting arches, were two immense beams, resting on square
      pillars, and supporting two arches—the only instance in the ruins
      of Yucatan of such use of beams.

      Gymnasium at Chichen-Itza.

      We now wish to speak of one class of ruins which are present at
      Uxmal, but which we did not describe. They are two parallel
      walls. On the plan of Uxmal they are noticed between the
      Governor’s House and the House of Nuns. This illustration
      represents this feature. These walls are each two hundred and
      seventy-four feet long, thirty feet thick, and twenty-six feet
      high. The distance separating them is one hundred and twenty
      feet. About one hundred feet from the north end, is seen a
      building fronting the open space between the walls. A building
      stood in a like position at the south end. In the cut a stone
      ring is seen projecting from each side. On the rim and border of
      these rings were sculptured two serpents, represented below. The
      general supposition is that this structure was used in the
      celebration of public games. Mr. Stephens refers us to the
      writings of Herrera, an early historian, for a description of a
      game of ball played at Mexico, where the surroundings must have
      been much the same as is here represented.

      Ring.

      Most of the structures in Yucatan have been left in undisturbed
      quiet since the visit of Mr. Stephens. Five years after his
      visit, the Indians rose in revolt, and a large portion of country
      through which he traveled in perfect safety has, since then, been
      shunned by cautious travelers. As he says, “For a brief space the
      stillness that reigned around them was broken, and they were
      again left to solitude and silence.” At Uxmal, and some places
      near the coast, more recent travelers have investigated the
      ruins, wondered over them, and passed on, without materially
      adding to our knowledge respecting them. In 1873 a French
      scientists Dr. A. Le Plongon, accompanied by his wife, visited
      Yucatan for the purpose of exploring the ruins. They spent a year
      in Meridia, thoroughly studying the customs of the country, and
      preparing for work.

      Their first field of work was this ancient city, Chichen-Itza. As
      a result, he lays before us a picture of life and times not only
      vastly remote from us, but surpassing in wonder any thing
      hitherto presented. In the field of American antiquities we need
      scarcely be surprised at whatever conclusions are presented to
      us. We believe, however, we are not too harsh in saying that
      scholars, as a rule, consider Le Plongon as too much carried away
      by enthusiasm to judge coolly of his discoveries.54 The most
      important part of his discoveries seem to have been in the
      buildings in connection with the Gymnasium last described.

      At the time of the Spanish conquest, a very common tradition
      among the natives was that, in ancient times, three brothers
      governed the country. This legend of three rulers in olden times,
      was not peculiar to the Mayas, but was found among all the Indian
      nations of Central America.55 In our opinion this last statement
      at once shows we have here to deal with a question belonging to
      mythology and not to history. But M. Le Plongon considers the
      buildings at Chichen, especially those of the Gymnasium,
      illustrative of the lives of the three brothers, and of the queen
      of one of them. In brief, he tells us the names of these three
      brothers were, Chaac-mol, Huuncay, and Aac. The first of these,
      Chaac-mol, means Tiger King. It was he who raised Chichen-Itza to
      the height of its glory. M. Le Plongon would have us believe that
      the merchants of Asia and Africa traded in its marts, and that
      the wise men of the world came hither to consult with the
      H-men,56 whose convent, together with their astronomical
      laboratory, is still to be seen. Aac was the younger brother of
      the three. He conspired against the life of Chaac-mol, and
      finally killed him. The queen of Chaac-mol then erected the
      buildings around the Gymnasium as his memorial.

      Building at end of Gymnasium.

      At the south end of the eastern wall Mr. Stephens noticed two
      ruined buildings, an upper and a lower one, of which our next cut
      is a representation. He was struck with the remains of painting,
      which entirely covered the walls. He tells us the walls were
      everywhere covered with designs in painting, representing, in
      bright and vivid colors, human figures, battles, houses, trees,
      and scenes of domestic life. We give, in a plate, detached
      portions of these figures. We must understand that, in the
      original, these were beautifully colored. The colors used were
      “green, yellow, red, blue, and reddish brown, the last being
      invariably the color given to human flesh.”

      Painted Stucco-work.

      M. Le Plongon contends that these paintings represent scenes in
      the lives of the three brothers and the Queen of Chaac-mol, “in
      the funeral chamber.” Says he: “The terrible altercation between
      Aac and Chaac-mol, which had its termination in the murder of the
      latter by his brother, is represented by large figures
      three-fourths life size.”57 And in another place he tells us:
      “The scenes of his death is impressively portrayed on the walls,
      which the queen caused to be raised to the memory of her husband,
      in the two exquisite rooms, the ruins of which are yet to be seen
      upon the south end of the east wall of the Gymnasium. The rooms
      were a shrine where the conjugal love of the queen worshiped the
      memory of her departed lover. She adorned the outer walls with
      his effigies, his totem-tiger, and his shield and coat-of-arms
      between tiger and tiger;58 whilst on the admirably polished
      stucco, that covers the stones in the interior of the rooms, she
      had his deeds—his and her own life, in fact—painted in beautiful,
      life-like designs, superbly drawn, and sweetly colored.”59

      He tells us further, that Aac, after the commission of his crime,
      fled to Uxmal for protection, where he built the edifice
      described as the “Governor’s House.” The seated figures over the
      central door-way, he says, represents Aac. In the hieroglyphics
      around the head he finds the name. Although neither Mr. Stephens
      nor the other travelers mention any thing of the kind, he says
      that, under the feet of this figure, “are to be seen the bodies
      of three figures, two men and one woman, flayed.”60 Though the
      figures are headless, he has no doubt but that they represent
      Huuncay, Chaae-Mol, and the queen, his wife. We are further told
      that the ruined structure on the second terrace, called the
      “House of Turtles,” was Aac’s private residence.

      Queen consulting the H-men.

      This wonderful story of the lives and adventures of the three
      brothers was revealed to the doctor by a careful study of the
      detached painting mentioned by Mr. Stephens. One of the paintings
      which served him so good a turn is shown in the cut above, which
      he considers represents the queen, when a child, consulting one
      of the wise men as to her future destiny.61

      Perhaps as interesting a portion of his discoveries as any, is
      finding sculptured figures of bearded white men on the pillars of
      the temple, and painted on the walls of Chaac-mol’s chambers. He
      thinks they have Assyrian features. He also claims to have
      discovered figures having true Negro features.

      As to the antiquity of this city he readily figures up nineteen
      thousand years; but this did not take him to the beginning. He
      arrives at this estimate in this way: To the north-east of the
      pyramid, we have described, are to be seen rows of small columns,
      which have excited the curiosity of all who have seen them. Mr.
      Stephens represents them in four rows, inclosing a rectangular
      area. M. Le Plongon says they surrounded three sides of a
      terraced pyramid, which once supported the main temple of the
      city. Mr. Stephens has no suggestions to offer as to their use.

      Le Plongon claims they were used to measure time, and quotes from
      old authors to the effect, that each stone in them stands for
      twenty years; and, as there is always just eight stones in a
      column, each column means one hundred and sixty years. He counted
      one hundred and twenty of these columns—and then, as he says:
      “Got tired of pushing my way through the nearly impenetrable
      thicket, where I could see many more among the shrubs.” From this
      number he computes nineteen thousand two hundred years.

      What shall we say to this story that M. Le Plongon brings us of
      ancient Maya civilization? It is unquestioned that he has
      expended a great amount of patient labor in his work, has braved
      many dangers, and is thoroughly in earnest. He has also spent
      years in the field, and ought to be well qualified to judge of
      the ruins. We believe, however, he is altogether wrong in his
      conclusions. The keystone of his discoveries—the one on which he
      relies to prove the accuracy of his methods—fails him. This was
      the discovery of the statue of Chaac-mol himself, which is here
      represented. He claims to have found it as the result of
      successfully rendering certain mural tablets in the funeral
      chamber, but a careful reading of his own account of the affair
      leaves us under the impression that the “instincts of the
      archæologist” had as much to do with it as any thing else.62

      Chaac-mol.

      Be that as it may, he certainly did find this statue buried in
      the ground. He is very positive it is Chaac-mol, claiming to have
      read the name readily in hieroglyphics on the ear-tablets. He
      says: “It is not an idol, but a true portrait of a man who has
      lived an earthly life. I have seen him represented in battle, in
      council, and in court receptions. I am well acquainted with his
      life, and the manner of his death.” This statue was seized by the
      Mexican Government, and taken to Mexico. Here a curious discovery
      was made. Another statue similar to this was already in the
      museum. This latter had been found not far from Mexico. Since
      then, still a third, smaller than the others, but evidently
      representing the same personage, has been discovered. In short,
      it has been shown that this is an idol, worshiped as well by the
      Aztecs as by the Mayas, and, instead of being buried, as Le
      Plongon asserts, five thousand years ago, we have not much doubt
      it was buried to prevent its falling in to the hands of the
      Spaniards.63

      Bearded Itza.

      As to the antiquity with which Le Plongon would clothe Chichen,
      if his method be right, he has not more than made a beginning.
      Mr. Stephens counted three hundred and eighty of these same
      columns, and tells us there were many more.64 We know no good
      reason for supposing Chichen was not inhabited at the time of the
      conquest. The wooden beams and lintels in the temples have not
      yet decayed, and the masonry had not been cleaned out of some of
      the rooms. On this point we wish to make a suggestion, a mere
      hint. The pillars that supported the arches in the temple
      mentioned some pages back were covered with sculpture. Amongst
      some others, but very faintly represented, was the preceding
      figure of a bearded man. May it not be that it represents a
      Spaniard? We must recall the stucco figure of the horse and its
      rider at Kabah. It seems to us a reasonable suggestion that they
      should carve on the pillars of their temples representations of
      the Spaniards, for the Spaniards were twenty-five years in
      gaining a permanent foothold in Yucatan, and during that time the
      Indians would continue to build and ornament as before.

      Arizona Ruin. REFERENCES



        Bancroft: “Native Races,” Vol. V, p. 78.

        Stephens’s “Incidents of Travel in Central America, Chiapas,
        and Yucatan,” Vol. I, p. 113, _et seq._

        Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. IV, p. 95.

        “Report of Bureau of Ethnology,” Vol. I. Mr. Holden’s article.

        Fourteen years later, these ruins were visited and described by
        an Austrian traveler, Dr. Scherzer. His account, though much
        more complete than Mr. Stephens’s, has not yet appeared in
        English. Mr. Bancroft, in “Native Races,” Vol. IV, p. 118, _et
        seq.,_ gives a _résumé_ of all information known as to these
        ruins.

        “Central America,” Vol II, p. 122. We are not sure about this
        inclosure. But Mr. Catherwood mentions a wall, and we are told
        the ruins are, in all respects, similar to those of Copan.

        For full information consult Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol.
        IV, pp. 115 to 139.

        “Central America,” Vol. II, pp. 152-3.

        Brasseur De Bourbourg styles Fuentes’s description of Copan “La
        description menteuse de Fuentes.” Bancroft: “Native Races,”
        Vol. IV, p. 80, note.

        Charney, in _North American Review,_ 1881.

        “Native Races,” Vol. IV, p. 300, _et seq._

        Morgan’s “Contribution to N.A. Ethnology,” Vol. IV, p. 268.

        Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. IV, p. 319.

        Armin: “Das Heute Mexico.”

        “Native Races,” Vol. IV.

        Bancroft’s “Native Races,” p. 326.

        Short’s “North Americans of Antiquity,” p. 389.

        Holden, in “First Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.”

        Brasseur De Bourbourg.

        “Myths of the New World.”

        Holden, in “First Annual Report Bureau of Ethnology.”

        This tablet is named after its discoverer. The building in
        which it is situated was but a short distance from the others;
        yet, owing to the density of the forest, neither Waldeck nor
        Stephens discovered it. A cast of it is now in the National
        Museum at Washington.

        Rau, in “Smithsonian Contribution to Knowledge,” Vol. XXII, p.
        40.

        “Myths of the New World,” p. 95.

        Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. V, p. 506.

        See, also, “American Encyclopedia,” Art. “Cross.”

        “Conquest of Mexico,” p. 160.

        “Smithsonian Contribution to Knowledge,” Vol. XXII.

        Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. III, p. 470.

        “Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology,” Vol. I.

        Mr. Holden uses, as an important link in his arguments, a
        figure engraved on a chalchiute (a sacred stone). He concludes
        it to be a representative of Huitzilopochtli, the god of war,
        or rather the Maya representative of the Mexican god of that
        name. It is unfortunate that Prof. Valentine gives to this same
        figure a different significance. In the “Proceedings of the
        American Antiquarian Society,” for April, 1884, in a paper on
        that subject, he concludes it to be a representation of a
        victorious warrior giving sacrifice to his god. The only
        persons entitled to speak on such subjects are those thoroughly
        acquainted with Maya Archæology.

        Huitzilopochtli.

        Tlaloc.

        Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. III, p. 324.

        While such seem to us to be the results of Mr. Holden’s labors,
        it must not be understood that he vouches for them. They must
        be regarded as personal views which we express with some mental
        forebodings. In this matter we must abide by further
        investigations.

        Bandelier: “An Archæological Tour in Mexico,” p. 184.

        Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. IV, p. 345.

        See Charney, in _North American Review,_ 1881. They wore
        formerly in a house.

        Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. IV, p. 332.

        Brinton’s “Contribution to North American Ethnology,” Vol. V,
        p. 36. “Introduction to Study of Manuscript Troano,” by Prof.
        Thomas.

        _North American Review,_ February, 1881, p. 187.

        Bancroft’s “Native Races,” p. 287.

        “Central America,” Vol. II, p. 261. At this time Mr. Stephens
        had not seen the ruins at Palenque, and those in Yucatan.

        Pronounced “oosh-mal.”

        Our principal authority on the ruin’s of Yucatan is Mr.
        Stephens, whose work, “Incidents of Travel in Yucatan,” in two
        volumes, is all that can be desired. Mr. Bancroft, in “Native
        Races,” Vol. IV, has gathered together whatever of worth there
        is in the writings of various explorers.

        Mr. Stephens thinks they were for the support of the arches,
        while building. As, however, it is almost certain they
        constructed this arch over a solid cove of masonry, which they
        afterwards removed (see “Contributions to N.A. Ethnology,” Vol.
        IV, p. 262), they could not have been intended for such use.

        The pyramid is three hundred and fifty feet square at the base
        and nineteen feet high. The terraces are along the south side.
        The lowest terrace is three feet high and twenty feet wide. The
        second is twelve feet high and forty-five feet wide. The third
        is four feet high and five feet wide. The building on the south
        side is two hundred and seventy-nine feet long, twenty-eight
        feet wide, and eighteen feet high. The north one is two hundred
        and sixty-four feet long, twenty-eight feet wide, and
        twenty-five feet high. The eastern one, one hundred and
        fifty-eight feet long, thirty-five feet wide, and twenty-two
        feet high. The western one, one hundred and seventy-three feet
        long, thirty-five feet wide, and twenty feet high. (Bancroft’s
        “Native Races,” Vol. IV, p. 174.) The area of the court is two
        hundred and fourteen feet by two hundred and fifty-eight feet.
        It is about two and a half feet lower than the buildings on the
        eastern, western, and southern sides. There are seventy-six
        rooms in the four ranges of buildings, and twelve more in the
        facings of the terrace of the north building, to be described.
        In size the rooms vary from twenty to thirty feet long by from
        ten to twelve feet wide.

        Bancroft: “Native Races,” Vol. IV, p. 179.

        The dimensions of this mound are as follows: Length of base,
        two hundred and thirty-five feet; width of base, one hundred
        and five feet; height, eighty-eight feet. Though diminishing as
        it rises, it is not exactly pyramidal, but its corners are
        rounded. It is incased with stone, and is apparently solid from
        the plain.—Stephens’s “Yucatan,” Vol. I, p. 316.

        See “Proceedings Am. Antiq. Society,” April, 1880, p. 57.

        _North American Review,_ 1882.

        “Contributions to North American Ethnology,” Vol. IV, p. 267.

        Stephens’s “Yucatan,” Vol. II, p. 164.

        Short’s “North Americans of Antiquity,” p. 396; Charney: _North
        American Review,_ October, 1880.

        “Proceedings Am. Antiq. Society,” Oct., 1878, p. 73.

        Learned men of the Mayas.

        American Antiquarian Society, October 1878.

        The tigers can be seen on the engraving of the gymnasium.

        Proceedings American Antiquarian Society, April, 1877, p. 97.

        Proceedings American Antiquarian Society, April, 1877, p. 101.

        M. Le Plongon interprets the curved figures issuing from the
        throat of the wise-man. In the original, different parts of
        this figure were of different colors. The doctor frankly tells
        us, that “imagination does the greater part of the work” in his
        interpretation.

        “Guided, as I have said, by my interpretations of the mural
        paintings, bas-reliefs, and other signs, . . . I directed my
        steps, perhaps inspired by the instincts of the archæologist,
        to a dense part of the thicket.” Proceedings Am. Antiq.
        Society, April, 1877, p. 85.

        _North American Review,_ October, 1880. And yet there are
        indications that this is a statue. See Bandelier’s
        “Archæological Tour in Mexico,” p. 74.

        Stephens’s “Yucatan,” Vol. II, p. 318.




Chapter XV
      THE CULTURE OF THE CIVILIZED TRIBES.1


      Different views on this question—Reason for the same—Their
      architecture—Different styles of houses—The communal house—The
      tecpan—The teocalli—State of society indicated by this
      architecture—The gens among the Mexicans—The phratry among the
      Mexicans—The tribe—The powers and duties of the council—The head
      chiefs of the tribe—The duties of the “Chief-of-men”—The mistake
      of the Spaniards—The Confederacy—The idea of property among the
      Mexicans—The ownership of land—Their laws—Enforcement of the
      laws—Outline of the growth of the Mexicans in power—Their tribute
      system—How collected—Their system of trade—Slight knowledge of
      metallurgy—Religion—Quietzalcohuatl—Huitzilopochtli—Mexican
      priesthood—Human sacrifices—The system of Numeration—The calendar
      system—The calendar stone—Picture writing—Landa
      alphabet—Historical outline.

      Alandscape presents varied aspects according to the standpoint
      from which it is viewed. Here we have a glimpse of hill and dale;
      there a stretch of running water. But two persons, standing in
      the same position, owing to their different mental temperaments,
      will view things in a different light. Where one, an artist born,
      is carried away with the beautiful scenery, another, with a more
      practical turn of mind, perceives only its adaptability for
      investments. Education and habits of life are also very potent
      factors in determining our views on various questions. Scholars
      of wide and extended learning differ very greatly in their views
      of questions deeply affecting human interests. We know how true
      that is of abstruse topics, such as religion and questions of
      state polity. It is also true of the entire field of scientific
      research. The unknown is a vastly greater domain than the known,
      and men, after deep and patient research, adopt widely different
      theories to explain the same facts.

      It need, therefore, occasion no surprise to learn that there is a
      great difference of opinion as to the real state of culture among
      the so-called civilized tribes of Mexico and Central America. We
      have incidentally mentioned this difference in describing the
      ruins and their probable purpose. As one of the objects we have
      in view, and perhaps the most important one, is to learn what we
      can of the real state of society amongst the prehistoric people
      we treat of, it becomes necessary to examine these different
      views, and, if we can not decide in our own minds what to accept
      as true, we will be prepared to receive additional evidence that
      scholars are now bringing forward, and know to how weigh them and
      compare them with others.

      It has only been within the last few years that we have gained an
      insight into the peculiar organization of Indian society. After
      some centuries of contact between the various tribes of Indians
      and whites, their social organization was still unknown. But we
      are now beginning to understand this, and the important discovery
      has also been made that this same system of government was very
      widely spread, indeed. This subject has, however, been as
      extensively treated as is necessary in chapter xii, so we need
      not stop longer. But if, with all the light of modern learning,
      we have only lately gained a clear understanding of the social
      organization of Indian tribes, it need occasion no surprise, nor
      call for any indignant denial, to affirm that the Spaniards
      totally misunderstood the social organization of the tribes with
      which they came in contact in Mexico.

      We must also take into consideration the political condition of
      Europe at this time. Feudalism still exercised an influence on
      men’s minds. The Spanish writers, in order to convey to Europeans
      a knowledge of the country and its inhabitants, applied European
      names and phrases to American Indian (advanced though they were)
      personages and institutions. But the means employed totally
      defeated the object sought. Instead of imparting a clear idea, a
      very erroneous one was conveyed.

      As an illustration of this abuse of language, we might refer to
      the case of Montezuma, which name itself is a corruption of the
      Mexican word “Motecu-zoma,” meaning literally “my wrathy chief.”
      Mr. Bandelier2 and Mr. Morgan have quite clearly shown what his
      real position was. His title was “chief of men.”3 He was simply
      one of the two chief executive officers of the tribe and general
      of the forces of the confederacy. His office was strictly
      elective, and he could be deposed for misdemeanor. Instead of
      giving him his proper title, and explaining its meaning, the
      Spaniards bestowed on him the title of king, which was soon
      enlarged to that of emperor, European words, it will be observed,
      which convey an altogether wrong idea of Mexican society. Many
      such illustrations could be given.

      The literature that has grown up about this subject is very
      voluminous, but the authors not being acquainted with the
      organization of Indian society, have not been able to write
      understandingly about them. We do not flatter ourselves that we
      have now solved all the difficulties of the case. But since Mr.
      Morgan has succeeded in throwing such a flood of light on the
      constitution of ancient society, and especially of Indian
      society, and Mr. Bandelier has given us the results of his
      careful investigation of the culture of the Mexicans, we feel
      that a foundation has been laid for a correct understanding of
      this vexed problem.

      We will now examine their architecture, or style of building. In
      dealing with prehistoric people, we have several times referred
      to the tribal state of government, involving village life and
      communism in living. We have seen how this principle enabled us
      to understand the condition of Europe during the Neolithic Age.
      In still another place we have used this principle to show the
      connection of the Pueblo Indians and other tribes of the United
      States. Now we think this is the key which is to explain many of
      the ruins we have described in the preceding chapter. But another
      principle to be borne in mind, is that of defense. War, we have
      seen, is really the normal state of things amongst tribal
      communities. Therefore, either some position naturally strong
      must be selected as a village site, or the houses themselves must
      be fortified, after the fashion of Indians. This will be found to
      explain many peculiarities in their method of construction.

      Amongst the pueblo structures of to-day, and among the ruins of
      the cliff-dwellers, we have seen how compact every thing was. The
      estufa, or place of council and worship, was built in close
      proximity to the other building, and sometimes it formed part of
      it, and we do not learn that there was any thing distinguishing
      about the apartments of the chief. Further South a change is
      noticed. A specialization of structures, if we may use such an
      expression, has taken place, and, among the Mexicans, three kinds
      of houses were distinguished. It is extremely probable the same
      classification could be made elsewhere. There was, first of all,
      the ordinary dwelling houses. Every vestige of aboriginal
      buildings in the pueblos of Mexico has long since disappeared,
      and our knowledge of these structures can only be gathered from
      the somewhat confused accounts of the early writers.

      Many, perhaps most, of the houses had a terraced, pyramidal
      foundation. Some were constructed on three sides of a court, like
      those on the Rio Chaco, in New Mexico. Others probably surrounded
      an open court, or quadrangle. The houses were of one and two
      stories in height. When two stories, the upper one receded from
      the first, probably in the terraced form. As serving to connect
      them with the more ornamental structures in Yucatan, we are told
      they were sometimes “adorned with elegant cornices and stucco
      designs of flowers and animals, which were often painted with
      brilliant colors. Prominent among these figures was the coiling
      serpent.”4 After pointing out, by many citations, that the
      evidence always was that these houses were occupied by many
      families, Mr. Morgan concludes, “They were evidently joint
      tenement-houses of the aboriginal American model, each occupied
      by a number of families ranging from five and ten to one hundred,
      and perhaps, in some cases, two hundred families in a house.”5

      We can discern this kind of dwelling-house in many of the
      descriptions we have given of the ruins in the preceding chapter.
      M. Charney evidently found them at Tulla and Teotihuacan. Mr.
      Bandelier concludes that similar ruins once crowded the terraces
      at Cholula, and that to this class belongs the ruins at Mitla.
      The Palace, at Palenque, is evidently but another instance, as
      well as the House of Nuns, at Uxmal. In fact, with our present
      knowledge of the pueblos of Arizona, and the purposes which they
      subserved, as well as the uses made of such houses by the
      Mexicans, we are no longer justified in bestowing upon the
      structures in Yucatan the name of palaces.

      The mistake was excusable among the Spaniards. They were totally
      ignorant of the mode of life indicated by these joint
      tenement-houses. When they found one of these large structures,
      capable of accommodating several hundred occupants, with its
      inner court, terraced foundation, and ornamented by stucco work,
      or sculpture, it was extremely natural that they should call it a
      palace, and cast about for some titled owner.

      A second class of houses includes public buildings. The Mexicans,
      when at the height of their power, required buildings for public
      use, and this was doubtless true of the people who inhabited
      Uxmal and Palenque. The most important house was the tecpan, the
      official house of the tribe, the council house proper. This was
      the official residence of the “chief of men” and his assistants,
      such as runners. This was the place of meeting of the council of
      chiefs. It was here that the hospitality of the Pueblo was
      exercised. Official visitors from other tribes and traders from a
      distance were provided with accommodations here. When Cortez and
      his followers entered Mexico they were provided for at the
      tecpan. We would not expect to find these public buildings,
      except in rich and prosperous pueblos. It has been suggested that
      the Governor’s House at Uxmal was the official house of that
      settlement. The large halls, suitable for council purposes, favor
      this idea.6

      A third class of buildings was the teocalli, or “House of God”—in
      other words, the temple. These were quite common. Each of the
      gens that composed the Mexican tribe had its own particular
      medicine lodge or temple. This was doubtless true of each and
      every tribe of sedentary Indians in the territory we are
      describing. “The larger temples were usually built upon pyramidal
      parallelograms, square or oblong, and consisted of a series of
      superimposed terraces with perpendicular or sloping sides.”7 It
      is not necessary to dwell longer on this style of buildings. We
      have only to recall the temples of the Sun, of the Cross, and of
      the Beau-relief at Palenque; the House of the Dwarf at Uxmal, and
      the Citadel at Chichen-Itza, to gather a clear idea of their
      construction.

      The architecture of a people is a very good exponent of their
      culture. Yet all have seen what different views are held as to
      the culture of the tribes we are considering. We have, perhaps,
      said all that is required on this part of the subject, yet even
      repetition is pardonable if it enables us to more clearly
      understand our subject. The ornamentation on the ruins of Yucatan
      is so peculiar that in our opinion it has unduly influenced the
      judgment of explorers in this matter. They lose sight of the fact
      that the apartments of the houses are small, dark, and illy
      ventilated.

      That they should hive gone to the trouble of so profusely
      decorating their usual places of abode is, indeed, somewhat
      singular.8 But Mitla was certainly an inhabited pueblo at the
      time of the Spanish conquest, and there is no good reason for
      concluding it was ever any thing more than a group of communal
      buildings. Yet, from the description given of it, we can not see
      that the buildings are greatly inferior in decoration to the
      structures in Yucatan. And yet again, from the imperfect accounts
      we have of the aboriginal structures in the pueblo of Mexico, we
      infer they were constructed on the general plan of communal
      buildings. As for the decorations, we have seen they had
      sometimes elaborate cornices, and were covered with stucco
      designs of animals and flowers. In this case some of them were,
      to be sure, public buildings for tribal purposes, but the
      majority of them were certainly communal residences. With these
      facts before us, we can not do otherwise than conclude that these
      so-called ruins of great cities we have described are simply the
      ruins of pueblos, consisting of communal houses, temples, and, in
      the case of large and powerful tribes, official houses. To this
      conclusion we believe American scholars are tending more and
      more.

      This requires us to dismiss the idea that the majority of the
      people lived in houses of a poorer construction, which have since
      disappeared, leaving the ruins of the houses of the nobles. There
      was no such class division of the people as this would signify.
      These ruins were houses occupied by the people in common. With
      this understanding, a questioning of the ruins can not fail to
      give us some useful hints. We are struck with their ingenuity as
      builders. They made use of the best material at hand. In Arizona
      the dry climate permits of the use of adobe bricks, which were
      employed, though stone was also used. Further south the pouring
      tropical rains would soon bring down in ruins adobe structures
      and so stone alone is used.

      In the Arizona pueblo we have a great fortress-built house, three
      and four stories high, and no mode of access to the lower story.
      This is in strict accord with Indian principles of defense, which
      consists in elevated positions. Sometimes this elevated position
      was a natural hill, as at Quemada, Tezcocingo, and Xochicalco.
      Where no hill was at hand they formed a terraced pyramidal
      foundation, as at Copan, Palenque, and Uxmal. In the highest
      forms of this architecture this elevation is faced with stone, or
      even composed throughout of stone, as in the case of the House of
      Nuns at Chichen-Itza. In the construction of houses progress
      seems to have taken place in two directions. The rooms increased
      in size. In some of the oldest pueblo structures in Arizona the
      rooms were more like a cluster of cells than any thing else.9

      They grow larger towards the South. In the house at Teotihuacan
      M. Charney found a room twenty-seven feet wide by forty-one feet
      long. Two of the rooms in the Governor’s House at Uxmal are sixty
      feet long. But the buildings themselves diminish in size. In
      Mexico the majority of the houses were but one story high, and
      but very few more than two stories. In Yucatan but few instances
      are recorded of houses two stories high. We must remember that
      throughout the entire territory we are considering the tribes had
      no domestic animals, their agriculture was in a rude state, and
      they were practically destitute of metals.10 They could have been
      no farther advanced on the road to civilization than were the
      various tribes of Europe during the Bronze Age. Remembering this,
      we can not fail to be impressed with the ingenuity, patient toil,
      and artistic taste they displayed in the construction and
      decoration of their edifices.

      It may seem somewhat singular that we should treat of their
      architecture before we do of their system of government, but we
      were already acquainted with the ruins of the former. When we
      turn to the latter we find ourselves involved in very great
      difficulties. The description given of Mexican society by the
      majority of writers on these topics represent it as that of a
      powerful monarchy. The historian Prescott, in his charming work11
      draws a picture that would not suffer by comparison with the
      despotic magnificence of Oriental lands. At a later date Mr.
      Bancroft, supporting himself by an appeal to a formidable list of
      authorities, regilds the scene.12 But protests against such views
      are not wanting. Robertson, in his history, though bowing to the
      weight of authority can not forbear expressing his conviction
      that there had been some exaggeration in the splendid description
      of their government and manners.13 Wilson, more skeptical, and
      bolder, utterly repudiates the old accounts, and refuses to
      believe the Aztecs were any thing more than savages.14

      With such divergent and conflicting views, we at once perceive
      the necessity of carefully scanning all the accounts given, and
      make them conform, if possible, to what is known of Indian
      institutions and manners. The Mexicans are but one of several
      tribes that are the subjects of our research; but their
      institutions are better known than the others, and, in a general
      way, whatever is true of them will be true of the rest. We have
      seen the efforts of the Spanish explorers to explain whatever
      they found new or strange in America by Spanish words, and the
      results of such procedure. We are at full liberty to reject their
      conclusions and start anew.

      What the Spaniards found around the lakes of Mexico was a union
      or confederacy of three tribes. Very late investigations by Mr.
      Bandelier have established the presence of the usual subdivisions
      of the tribes. So we have here a complete organization according
      to the terms of ancient society: that is, the gens, phratry,
      tribe, and confederacy of tribes. It is necessary that we spend
      some time with each of these subdivisions before we can
      understand the condition of society among the Mexicans, and, in
      all probability, the society among all of the civilized nations
      of Central America.

      We will begin with the gens, or the lowest division of the tribe.
      We must understand its organization before we can understand that
      of a tribe, and we must master the tribal organization before
      attempting to learn the workings of the confederacy. To neglect
      this order, and commence at the top of the series, is to make the
      same mistake that the older writers did in their studies into
      this culture. A gens has certain rights, duties, and privileges
      which belong to the whole gens, and we will consider some of the
      more important in their proper place. We must understand by a
      gens a collection of persons who are considered to be all related
      to each other. An Indian could not, of his own will, transfer
      himself from one gens to another. He remained a member of the
      gens into which he was born. He might, by a formal act of
      adoption, become a member of another gens; or he might, in
      certain contingencies, lose his connection with a gens and become
      an outcast. There is no such thing as privileged classes in a
      gens. All its members stand on an equal footing. The council of
      the gens is the supreme ruling power in the gens. Among some of
      the northern tribes, all the members in the gens, both male and
      female, had a voice in this council. In the Mexican gens, the
      council itself was more restricted. The old men, medicine men,
      and distinguished men met in council—but even here, on important
      occasions, the whole gens met in council.

      Each gens would, of course, elect its own officers. They could
      remove them from office as well, whenever occasion required. The
      Mexican gentes elected two officers. One of these corresponded to
      the sachem among northern tribes. His residence was the official
      house of the gens. He had in charge the stores of the gens; and,
      in unimportant cases, he exercised the powers of a judge. The
      other officer was the war-chief. In times of war he commanded the
      forces of the gens. In times of peace he was, so to speak, the
      sheriff of the gens.

      The next division of the tribe was the phratry—the word properly
      meaning a brotherhood. Referring to the outline below, we notice
      that the eight gentes were reunited into two phratries. Mr.
      Morgan tells us that the probable origin of phratries was from
      the subdivision of an original gens. Thus a tradition of the
      Seneca Indians affirms that the Bear and the Deer gentes were the
      original gentes of that tribe.15 In process of time they split up
      into eight gentes, which would each have all the rights and
      duties of an original gens—but, for certain purposes, they were
      still organized into two divisions.

          TRIBE.
          First Phratry, or Brotherhood.
          Bear Wolf Beaver Turtle
          Gens.

          Second Phratry, or Brotherhood.
          Deer Snipe Heron Hawk
          Gens.



      Each of these larger groups is called a phratry. All of the
      Iroquois tribes were organized into phratries, and the same was,
      doubtless, true of the majority of the tribes of North America.
      The researches of Mr. Bandelier have quite conclusively
      established the fact, that the ancient Mexican tribe consisted of
      twenty gentes reunited as four phratries, which constituted the
      four quarters of the Pueblo of Mexico.

      It is somewhat difficult to understand just what the rights and
      duties of a phratry were. This division does not exist in all
      tribes. But, as it was present among the Mexicans, we must learn
      what we can of its powers. Among the Iroquois the phratry was
      apparent chiefly in religious matters, and in social games. They
      did not elect any war-chief. The Mexican phratry was largely
      concerned with military matters. The forces of each phratry went
      out to war as separate divisions. They had their own costumes and
      banners. The four phratries chose each their war-chief, who
      commanded their forces in the field, and who, as commander, was
      the superior of the war-chiefs of the gentes.

      In time of peace, they acted as the executors of tribal justice.
      They belonged to the highest grade of war-chiefs in Mexico—but
      there was nothing hereditary about their offices. They were
      strictly elective, and could be deposed for cause. They were in
      no case appointed by a higher authority. One of these chiefs was
      always elected to fill the office of “Chief of Men;”16 and, in
      cases of emergency, they could take his place—but this would be
      only a temporary arrangement.

      Ascending the scale, the next term of the series is the tribe.
      The Spanish writers took notice of a tribe, but failed to notice
      the gens and phratry. This is not to be considered a singular
      thing. The Iroquois were under the observation of our own people
      two hundred years before the discovery was made in reference to
      them. “The existence among them of clans, named after animals,
      was pointed out at an early day, but without suspecting that it
      was the unit of a social system upon which both the tribe and the
      confederacy rested.”17 But, being ignorant of this fact, it is
      not singular that they made serious mistakes in their description
      of the government.

      We now know that the Mexican tribe was composed of an association
      of twenty gentes, that each of these gens was an independent
      unit, and that all of its members stood on an equal footing.
      This, at the outset, does away with the idea of a monarchy. Each
      gens would, of course, have an equal share in the government.
      This was effected by means of a council composed of delegates
      from each gens. There is no doubt whatever of the existence of
      this council among the Mexicans. “Every tribe in Mexico and
      Central America, beyond a reasonable doubt, had its council of
      chiefs. It was the governing body of the tribe, and a constant
      phenomenon in all parts of aboriginal America.”18 The Spanish
      writers knew of the existence of this council, but mistook its
      function. They generally treat of it as an advisory board of
      ministers appointed by the “king.”

      Each of the Mexican gens was represented in this council by a
      “Speaking Chief,” who, of course was elected by the gens he
      represented. All tribal matters were under the control of this
      council. Questions of peace and war, and the distribution of
      tribute, were decided by the council. They also had judicial
      duties to perform. Disputes between different gentes were
      adjusted by them. They also would have jurisdiction of all crimes
      committed by those unfortunate individuals who were not members
      of any gens, and of crimes committed on territory not belonging
      to any gens, such as the Teocalli, Market-place, and Tecpan.

      The council must have regular stated times of meeting; they could
      be called together at any time. At the time of Cortez’s visits
      they met daily. This council was, of course, supreme in all
      questions coming before it; but every eighty days there was a
      council extraordinary. This included the members of the council
      proper, the war-chiefs of the four phratries, the war-chiefs of
      the gentes, and the leading medicine men. Any important cause
      could be reserved for this meeting, or, if agreed upon, a
      reconsideration of a cause could be had. We must understand that
      the tribal council could not interfere in any matter referring
      solely to a gens; that would be settled by the gens itself.

      The important points to be noticed are, that it was an elective
      body, representing independent groups, and that it had supreme
      authority. But the tribes needed officers to execute the decrees
      of the council. Speaking of the Northern tribes, Mr. Morgan says,
      “In some Indian tribes, one of the sachems was recognized as its
      head chief; and so superior in rank to his associates. A need
      existed, to some extent for an official head of the tribe, to
      represent it when the council was not in session. But the duties
      and powers of the office were slight. Although the council was
      superior in authority, it was rarely in session, and questions
      might arise demanding the provisional action of some one
      authorized to represent the tribe, subject to the ratification of
      his acts by the council.”19

      This need was still more urgent among the Mexicans; accordingly
      we find they elected two officials for this purpose. It seems
      this habit of electing two chief executives was quite a common
      one among the tribes of Mexico and Central America. We have
      already noticed that the Mexican gentes elected two such officers
      for their purpose. We are further told that the Iroquois
      appointed two head war-chiefs to command the forces of the
      confederacy.20

      One of the chiefs so elected by the Mexicans bore the somewhat
      singular title of “Snake-woman.” He was properly the head-chief
      of the Mexicans. He was chairman of the council and announced its
      decrees. He was responsible to the council for the tribute
      received, as far as it was applied to tribal requirements, and
      for a faithful distribution of the remainder among the gentes.
      When the forces of the confederacy went out to war, he commanded
      the tribal forces of Mexico; but on other occasions this duty was
      fulfilled by his colleague, who was the real war-chief of the
      Mexicans. His title was “Chief-of-men.” This is the official who
      appears in history as the “King of Mexico,” sometimes, even, as
      “Emperor of Anahuac.” The fact is, he was one of two equal
      chiefs; he held an elective office, and was subordinate to the
      council.

      When the confederacy was formed, the command of its forces was
      given to the war-chief of the Mexicans; thus he was something
      more than a tribal officer. His residence was the official house
      of the tribe. “He was to be present day and night at this abode,
      which was the center wherein converged the threads of information
      brought by traders, gatherers of tribute, scouts and spies, as
      well as all messages sent to, or received from, neighboring
      friendly or hostile tribes. Every such message came directly to
      the ‘Chief-of-men,’ whose duty it was, before acting, to present
      its import to the ‘Snake-woman,’ and, through him, call together
      the council.” He might be present at the council, but his
      presence was not required, nor did his vote weigh any more than
      any other member of the council, only, of course, from the
      position he occupied, his opinion would be much respected. He
      provided for the execution of the council’s conclusions. In case
      of warp he would call out the forces of the confederacy for
      assistance. As the procurement of substance by means of tribute
      was one of the great objects of the confederacy, the gathering of
      it was placed under the control of the war-chief, who was
      therefore the official head of the tribute-gatherers.

      We have thus very imperfectly and hastily sketched the
      governmental organization of the Mexican tribe. It is something
      very different from an empire. It was a democratic organization.
      There was not an officer in it but what held his office by
      election. This, to some, may seem improbable, because the
      Spaniards have described a different state of things. We have
      already mentioned one reason why they should do so—that was their
      ignorance of Indian institutions. We must also consider the
      natural bias of their minds. The rule of Charles the V was any
      thing but liberal. It was a part of their education to believe
      that a monarchical form of government was just the thing; they
      were accordingly prepared to see monarchical institutions,
      whether they existed or not.

      Then there was the perfectly natural disposition to exaggerate
      their achievements. To spread in Europe the report that they had
      subverted a powerfully organized monarchy, having an emperor, a
      full line of nobles, orders of chivalry, and a standing army,
      certainly sounded much better than the plain statement that they
      had succeeded in disjointing a loosely connected confederacy,
      captured and put to death the head war chief of the principal
      tribe, and destroyed the communal buildings of their pueblo.

      We must not forget that, from an Indian point of view, the
      confederacy was composed of rich and powerful tribes. This is
      especially true of the Mexicans. The position they held, from a
      defensive standpoint, was one of the strongest ever held by
      Indians. They received a large amount of tribute from subject
      tribes, along with the hearty hatred of the same. From the time
      Cortez landed on the shore he had heard accounts of the wealth,
      power, and cruelty of the Mexicans. When he arrived before Mexico
      the “Chief-of-men,” Montezuma, as representative of tribal
      hospitality, went forth to meet him, extending “unusual
      courtesies to unusual, mysterious, and therefore dreaded,
      guests.” We may well imagine that he was decked out in all the
      finery his office could raise, and that he put on as much style
      and “court etiquette” as their knowledge and manner of life would
      stand.

      The Spaniards immediately concluded that he was king, and so he
      was given undue prominence. They subsequently learned of the
      council, and recognized the fact that it was really the supreme
      power. They learned of the office of “Snake-woman,” and
      acknowledged that his power was equal to that of the
      “Chief-of-men.” They even had some ideas of phratries and gentes.
      But, having once made up their minds that this was a monarchy,
      and Montezuma the monarch, they were loath to change their views,
      or, rather, they tried to explain all on this supposition, and
      the result is the confused and contradictory accounts given of
      these officials and divisions of the people. But every thing
      tending to add glory to the “Empire of Montezuma” was caught up
      and dilated upon. And so have come down to us the commonly
      accepted ideas of the government of the ancient Mexicans.

      That these views are altogether erroneous is no longer doubted by
      some of the very best American scholars. The organization set
      forth in this chapter is one not only in accord with the results
      obtained by the latest research in the field of ancient society,
      but a careful reading of the accounts of the Spanish writers
      leads to the same conclusions.21 In view of these now admitted
      facts, it seems to us useless to longer speak of the government
      of the Mexicans as that of an empire.

      We have as yet said nothing of the league or confederacy of the
      three tribes of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan; nor is it
      necessary to dwell at any great length on this confederacy now.
      They were perfectly independent of each other as regards tribal
      affairs; and for the purpose of government, were organized in
      exactly the same way as were the Mexicans. The stories told of
      the glories, the riches, and power of the kings of Tezcuco, if
      any thing, outrank those of Mexico. We may dismiss them as
      utterly unreliable. Tribal organization resting on phratries and
      gentes, and the consequent government by the council of the tribe
      was all the Spaniards found. These three tribes, speaking
      dialects of the same stock language, inhabiting contiguous
      territory, formed a league for offensive and defensive purposes.
      The commander-in-chief of the forces raised for this purpose was
      the “Chief-of-men” of the Mexicans.

      We have confined our researches to the Mexicans. Mr. Bandelier,
      speaking of the tribes of Mexico, remarks: “There is no need of
      proving the fact that the several tribes of the valley had
      identical customs, and that their institutions had reached about
      the same degree of development.” Or if such proofs were needed,
      Mr. Bancroft has furnished them. So that this state of society
      being proven among the Mexicans, it may be considered as
      established among the Nahua tribes. Neither is there any
      necessity of showing that substantially the same state of
      government existed among the Mayas of Yucatan. This is shown by
      their architecture, by their early traditions, and by many
      statements in the writings of the early historians. These can
      only be understood and explained by supposing the same social
      organization existed among them as among the Mexicans.

      But this does not relegate these civilized nations to savagism.
      On the other hand, it is exactly the form of government we would
      expect to find among them. They were not further along than the
      Middle Status of barbarism. They were slowly advancing on the
      road that leads to civilization, and their form of government was
      one exactly suited to their needs, and one in keeping with their
      state of architecture. When we gaze at the ruins of their
      material structures, we must consider that before us are not the
      only ruins wrought by the Spaniards; the native institutions were
      doomed as well. Traces of this early state of society are,
      however, still recoverable, and we must study them well to learn
      their secret.

      We have yet before us a large field to investigate; that is, the
      advance made in the arts of living among these people. This is
      one of the principal objects of our present research. We are here
      slightly departing from the prehistoric field, and entering the
      domain of history. But the departure is justifiable, as it serves
      to light up an extensive field, that is, the manner of life among
      the civilized nations just before the coming of the Spaniards.
      And first we will examine their customs in regard to property. We
      have in a former chapter reverted to the influence of commerce
      and trade in advancing culture. The desire for wealth and
      property which is such a controlling power to-day was one of the
      most efficient agents in advancing man from savagism to
      civilization. The idea of property, which scarcely had an
      existence during that period of savagism, had grown stronger with
      every advance in culture. “Beginning in feebleness, it has ended
      in becoming the master passion of the human mind.”

      The property of savages is limited to a few articles of personal
      use; consequently, their ideas as to its value, and the
      principles of inheritance, are feeble. They can scarcely be said
      to have any idea as to property in lands, though the tribe may
      lay claim to certain hunting-grounds as their own. As soon as the
      organization of gens arose, we can see that it would affect their
      ideas of property. The gens, we must remember, was the unit of
      their social organization.

      They had common rights, duties, and privileges, as well as common
      supplies; and hence the idea arose that the property of the
      members of a gens belonged to the gens. At the death of an
      individual, his personal property would be divided among the
      remaining members of the gens. “Practically,” says Mr. Morgan,
      “they were appropriated by the nearest of kin; but the principle
      was general that the property should remain in the gens.”22 That
      this is a true statement there is not the shadow of a doubt. This
      was the general rule of inheritance among the Indian tribes of
      North America. As time passed on, and the tribes learned to
      cultivate the land, some idea of real property would arise—but
      not of personal ownership.

      This is quite an important topic; because, when we read of lords
      with great estates, we are puzzled to know how to reconcile such
      statements with what we now know of the nature of Mexican tribal
      organization. Mr. Bandelier has lately gone over the entire
      subject. He finds that the territory on which the Mexicans
      originally settled was a marshy expanse of land which the
      surrounding tribes did not value enough to claim.

      This territory was divided among the four gentes of the tribe. As
      we have already seen, each of these four gentes subsequently
      split up into other independent gentes until there were twenty in
      all. Each of these gens held and possessed a portion of the
      original soil. This division of the soil must have been made by
      tacit consent. The tribe claimed no ownership of these tracts,
      still less did the head-chief. Furthermore, the only right the
      gentes claimed in them was a possessory one. “They had no idea of
      sale or barter, or conveyance, or alienation.” As the members of
      a gens stood on equal footing, this tract would be still further
      divided for individual use. This division would be made by the
      council of the gens. But we must notice the individual acquired
      no other right to this tract of land than a right to cultivate
      it—which right, if he failed to improve, he lost. He could,
      however, have some one else to till it for him. The son could
      inherit a father’s right to a tract.

      We have seen that the Mexicans had a great volume of tribal
      business to transact, which required the presence of an official
      household at the tecpan. Then the proper exercise of tribal
      hospitality required a large store of provisions. To meet this
      demand, certain tracts of the territory of each gens were set
      aside to be worked by communal labor. Then, besides the various
      officers of the gens, and the tribe, who, by reason of their
      public duties, had no time to till the tracts to which, as
      members of a gens, they would be entitled, had the same tilled
      for them by communal labor. This was not an act of vassalage, but
      a payment for public duties.

      This is a very brief statement of their customs as regards
      holding of lands. It gives us an insight into the workings of
      ancient society. It shows us what a strong feature of this
      society was the gens, and we see how necessary it is to
      understand the nature of a gens before attempting to understand
      ancient society. We see that, among the civilized nations of
      Mexico and Central America, they had not yet risen to the
      conception of ownership in the soil. No chief, or other officer,
      held large estates. The possessory right in the soil was vested
      in the gens composing the tribe, and they in turn granted to
      individuals certain definite lots for the purpose of culture. A
      chief had no more right in this direction than a common warrior.
      We can easily see how the Spaniards made their mistake. They
      found a community of persons holding land in common, which the
      individuals could not alienate. They noticed one person among
      them whom the others acknowledged as chief. They immediately
      jumped to the conclusion that this chief was a great “lord,” that
      the land was a “feudal estate,” and that the persons who held it
      were “vassals” to the aforesaid “lord.”23

      We must now consider the subject of laws, and the methods of
      enforcing justice amongst the civilized nations. The laws of the
      Mexicans, like those of most barbarous people, are apt to strike
      us as being very severe; but good reasons, according to their way
      of thinking, exist for such severity. The gens is the unit of
      social organization; which fact must be constantly borne in mind
      in considering their laws. In civilized society, the State
      assumes protection of person and property; but, in a tribal state
      of society, this protection is afforded by the gens. Hence, “to
      wrong a person was to wrong his gens; and to support a person was
      to stand behind him with the entire array of his gentile
      kindred.”

      The punishment for theft varied according to the value of the
      article stolen. If it were small and could be returned, that
      settled the matter. In cases of greater value it was different.
      In some cases the thief became bondsman for the original owner.
      In still others, he suffered death. This was the case where he
      stole articles set aside for religion—such as gold and silver, or
      captives taken in war; or, if the theft were committed in the
      market-place. Murder and homicide were always punished with
      death. According to their teaching, there was a great gulf
      between the two sexes. Hence, for a person of one sex to assume
      the dress of the other sex was an insult to the whole gens—the
      penalty was death. Drunkenness was an offense severely
      punished—though aged persons could indulge their appetite, and,
      during times of festivities, others could. Chiefs and other
      officials were publicly degraded for this crime. Common warriors
      had their heads shaved in punishment.

      These various penalties necessarily suppose judicial officers to
      determine the offense and decree the punishment. Having
      established, on a satisfactory basis, the Mexican empire, the
      historians did not scruple to fit it out with the necessary
      working machinery of such an organization. Accordingly we are
      presented with a judiciary as nicely proportioned as in the most
      favored nations of to-day. But when, under the more searching
      light of modern scholarship, this empire is seen to be something
      quite different, we find the whole judicial machinery to be a
      much more simple affair.

      Not much need be added on this point to what we have already
      mentioned. Each gens, through its council, would regulate its own
      affairs, and would punish all offenses against the law committed
      by one of its members against another. Of necessity the decision
      of this council had to be final. There was no appeal from its
      decision. The council of the tribe had jurisdiction in all other
      cases—such as might arise between members of different gentes, or
      among outcasts not connected with any gens, or such as were
      committed on territory not belonging to any gens.

      For this work, the twenty chiefs composing the council were
      subdivided into two bodies, sitting simultaneously in the
      different halls of the tecpan. This division was for the purpose
      of greater dispatch in business. They did not form a higher and
      lower court, with power of the one to review the decisions of the
      other. They were equal in power and the decisions of both were
      final. The decision of the council, when acting in a judicial
      capacity, would be announced by their foreman, who was, as we
      have seen, the head-chief of the Mexicans—the Snake-woman. It is
      for this act that the historian speaks of him as the supreme
      judge, and makes him the head of judicial authority.24 His
      decisions were, of course, final, not because he made them, but
      because they were the conclusions of the council.

      The “Chief-of-men,” the so-called “king,” did not properly have
      any judicial authority. He was their war-chief, and not a judge;
      but from the very nature of his office he had some powers in this
      direction. As commander-in-chief, he possessed authority to
      summarily punish (with death, if necessary) acts of
      insubordination and treachery during war. It was necessary to
      clothe him with a certain amount of discretionary power for the
      public good. Thus, the first runner that arrived from the coast
      with news of the approach of the European ships was, by the order
      of Montezuma, placed in confinement. “This was done to keep the
      news secret until the matter could be investigated, and was
      therefore a preliminary measure of policy.” Placed at the tecpan
      as the official head of the tribe, he had power to appoint his
      assistants. But this power to appoint implied equal power to
      remove, and to punish.25

      This investigation into their laws and methods of enforcing them,
      carries us to the conclusion already arrived at. It is in full
      keeping with what we would expect of a people in the Middle
      Status of barbarism. We also see how little real foundation there
      is for the view that this was a monarchy. There is no doubt but
      that the pueblo of Mexico was the seat of one of the largest and
      most powerful tribes, and the leading member of one of the most
      powerful confederacies that had ever existed in America.

      It may be of interest for us to inquire as to what was the real
      extent of this power, and the means employed by the Mexicans to
      maintain this power; also how they had succeeded in attaining the
      same. They were not by nature more gifted than the surrounding
      tribes. The valley of Mexico is an upland basin. It is oval in
      form, surrounded by ranges of mountains, rising one above the
      other, with depressions between. The area of the valley itself is
      about sixteen hundred square miles. The Mexicans were the last
      one of the seven kindred tribes who styled themselves,
      collectively, the Nahuatlacs. We treat of them as the Nahuas.

      The Nahuas on the north and the Mayas on the south included the
      civilized nations. When the Mexicans arrived in this valley, they
      found the best situations already occupied by other tribes of
      their own family. To escape persecution from these, they fled
      into the marsh or swamp which then covered the territory which
      they subsequently converted into their stronghold. Here on a
      scanty expanse of dry soil, surrounded by extensive marshes, they
      erected their pueblo. Being few in numbers they were overlooked
      as insignificant, and thus they had a chance to improve their
      surroundings. They increased the area of dry land by digging
      ditches, and throwing the earth from the same on the surrounding
      surface, and thus elevated it. In reality, in the marshes that
      surrounded their pueblo was their greatest source of strength.
      “They realized that while they might sally with impunity, having
      a safe retreat behind them, an attack upon their position was
      both difficult and dangerous for the assailant.” They were,
      therefore, strong enough for purposes of defense. But they wished
      to open up communication with the tribes living on the shore of
      the great marsh in the midst of which they had their settlement.
      For this purpose they applied to their near and powerful
      neighbors, the Tecpanics, for the use of one of the springs on
      their territory, and for the privilege of trade and barter in
      their market. This permission was given in consideration that the
      Mexicans become the weaker allies of the Tecpanics, that is, pay
      a moderate tribute and render military assistance when called
      upon.

      The Pueblo of Mexico now rapidly increased in power.
      Communication being opened with the mainland, it was visited by
      delegates from other tribes, and especially by traders. They
      fully perceived the advantages of their location and improved the
      same. By the erection of causeways, they entirely surrounded
      their pueblo with an artificial pond of large extent. To allow
      for the free circulation of the water, sluices were cut,
      interrupting these causeways at several places. Across these
      openings wooden bridges were placed which could be easily removed
      in times of danger.

      Thus it was that they secured one of the strongest defensive
      positions ever held by Indians. The Tecpanics had been the
      leading power in the valley, but the Mexicans now felt themselves
      strong enough to throw off the yoke of tribute to which they were
      subject. In the war that ensued the power of the Tecpanics was
      broken, and the Mexicans became at once one of the leading powers
      of the valley. We must notice, however, that the Mexicans did not
      gain any new territory, except the locality of their spring.
      Neither did they interfere at all in the government of the
      Tecpanics. They simply received tribute from them.

      Once started on their career of conquest, the Mexicans, supported
      by allies, sought to extend their power. The result was that soon
      they had subdued all of the Nahua tribes of the valley except
      one, that was a tribe located at Tezcuco. This does not imply
      that they had become masters of the territory of the valley. When
      a modern nation or state conquers another, they often add that
      province to their original domain, and extend over it their code
      of laws. This is the nature of the conquests of ancient Rome. The
      territory of the conquered province became part of the Roman
      Empire. They became subject to the laws of Rome. Public, works
      were built under the direction of the conquerors, and they were
      governed from Rome or by governors appointed from there.

      Nothing of this kind is to be understood by a conquest by the
      Mexicans, and it is necessary to understand this point clearly.
      When they conquered a tribe, they neither acquired nor claimed
      any right to or power over the territory of the tribe. They did
      not concern themselves at all with the government of the tribe.
      In that respect the tribe remained free and independent. No
      garrisons of troops were stationed in their territory to keep
      them in subjection; no governors were appointed to rule over
      them. What the Mexicans wanted was tribute, and in case of war
      they could call on them for troops. Secure in their pueblo
      surrounded by water, they could sally out on the less fortunate
      tribes who chose to pay tribute rather than to be subject to such
      forays.

      Instead of entering into a conflict with the tribe at Tezcuco,
      the result of which might have been doubtful, a military
      confederacy was formed, into which was admitted the larger part
      of the old Tecpanic tribe that had their chief pueblo at
      Tlacopan. The definite plan of this confederacy is unknown. Each
      of the three tribes was perfectly independent in the management
      of its own affairs. Each tribe could make war on its own account
      if it wished, but in case it did not feel strong enough alone, it
      could call on the others for assistance. When the force of the
      confederacy went out to war, the command was given to the war
      chief of the Mexicans, the “Chief-of-men.”

      If a member of the confederacy succeeded in reducing by its own
      efforts a tribe to tribute, it had the full benefit of such
      conquest. But when the entire confederacy had been engaged in
      such conquest, the tribute was divided into five parts, of which
      two went to Mexico, two to Tezcuco, and one to Tlacopan. This
      co-partnership for the purpose of securing tribute by the three
      most powerful tribes of the valley, under the leadership of
      Mexico, was formed about the year 1426, just about one hundred
      years from the date of the first appearance of the Mexicans in
      the valley.

      From this time to the date of the Spanish conquest in 1520, the
      confederate tribes were almost constantly at war with the
      surrounding Indians, and particularly with the feeble village
      Indians southward from the valley of Mexico to the Pacific, and
      thence eastward well towards Guatemala. They began with those
      nearest in position, whom they overcame, through superior
      numbers, and concentrated action, and subjected to tribute. These
      forays were continued from time to time for the avowed object of
      gathering spoil, imposing tribute and capturing prisoners for
      sacrifice, until the principal tribes within the area named, with
      some exceptions, were subdued and made tributary.26

      The territory of these tribes, thus subject to tribute,
      constitutes what is generally known as the Mexican Empire.27 But,
      manifestly, it is an abuse of language to so designate this
      territory. No attempt was made for the formation of a State which
      would include the various groups of aborigines settled in the
      area tributary to the confederacy. “No common or mutual tie
      connected these numerous and diverse tribes,” excepting hatred of
      the Mexican confederacy. The tribes were left independent under
      their own chiefs. They well knew the tribute must be forthcoming,
      or else they would feel the weight of their conquerors’
      displeasure. But such a domination of the strong over the weak,
      for no other reason than to enforce an unwilling tribute, can
      never form a nation, or an empire.28 These subject tribes, held
      down by heavy burdens—inspired by enmity, ever ready to
      revolt—gave no new strength to the confederacy: they were rather
      an element of weakness. The Spaniards were not slow to take
      advantage of this state of affairs. The tribes of Vera Cruz, who
      could have imposed an almost impassable barrier to their advance
      through that section, were ready to welcome them as deliverers.29
      The Tlascaltecans, though never made tributary to the Mexicans,
      had to wage almost unceasing war for fifty years preceding the
      coming of the Spaniards. Without their assistance, Cortez would
      never have passed into history as the conqueror of Mexico.

      A word as to the real power of the Mexicans. Their strength lay
      more in their defensive position than any thing else. As we have
      just stated, the entire forces of the confederacy were unable to
      subject the Tlascaltecans, the Tarasca of Michhuacan were fully
      their equal in wealth and power. The most disastrous defeat that
      ever befell the forces of the confederacy was on the occasion of
      their attack upon this last-named people in 1479. They fled from
      the battle-field in consternation, and never cared to renew the
      attempt. As to the actual population of the Pueblo of Mexico, the
      accounts are very much at variance. Mr. Morgan, after taking
      account of their barbarous condition of life—without flocks and
      herds, and without field agriculture, but also considering the
      amount of tribute received from other tribes—considers that an
      estimate of two hundred and fifty thousand inhabitants in the
      entire valley would be an excessive number. Of these he would
      assign thirty thousand to the Pueblo of Mexico.30

      This is but an estimate. In this connection we are informed,
      that, when the forces of the confederacy marched against
      Michhuacan, as just stated, they counted their forces, and found
      them to be twenty-four thousand men. This includes the forces of
      the three confederate tribes, and their allies in the valley, and
      would indicate a population below Mr. Morgan’s estimate. The
      Spanish writers have left statements as to the population of
      Mexico which are, evidently, gross exaggerations. The most
      moderate estimate is sixty thousand inhabitants; but the majority
      of the writers increase this number to three hundred thousand.

      The main occupation of the Aztecs, then, was to enforce the
      payment of tribute. From the limited expanse of territory at the
      disposal of the Mexicans, and the unusually large number of
      inhabitants for an aboriginal settlement, as well as the natural
      inclination of the Mexicans, they were obliged to draw their main
      supplies from tributary tribes. It is human for the strong to
      compel the weak to serve them. The inhabitants of North America
      were not behind in this respect.31 This is especially true of the
      civilized tribes of Mexico and Central America. The confederacy
      of the three most powerful tribes of Mexico was but a
      copartnership for the avowed purpose of compelling tribute from
      the surrounding tribes, and they were cruel and merciless in
      exacting the same.

      Our information in regard to this tribute is derived almost
      entirely from a collection of picture writings, known as the
      Mendoza collection, which will be described more particularly
      when we describe their picture writings. The confederacy was
      never at a loss for an excuse to pounce upon a tribe and reduce
      them to tribute. Sometimes the tribe marked out for a prey,
      knowing their case to be hopeless, submitted at once when the
      demand was made; but, whether they yielded with or without a
      struggle, the result was the same—that is, a certain amount of
      tribute was imposed on them. This tribute consisted of articles
      which the tribe either manufactured, or was in situation to
      acquire by means of trade or war; but, in addition to this, it
      also included the products of their limited agriculture.

      The same distribution of land obtained among all the civilized
      tribes that we have already sketched among the Mexicans. So, a
      portion of the territory of each conquered tribe would be set
      aside to be cultivated for the use of the confederacy. But, as
      the tribe did not have any land of its own, except for some
      official purpose, this implies that each gens would have to set
      aside a small part of its territory for such purpose. Such lots
      Mr. Bandelier calls tribute lots. These were worked by the gentes
      for the benefit of the Mexicans. It is to be noticed right here,
      that the Mexicans did not claim to own or control the land; this
      right remained in the gentes of the conquered tribe.

      The miscellaneous articles demanded were generally such that they
      bore some relation to the natural resources of the pueblo. For
      instance: pueblos along the coast, in the warm region of country,
      had to furnish cotton cloth, many thousand bundles of fine
      feathers, sacks of cocoa, tiger-skins, etc. In other, and
      favorable locations for such products, the pueblos had to furnish
      such articles as sacks of lime, reeds for building purposes,
      smaller reeds for the manufacture of darts.

      Tribute Sheet

      These facts are ascertained in the Mendoza collection. We are
      given there the pictorial symbol, or coat-of-arms, of various
      pueblos; also, a pictorial representation of the tribute they
      wore expected to pay. The plate is a specimen of their tribute
      rolls. The pueblos paying it are not, however, shown.
      Considerable can be learned from a study of this collection
      —such, for instance, as that the Pueblo of Chala had to pay a
      tribute of forty little bells, and eighty copper ax blades.32
      And, in another place, we learn that the Pueblo of Yzamatitan was
      tributary to eight thousand reams of paper. The articles are here
      pictured forth; the number is indicated by the flags, feathers,
      etc. The tribute of provisions consisted of such articles as
      corn, beans, cocoa, red-pepper, honey, and salt—amounting in all,
      according to this collection33 to about six hundred thousand
      bushels. Still it will not do to place too great a reliance on
      picture records. The number of tributary pueblos must have been
      constantly changing. The quantity of articles intended for
      clothing was certainly very great. A moderate quantity of gold
      was also collected from a few pueblos, where this was obtainable.

      The collection of this tribute was one of the most important
      branches of government among the Mexicans. The vanquished stood
      in peril of their lives if they failed to keep their part of the
      contract. In the first place, the Mexicans took from each subject
      tribe hostages for the punctual payment of tribute. These
      hostages were taken to the Pueblo of Mexico, and held there as
      slaves; their lives were forfeited if the tribute was refused.34
      But special officers were also assigned to the subject tribes,
      whose duty it was to see that the tribute was properly gathered
      and transmitted to Mexico. These stewards or tribute gatherers,
      are the officers that the early writers mistook for governors.
      Their sole business, however, had to do with the collection of
      the tribute, and they did not interfere at all in the internal
      affairs of the tribe.

      Where the forces of the confederacy had conquered a tribe, but
      one steward was required to tend to the tribute, but each of the
      confederate tribes sent their representative to such pueblos as
      had become their own prey, and as sometimes occurred, one pueblo
      paid tribute to each of the confederate tribes, it had to submit
      to the presence among them of three separate stewards.

      We can easily enough see that it required men of ability to fill
      this position. They were to hold their residence in the midst of
      a tribe who were conquered, but held in subjection only by fear.
      To these people they were the constant reminder of defeat and
      disgrace. They were expected to watch them closely and report to
      the home tribe suspicious movements or utterances that might come
      to their notice. We need not wonder that these stewards were the
      tokens of chiefs. It was a part of their duty to superintend the
      removal of the tribute from the place where gathered to the
      Pueblo of Mexico. The tribe paying tribute were expected to
      deliver it at Mexico, but under the supervision of the steward.
      Arrived at Mexico the tribute was received, not by the so-called
      king, the Chief-of-men, but by the Snake-woman, or an officer to
      whom this personage delegated his authority. This officer was the
      chief steward, and made the final division of the tribute. We are
      not informed as to details of this division. A large part of it
      was reserved for the use of the tribal government. It was upon
      this store that the Chief-of-men could draw when supplies were
      needed for tribal hospitality or for any special purpose. The
      stores required for the temple, its priests and keepers were
      gathered from this source. The larger division must have gone
      direct to the stewards of the gentes, who would set some aside
      for their official uses, some for religion or medicine, but the
      larger part would be divided among the members of the gentes.

      In our review of the social system of the Mexicans we have
      repeatedly seen how the organization of gentes influenced and
      even controled all the departments of their social and political
      system. One of the cardinal principles, we must remember, is that
      all the members of a gens stand on an equal footing. In keeping
      with this we have seen that all were trained as warriors; yet the
      great principle of the division of labor was at work. Some filled
      in their leisure during times of peace by acting as traders;
      others became proficient in some branch of work, such as feather
      work, or making gold and silver ornaments. Yet under a gentile
      system of society, persons practising such callings could never
      become very rich or proficient, simply because, being members of
      different gentes, there could not be that cooperation and united
      efforts among workmen in these various trades and callings that
      is necessary to advance them to the highest proficiency. It
      required the breaking up of the gentes and substituting for that
      group a smaller one, our modern family, as the unit of social
      organization, before great progress could be made.

      From what we have just said it follows that it is not at all
      likely that there was any great extremes in the condition of the
      people. No very wealthy or extremely poor classes. This brings us
      to consider the condition of trade and commerce among them. They
      had properly no such a thing as money, so their commerce must
      have consisted of barter or trade and exchange. Some authorities
      assert quite positively that they had money, and mention as
      articles used for such purposes grains of cacao, “T” shaped
      pieces of tin or copper, and quills of gold dust.35 But Mr.
      Bandelier has shown that the word barter properly designates the
      transactions where such articles passed. But this absence of
      money shows us at once that the merchants of Mexico were simply
      traders who made their living by gathering articles from a
      distance to exchange for home commodities.

      We are given some very entertaining accounts of the wealth and
      magnificence of the “merchant princes of Mexico.”36 It needs but
      a moment’s consideration of the state of society to show how
      little foundation there is for such accounts. Mr. Bancroft also
      tells us that “throughout the Nahua dominions commerce was in the
      hands of a distinct class, educated for their calling, and
      everywhere honored by the people and by kings. In many regions
      the highest nobles thought it not disgraceful to engage in
      commercial pursuits.”

      Though we do not believe there is any foundation for this
      statement, yet trading is an important proceeding among sedentary
      tribes. “The native is carried over vast distances, from which he
      returns with a store of knowledge, which is made a part of his
      mythology and rites, while his personal adventures become a part
      of the folk lore.”37 It was their principal way of learning of
      the outside world. It was held in equally high esteem among the
      Mexicans. Such an expedition was not in reality a private, but a
      tribal undertaking. Its members not only carried into distant
      countries articles of barter, but they also had to observe the
      customs, manners, and resources of the people whom they visited.
      Clothed with diplomatic attributes, they were often less traders
      than spies. Thus they cautiously felt their way from tribe to
      tribe, from Indian fair to Indian fair, exchanging their stuff
      for articles not produced at home, all the while carefully noting
      what might be important to their own tribe. It was a highly
      dangerous mission; frequently they never returned, being waylaid
      or treacherously butchered even while enjoying the hospitality of
      a pueblo in which they had been bartering.

      We may be sure the setting out of such an expedition would be
      celebrated in a formal manner.38 The safe return was also an
      important and joyful event. The reception was almost equal to
      that afforded to a victorious war-party. After going to the
      temple to adore the idol, they were taken before the council to
      acquaint them with whatever they had learned of importance on
      their trip. In addition to this, their own gens would give them
      appropriate receptions. From the nature of things but little
      profit remained to the trader. They had no beasts of burden, and
      they must bring back their goods by means of carriers; and the
      number of such men were limited. Then their customs demanded that
      the most highly prized articles should be offered up for
      religious purposes; besides, the tribe and the gens each came in
      for a share. But the honors given were almost as great as those
      won in war.

      The Mexicans had regular markets. This, as we have already
      stated, was on territory that belonged to the tribe; not to any
      one gens alone. Hence the tribal officers were the ones to
      maintain order. The chiefs of the four phratries were charged
      with this duty. The market was open every day, but every fifth
      was a larger market.39 They do not seem to have had weights, but
      counted or measured their articles. In these markets, or fairs,
      which would be attended by traders from other tribes, who, on
      such occasions, were the guests of the Mexicans, and lodged in
      the official house, would be found the various articles of native
      manufacture: cloth, ornaments, elaborate featherwork, pottery,
      copper implements and ornaments, and a great variety of articles
      not necessary to enumerate.

      We must now briefly consider their arts and manufactures. Stone
      was the material principally used for their weapons and
      implements. They were essentially in their Stone Age. Their
      knives, razors, lancets, spear and arrowheads were simply flakes
      of obsidian. These implements could be produced very cheaply, but
      the edge was quickly spoiled. Axes of different varieties of
      flint were made. They also used flint to carve the sculptured
      stones which we have described in the preceding chapter. They
      also had some way of working these big blocks of stone used in
      building. But they were not unacquainted with metals—the
      ornamental working of gold and silver had been carried to quite a
      high pitch. Were we to believe all the accounts given us of their
      skill in that direction, we would have to acknowledge they were
      the most expert jewelers known. How they cast or moulded their
      gold ornaments is unknown. They were also acquainted with other
      metals, such as copper, tin, and lead. But we can not learn for
      what purpose they used lead or tin, or where they obtained it.40

      Cortez, in one of his letters, speaks of the use of small pieces
      of tin as money. But we have already seen that the natives had
      not risen to the conception of money. They certainly had copper
      tools, and bronze ones. It seems, however, that their bronze was
      a natural production and not an artificial one—that is to say,
      the ores of copper found in Mexico contain more or less gold,
      silver, and tin. So, if melted, just as nature left them, the
      result would be the production of bronze.41 They were then
      ignorant of the knowledge of how to make bronze artificially.
      This shows us that they had not attained to a true Bronze Age;
      and yet the discovery could not have been long delayed. Sooner or
      later they would have found out that tin and copper melted
      together would produce the light copper that experience had
      taught them was the most valuable.

      Yucatan Axes

      The most important tool they made of copper was the ax. The ax,
      in both Mexico and Yucatan, was made as represented in this
      illustration. From their shape and mode of hafting them, we see
      at once they are simply models of the stone ax; and this recalls
      what we learned of the Bronze Age in Europe. At first they
      contented themselves with copying the forms in stone.

      Carpenter’s Axe Mexican CarpenterCopper Tool

      Nature, everywhere, conducts her children by the same means to
      the same ends. This form of ax is a representation of a
      carpenter’s hatchet. The next cut is from the Mendoza collection,
      and represents a carpenter at work. He holds one of these
      hatchets in his hand, and is shaping a stick of timber. The other
      cut represents a form of copper tool found in Oaxaca, where they
      were once used in abundance. The supposition is that this
      implement was used for agricultural purposes—probably as a hoe.
      The pieces of T-shaped copper said to have been used as money,
      are diminutive forms of this same tool. The statement is
      sometimes made that they had a way of hardening copper. “This,”
      says Mr. Valentine, “is a hypothesis, often noted and spoken of,
      but which ranges under the efforts made for explaining what we
      have no positive means to verify or to ascertain.” The presence
      of metals necessarily implies some skill in mining; but their
      ability to mine was certainly very limited. Gold and silver were
      collected by washing the sands. We do not know how copper was
      mined; the probabilities are that this was done in a very
      superficial way. Whenever, by chance, they discovered a vein of
      copper, they probably worked it to an easy depth, and then
      abandoned it. M. Charney speaks of one such locality, discovered
      in 1873. In this case they had made an opening eleven feet long,
      five feet wide, and three feet deep. To judge from appearances,
      they first heated the rock, and then perhaps sprinkled it with
      water, and thus caused it to split up.42 This is about all we can
      discover of their Metallic Age. It falls very far short of the
      knowledge of metallurgy enjoyed by the Europeans of the Bronze
      Age; and, with the exception of working gold and silver, it was
      not greatly in advance of the powers of the North American
      aborigines.43 Certainly no trace of mining has been discovered at
      all on the scale of the ancient mines in Michigan.

      A few words as to some of their other arts, and we will pass on
      to other topics. In manufacturing native pottery, they are spoken
      of as having great skill. The sedentary Indians everywhere were
      well up in that sort of work.44 They knew how to manufacture
      cotton cloth, as well as cloth from other articles. We have
      stated that paper furnished an important article of tribute. They
      made several kinds of paper. One author states that they made
      paper from the membrane of trees—from the substance that grows
      beneath the upper bark.45 But they also used for this purpose a
      plant, called the maguey plant. This was a very valuable plant to
      the aborigines, since we are told that the natives managed to
      extract nearly as great a variety of useful articles from it as
      does an inhabitant of the East Indies from his cocoa palm.
      Amongst other articles, they made paper. For this paper, we are
      told, “the leaves were soaked, putrefied, and the fibers washed,
      smoothed, and extended for the manufacture of thin as well as
      thick paper.”46

      They used feathers for plumes, fans, and trimmings for clothing.
      The articles the Spaniards are most enthusiastic in praising is
      that variety of work known as feather mosaic. They took very
      great pains with this sort of work. The workman first took a
      piece of cloth, stretched it, and painted on it, in brilliant
      colors, the object he wished to reproduce. Then, with his bunch
      of feathers before him, he carefully took feather after feather,
      arranging them according to size, color, and other details, and
      glued each feather to the cloth. The Spanish writers assert that
      sometimes a whole day was consumed in properly choosing and
      adjusting one delicate feather, the artist patiently
      experimenting until the hue and position of the feather, viewed
      from different points, and under different lights, became
      satisfactory to his eye.47

      This disregard of time is a thoroughly Indian trait of character.
      Years would be spent in the manufacture of a choice weapon. The
      impression is given that these feather-workers formed a craft, or
      order, and that they lived by themselves. But this would be such
      an innovation on the workings of the gens that there is probably
      no foundation for it.

      We will now consider the subject of religion. We can never judge
      of the real state of culture of a people by their advance in the
      arts of government and of living alone. Constituted as men are,
      they can not help evolving, in the course of time, religious
      conceptions, and the result is that almost all the races and
      tribes of men have some system of belief, or, at any rate, some
      manner of accounting for the present condition of affairs, and
      some theory as to a future state. It is true that these theories
      and beliefs are often very foolish and childish, still they are
      not on that account devoid of interest. From our present
      standpoint, we can clearly see that the religions belief of a
      people is a very good index of their culture. At first such
      conceptions are necessarily rude, but as the people advanced in
      culture, they become clearer.

      Fearing that we will be misunderstood in the last statement, we
      will state to whom it applies. The Christian world hold that God
      revealed himself to his chosen people, and that we draw from his
      Word what is permitted mortals to know of his government and the
      future world. We make no question but that this is true. But long
      before there was a Hebrew people there was a Paleolithic race,
      who doubtless had some vague, shadowy, ill defined idea of
      supernatural power, and sought, in some infantile way, to appease
      the same. Afterwards, but long before the glories of Solomon, a
      Neolithic people were living in Palestine, and the same culture
      was wide-spread over the world. To this day a large part of the
      world’s inhabitants have never so much as heard of the Christian
      religion. It is to such people that we especially refer.

      The religious beliefs of the Indians have not been fully studied
      as yet; but, until that is done, it is scarcely possible to
      understand and fully weigh what is said as to the religious
      beliefs of the Mexicans. What we can discern of the religion of
      the Nahua and Maya tribes shows us that it is not at all probable
      they had reached a stage of development in which they had any
      idea of One Supreme, Over-ruling Power. But our scholars differ
      on that point, many contending that the Mexicans distinctly
      affirmed the existence of such a God.48 To form such conceptions
      implies a power of reasoning on abstract topics that is vain to
      expect of a people in their state of development. We think,
      therefore, that the idea that they had such a belief, arises from
      a misconception. Let us see if we can discover how that was.

      Nearly all of the North American tribes had some word to express
      supernatural power. The Iroquois used for this purpose the words
      “oki” and “otkon.”49 The first meaning of these words is “above.”
      As used by these Indians, however, they expressed the working of
      any unseen, mysterious, and, therefore, to them, supernatural
      power. There was, however, no idea of personality or of unity
      about it. Other Indian tribes had words to express the same
      meaning. The English and French explorers translated these words
      into their languages in various ways. The most common is the
      rather absurd one of “medicine,” which has passed into common
      use. Thus, to mention one in very frequent use, we have the
      expression “Medicine-men”—meaning their priests and conjurers.
      The same custom prevailed among the higher class of sedentary
      Indians of Mexico and Central America. The Aztecs used the word
      “teotl” to express the name meaning; the Mayas, the word “ku;”
      the Peruvians, “huaca.” But the word used, in each case, meant
      not so much a personal supreme-being as it did an ill-defined
      sense of supernatural, mysterious power. This point not being
      clearly understood, it was quite natural that the early writers
      understood by these various expressions their name of the First
      Cause.

      In the present state of our knowledge, it is certainly very hard
      to give an intelligent statement of the religious conceptions of
      the Maya and Nahua tribes. Among the Nahuas, their conception of
      creative power was that of a pair—a man and wife. These were not
      the active agents, however—they engendered four sons, who were
      the creators. This seems to be a widely extended form of
      tradition. Two authors, writing about fifty years after the
      conquest, speak of the four principal deities and statues. They
      had a great many idols besides—but four were the principal ones.

      It would be very satisfactory could we frame some theory to
      account for this state of things. If we could only be sure that
      each god was symbolic of some of the elements—or, if we could
      only say that this was but another instance of the use of the
      number “four”—and thus connect them with the cardinal points, it
      would be very satisfactory to many. The amount of study that has
      been bestowed on this question is very great, and it is very far
      from being settled. Each of these four was the principal, or
      guardian, deity of a particular tribe.50 All of these appear in
      native traditions as historical personages, as well as deities.
      It is for this reason that Mr. Bandelier concludes that the “four
      principal gods were deified men, whose lives and actions became
      mixed up with the vague ideas of natural forces and phenomena.”51

      As prominent a figure as any in Central American Mythology is
      Quetzalcohuatl; and we can form a good idea of the force of the
      preceding remarks by considering this case. The name is a
      compound of two words, “quetzal-cohuatl”—and is, says Mr.
      Bandelier, a fair specimen of an Indian personal name. He tells
      us that the meaning is “bright,” or “shining snake.” Others have
      translated it, “feathered serpent.” We have referred to the
      attempt to show that the tablet of the cross, at Palenque, had
      reference to him. Those who think he was the nature-god of the
      Nahuas find a great deal of significance in the name.52 Mr.
      Bandelier, after carefully considering all reference to him by
      the early writers, shows that it is quite as likely that
      Quetzalcohuatl “was a man of note, whose memory was afterward
      connected with dim cosmological notions.” It is plain that our
      idea of the culture of the Mexicans will vary according as we
      consider the base of this myth to be a man, or the forces in
      nature producing the fertilizing summer rain.53

      The worship of Quetzalcohuatl was very widely extended; but it
      was mostly confined to the Nahua tribes. But there are somewhat
      similar traditions among the Maya tribes; and this is one of
      those few points which, like the similarity of their calendar
      systems, seems to point to a close connection in early times. The
      Quiches have a very similar myth. Briefly, it is to the effect
      that four principal gods created the world. One of these was
      named Gucumatz—meaning, also, shining, or brilliant snake. Some
      think that this is the same personage as Quetzalcohuatl, and from
      this fact show how true it is that the operations of the forces
      of nature everywhere affect the minds of men in a similar
      manner.54 Others will not, however, go as far as this, and will
      only say there is a similarity between the two characters. The
      tribes in Yucatan also have a tradition of Cuculcan, whose name
      means the same as the two already mentioned. The authority who
      refers to him speaks of him only as a man. The Quiche legend,
      already referred to, speaks of Gucumatz only as a god. The Nahua
      traditions of Quetzalcohuatl, as we have seen, are confused
      accounts of a man and a god.

      The traditions having reference to the earthly career of
      Quetzalcohuatl represent him as having considerable to do with
      Tulla and Cholula. At Tulla he appears in the light of a great
      medicine-man, or priest; at Cholula, as a sachem. Still other
      traditions represent him as a great and successful warrior. None
      of these characters are incompatible with the others, from an
      Indian point of view. These traditions are so hopelessly
      confused, that it is doubtful if any thing of historical value
      can be gained from them. As a deity, he was worshiped as god of
      the air or wind. Why he should be so considered is answered in
      various ways. If, reasoning from his name, we choose to believe
      he is a nature-god—as such standing for the thunder-storm, clouds
      of summer—then, as the winds “sweep the path for the
      rain-clouds,” he would be considered their god. Also, following
      out this line of thought, we can see how, as the god which brings
      the fertilizing summer rain, he would be considered the god of
      wealth, and the patron deity of traders.

      We must not lose sight of the fact that all these traditions are
      most woefully mixed; that, since the conquest, many ideas from
      other than native sources have been engrafted on them; and,
      furthermore, that other explanations that are worth considering
      can be presented. The horticultural tribe located at Cholula had
      Quetzalcohuatl for their tutelar deity. Their crops depend upon
      the timely descent of the rain. What more natural than that they
      should regard such rains as sent by him? This pueblo was also
      famous for its fairs. “By its geographical position, its natural
      products, and the industry of its people,” it became a great
      trading market. Near it was raised cochineal dye, in large
      quantities. This was eagerly sought after by traders from a
      distance. Cholula was also famous for its pottery. The
      Tlaxcaltecos told Cortez that the inhabitants of Cholula were a
      tribe of traders; what more natural, then, than that their
      tutelar deity should become, in the eyes of foreign tribes, the
      god of traders.55

      Quetzalcohuatl was but one of the four principal gods. The
      tutelar deity of the Mexicans was Huitzilopochtli. His altars
      were almost daily wet with the blood of sacrificed victims. No
      important war was undertaken, except with many ceremonies he was
      duly honored. If time were so short that proper care could not be
      bestowed on the ceremonies, then there was a kind of deputy god
      that could be served in a hurried manner that would suffice.56
      After a successful battle, the captives were conducted at once to
      his temple, and made to prostrate themselves before his image. In
      times of great public danger, the great drum in his temple was
      beaten. The Spaniards, by dire experience, knew well the meaning
      of that awful sound.

      Huitzilopochtli.

      The plate represents what was probably the idol of
      Huitzilopochtli. “It was brought to light in grading the Plaza
      Mayor in the City of Mexico in August, 1790. It was near the
      place where the great Teocalli stood, and where the principal
      monuments of Mexico were. They were thrown down at the time of
      the conquest and buried from sight. It is an immense block of
      bluish-gray porphyry, about ten feet high and six feet wide and
      thick, sculptured on front, rear, top and bottom, into a most
      complicated and horrible combination of animal, human, and ideal
      forms.”57 This idol is generally stated to be that of the goddess
      of death. But Mr. Bandelier, after carefully reviewing all the
      authorities, concludes that it represents the well-known war-god
      of the Mexican tribe.58

      To properly conduct the services in honor of these various gods,
      required established rites and a priesthood. What we call
      “Medicine men” wizards, and names of similar import among the
      northern tribes, were more correctly priests. There was no tribe
      of Indians so poor but what they had these priests. But we would
      expect this office to increase more in power and importance among
      the southern Indians. Among the Iroquois, we are told each gens
      elected certain “keepers of the faith.” These included persons
      both male and female. Their principal duty was to see that the
      feast days were properly celebrated. From what we know of the
      gens we feel confident that they would be perfectly, independent
      in religious matters as well as in other respects. Consequently
      it is not probable that there was even in Mexico any hereditary
      caste of priests.59

      However set aside, or chosen, or elected, we have every reason to
      believe that the organization of the priesthood was systematic.
      The aspirant for the office had to acquaint himself with the
      songs and prayers used in public worship, the national
      traditions, their principles of astrology, so as to tell the
      lucky and unlucky days. When admitted to the priesthood, their
      rank was doubtless determined by meritorious actions. Successes
      in war would contribute to this result as well as sanctity, a
      priest who had captured several prisoners ranking higher than one
      who had captured but one, and this last higher than the
      unfortunate who had taken none.60 We must not forget that war was
      the duty of all among the Mexicans. The priests were not in all
      cases exempt; part of their duties may have been to care for the
      wounded. It is not likely that the priests of any one god ranked
      any higher than the priests of others, or had any authority over
      them.

      This body of priests of whom we have just treated concerned
      themselves a great deal with the social life of the Mexicans, and
      their power was doubtless great. Their duties commenced with the
      birth of the child, and continued through life. No important
      event of any kind was undertaken without duly consulting the
      priests to see if the day selected was a lucky one. The Nahuas
      were, like all Indians, very superstitious, so there was plenty
      of work cut out for the priests. Into their hands was committed
      the art of explaining dreams, fortune-telling, astrology, and the
      explanation of omens and signs. Such as the flight and songs of
      birds, the sudden appearance of wild animals; in short, any
      unexpected or unusual event, was deemed of sufficient importance
      to require in its explanation priestly learning. In addition
      there was the regular routine of feasts.61 We have seen what a
      multitude of gods the Nahuas worshiped. Like all Indian people,
      they were very fond of feasts and gatherings of that character;
      therefore feast days in honor of some one of the numerous deities
      were almost constantly in order, and every month or two were
      feasts of unusual importance. The most acceptable sacrifice to
      these gods, and without which no feast of any importance was
      complete, was human life.

      This introduces us to the most cruel trait of their character. It
      was not alone true of the Mexicans, but of all the Nahua tribes
      and of the Mayas, though in a less degree. On every occasion of
      the least importance victims were sacrificed. Any unusual event
      was celebrated in a similar manner. Before the departure of a
      warlike expedition, the favor of Huitzilopochtli was sought by
      the sacrifice of human life; on the return of the same, similar
      scenes were enacted. On all such occasions the more victims the
      better. These victims were mostly captives taken in war, and wars
      were often entered into for the express purpose of procuring such
      victims. They were even made a subject of tribute. Devout people
      sometimes offered themselves or their children for the sacrifice.
      The number of victims, of course, varied from year to year, but
      it is possible that it counted up into the thousands every year.

      What we are able to gather from the religious beliefs of the
      civilized nations sustains the conclusions we have already
      arrived at in reference to their culture. We can but believe this
      had been greatly overrated. It is the religion of barbarians, not
      of a cultivated and enlightened people the historians would have
      us believe in. It is a religion in keeping with the character of
      the people who had confederated together for the purpose of
      compelling unwilling tribute from weaker tribes. It is in keeping
      with what we would expect of a people still in the Stone Age, who
      still practised communism in living, and whose political and
      social organization was founded on the gens as a unit.

      It will not be out of place to devote some space to a
      consideration of their advance in learning; and first of all let
      us see about their system of counting or numeration. This
      knowledge, as Mr. Gallatin remarks, must necessarily have
      preceded any knowledge of astronomy, or any effort to compute
      time. They must have known how to count the days of a year before
      they knew how many days it contained. We all know how natural it
      is for a child to count by means of his fingers. This was
      undoubtedly the first method employed by primitive man. Proof of
      this is found in the wide extended use of the decimal system.
      Among the civilized nations, traces of this early custom are
      still preserved in the meaning of the words used to express the
      numbers.

      To express the numbers up to twenty, small dots or circles were
      used—one for each unit. For the number twenty they painted a
      little flag, for the number four hundred, a feather; and for
      eight thousand, a purse or pouch. The following table represents
      the method of enumeration employed by the Mexicans. But it is
      necessary to remark they used different terminations for
      different objects.62

      Mexican System of Numeration.

      Substantially the same system of numeration prevailed among all
      the Nahua tribes and the Mayas. It will be seen from this table
      that the only numbers having simple names are one, two, three,
      four, five, ten, fifteen, twenty, four hundred, and eight
      thousand. The other names are compounds of these simple names. It
      is also easy to understand their method of pictorial
      representation. In reference to the flag, the feather, and the
      purse, we must remark that, when these were divided into four
      parts, only the colored parts were counted. The collective
      number, used among them much as we use the word dozen, was always
      twenty; but queerly enough their word for twenty varied according
      to the object to be counted. The regular word given in the table
      was “pohualli.” In counting thin objects that could be arranged
      one above the other, the word twenty was “pilli.” Objects that
      were round and plump and thus resembling a stone, were counted
      with “tetl” for twenty, and other words for different objects.63

      The division of time or their calendar system, is one that was
      thought to show great advance in astronomical learning, but of
      late years it has been shown that this also was overrated. This
      question of how to keep a record of time was a difficult one for
      primitive man to solve; that is, when he began to think about it
      at all. A long while must have elapsed, and considerable advance
      in other respects been made before the necessity of such a thing
      occurred to them. The increase and decrease of the moon would
      form a natural starting point. It is well known that this is
      about as far as the knowledge of the Indians extended. The Maya
      word for month means also moon, showing this was their earliest
      system of reckoning time.64

      Table of Days.

      The various Nahua and Maya tribes of Mexico and Central America
      had reached about the same stage of development. But their
      calendar system is so similar that it affords a strong argument
      of the original unity of these people.65 All of the civilized
      tribes had months of twenty days each, and each of these days had
      a separate name, which was the same for every month of the year.
      This period of twenty days was properly their unit of time
      reckoning. It is true they had smaller divisions,66 but for all
      practical purposes, they were ignored. As none of these tribes
      possessed the art of writing, they had to represent these days by
      means of hieroglyphics. The following table shows the Mexican and
      Maya days, the meaning of each, and the pictorial sign by which
      they were represented. We must notice that the Maya hieroglyphics
      look more arbitrary, more conventional than the Mexican. This is
      interesting, because some of our scholars now believe the Mayas
      were the inventors of the calendar. Their hieroglyphics,
      therefore, as being the older of the two, should appear more
      conventional. In the Mexican hieroglyphics for the days, we can
      still trace a resemblance to the natural objects they represent;
      in the Maya hieroglyphics, this resemblance has disappeared.

      It is not out of place to theorize as to the facts already
      mentioned. The first thing that strikes us is that they should
      have chosen twenty days for a unit of time. There must have been
      some reason lying back of this selection. It would have been more
      natural for them to have chosen a number of days (say thirty)
      more nearly corresponding to the time from one new moon to
      another. Whether we shall ever learn the reason for choosing this
      number of days is doubtful; but Mr. Bandelier has given us some
      thoughts on this subject, which, though he is careful to state
      are not results, but mere suggestions, seem to us to have some
      germs of truth, the more so as it is fully in keeping with Indian
      customs.

      He points out that many of the names for these days mean the same
      as the names of the gens in the more northern Indian tribes. Thus
      seven of the days have the same meaning as the names of seven of
      the nine gens of the Moqui tribe in Arizona. He, therefore,
      suggests that the names of these twenty days are the names of the
      twenty gens of the aboriginal people from whom have descended the
      various civilized tribes under consideration. Indeed, this is
      expressly stated to be the method of naming the days adopted by
      the Chiapanecs, one of the tribes in question.57

      As soon as the people commenced to take any observation at all,
      they would perceive that it took just about eighteen of these
      periods of twenty days to make a year. So the next step appears
      to have been the division of the year into eighteen months. These
      months received each a name, and were of course designated by a
      hieroglyphic. The names of the Mexican months seem to have been
      determined by some of the feasts happening therein. There is
      great diversity among the early writers both as to the names of
      these months, and the order in which they occur, as well as by
      the hieroglyphics by which they are represented.68 It does not
      seem worth while to give their names and meaning. We give a plate
      showing the name, order in which they occur, and hieroglyphic
      symbol of the Maya months. In point of fact, the months were very
      little used, as we shall soon see it was not necessary to name
      the month to designate the day; but of that hereafter.

      Maya Months.

      But it would not take these people very long to discover that
      they had not hit on the length of a year. Eighteen months, of
      twenty days each, make only three hundred and sixty days; so the
      next step would be to add on five days to their former year. As
      these days do not make a month, they were called the nameless
      days. They were considered as being unlucky—no important
      undertaking could be commenced on one of them. The child born
      therein was to be pitied. But we will see that the expression,
      “nameless days” was hardly the case among the Mayas, though it
      was among the Mexicans.

      Perhaps this will be as good a place as any to inquire whether
      they had exact knowledge of the length of the year. As every one
      knows, the length of the year is three hundred and sixty-five and
      one quarter days, or very nearly; and for this reason we add an
      extra day to every fourth year. We would not expect to find this
      knowledge among tribes no farther advanced than we have found
      these to be. If, as our scholars suspect, the Maya be the one
      from which the others were derived, they would be apt to possess
      this knowledge, if known. Perez, however, could find no trace of
      it among them.69 Many authors have asserted that the Mexicans
      knew all about it. Some say they added a day every four years;
      others, that they waited fifty-two years, and then added thirteen
      days; and some, even, give them credit for still closer
      knowledge, and say they added twelve and one-half days every
      fifty-two years.70 Prof. Valentine, who has made their calendar
      system a special study, concludes that they knew nothing at all
      about the matter.71

      The beginning of the year is variously stated. Among the Mexicans
      it seems that, while the authors differ very much, all but one
      places it on some day between the second day of February and the
      tenth of April. As their word for year means “new green,” it is
      probable they placed its commencement about the time new grass
      appeared. The Mayas are said to have placed the commencement of
      the year about the sixteenth of July. As this happens to be just
      about the time that the sun is directly overhead in Yucatan, it
      has been surmised that the natives took astronomical
      observations, and tried to have their year commence at that time.
      But it must be manifest that, if they did not possess a knowledge
      of the true length of the year, and so make allowance for the
      leap-year, in the course of a very few years they would have to
      revise this date.

      Refer once more to the Maya table of days. Suppose the first day
      of the year to commence with the day Kan. As there are twenty
      days in a month, we see that the second month would also commence
      with Kan. In like manner, Kan would be the first day of every
      month of that year. When the eighteen months were past, there
      would still remain the five days to complete the year. Now,
      although they were said to be nameless days, the Mayas gave them
      names. The first day was Kan, the second day Chichan, the third
      day Quimij, the fourth day Manik, the fifth day Lamat. The
      regular order of days we see. They were now ready to commence a
      new year.

      The next day in the list is Muluc. This becomes the first day of
      the first month of the new year. But, being the first day of the
      first month, it was the first day of every month of that year. At
      the end of the eighteen months of that year, the five days would
      have to be named in their order again, which would carry us down
      to Gix, the first day of the first month of the third year. It
      would also be the first day of every month of that year.
      Similarly we see that Cavac would be the first day of every month
      of the fourth year. The fifth year would commence again with Kan.
      So we see that four of these twenty days became of more
      importance than the others. The years were named after them. The
      year in which the month commenced with Kan was also called Kan.
      The same way with the other days. So the name of the year was
      either Kan, Muluc, Gix, or Cavac. These four days were called
      “carriers of the year;” because they not only gave the name to
      the year, but because the name of the year was also the name of
      the first day of every month of that year.

      The foregoing will help us to understand the Mexican method. Let
      us refer now to the list of Mexican days. The first day of the
      first month was Cipac. For the same reason as above set forth,
      this would be the first day of every month of the year. The five
      extra days either were not named at all, or at any rate they were
      not counted off in the table of days. The consequence was that
      Cipac was the first day of every month; for we have just seen
      that it was the first day of every month of the first year. At
      the end of the eighteen months the five nameless days would come
      in; but, as they did not form part of a month, were not named.
      The first day of the first month of the next year would be named
      as if they had not occurred.72 But, when they came to name the
      years, we find they proceeded on exactly the same principle as
      the Mayas. Thus four of the twenty days, occurring just five days
      apart, were taken to name the years. These days were Tecpatl,
      Calli, Tochtli, and Acatl.73

      Mr. Bandelier, who made the valuable suggestion in regard to the
      origin of the names of the days, has also suggested that,
      inasmuch as there are four of the days more prominent than the
      others, they may signify four original gentes, from which the
      others have come. It seem to us, however, when we notice they are
      just five days apart, that the system pursued by the Mayas in
      naming their years explains the whole matter.

      Before we mention the longer periods of time in use among them we
      must refer to another mode of reckoning time, and trace the
      influence of this second method on the one already named. The
      method already explained seems to have been a perfectly natural
      one—the second method is founded on superstition. A large part of
      the duties of the priests, we remember, was to determine lucky
      and unlucky days, and in soothsaying. For this purpose they made
      a peculiar division of time, which we will now try and explain.

      For some cause or other, thirteen was a number continually
      recurring in their calendar. We can perceive no reason why it
      should have been chosen. It has been suggested that it was just
      about the time from the appearance of a new moon to its full. Be
      that as it may, the number of days thirteen comes very near to
      what we would call a week. Among the Mexicans, and probably among
      the Mayas, these thirteen days were divided into lucky, unlucky,
      and indifferent days, and were supposed to be under the guidance
      of different gods. The priests had regularly painted lists of
      them, with the deities which governed them. These lists were used
      in fortune telling.

      We must now inquire as to how they kept track of the years. The
      Mayas named their next longer period of time an ahau. There is
      some dispute as to what number of years it meant. Most of the
      early writers decide that it was twenty years;74 but Perez, whose
      work we have already referred to, contends that it was
      twenty-four years. And this conclusion seems to be confirmed by a
      careful study of some of their old manuscripts.75 Thirteen of
      these ahaus embraced their longest period of time, known as an
      ahau-katun. It had a length of either two hundred and sixty or
      three hundred and twelve years, according as we reckon either
      twenty or twenty-four years to an ahau. It may be that the length
      of an ahau varied among the different tribes of the Mayas.

      The Mexicans also had this week of thirteen days. Twenty of these
      weeks, or two hundred and sixty days, formed that part of the
      year they called the moon-reckoning; the remainder of the year
      was the sun-reckoning. Their longer period of time was also based
      on this number. A period of thirteen years they called a
      tlapilli; four of these constituted a cycle equal to fifty-two
      years. The end of this cycle was anxiously awaited by the
      Mexicans. They supposed the world was to come to an end on one of
      these occasions. As the time drew near, the furniture was broken,
      the household gods were thrown into the water, the houses were
      cleaned, and finally, all the fires were extinguished. As the
      last day of the cycle drew to a close, the priests formed a
      procession, and set out for a mountain about six miles from
      Mexico. There an altar was built. At midnight a captive, the
      bravest and finest of their prisoners, was laid on it. A piece of
      wood was laid on his breast, and on this fire was built by
      twirling a stick. As soon as fire was produced, the prisoner was
      killed as a sacrifice. The production of new fire was proof that
      the gods had granted them a new period of fifty-two years.

      To understand how the years in this cycle were arranged and
      numbered, we must refer once more to the Mayas, for though they
      did not use the cycle themselves, yet they give us a hint as to
      how it was obtained, and afford one more reason why we should
      think the Mayas were the originators of this calendar system. We
      give a table showing the arrangement of the days of the year
      among the Mayas. We will take the year Kan—that is, we remember,
      when Kan was the first day of every month. We would naturally
      think they would describe a day by giving the name of the day and
      the month—as, the day Kan, of the month Xul, or the first day of
      the month Xul—but instead of so doing, they made use of the
      period of thirteen days.

      For instance, we see, by looking at the table, that the day ten
      Kan can not be any other day during the year than the day above
      mentioned; so that, for all purposes, it is sufficient to give
      the day and its number in the week. We notice, however, that the
      last five columns of figures for week days of thirteen are just
      the same as the first five. But this did not confuse any, for the
      last five columns of days belong to the “sun-reckoning,” the
      others to the moon-reckoning. And though the number of the day in
      the week was the same, yet a different deity ruled over them than
      in the corresponding days of the first five columns. We can not
      affirm that we know this to be true of the Mayas. Such, however,
      we know to be the case among the Mexicans.76

      Almanac.

      Now we notice in this almanac that the last day of the year Kan,
      is number one of the week. As the count goes right along, the
      first day of the next year, Muluc, must be number two. If we
      would make an almanac for that year, we would find the first day
      of the third year would be number three of the week. If we were
      to continue this, we would find that the first days of the years,
      would range from one to thirteen. This table shows the number in
      the week of the first day of the first fourteen years. The first
      day of the fourteenth year would be number one of the week again,
      but this time one Muluc, and not Kan. If we would continue our
      researches, we would quickly discover that fifty-two years would
      go by before we would have a year Kan in which the first day of
      the year would be number one again.

      Arrangement of Years in a Mexican Cycle. Years.

      We think the above explains the origin of the Mexican cycle of
      fifty-two years. The Mayas either never had this cycle, or had
      abandoned its use.77 The Mexicans however, used this period of
      time, and they numbered their years in it in such a way that we
      can not explain it, unless we suppose they derived it in some
      such a way as just set forth. We give a table showing the order
      of the years in a cycle, and also notice that all that was needed
      was the number and name of the year to show at once what year of
      the cycle it was. The year seven Calli, for instance, could never
      be any other year than the twentieth of the cycle.78

      Day Date. Year Date.

      To express the dates, they of course painted the hieroglyphic of
      the day, and dots for the number of days. This cut, for instance,
      expresses the day-date “seven Acatl.” They generally wrote the
      dots in sets of five. Seven was sometimes expressed in the above
      manner. When they wished to express a year-date, they made a
      little frame and painted in the hieroglyphics of the year, and
      dots for the number. This date here expressed is their thirteen
      Acatl, which, by the above table, is seen to be the twenty-sixth
      year of the cycle.

      We have already dwelt too long on this part of the subject.
      Glancing back over the ground, we see there is nothing implying
      astronomical knowledge, more than we would expect to find among a
      rude people. We find there are several particulars of the Mexican
      system which we could not understand, except by reference to the
      Maya system. It would bother us to explain why they should choose
      the days Tochli, Acatl, Tecpatl, and Calli, to be the names of
      their years, if we did not know how the Mayas proceeded. We would
      be at a loss to explain why they choose the number of fifty-two
      years for the cycle, and arranged their years in it as they did,
      if we had not learned the secret from the construction of the
      Mayas’ almanac. From this comparison, we should say the Mexican
      calendar was the simpler of the two. As the Mayas had twenty days
      in the month, and, for priestly use, weeks of thirteen days, so
      they took twenty years, which, as they imagined, were supported
      by four other years, as a pedestal for their next longer period,
      the ahau; and for apparently no other reason than that they had
      weeks of thirteen days, they took thirteen of these ahuas for
      their longest period of time. They did not use the cycle of
      fifty-two years, but they numbered their years in such a way
      that, in effect, they were possessed of it. The Mexican did away
      with all but the cycle of fifty-two years.

      Calendar Stone.

      No account of the calendar system of the Mexicans would be
      complete without reference to the so-called calendar stone. The
      stone, the face of which is sculptured as represented in this
      cut, was dug up from the square in front of the cathedral of the
      City of Mexico, where it had been buried in 1557. When the temple
      was destroyed, this stone still remained entire. Finally the
      authorities, fearing it attracted too much attention from the
      natives, ordered it buried. It was brought to light again in
      1790, but its early history was completely forgotten. The
      astronomer Gama pronounced it a calendar stone, and his
      interpretation of the characters engraved on it have been the
      foundation for the idea that the Mexicans had considerable
      knowledge of astronomy.79 Prof. Valentine and others have,
      however, shown that it was simply a sacrificial stone, which the
      artist had decorated in a peculiar manner. This stone is
      considered by some to be so important that we will condense Prof.
      Valentine’s description of it as being the best at hand. Not all
      of out scholars accept it, however. The central figure is the
      face of the sun-god. It is decorated in a truly savage style. It
      has ear-rings, neck-chain, lip-pendant, feathers, etc. The
      artist’s design has been to surround this central figure with all
      the symbols of time. We notice on each side of the sun a small
      circle or oval with hieroglyphics resembling claws. In Mexican
      traditions these represent two ancient astrologers who were
      supposed to have invented the calendar. According to Nahua
      traditions of the world, there had been four ages of the world;
      at the end of each age, the world was destroyed. Right above and
      below the ovals with the claws, we see four squares containing
      hieroglyphics.

      Each of these squares refers to one of the destructions of the
      world. The upper right hand square contains the head of a tiger.
      This represents the first destruction of the world, which was by
      tigers. The four dots seen, in this square do not refer to a date
      as they generally do; it is a sacred number, and constantly
      reappears in all hieroglyphics referring to feasts of the sun. To
      the left of this square, crowded between it and the pointer, can
      be seen the hieroglyphic of the day Tecpatl. The little dot is
      one, so this day one tecpatl probably refers to the day in which
      the feast in reference to this destruction was celebrated. The
      second age was terminated by a hurricane. The upper left hand
      square containing the hieroglyphic for wind refers to this
      destruction. Between this square and the pointer is crowded in
      the hieroglyphic of one Calli, referring to the feast in memory
      of this destruction. The third destruction of the world was by
      rain, the lower left hand square containing the hieroglyphic of
      rain. Below, not very distinctly, is the date of this feast, one
      quiahuitl. The last destruction was by water, represented by the
      lower right hand square. The date of this feast as represented
      below is seven Ozomatl.80

      Passing out of this central zone we notice the hieroglyphics for
      the days of the month arranged in a circle. The A shaped ray from
      the head of the sun indicates where we are to commence to read;
      and we notice they must be read from right to left. Resting on
      this circle of day, we notice four great pointers not unlike a
      large capital A. They are supposed to refer to sunrise, noon,
      sunset, and midnight. Next in order after the days we notice a
      circle of little squares, each containing five dots. Making
      allowance for the space covered by the legs of the pointers just
      mentioned, there are found to be two hundred and sixty of these
      days; they, therefore, refer to the days of the moon reckoning.
      We notice four smaller pointers not quite so elaborate as those
      already referred to, resting in this circle. They probably refer
      to smaller divisions of the days. The next circle contains a row
      of glyphs not unlike kernels of corn. One hundred and five are
      represented on this circle; they refer to the days of the sun
      reckoning.

      Sign of Rain.

      Resting on this circle of days are small towers; they, like the
      smaller pointers, refer to divisions of the day. Adjoining each
      of these little towers is a figure; this cut represents one of
      them. We notice they form a circle extending clear around the
      stone. The meaning of this circle is gathered from other painted
      records. It represents a rain storm; four drops are seen falling
      to the ground. The ground is cultivated, as shown by the three
      ridges; a grain of corn is represented lying on the ground. This
      band on the stone is in honor of the rain-god.

      Sign of a Cycle.

      There remains only to explain the outer row or band. At the
      bottom is a rude representation of two heads with helmets. The
      meaning of these figures is unknown. From each of these figures
      extend in a semicircle a row of figures of this shape, ending
      with pointers at the top, between which is a year-date. Near the
      points on each side is what might be described as four bundles
      tied together. Each of the small figures just described is the
      representation of a cycle of fifty-two years.

      The date on the top is the year date, Thirteen Acatl. This is an
      easily determinable date. From Mexican paintings, we know the
      conquest of Mexico occurred in the year Three Calli. From this
      tracing their years back by the table given earlier (Arrangement
      of Years in a Mexican Cycle), we would find that the first
      Thirteen Acatl we meet was in the year 1479. This is exactly the
      date when, according to tradition, the great temple was finished,
      and this stone dedicated by bloody sacrifices. If we count the
      number of signs for cycles, we find that there are just twelve on
      each side, twenty-four in all. As the artist could easily have
      made this number more or less, the probabilities are that it
      means something. The most plausible explanation is, that in the
      year 1479, they had traditions of twenty-four cycles. But this
      number of cycles is equivalent to twelve hundred and forty-eight
      years, which would carry us back to about the year 231, A.D.,
      which date we must bear in mind; not that we think there is any
      scientific value to it, but for its bearing on other matter at
      the close of the chapter.81

      We come now to consider the subject of their picture writings.
      The germ of writing is found in the rude attempts to assist the
      memory to recall past events. Some of the northern Indian tribes
      resorted for this purpose to belts of wampum. When a new sachem
      was to be invested with office among the Iroquois, the historical
      wampum belts were produced; an old man taking them in hand, and
      walking back and forth, proceeded to “read” from them the
      principles of the confederacy. In this case, particular events
      were connected with particular strings of wampum.82 Pictorial
      representation would be the next stage. At first the aim of the
      artist would be to make his drawings as perfect as possible. A
      desire to save labor would soon lead them to use only the lines
      necessary to show what was meant. This seems to be about the
      stage of picture writing, reached by some Indian tribes, who have
      left here and there specimens carved on rocks.

      Indian Picture Writing.

      This cut is a specimen of such writing from the cañon of the San
      Juan in Arizona. Although quite impossible to read it, there is
      no doubt but what it expressed a meaning at the time it was
      engraved.

      Chapultepec.

      From this stage of development would naturally arise symbolical
      paintings. Thus “footsteps” might signify the idea of going. A
      comma-shaped figure, issuing from a person’s mouth, would stand
      for speech. The next step is what we might call rebus-writing,
      where not the thing itself was meant but the sound. Thus this cut
      represents Chapultepec—meaning grasshopper-hill, or locust mount.
      It is evident, here, the pictures of the objects represent the
      name. They, probably, did not use this principle farther than to
      represent the proper names of persons and things before the
      coming of the Spaniards.

      Amen.

      Some think that, in addition to the above, the Mexicans used, to
      a very limited extent, a true phonetic writing—one in which the
      figures refer not to the thought, but to the sound of the
      thought.83 Others are not ready to concede that point. They could
      not have been further along than the threshold of the discovery,
      at all events. The Spanish missionaries were very desirous of
      teaching the Indians the Pater-noster, the Ave-Maria, and the
      Credo. Either the Indians themselves, or the priests (probably
      the latter), hit on the device of using painted symbols for the
      words and syllables of the church prayers and formulas. Thus in
      this manner was painted the word Amen. The first sign is the
      conventional figure for water, in Mexican “atl,” which stood for
      A. For the second syllable they put the picture of a maguey
      plant, in Mexican “metl.” The whole, then, was “atl-metl,” which
      was as near as they could express the word amen. We must observe,
      that this was after the conquest.84

      Historical Sheet.

      The plate opposite is one of the paintings of the Mendoza
      collection. This collection, we must remember, was made after the
      conquest, simply to gratify the curiosity of the King of Spain.
      The matter treated of is the events connected with time when
      Motecuma the fifth “chief-of-men” held office. Around the edge we
      see the hieroglyphics of the years. We notice he was chief-of-men
      from the year one calli to two tecpatl. About the only thing
      recorded of him is the different pueblos he conquered. In all he
      subdued thirty-three; but only eleven are shown in this plate.
      The pueblos are indicated by a house toppling over—flames issuing
      from under the roof. The other little hieroglyphics are the names
      of the pueblos. The last one in the second transverse line from
      the bottom is the hieroglyphic of Chalco, which we thus learn was
      reduced to tribute under this chief. All the events indicated in
      this cut took place before the discovery of America.85

      Chilapi—Tribute.

      A second part of this codex has reference to the tribute received
      from various tribes. In this cut the left-hand figure is the
      hieroglyphic of the town of Chilapi, and is an excellent
      representation of their rebus-writing we have just referred to.
      It is a tub of water, on which floats a red-pepper pod. The
      Mexican word for this last is chilli, for water it is “atl.”. The
      word “pa” means above. For the full word we have “chilli-atl-pa.”
      Contracted, it becomes chilapi. The figure to the right is the
      tribute. The five flags denotes one hundred. Below is represented
      a copper ax-blade—from which we infer that the Pueblo of Chilapi
      had to furnish a tribute of one hundred copper axes.

      Child Training.

      A third part of this same collection refers to the Mexican
      customs. In this cut we have represented the training of a boy at
      the different ages of four, six, thirteen and fourteen years of
      age. The little round marks number the years of his age. The
      little elliptical-shaped figures show the number of tortullas the
      child is allowed at a meal. The boy is trained to carry and make
      various things, to row a boat, and to fish.

      Migration Chart.

      The most interesting of Mexican picture-writings is the record of
      their wanderings. This was formerly supposed to represent their
      migrations from Asia—but is now known to refer only to their
      wanderings in the Valley of Mexico. De Lafield, in his
      “Antiquities of America,” gives a full representation of this
      picture-writing. Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. II, pp. 548-49,
      give a very good reduced copy. We will not attempt to reproduce
      it all. This cut represents the beginning of it. A man is seen
      crossing a stream in a boat. The figure behind him may mean an
      island, on which are represented some pueblos and human figures.
      On the opposite bank of the stream, to which the footsteps lead,
      is the hieroglyphic of Culhuacan, “the curved mountain.” The year
      date of this movement is “one tecpatl.” The character within that
      of Culhuacan is Huitzilopochtli, their national god. The flakes
      issuing from his mouth signify that he is guiding them. The
      principal figures about this map are the hieroglyphic names of
      various places where they stopped, and the time spent at each
      place.

      The Mayas seem to have been further advanced in the art of
      writing than their Nahua neighbors. Specimens of their
      hieroglyphic writings have been given in the preceding chapter.
      The hopes of our scholars were greatly raised when, in 1863, the
      announcement was made that there had been discovered, in Madrid,
      a Maya alphabet, which, it was expected, would unlock the
      mysterious tablets just mentioned.

      The alphabet thus discovered is represented in the next cut. It
      will be seen that some of the letters have a number of different
      forms. This discovery was hailed as of the greatest importance,
      and a number of scholars at once set about to decipher the
      tablets. They were speedily undeceived. The alphabet is,
      practically, of no help whatever. Prof. Valentine even goes so
      far as to declare that this alphabet was not of native origin.

      Landa Alphabet. Maya T.

      He thinks that Bishop Landa, who is the authority for this
      alphabet, and who was Bishop of Yucatan from 1549 to 1579, being
      anxious to assist the natives in learning the new faith, set
      about the manufacture of an alphabet for them. This he did by
      having the natives paint some native object which came the
      nearest to the sound of our alphabet. Thus, for instance, this
      symbol there are excellent reasons for supposing represents the
      sun, or the word “day.” The Maya word for this is _te._ We find
      that this is the symbol that Landa employs for the letter T,
      only, in his drawing, the central dot has fallen into the lower
      dashes. Nearly all the other letters can be traced to a similar
      source.86 But the professor’s reasoning does not satisfy all. He
      is believed to be right in a number of his identifications; but
      still the characters might have been used in a phonetic way.87

      Maya Manuscript.

      There is no doubt but that the Mayas had a different system than
      that in use among the Nahua people. The knowledge how to use it
      was, probably, confined to the priests; and, furthermore, the
      system was, doubtless, a mixed one. A few phonetic characters
      might have been used; but they also used picture-writing. The
      plate above is a sample of the manuscripts they left behind. It
      is in the nature of a religious almanac, and refers to the feasts
      celebrated at the end of a year. The line of characters on the
      left hand are the days characters Eb and Been. In the lower
      division, a priest offers a headless fowl to the idol on the
      left. In the middle division, the priest is burning incense to
      drive away the evil-spirit. In the upper division, the assistant,
      with the idol on his back, is on his march through the village.
      As yet, we know but very little about the tables. We know the
      hieroglyphics of days and of months.

      Hieroglyphics—Tablet of the Cross.

      Examining the tablets in the Temple of the Cross, at Palenque,
      represented below, we notice a large glyph, at the commencement
      of the tablet, something like a capital letter. This, Mr.
      Valentine thinks, represents the censers which stood in the
      temples before the idols, in which fire was constantly kept.88
      Running through the tablets we notice glyphs, in front of which
      are either little dots, or one or more bars with little dots in
      front of them. These are day-dates. The dots count one—the little
      upright bars, five. The probabilities are that this tablet is a
      sort of list of feast-days in honor of the gods represented by
      the central tablet.

      As we have made a considerable effort to acquaint ourselves with
      the social organization and customs of the various tribes, and
      have spent some time in learning the details of their calendar
      system, and their advance in the art of writing, it will not be
      out of place to inquire as to their history—to determine, if
      possible, some of the dates to be given for the arrival of the
      tribes, and some of the important points of their prehistoric
      life. Whatever difficulties we have experienced in acquiring a
      knowledge of their customs will be greatly increased now. Their
      architecture, social organization, and general enlightenment
      could be perceived by the conquering Spaniards, and our
      information in regard to the same should have been full and
      complete. We have seen, however, how meager it is. The only light
      thrown on these disputed points is the result of the labors of
      modern scholars. When we were made acquainted with some of the
      first principles of Indian society, we could read with profit the
      accounts of the early writers.

      But, when we come to ask for dates in their history, we are
      almost entirely at sea. The traditions, in this respect, are
      almost worthless. So, all that we shall attempt to do, is to
      present some of the thoughts of our scholars as to the probable
      connection of the civilized tribes with each other, and what
      value is to be given to the few dates at our command. We will
      begin, first, with the Maya tribes. This includes those tribes
      that speak the Maya language, and its dialects. It was in their
      territory that the most striking ruins were found. They include
      the tribes of Yucatan, Guatemala, Chiapas, and Tobasco. Then
      there comes a break; but they were also settled on both banks of
      the River Panuco. Many theories have been advanced as to the
      origin of the Mayas. As yet, the question is not solved.

      Not a few have supposed them to be the same as the Mound Builders
      of the United States. Dr. Brinton has pointed out that the
      language of the Natchez Indians contains some words of the
      Maya.89 A Mexican scholar, Señor Orozco-y-Berra, thinks it
      probable that the Mayas once occupied the Atlantic sea-board of
      the United States; that they passed from the peninsula of Florida
      to Cuba, and thence to the other Caribbean Islands, and so to
      Yucatan. He states that the traditions of the Mayas uphold this
      view.90 But others are not ready to admit it. We have found a
      number of points of resemblance between the Mayas and the Nahuas.
      Differences we would, of course, expect to find; but still the
      points of resemblance are sufficiently strong to indicate either
      that the tribes were once subject to the same influence, from
      whence they derived their culture, or else that they are
      descended from the same stock. We have reverted to the worship of
      Quetzalcohuatl, and shown how the Quichés, under the name of
      Gucumatz, worshiped a similar deity. We have also referred to the
      great similarity of the calendar system.

      From the limited space at our command, it is not possible to
      refer to the traditions of the Maya tribes. We will refer to but
      one manuscript bearing on this question; but this is, probably,
      the most important one. This manuscript was written by a native
      with the Spanish letter, but in the Maya language. It was written
      not far from the time of the conquest of Yucatan by the
      Spaniards, and the account is, doubtless, as full a one, from the
      native stand-point, as can be given. The period of time used by
      the author is Ahau, which we have seen is either twenty, or
      twenty-four years.

      Carefully going over this manuscript, Prof. Valentine arrives at
      the following conclusions: About the Year 137, A.D., the Mayas
      started from some place they called Tulla, or Tullapan, on their
      migration. Where this place was we do not know. The traditions of
      all the civilized nations refer to this place as a
      starting-point. It was a “land of abundance.” It may be that this
      was but some fabled place, such as almost all primitive people
      have traditions of.91 About the year 231, A.D., they arrived on
      the coast of Central America, and spread themselves over a large
      part of it. This same manuscript speaks of the “discovery” of
      Chichen-Itza, 522, A.D. The date of the founding of Uxmal is
      given as about the year 1000, A.D. From 1000 to 1200, A.D., was
      the golden era of the Mayas in Yucatan.

      The tribes at Uxmal, Mayapan, and Chichen-Itza formed a
      confederacy of which Mayapan seems to have been the head. About
      the year 1200, inter-tribal war broke out. It seems to have been
      caused by the arrival of Nahua tribes, who established themselves
      in Mayapan. They were finally expelled, but they left the Mayas
      in such a state of exhaustion that they could not present a
      united front against the Spaniards. Such are the conclusions of
      Prof. Valentine. He estimates the length of an Ahau at twenty
      years, and it does seem that the author of the manuscript used
      that number of years.92

      Of the other branch of the civilized tribes we know but very
      little. The historical picture writings of the Mendoza
      collection, a collection compiled, remember, after the conquest,
      and, therefore, representing the traditions then current among
      the Mexicans, takes us back to 1325, A.D., to the first
      settlement in the Pueblo of Mexico. Sahagun, a Franciscan monk,
      who went to Mexico as early as the year 1529, and remained there
      until his death in 1590, wrote a very voluminous account of the
      Mexicans, their customs and history, and as he was in Mexico at
      the time when their traditions were still fresh in the minds of
      the natives, his account is probably as good as any. He obtained
      his information in a very credible manner. He gathered together
      some old Indians, well acquainted with the traditional history of
      their country. They are supposed to have “refreshed” their memory
      by inspecting a number of picture writings, which have since
      disappeared.

      It is manifest that this history is valuable, just in proportion
      as the traditions are valuable. He makes one statement that Prof.
      Valentine has dwelt upon with great ability. He states that
      numberless years ago the first settlers came in ships and landed
      at a northern port, which, from that cause, was called Pauntla.
      This is supposed to be the Panuco River. After they had settled
      here, a large part of them, including their leaders and the
      priests, went off south; Sahagun says as far as Guatemala. The
      party left behind organized themselves into an independent body.
      They reconstructed from memory the calendar; they increased and
      became powerful, until pushing over the mountain, they built the
      pyramid of Cholula, and finally reached the city of Teotihuacan,
      where they built a central sanctuary. For some reason they
      abandoned their homes, all except the Otomies, and wandered off
      across the plains, and high, cold, desert places, that they might
      discover new lands.93

      No dates are mentioned for these occurrences, and we are not
      aware that this tradition is mentioned by other writers. We
      recall that from the mouth of the Panuco River southward, we
      found evidence of considerable population in olden times. We also
      recall that in this section are the ruined pyramids of Tuzpan and
      Papantla. Prof. Valentine is inclined to think that this date is
      referred to on the calendar stone; that is, 231 A.D. Just
      twenty-four cycles elapsed from this time to the date of the
      dedication of the calendar stone in 1479.

      He also thinks that the Maya traditions refer to this same
      occurrence. One more reference to this same mysterious date is
      contained in the traditions of the Tezcucan tribe. According to
      the traditions, the beginning of things were in the year 245 A.D.
      According to this view, then, the ancestors of both Nahua and
      Maya people appeared on the gulf coast about 231 A.D.; in the
      same place where a Maya-speaking tribe are found to-day. From
      here those who developed the Maya culture went to the south and
      south-west; those who developed the Nahua went to the west and
      north-west.

      We do not profess to be a judge as to the value of this
      tradition. Our scholars will, probably, at no distant day, come
      to more definite conclusions in the matter. Prof. Short thinks
      the strangers who at this early time made their appearance on the
      gulf shore were colonies of Mound Builders from the Mississippi
      Valley.94 We think it best to be very cautious about coming to
      any such conclusions. We must not forget that back of the twelfth
      century is nothing but vague traditions. Mr. Bandelier tells us
      that “nothing positive can be gathered, except that even during
      the earliest times Mexico was settled or overrun by sedentary, as
      well as by nomadic tribes that both acknowledged a common
      origin.”95 The savage tribes have the general name of
      Chichimecas, but by right this term ought to be applied to the
      sedentary tribes as well; however, the word Toltec stands for
      these sedentary tribes. We have all read about the great Toltec
      Empire in Mexico. This is a ridiculous use of words. There was no
      tribe or nation of people of the name of Toltecs.96 All these
      prehistoric aborigines were probably Chichimecas; but by Toltecs
      we refer to the sedentary tribes, the skillful workers among
      them. If we are to judge any thing of traditions, the original
      home of these people were somewhere to the north of Mexico.

      There was doubtless the usual state of inter-tribal warfare, but
      after a prolonged period the sedentary tribes—the Toltecs—were
      exterminated or expelled. Their successors were utter savages,
      coming from the north also. We doubt very much whether any date
      can be given for this event, but traditions assign it to about
      the year 1064. Prof. Valentine thinks he finds a reference to it
      in the calendar of stone. If we will notice, in the outer band
      near the top are four little bundles, or knots, in all, eight. We
      are told that each of these bundles refers to a cycle of
      fifty-two years, or in all four hundred and sixteen years. The
      date of the inauguration of the stone is 1479. If we subtract the
      number of years just mentioned, we have the date 1063. Whether
      this is simply a coincidence, or was really intended to refer to
      that event, we can not say.

      Considerable speculations have been indulged in as to where the
      Toltecs went when driven out of Mexico. Some have supposed they
      went to Yucatan, and that to them we are to look for the builders
      of the ruined cities. This is the view of a very late explorer,
      M. Charney.97 Some have supposed we yet see certain traces of
      their presence in Guatemala, where they helped to build up a
      great Quexche “monarchy.”98 But we know very little about it. It
      is not probable that more than a feeble remnant of them escaped
      with their lives.

      From the same mysterious regions from where had issued the
      aboriginal Chichimecas and Toltec people, there subsequently came
      still other bands of sedentary Indians, who finally came to
      settle around the lakes of Anahuac. These settlers all spoke
      closely related dialects of the same language as their
      predecessors, the Toltecs. Finally the Aztecs appeared on the
      scene, coming from the same mysterious land of the “Seven Caves.”
      According to their historical picture-writings, they founded the
      Pueblo of Mexico in 1325. It is somewhat singular that no record
      of this event appears on the calendar stone. If the artist was
      ingenious enough, as Prof. Valentine thinks he was, to represent
      the dispersion of the Toltecs in the eleventh century, he surely
      would have found some way to refer to such an important event as
      the founding of their Pueblo. From this date the Mexicans
      steadily rose in power, until they finally became the leading
      power of the valley.99

      REFERENCES


        The manuscript of this chapter was submitted to A. F. Bandelier
        for criticism. The part bearing on religion was subsequently
        rewritten. Absence from the country prevented his examining it.

        Mr. Bandelier is the author of three essays on the culture of
        the ancient Mexicans. These are published in Volume II of
        “Peabody Museum Reports.” We wish to make a general reference
        to these essays. They are invaluable to the student. Every
        position is sustained by numerous quotations from the early
        writers. In order to save constant references to them, we will
        here state that, unless other authorities are given for
        striking statements as to the culture of the Mexicans, their
        social organizations, etc., it is understood that our authority
        is found in these essays.

        In Mexican, “Tlaca-tecuhtli.”

        Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. II, p. 572.

        “Contribution to North American Ethnology,” Vol. IV, p. 229.

        Morgan’s “Contributions to N.A. Ethnology,” p. 256.

        Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. II, p. 576.

        “Who over heard of an imperfectly developed race decorating so
        profusely and so delicately their ordinary abodes, in a manner
        usually reserved for temples and palaces?” S. F. Haven, in
        Proceedings of Am. Antiq. Society, April, 1880, p. 57.

        Morgan’s “Contribution to N.A. Ethnology,” Vol. IV, p. 186.

        Cortez saw “trinkets made of gold and silver, of lead, bronze,
        copper, and tin.” They were on the confines of a true Bronze
        Age. Proceedings of Am. Antiq. Society, April, 1879, p. 81.

        “History of the Conquest of Mexico.”

        Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. II.

        “History of America,” 1818, Vol. III, book viii, p. 9.

        Wilson’s “Conquest of Mexico.”

        Morgan’s “Ancient Society,” p. 91.

        But, on this point, see “Peabody Reports,” Vol. II, p. 685
        —note, p. 282.

        Morgan’s “Ancient Society,” p. 197.

        Ibid., p. 205.

        “Ancient Society,” p. 118.

        Morgan’s “Ancient Society,” p. 147.

        We refer again to Mr. Bandelier’s articles. A careful reading
        of them will convince any one that the picture of Mexican
        Government as set forth in Mr. Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol.
        II, is very erroneous. Mr. Bancroft’s views are, however, those
        of many writers.

        “Ancient Society,” p. 528.

        Morgan’s “Ancient Society,” p. 537.

        Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. II, p. 435.

        It is needless to remark that these results are greatly at
        variance with those generally held, as will be seen by
        consulting Mr. Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. II, Chap. xiv.
        Mr. Bancroft, however, simply gathers together what other
        writers have stated on this subject. We follow, in this matter,
        the conclusions of an acknowledged leader in this field, Mr.
        Bandelier, who has fully worked out Mr. Morgan’s views,
        advanced in “Ancient Society.”

        Morgan’s “Ancient Society,” p. 193.

        Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. II, p. 95.

        Morgan’s “Ancient Society,” p. 194.

        Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. II, p. 94.

        Morgan’s “Ancient Society,” p. 195.

        Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. I, p. 344.

        Valentine, in Proceedings of American Antiquarian Society,
        April, 1879.

        Gallatin: “American Ethnological Society’s Transactions,” Vol.
        I, p. 119.

        Valentine: Proceedings American Antiq. Soc., October, 1880, p.
        75.

        Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. II, p. 381. Proceedings
        American Antiquarian Society, April, 1879, p. 110.

        Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. II, p. 193.

        “Fifth Annual Report Archæological Institute of America,” p.
        83.

        Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. II, p. 389.

        Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. II, p. 325.

        Valentine: Proceedings Am. Antiq. Society, April, 1879, p. 90.

        Ibid., p. 111.

        _North American Review,_ Oct. 1880, p. 310.

        See “Copper Age in Wisconsin,” in Proceedings American
        Antiquarian Society, No. 69, p. 57.

        Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. II, p. 483.

        Proceedings Am. Antiq. Society, Oct., 1881, P. 66. (Valentine.)

        Proceedings Am. Antiq. Society, Oct., 1881, p. 66. (Valentine.)

        Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. II, p. 489.

        Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. III, pp. 182-199. In this
        connection, see also Bandolier: “An Archæological Tour in
        Mexico,” p. 185, note 2. It seems that none of the early
        writers speak of such a belief. The idea of one single God is
        first found in the writings of Ixtilxochitl.

        Brinton’s “Myths of the New World,” p. 45.

        Tezcatlipoca, the tutelar deity of Tezcuco; Huitzilopochtli,
        the tutelar deity of Mexico; Camaxtli, the tutelar deity of
        Tlaxcala; Quetzalcohuatl, the tutelar deity of Cholula.

        Bandelier: “An Archæological Tour in Mexico,” p. 188.

        This subject is fully treated of in Brinton’s “Myths of the New
        World.”

        “Among the Indians it is very easy to become deified. The
        development of the Montezuma myth among the Pueblo Indians of
        New Mexico is an instance.” (Bandelier.)

        Brinton’s “Myths of the New World.”

        Bandelier: “An Archæological Tour in Mexico.” pp. 168-213.

        Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. III, p. 298, note 9.

        “American Antiquarian,” January, 1883, p. 78.

        “An Archæological Tour in Mexico,” p. 67.

        “Peabody Museum Reports,” Vol. II, p. 600. Dr. Brinton in
        “Myths of the New World,” p. 281, gives some instances that
        might be thought to show the contrary. But even in those
        extracts we notice the parties had to deserve the office, and
        that in no case was it confined to certain persons.

        Bancroft: “Native Races,” Vol. III, p. 335.

        Bancroft: “Native Races,” Vol. II, p. 500.

        Mr. Bandelier remarks that the numbers from five to ten should
        be macuil-pa-oc-ce, etc. We give the same table as both Mr.
        Gallatin and Mr Bancroft.

        For authorities on this subject see Gallatin in “American
        Ethnological Society’s Transactions,” Vol. I, p, 49; Bancroft’s
        “Native Races,” Vol. II, p. 497; Valentine, in Am. Antiq. Soc.
        Proceedings, Oct., 1880, p. 61.

        Perez “Chronology of Yucatan,” in Stephens’s “Yucatan,” Vol. I,
        p. 435.

        See Valentine: “The Katunes of Maya History,” in Proceedings
        Am. Antiq. Soc., October, 1879, p. 114.

        We refer to the division of five days, not to the thirteen day
        period, of which we will soon speak.

        Bandelier: “Peabody Museum Reports,” Vol. II, p. 579. Note 29.

        Mr. Bancroft, “Native Races,” p. 508, gives a table showing the
        variation of authors in this respect. Gallatin “American
        Ethnological Society’s Transactions,” Vol. I, p. 66, says, “the
        published hieroglyphics are dissimilar in many respects.”

        Stephens’s “Yucatan,” Vol. I, p. 438.

        Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. II, p. 513, note 15.

        Proceedings Am. Antiq. Society, April, 1878, p. 99.

        Gallatin: “American Ethnological Soc. Trans.,” Vol. I, p. 71.

        See Valentine, in Proceedings American Antiq. Society, April,
        1878, p. 106. Gallatin, who is also good authority, gives the
        order different, viz., Tochtli, Acatl, Tecpatl, Calli.

        Valentine: Proceedings Am. Antiq. Soc., Oct., 1879, p. 84, _et
        seq._

        Thomas: “A study of the Manuscript Troano,” in “Contributions
        to North American Ethnology,” Vol. V, p. 29.

        According to the teachings of the Mexican priests nine deities
        governed the days. They had painted lists of these weeks, and
        the deities governing each.

        Valentine: Proceedings Am. Antiq. Soc., Oct., 1879, p. 85.

        In this table we have followed Mr. Gallatin. According to Prof.
        Valentine, the order of the years is different. This, however,
        is immaterial to an understanding of the system.

        Gallatin: “Am. Eth. Soc. Transactions,” Vol. I, p. 94, _et
        seq._

        Thus says Prof. Valentine. The cast of this stone in the
        Smithsonian Institution gives the date eight, instead of seven
        Ozomatl.

        For information on the Calendar Stone, consult, “American
        Ethnological Society’s Transactions,” Vol. I, p. 94, _et seq.;_
        Bancroft’s “Native Races,” Vol. II, chap. xvi, and p. 755, _et
        seq.;_ Valentine: American Antiquarian Society’s Proceedings,
        April, 1878, p. 92, _et seq.;_ Short’s “North Americans of
        Antiquity,” p. 419, _et seq._

        Morgan’s “Ancient Society,” p. 143.

        Brinton: “Introduction to the Study of the Manuscript Troano.”

        Valentine: Proceedings of American Antiquarian Society, April,
        1880.

        Gallatin: “American Ethnological Society’s Transactions,” Vol.
        I, p. 131.

        Valentine: Amer. Antiq. Society’s Transactions, April, 1880,
        pp. 59-91.

        Brinton’s “Introduction to Study of manuscript Troans,” p.
        xxvi.

        American Antiquarian Society, April, 1881, p. 294.

        “Myths of the New World.” The doctor now thinks his statement
        just referred to, too strong. There is, indeed, a resemblance,
        as he pointed out; but it is not strong enough to found any
        theories on.

        Short’s “North Americans of Antiquity,” p. 474.

        Brinton’s “Myths of the New World.”

        This historical manuscript represents the traditions of the
        Maya people shortly after the conquest. It is very likely its
        author had before him picture records of what he wrote. Such
        records have since disappeared. The manuscript itself, the
        interpretation of it, and Perez’s remarks are found in
        Stephen’s “Yucatan,” Vol. II, Appendix. The same in Bancroft’s
        “Native Races,” Vol. V, p. 628. The fullest and most complete
        discussion is by Prof. Valentine in Proceedings Am. Antiq.
        Soc., October, 1879, p. 80, _et seq._ Whether there is any
        thing worthy of the name of history is doubtful.

        Proceedings Am. Antiq. Society, Oct., 1882.

        “North Americans of Antiquity,” p. 578.

        “Peabody Museum Reports,” Vol. II, p. 387.

        Valentine: Proceedings Am. Antiq. Society, October, 1882, p.
        209.

        _North American Review,_ from Sept., 1880, to 1883.

        Short’s “North Americans of Antiquity,” p. 218.

        This historical notice is a mere outline. Such, however, is all
        we wished to give. Those who wish for more details can not do
        better than to refer to Mr. Bancroft’s fifth volume on the
        “Native Races.” We do not believe, however, that any thing
        definite is known of the early periods of which some writers
        give such glowing descriptions. When they talk about the doings
        of monarchs, the rise and fall of dynasties, and royal
        governors, we must remember the majority of the descriptive
        matter is mere nonsense, consequently our faith in the dates
        given can not be very great.




Chapter XVI
      ANCIENT PERU.


      First knowledge of Peru—Expeditions of Pizarro—Geography of
      Peru—But a small part of it inhabitable—The tribes of ancient
      Peru—How classified—Sources of our knowledge of Peru—Garcillasso
      De La Vega—Origin of Peruvian civilization—The Bolson of
      Cuzco—Historical outline—Their culture—Divided into phratries and
      gentes—Government—Efforts to unite the various tribes—Their
      system of colonies—The roads of the Incas—The ruins of Chimu—The
      arts of the Chimu people—The manufacture of pottery—Excavation at
      Ancon—Ruins in the Huatica Valley—The construction of a Huaca—The
      ruins at Pachacamac—The valley of the Canete—The Chincha
      Islands—Tiahuanuco—Carved gateway—The Island of
      Titicaca—Chulpas—Ruins at Cannar—Aboriginal Cuzco—Temple of the
      Sun—The Fortress—General remarks.

      The

      early part of the sixteenth century was surely a stirring time in
      the world’s history. The night of the Dark Ages was passing off
      of the Old World; the darker gloom of prehistoric times was
      lifting from off the New. Spanish discoveries followed each other
      in rapid succession in the South. As yet, they supposed these
      discoveries to be along the eastern shores of Asia, but, in 1513,
      Balboa, from a mountain peak, in Darien, saw the gleam of the
      great Pacific, which intervenes between America and Asia. At the
      same time he was informed there was a country to the southward
      where gold was in common use, and of as little value among the
      people as iron among the Spaniards. As gold was what the
      Spaniards most desired, we can imagine how they rejoiced over
      such information.

      The rich country of which Balboa was thus informed was later
      known as Peru. Balboa himself did not attempt its discovery.
      There was no lack, however, of those who wished to achieve fame
      and fortune by so doing. Among other restless spirits who had
      been attracted to the New World, was Francisco Pizarro. He had
      been associated with Balboa in founding the settlement of Darien,
      and, of course, he was among the first to hear of the marvelous
      country farther south. In 1518, Panama, on the Pacific coast, was
      made the seat of government for the Spaniards in that section of
      the country. Pizarro was one of the first there—his services had
      been rewarded by the grant of an estate. The historian of his
      expedition speaks of him as “one of the principal men of the
      land, possessing his house, his farm, and his Indians.”1 We need
      not doubt but what he often pondered over his knowledge of the
      rich country south. He was well acquainted with Indian character,
      and knew that a small band of resolute Europeans, possessed of
      fire-arms, could sweep every thing before them.

      He could not endure the quiet life on his estate, and so he
      obtained from the governor permission to explore the coast of the
      South Sea to the eastward. He spent a large part of his fortune
      on a good ship and the necessary supplies for the voyage, and
      finally set sail from Panama in November of 1524. It needed a man
      of no common spirits to withstand the disappointments of the next
      few years. In less than a year this ship returned to Panama for
      reinforcements. Pizarro himself and a few of his men remained at
      a place not very far from Panama. Here he was joined by
      reinforcements under Almagro. Undismayed by his first experience,
      he again sailed southward along the coast. Xeres’s brief account
      is as follows: “When they thought they saw signs of habitations,
      they went on shore in their canoes they had with them, rowed by
      sixty men, and so they sought for provisions. They continued to
      sail in this way for three years, suffering great hardships from
      hunger and cold. The greater part of the crew died of hunger,
      insomuch that there were not fifty surviving. During all these
      years they discovered no good land; all was swamp and inundated
      land without inhabitants.”

      This expedition accomplished nothing further than to obtain
      definite information as to Peru. Pizarro’s grant from the
      governor having expired, and the further fact that he had spent
      all his fortune in these unsuccessful expeditions, made it
      necessary for him to go to Spain. Received by the emperor with
      favor, clothed with ample authority, he was able to raise men and
      money, and finally sailed from Panama in 1531 on his third and
      successful expedition for the conquest of Peru. Thus was made
      known to the world what is regarded as the most wonderful example
      of native civilization in the two Americas.

      The dawn of history for Peru was the sunset of her native
      culture. In a few short years what has come down to us as the
      Empire of the Incas was completely overthrown; the enslaved
      Indians were groaning under the weight of Spanish oppression; the
      demolition of her ancient monuments had already begun, and
      romance, tradition, and wonder had already thrown their subtle
      charms around the ruins. The old customs and usages were on the
      sudden dropped, a new culture was forced upon the unwilling
      natives, and prehistoric Peru, though distant but a few years in
      time, was as completely separated from historic Peru as is the
      culture of the Neolithic Age in Europe from that of the early
      historic period.

      The magician’s wand in the fairy stories of olden days did not
      present results more bewildering in their changes than did the
      operations of the Spaniards in Peru. All accounts unite in
      praising the government of ancient Peru. There is probably no
      question but what the government the Spaniards overthrew was one
      far better adapted to the wants of the native inhabitants than
      the one they forced them to accept. But when we read the accounts
      of that government as set forth by the early writers, we are at a
      loss to know what to believe. There is such an evident mixture of
      fables, traditions, and facts, that the cautious student
      hesitates, and asks what support the researches of later scholars
      give to these early writers. We doubt whether we have to this day
      clear ideas of the culture of ancient Peru. This is to be
      regretted. There is no question but that here was the highest
      development of the Indian race in America. If we accept the
      accounts given us, here rose an empire which will not suffer by
      comparison with the flourishing empires of early times in
      Oriental lands. Let us try and learn what we can of this culture,
      and see wherein it differed from that of the civilized tribes
      already discussed.

      Map of Peru

      We must, first of all, acquaint ourselves with the physical
      features of the country. We can never fairly judge of the
      civilization or culture of a people until we know their
      surroundings. One of the discoveries of late years is, that the
      culture of a people is greatly influenced by their surroundings.
      The very appearance of a country whether it is mountainous or
      plain, sea-girt or inland, influences the character of a people.
      Civilization is found to depend upon such common factors as
      climate, food, and physical surroundings.2 Now if we will examine
      the map of South America, we will see that the entire section of
      country occupied by the tribes under consideration is very
      mountainous. What is known as the Andes is in reality the most
      eastern of the two ranges. The western one nearer the coast is
      called the Cordillera, or the Coast Range. The summit of this
      mountain range often spreads out into great undulating plains,
      the general elevation of which is from fourteen to eighteen
      thousand feet above the sea. This series of elevated plains forms
      a dreary, uninhabited stretch of country, “frigid, barren, and
      desolate, where life is only represented by the hardy vicuna and
      the condor.”3

      This is the uninhabited portion of Peru. The general width of
      this plateau region is about one hundred and fifty miles. Passing
      this dreary stretch of country we come to another still elevated
      plateau section, which extends to the snow-clad Andes proper. The
      distance between these two great mountain ranges is from one to
      two hundred miles, but as we see on the map they come together in
      places. One such place, the Pass of La Raya, fifteen degrees
      south latitude is of importance as marking the northern extremity
      of the great basin of Lake Titicaca. This basin is remarkable in
      many respects. It is of no inconsiderable size, being six hundred
      miles in length by one hundred and fifty in width. It has a lake
      and river system of its own. At the northern extremity of the
      basin is the noted Lake Titicaca, which is given by some as the
      traditional place of origin of the Incas. This lake finds an
      outlet in the River Desaguadero, which flows in a broad and swift
      stream in a southerly direction, where it empties into Lake
      Aullagas.

      Of this lake we know next to nothing, but it seems to be
      established that it has no outlet to the sea. Thus this Titicaca
      basin is but another example of interior basins like that of our
      own great Salt Lake. It is not, however, favorably situated for
      agricultural purposes. It is a “region where barley will not
      ripen except under very favorable circumstances and where maize
      in its most diminutive size has its most precarious development;
      where the potato, shrunk to its smallest proportions, is bitter;
      where the only grain is the quinoa, and where the only indigenous
      animals fit for food are the biscacha, the llama and the
      vicuna.”4

      Thus we see that a large part of the interior of Peru was not
      desirable for habitations. But this great plateau region north of
      the basin of Lake Titicaca is here and there broken up by what we
      would call valleys, but which the Spaniards more appropriately
      named _bolsons,_ literally meaning “pockets.” These bolsons are
      of various altitudes, and, therefore have different climates and
      productions. Some are well drained and fertile, others are marshy
      and contain considerable lakes. As a general thing, the bolsons
      are separated from each other by stretches of the dreary,
      desolate plateau; or by ranges of precipitous hills and
      mountains, or by profound gorges, along which courses some river
      on its way to swell the flood of the mighty Amazon.

      The coast range of mountains of which we have spoken runs nearly
      parallel to the coast, distant from it about forty miles. This
      stretch of country along the entire coast of ancient Peru is
      mainly a desert. Owing to causes which we need not explain, rain
      is almost unknown; the consequence is, the coast presents a
      dreary, verdureless, forbidding appearance. The melting snows on
      the great Cordillera, however, send down, here and there, on
      their western flanks, feeble rivers. Some of these rivers reach
      the sea, others prolong their flow but a few miles from the
      mountains before the thirsty desert swallows them from view. As
      is true of all desert countries, all that is needed to render it
      fertile is water; so, wherever these rivers occur there are found
      wonderfully fertile valleys. Every one of these valleys was once
      thickly settled, but, like the bolsons of the interior, they were
      not connected with each other. Each valley is separated from its
      neighbor by many miles of almost trackless desert, across which
      the Incas are said to have indicated the road by means of stakes
      driven into the sand and joined by Ozier ropes. No remains of
      such roads have been found by modern travelers.

      Fortress, Huatica Valley

      From this description it is “clear that but a small portion of
      the country was inhabitable, or capable of supporting a
      considerable number of people. The rich and productive valleys
      and bolsons are hardly move than specks on the map.”5 It is
      necessary that we bear this description of the country in mind.
      It will help us to understand as nothing else will how the tribes
      located in one rich and productive bolson could, by successive
      forays, reduce to a condition of tribute tribes living in other
      detached valleys and bolsons. It will also enable us to put a
      correct estimate on the extravagant accounts that have reached us
      of the population of this country under the rule of its ancient
      inhabitants. We can also readily see why the tribes living in the
      hot and fertile valleys along the coast, which were called Yuncas
      by the Peruvians, should differ in religion and mental and moral
      characteristics from the tribes living in the bolsons of the
      interior, where the snow-clad peaks were nearly always in sight,
      and where the sun, shedding his warm and vivifying beams, would
      appear to the shivering natives as the beneficent deity from
      whence comes all good.

      We must now turn our attention to the tribes inhabiting the
      section of country just described. We have seen that the Mayas,
      of Central America, the Nahuas, of Mexico, and the sedentary
      tribes, of the United States, were considerably in advance of the
      great body of the Indian tribes of North America. We find the
      same fact true of the natives of South America. Those tribes
      inhabiting the territory of ancient Peru, and those of the
      territory now known as the United States of Columbia, were
      considerably further advanced than the wild tribes living in the
      remaining portions of South America. Quite a number of our
      scholars have grouped in one class these partially civilized
      tribes of both North and South America, and called them the
      Toltecan Family.6 But others do not think that there are
      sufficient grounds for such a class division. They can not detect
      any radical changes in the domestic institutions of the various
      tribes.7 On this point we must wait until our authorities are
      agreed among themselves.

      Attempts have been made to classify the various partially
      civilized tribes of Peru. There are several difficulties in the
      way. It was, for instance, the custom of the Incas, whenever they
      had reduced a tribe to tribute, to force them to learn their
      language, which was the Quichua, and is what the early Spanish
      writers call the general language of Peru.8 How far this language
      was forced on the tribes, and how far it was their own idiom, we
      can not tell. Mr. Markham, who has made a very careful study of
      all the authorities bearing on Peru, divides the territory of
      ancient Peru into five divisions, and in each locates a number of
      tribes, which he thinks forms a family.

      The first, and most northern one, extends north from near Tumbez,
      in the present State of Ecuador. The second extends from Loja, on
      the north, to Cerro De Pasco, in about eleven degrees south
      latitude. The third, and most important, extends from this last
      named place to the pass of La Raya, fifteen degrees south
      latitude. This was the home of the Incas and five other closely
      related tribes. To the south of La Raya is the basin of Lake
      Titicaca, the home of a family of Indians generally known as the
      Aymara Indians. This name is, however, wrong; these tribes should
      be called the Collao Indians. These four divisions do not include
      any territory west of the Cordillera range, except one part of
      the third division. These four families are all closely related.
      Mr. Markham thinks they all had a common origin. Mr. Squier
      thinks the Collao, or, as they are generally called, the Aymara
      Indians, are distinct from the others. “They differ from each
      other as widely as the German’s differ from the French,” is his
      own conclusion. The entire coast district of Peru was the home of
      many tribes of Indians, about which we as yet know but little.
      The name by which they are known is Yuncas.9

      We are now ready to proceed to a consideration of the culture of
      ancient Peru, and a description of the monuments. But before
      doing so we must have a word to say as to the authorities. At the
      time of the Spanish conquest of Peru, the Empire of the Incas was
      supposed to have been in existence about four hundred years. But
      the Incas had no hieroglyphic or pictorial system of recording
      events. The most they had was a system of knot records or
      quippos, which will be explained in due time. These records were
      simply aids to the memory. Mr. Squier places them “about on a par
      with Robinson Crusoe’s Notched Calendar, or the chalked tally of
      an illiterate tapster.”10 They are manifestly of no value as
      historical records.

      It must be evident, then, that all our knowledge of Peru,
      previous to the arrival of the Spaniards, rests solely upon
      traditions. We have no reason to suppose that these traditions
      are of more value in their case than in the case of other rude
      and illiterate people. The memory of such people is very short
      lived. The tribes in the southern part of the United States must
      have been greatly impressed with Do Soto’s expedition. They heard
      fire-arms for the first time, and for the first time saw horses
      ridden by men. Yet in the course of a few generations they had
      completely forgotten all this.11

      One very eminent authority is Garcillasso De La Vega.12 Let us
      examine his writings a minute. He was born in Cuzco about 1540,
      but a few years after the conquest. His mother claimed descent
      from the royal family. He left Peru in 1560, when he was just
      twenty years old, and went to Spain. He first sought advancement
      in the army. Despairing of success in that line, he turned his
      attention to literature. One of his first works was an account of
      De Soto’s expedition to Florida. The historian Bancroft thus
      characterizes this work: “An extravagant romance, yet founded
      upon facts—a history not without its value, but which must be
      consulted with extreme caution.” Yet in this work there were no
      subtile ties of blood, no natural bias as there would be in favor
      of the land of his birth.

      About 1600 he commenced his “Royal Commentaries of Peru.” This is
      the main source of information as to ancient Peru. We must
      reflect that he had been away from his native land forty years
      when he commenced the work. His sources of information were the
      stories told him in his boyhood days, the writings of the Spanish
      travelers, monks, and conquerors, and what he learned by
      corresponding with his old friends in Peru, which he did when he
      formed the design of writing his history. In other words, his
      history rests on the traditions extant at the time of the
      conquest, viewed, however, from a distance of sixty years. Who
      can doubt but what the old man, writing his accounts of this
      mother’s race, that race that had been so deeply wronged, wrote
      it under the influence of that potent spell, which the memory of
      old age throws around childhood’s days?

      It is evident we have in these accounts but little deserving the
      name of history. When he undertakes to tell us of the doings of
      the Incas, who are supposed to have reigned three or four hundred
      years before the Spanish conquest, descending to such details as
      what nations they subdued, the size of their armies, their
      speeches to their soldiers, the words of counsel they addressed
      to their heirs, their wise laws and maxims—and we know that this
      account rests on traditions—he who believes that they are of
      historical value, is surely possessed of a good store of
      credulity. We do not mean to say that his writings are of no
      account. On the other hand, they are of value. The historical
      part we are to consider simply as traditions, and we are to weigh
      them just as we would any other collection of traditions and
      compare them with monuments still extant. He is good authority on
      the customs and manners of the Peruvians just previous to the
      arrival of the Europeans.

      We have seen what strange mistakes the Spanish writers made in
      describing the government and customs of the Mexicans. We have no
      doubt but what substantially the same mistake has been made in
      regard to Peru. We believe that a careful, critical study of all
      that has been written on the subject of Peru by the early writers
      will establish this fact. As yet this has not been done. We must
      therefore be careful in our description of the state of society
      amongst them, as we do not wish to make statements not supported
      by good authority.

      We must try and decide as to what is the most probable origin of
      the ancient Peruvian civilization. Some of the earlier writers on
      this subject would trace it to an influx of Toltecs, the same
      mythical race that is credited with being the originators of the
      culture found in Mexico and Central America. But our modern
      scholars have clearly shown that the Toltec Empire, which was
      supposed to have preceded the Mexican, never existed. What we are
      to understand by the Toltecs is the sedentary tribes of Indians,
      either of the Nahua or Maya stock. The only value we would assign
      to the story of their dispersion is that it is a traditional
      statement that the migration of the sedentary Indians has been in
      a direction from north to south.

      Ruins at Pachacamac

      We have no means of knowing when the first tribes arrived in the
      country, or of their state of culture. It was doubtless at a very
      early date, and the tribes were probably not far advanced. We
      have no reason to suppose the culture of Peru was influenced from
      outside sources at all. We can not detect any evidence of a
      succession of races in Peru. The distinguished author to whom we
      have already referred13 speaks of what he calls the ancient
      Peruvians as distinguished from the modern tribes that
      acknowledged the government of the Incas.14 We think that all the
      evidence points to a long continued residence of the same race of
      people.

      We may suppose that in the fertile valleys of the coast, and in
      the bolsons of the interior, tribes of rude people were slowly
      moving along the line of progress that conducts at last to
      civilization. There is no reason to suppose that this progress
      was a rapid one. Under all circumstances this development is
      slow. We must not forget the natural features of the country. The
      inhabited tracts were isolated, hence would arise numerous petty
      tribes, having no common aims or mutual interests. Each would
      pursue their own way, and would keep about equal pace through the
      stages of Barbarism.15

      In process of time geographical and climatic causes would produce
      those effects, from which there is no escape, and some tribes
      would distinguish themselves as being possessed of superior
      energy, and the same results would follow there as elsewhere;
      that is, the dominion of the strong over the weak. All other
      circumstances being equal, we would look for this result in a
      section where a mild climate and fertile soil enabled man to put
      forth his energies, and rewarded his labors. All accounts agree
      in speaking of the bolson of Cuzco as well provided by nature in
      this respect. One eminent traveler speaks of it as “a region
      blessed with almost every variety of climate. On its bracing
      uplands were flocks of llamas and abundance of edible roots,
      while its sunny valleys yielded large crops of corn, pepper, and
      fruits.”16 Mr. Squier thinks that, on the whole, the climate is
      very nearly the same as that of the south of France.17

      This bolson was the home of the Incas. A number of writers speak
      of the Incas very much as if they were a royal family. It is not
      necessary to discuss this point very extensively at present. All
      our accounts of their early history are traditional. Mr. Markham
      and Mr. Squier, both competent judges, assert that the weight of
      traditions is to the effect that the Incas originated near Cuzco.
      “Universal traditions,” says Mr. Markham, “points to a place
      called Peccari Tampu as the cradle or point of origin of the
      Incas.” As near as we can make out from the description, this was
      where, as seen from Cuzco, the sun appeared to rise.18

      We must remark that the sun was the ancestral deity of the Incas.
      All the Andean people worshiped some object as an ancestral
      deity. “An Indian,” says La Vega, “is not looked upon as
      honorable unless he is descended from a fountain, river, or lake,
      or even the sea, or from a wild animal, such as a bear, lion,
      tiger, eagle, or the bird they called a condor, or from a
      mountain, cave, or forest.” The Incas claimed descent from the
      sun. So we can see why their legends would center on the place
      where the sun appeared to rise. In after years, when they had
      extended their conquests to the Collao,19 and stood on the shore
      of Lake Titicaca, the sun appeared to them to rise out of its
      waves; and so this lake became to them a second point of
      traditional origin.

      We see we can not solve the question of the origin of the Incas
      until we solve the deeper problems of the origin of the Andean
      tribes. Every thing seems to indicate a long-continued residence,
      perhaps for centuries, and a slow advance in culture. We are not
      to suppose the Incas were endowed with unusual capacity for
      improvement; all the tribes were probably about equal in this
      respect.20 But their situation was in their favor, and they did
      not have to contend with those obstacles that confronted other
      tribes. They must have increased in numbers and in culture; they
      would in time feel themselves strong enough for conquest. We must
      bear in mind the peculiar geographical features of the country.
      In the isolated valleys and bolsons were living other tribes, but
      little inferior to the Incas. There were no common interests
      between these tribes. One by one they fell before the assaults of
      the Incas, and were reduced to tribute. Rendered still more
      powerful by success, the Incas pushed on their conquests until
      finally all the tribes living in that vast stretch of country
      from the Andes to the Pacific, from Chili to the United States of
      Colombia, acknowledged themselves tributary to the Incas. This
      was the state of things when the Spaniards, under Pizarro,
      appeared on the scene.

      When we undertake to learn the history or the state of culture
      among the Incas, we are entering on a difficult subject. Of their
      history, we know but very little more than is given in this
      outline; and owing to the complete absence of all records, we can
      not expect to know very much. Garcillasso draws such an inviting
      picture of the happy government of the Incas, that we would
      suppose that no rebellion or insurrection would ever occur. It
      seems, however, that their government was as much subject to such
      trials as any. Mr. Forbes tells us that “the Aymaras never
      submitted tamely to their Peruvian masters, but from time to time
      gave them much trouble by attempting to recover their
      independence.” And M. Reville tells us of the Incas that, “more
      than once they had to suppress terrible insurrections.” And we
      shall see, further on, that the probabilities are that the
      various tribes composing this so-called empire were not more
      compact and united than were the tribes composing the Mexican
      Empire.

      Shortly before the conquest, the Incas had reached their zenith
      of power. Huayna Capac, who died about 1525, was in reality the
      last of the Inca chiefs. Under his management the tribes as far
      north as Quito were reduced to tribute. The story goes that
      shortly before his death he divided the empire between two of his
      sons. One, Huascar, the rightful heir to the throne; the other,
      Atahualpa, half-brother to Huascar. His mother was daughter of
      the last king (?) of Quito. Her father had been forced to submit
      to the victorious Huayna Capac. This division of the Incarial
      Empire, was not at all to the liking of either Huascar or
      Atahualpa. They both wished to be sole Inca. Civil war was the
      result. Atahualpa, by treachery, had taken his brother prisoner,
      and would doubtless have achieved his ambition, but just then
      Pizarro invaded the country, and the reign of the Incas was over.

      Thus far, the story. We very much doubt whether this expresses
      the facts of the case. There is no question, of course, that
      civil war was in progress when the Spaniards arrived, which war,
      by the way, was a very fortunate thing for the Spaniards; but we
      do not know enough about the government of the Incas to know
      whether Huayna Capac could bequeath any powers to his sons. About
      all we are justified in saying is, that on his death, two persons
      (they were very likely brothers, and sons of Huayna Capac)
      aspired to the chieftaincy of the Incas, and, failing to agree,
      resorted to war to settle the matter.

      The question is, how far back in the unrecorded past can we
      follow tradition? Huayna Capac is thought to have been chief for
      about fifty years. His predecessor is said to have been one Tupac
      Yupanqui. Velasco, an early writer on the Peruvians, thinks he
      was chief for about thirty-six years. As this would carry us back
      nearly one hundred years, it must be evident we have gone about
      as far as we can place any reliance on tradition. However, the
      third chief, going backwards, was also called Yupanqui, sometimes
      denominated “Yupanqui the Great,” and his reign (?) takes us back
      to about the year 1400. “Beyond this point,” says M. Castaing,
      “we fall into a mythological era.” We fully agree with him. We
      can not think there is any special value in accounts of events
      said to happen before that time—that is, for historical purposes.

      That there were victorious chiefs, conducting victorious forays
      before that date, is, of course, admitted. That the names of many
      of the chiefs have come down to us, as well as some of their
      notable achievements is quite possible. It is also evident that
      some mythological personages would appear in tradition as
      “reigning Incas.” It is equally plain that neither Garcillasso,
      nor any of the Spanish writers, had any clear ideas of these
      ancient times or events. All traditions finally settle on Manco
      Capac as the first chief of the Incas. M. Castaing says he “is
      but an allegory of the period of formation.”21 The date of the
      accession of this mythological chief is given by most authorities
      as about the year 1000. M. Castaing thinks it was in the middle
      of the twelfth century. It does not make much difference which
      date the reader concludes to accept—one will do as well as the
      other.22

      Let us turn our attention to the culture of the Incas, and their
      state of government. Here we would expect to be on firm ground.
      We would expect the Spanish writers to give us reliable accounts
      of the state of society of the people they conquered. But, as Mr.
      Squier remarks, the overthrow of the Peruvian government “was so
      sudden and complete that the chroniclers had hardly time to set
      down the events which took place before their own eyes, and had
      little leisure, or perhaps inclination, to make a careful
      investigation into the principles of their civil and religious
      polity. As a consequence, this work has devolved upon the
      laborious student and archæologist of a later time.” In other
      words, we are to compare the accounts given us by the early
      writers with our present knowledge of Indian society.

      We have already made the statement that the Inca were a tribe of
      Indians. But, if they were a tribe, did they have the usual
      subdivisions of a tribe—which, we remember, are the phratry and
      gens? The Spanish writers say nothing about such divisions. This
      is not strange. They said nothing about the phratries and gentes
      of the Mexicans; and yet they were in existence. Neither did the
      English mention the institution of the phratries and gentes among
      the Iroquois; and yet they were fully developed. We answer, that
      the Inca tribe were divided into both phratries and gentes. It is
      necessary to show what grounds we have for such belief. It is
      well to have a little better understanding of the surroundings of
      this tribe.

      The isolated section of country which they occupied is about
      seventy miles long by sixty in width. “The proper name for the
      aboriginal people of this tract,” says Mr. Markham, “is Incas.”
      This word must have been at first the title for chief—for all the
      chiefs in this section were called Incas; but, in process of
      time, the name was assumed as the special title of the tribe at
      Cuzco. Mr. Markham gives us further the names of seventeen
      lineages who occupied this valley. Whether a lineage was a tribe
      or not we can not decide. We will now confine our attention to
      the ruling tribe at Cuzco.

      The Spaniards noticed that Cuzco was divided into two parts,
      called respectively Upper and Lower Cuzco. Garcillasso tells us
      that this division was made as follows. Manco-Capac with his wife
      and queen were children of the Sun, sent to civilize the Indians,
      who, before their arrival, were a very degraded sort of savages.
      From Cuzco this sun-descended couple went their different
      ways—the king to the north, the queen to the south—“speaking to
      all the people they met in the wilderness, and telling them how
      their father, the Sun, had sent them from heaven to be the rulers
      and benefactors of the inhabitants of all that land; . . . and,
      in pursuance of these commands, they had come to bring them out
      of the forests and deserts to live in villages.” This sounded so
      good to the wild tribes, that they “assembled in great numbers,
      both men and women,” and set out to follow their exhorters.23

      The tribe that followed the king settled Upper Cuzco; while the
      queen’s converts settled Lower Cuzco. This division was not made
      so that those living in one half should have any special
      privileges over the other—for they were all to be equal, like
      brothers. The division was solely in order “that they might be a
      perpetual memory of the fact that the inhabitants of one were
      assembled by the king, and the other by the queen.” The only
      difference between them was, “that the people of Upper Cuzco
      should be looked upon and represented as elder brothers, and
      those of Lower Cuzco as younger brothers.”

      Such is the account of the settlement of Upper and Lower Cuzco.
      Any one acquainted with the general principles on which the
      division of Indian tribes into phratries took place, can not help
      concluding that these divisions were simply two phratries. The
      inhabitants of each traced their descent back to a supernatural
      personage. They were equal in power to each other as elder and
      younger brothers. Polo Ondegardo simply remarks that “the lineage
      of the Incas was divided into two branches, the one called Upper
      Cuzco, the other Lower Cuzco.”24 There ought to be no objection
      to substituting for the word branches used above the scientific
      term our scholars now employ; that is, phratry. Each tribe of the
      Iroquois confederacy was divided into two phratries, and their
      name for this division was a word which meant brotherhood.25

      Whatever doubt we may have on this point vanished when we come to
      examine into the customs of the Incas. We must not forget that
      the most prominent way a phratry shows itself is in matters of
      religion, and in the play of social games. “The phratry, among
      the Iroquois,” says Mr. Morgan, “was partly for social and partly
      for religious objects. . . . In the ball game, for example, they
      play by phratries, one against the other. Each phratry puts
      forward its best players, usually from six to ten on a side, and
      the members of each phratry assemble together, but on opposite
      sides of the field in which the game is played. The members of
      each phratry watch the game with eagerness, and cheer their
      respective players at every successful turn of the game.”

      Relics from Guano Deposits.

      Let us see how it was among the Incas.26 Like all Indian tribes,
      the Incas were very fond of ceremonious feasts. Nearly every
      month they celebrated one or more. We gather from Molina that on
      occasions when the whole tribe participated in such religious
      observances, the people of Upper Cuzco sat apart front Lower
      Cuzco. In the month corresponding to August they had a celebrated
      feast, the object of which was to drive out all evil from the
      land. We read: “All the people of Cuzco came out, . . . richly
      dressed, sat down on benches, each man according to the rank he
      held, those of the Upper Cuzco being on one side, and those of
      Lower Cuzco on the other.” And of another feast we read: “They
      brought out the embalmed (?) bodies of the dead Incas, placing
      those who had belonged to Upper Cuzco on the side where that
      lineage was stationed, and the same with those of Lower Cuzco.”
      Other examples could be given, but this point is well
      established. In games this same division was observed, since we
      read that in the month of December, “on the first day of the
      month, those who had been armed as knights—as well those of the
      lineage of Upper Cuzco as those of Lower Cuzco—came out into the
      square with slings in their hands, . . . and the youths of Upper
      Cuzco hurled against those of Lower Cuzco.” We may therefore
      consider it well established that the Incas were a tribe of
      Indians having two phratries.

      Let us now see how the matter stands in regard to gens. This
      division follows almost as a matter of course, but it is well to
      see what separate grounds exist for the assertion. Garcillasso,
      in his description of Cuzco, after a reference to the division
      into Upper and Lower Cuzco, tells us further that it was divided
      into twelve wards. Mr. Squier gives us a map of the ancient city.
      From this we see that the twelve wards were arranged in an
      irregular oval around the principal square. Seven of them
      belonged to the division of Upper Cuzco, the other five to Lower
      Cuzco.

      This division is utterly unintelligible to us, unless we suppose
      them to be subdivisions of the phratries. It makes no difference
      what name we bestow upon them, in effect they can be nothing else
      than gentes. As to the number of them, it is well to notice a
      coincidence in the statement of an Indian writer, Salcamayhua.27
      On a certain very important occasion there were assembled “_all_
      the councilors. The governor entered the chamber, where _twelve_
      grave councilors were assembled.”28 The most reasonable
      explanation that can be given for the number twelve is that each
      gens had one representative in the council. The Incas are thus
      seen to be very probably, at least, no exception to the general
      rule of Indian tribes.

      From our present standpoint what can we learn as to their
      government? It is, of course, well known what the position of the
      early writers on this subject is. They all agree that the
      government of the Incas was a monarchy of the strictest type. We
      have seen what a wonderful empire they bestowed on the Mexicans.
      The Peruvian Empire is painted in still brighter colors. Modern
      writers have not allowed the early accounts to suffer by
      repetition. Rivero uses the following language: “The monarchs of
      Peru, . . . uniting the legislative and executive power, the
      supreme command in war, absolute sovereignty in peace, and a
      venerated high-priesthood in religious feasts, . . . exercised
      the highest power ever known to man.”29 Even so cautious a writer
      as Mr. Squier speaks of the Incas as ruling “the most thoroughly
      organized, most wisely administered, and most extensive empire of
      aboriginal America.”30

      It is freely admitted that there is much that is indeed wonderful
      in the culture of the Incas; but it has, undoubtedly been greatly
      exaggerated. To deal with this question as it should be would
      require an entire volume of itself, and would require far more
      extensive research than the writer has been able to make, or is,
      indeed, prepared to make. It will do no harm to see what we can
      learn by comparing the statements of some of the early writers
      with what we have now learned of Indian society.

      Let us first inquire as to the council. There is no question as
      to the existence of a council. Garcillasso and all the early
      writers refer to it in an accidental sort of way. To show the
      force of this statement, we will give a few quotations.
      Garcillasso, speaking of the movements of the Inca Viracocha,
      says: “Having passed some years in making journeys, he returned
      to Cuzco, where, with the advice of his councilors, he resolved
      on war.” And, in another place: “Having consulted with his
      council” he assembled his army. Talking about the son of the
      foregoing, he says: “In fine, this king, with the advice of his
      council, made many laws, rules, ordinances,” etc.31 In the
      foregoing we are made aware of the existence of a council, but
      are not told as to its size or powers. Each gens would of course
      be represented in the council. We have spoken in one place of the
      number twelve. Mr. Bandelier tells us that the council consisted
      of sixteen members.32 As to its power we are also left in the
      dark; but, judging from what we have learned of the council among
      the Mexicans and Indian tribes of the North, who can doubt but
      that it was the supreme governing body?33

      The more we study this question, the more points of resemblance
      we would find with the social organization of the Mexicans. The
      tenure of land was of course the same, as we learn from the
      report of Ondegardo—some differences may have occurred in regard
      to tribute.

      The Mexicans, we must remember, were at the head of a
      confederacy, and the tribute was brought to Mexico to be divided
      among the three tribes. The Incas were the only tribe, in the
      case of Peru, having supreme power. Having no one to suit but
      themselves, they introduced some new features. The tribute,
      instead of being all brought to Cuzco, seems to have been, at
      least a portion of it, stowed away in storehouses located at
      places most convenient for the Incas. Cieza De Leon says: “The
      Incas . . . formed many depots full of all things necessary for
      their troops. In some of these depots there were lances; in
      others, darts; and in others, sandals: and so, one with another,
      arms and articles of clothing which these people used, besides
      stores of food. Thus, when a chief was lodged in one of these
      depots with his troops, there was nothing, from the most trifling
      to the most important article, with which they were not
      supplied.”34 This tribute was gathered by regular
      tribute-gatherers. As in the case of Mexico, these appear in
      history as governors. Ondegardo says they left “Cuzco every year,
      and returned in February, . . . bringing with them the tribute of
      the whole empire.”

      As a rule, the Incas did not interfere with the customs of the
      tribes they had conquered. Garcillasso says: “Excepting a few
      alterations that were necessary for the welfare of the whole
      empire, all the other laws and customs of the conquered province
      were retained without any change.” In the main, all they wished
      for was tribute. Yet they seem to have had some idea of a higher
      policy than that. They are credited with carrying out measures
      which would certainly tend to bring the tribes into a close
      union. Mr. Squier remarks: “The efforts of the Incas to
      assimilate the families that were brought within their empire, by
      force or alliance—in respect to language, religion, and modes of
      life—were powerful and well-directed.”35 This was a step ahead of
      any thing that can be said of the Mexicans.

      In the matter of language, it is said they made persistent
      efforts to have the conquered tribes learn their own language. De
      Leon tells us that it was a law throughout the kingdom that this
      language should be used—“fathers were punished if they neglected
      to teach it to their children in their childhood.” How much we
      are to believe of this account is doubtful. Mr. Markham has shown
      us that the languages of all the interior tribes were related. We
      know how difficult it is to compel a conquered people by law to
      learn a foreign language. William the Conqueror made an
      unsuccessful attempt to compel the Anglo-saxons to learn
      French—it ended by his followers learning English. Are we to
      believe that a tribe of Peruvian Indians were successful in
      spreading their language over a wide extent of territory in the
      course of a few generations?

      Burial Towers.

      What is considered as the great stroke of policy on the part of
      the Incas, was their system of colonies. On this point De Leon
      tells us: “As soon as a province was conquered, ten or twelve
      thousand men were ordered to go there with their wives; but they
      were always sent to a country where the climate resembled that
      from whence they came. If they were natives of a cold province,
      they were sent to a cold one; and if they came from a warm
      province, they went to a warm one. These people were called
      mitimaes—which means Indians who have come from one country and
      gone to another.” On this we might remark, that the Incas did not
      always show such discriminating care where they sent the exiles,
      since Mr. Markham tells us that the “descendants of colonists on
      the coasts of Peru (a warm climate, notice) still retain
      traditions concerning the villages in the Andes (a cold
      province), whence their ancestors were transported.”

      We will only refer to the so-called royal roads of Peru. Humboldt
      observed them in Northern Peru, and speaks in high praise of
      them. Many of the early writers mention them. De Leon gives us a
      really wonderful account. Modern travelers have not been so
      fortunate in finding their remains. Mr. Squier does not mention
      them. Mr. Hutchinson searched at every place along the coast, and
      could find no trace of such works. The northern part of Peru,
      where Humboldt saw them, was almost the last section to be
      conquered by the Incas. It is singular that they should have been
      in such a hurry to build roads in that section, when the other
      parts of their territory were destitute of them.

      We are now prepared to inquire as to what remains of this ancient
      people have come down to us; and in studying these ruins we must
      keep constantly in mind the social organization of Indian
      tribes.36 We notice on the map, at about 8° south latitude, a
      place marked Truxillo. It is situated nearly two miles from the
      sea, in the valley of the Chimu. Its port is the town of
      Huanchaco, a dilapidated village of a few hundred houses, about
      ten miles further north. Truxillo was founded in 1535 by
      Francisco Pizarro, and was once a place of considerable
      importance, but at present it is probably most noted for the
      famous ruins located near it. Several of the fertile coast
      valleys that we have previously described, here unite;
      consequently this was a place of great importance to the coast
      tribes. The ruins here are among the most remarkable in Peru. The
      road from Huanchaco to Truxillo passes directly through the field
      of ruins.

      Palace.

      Mr. Squier tells us that the ruins “consist of a wilderness of
      walls, forming great inclosures, each containing a labyrinth of
      ruined dwellings and other edifices.” As our space is limited, we
      will describe but one of these inclosed spaces. This is a view of
      what is usually called a palace, but this certainly is an absurd
      name. The inclosure contains some thirty-two acres; the walls
      surrounding it are double, and sufficiently heavy to resist field
      artillery. At the base the walls, in some cases, are fifteen feet
      thick, gradually diminishing toward the top, where they are not
      more than three feet thick. They vary in height, the highest
      ranging from thirty to forty feet high. In order to give a clear
      idea of these walls, we introduce this cut, which gives us a
      section of the walls. The materials of which they are built is
      adobe.

      Section of Palace Wall.

      Within this inclosure we notice three open places, or courts, a
      number of smaller cross-walls dividing the remaining space into a
      number of small courts. Around each of these courts, generally on
      three sides, are the ruins of houses. All in the interior of the
      large inclosures is so far gone in ruins that we can with
      difficulty make out the plan. Inclosures, such as we have
      described here, are the principal features of the Chimu ruins.
      Mr. Squier speaks of one three or four times the size of this
      one. With our present knowledge we are justified in concluding
      that Chimu was the head-quarters of a powerful tribe. We are
      surely justified in assuming further that each of these great
      inclosed squares, containing upwards of thirty, forty, and even
      fifty acres, was the home of a gens—their fortified place.

      Of the houses, Mr. Squier says: “Around each court the dwellings
      of the ancient inhabitants are grouped with the utmost
      regularity. . . . Some are small, as if for watchmen or people on
      guard; others are relatively spacious, reaching the dimensions of
      twenty-five by fifteen feet inside the walls. These walls are
      usually about three feet thick, and about twelve feet high. The
      roofs were not flat, but, as shown by the gables of the various
      buildings, sharply pitched, so that, although rain may not have
      been frequent, it was, nevertheless, necessary to provide for its
      occurrence. Each apartment was completely separated from the next
      by partitions reaching to the very peak of the general roof.
      There are no traces of windows, and light and air were admitted
      into the apartment only by the door.”

      On one side, at least, the whole area of the city was protected
      by a heavy wall, several miles of which were still standing at
      the time of Mr. Squier’s visit. At various places along this
      wall, cross-walls extended inward, thus inclosing great areas
      which have never been built over, and which show all evidence of
      ancient cultivation. We notice, near the upper end of this
      inclosure, a court, occupied by a mound. This is known as a
      _huaca,_ which calls for some explanation. It seems that the
      general name among all the Peruvian people, for a sacred object,
      is huaca. Being a very superstitious people, this name is applied
      to a great variety of purposes, amongst others, to these great
      artificial mounds, the majority of which are probably burial
      mounds. The construction of many of these mounds is very
      singular. It seems as if they were a large collection of rooms,
      each one of which was filled with clay or adobe. In some of these
      chambers, probably, treasures are concealed. One very celebrated
      huaca, at Chimu, was found to contain an enormous amount of gold
      vessels.

      Ornamentation on Walls.

      We must not forget to notice the arts of the Chimu people. The
      walls of the inner edifices were often ornamented as is seen in
      the following cut, of which the upper one is stucco-work and the
      lower one is in relief. Adobe bricks are allowed to project out,
      forming the ornamental design. Other ornaments of stucco-work
      were observed. The second figure on this page gives us an idea of
      this style of ornaments. As an evidence of how the climate of
      Peru preserves ruins, we would mention that, though this last
      stucco-work has been exposed to the elements for probably several
      centuries, yet it is still apparently perfect.

      Adobe Ornament.

      The Chimu people were certainly very expert workmen in gold and
      silver. De Leon asserts that, when the Incas conquered them, they
      took to Cuzco many of the artisans of the country, “because they
      were very expert in the working of metals, and the fashioning of
      jewels and vases in gold and silver.” In the cut following we
      have two vases—the smaller one of gold, the larger of silver. The
      material is very thin, and the ornaments are produced by
      hammering from the inside.

      Gold and Silver Vases. Bronze Knives and Tweezers.

      Besides such works as just described they had the art of casting
      representations of men, animals, and reptiles in silver—sometimes
      hollow, sometimes solid. They even cast more complex objects. Mr.
      Squier says he has one “representing three figures—one of a man,
      and two women, in a forest. It rises from a circular base about
      six inches in diameter, and weighs forty-eight and a half ounces.
      It is solid throughout—or, rather, is cast in a single piece, and
      rings, when struck, like a bell.” The trees, he says, are well
      represented, their branches spreading in every direction. The
      human figures are also well proportioned, and full of action.
      They also knew how to manufacture bronze. Many agricultural
      implements are found, not only at Chimu, but all along the coast.
      In the preceding cut we have bronze knives and tweezers—also, a
      war-club of the same material.

    Water-jar.
      Water-jars from Ancon.

      All the coast tribes of Peru excelled in the manufacture of
      pottery. Mr. Squier tells us that, in this sort of work we find
      “almost every combination of regular or geometrical figures”—men,
      birds, animals, fishes, etc., are reproduced in earthenware. In
      this cut we have one of the many forms. Notice the serpent
      emblem.

      The people of Chimu, whose ruins we have been describing, belong
      to the coast division—differing in many respects from the
      Peruvian tribes in the interior. Our information in regard to the
      coast people is very limited. We have to judge them almost
      entirely from the ruins of their towns, and the remains of their
      handiwork. There is no reason to suppose they were the inferiors
      of the Peruvians in culture. It is quite the custom to speak of
      them as if they were low savages before the Incas conquered the
      country; and that they owe to the latter all their advance in
      culture. On the contrary, we may well doubt whether their
      condition was at all improved by the Inca conquest. The coast
      people are supposed to have been conquered about one hundred
      years before the Spanish conquest. It was only after a most
      stubborn resistance that the principal valleys were subdued.

      Cloth found in Grave.

      It is not necessary, neither have we space, to give a review of
      all the ruins along the coast. They are very plentiful. There is
      not an inhabitable valley but that they abound there. The soil
      where not irrigated is very dry, and tends to preserve any thing
      buried therein. All the coast people buried their dead; hence it
      is that we find, in nearly all the coast valleys, such extensive
      cemeteries. At Ancon, for instance, twenty miles north of Lima it
      is simply wonderful how extensive the cemeteries are. Mr.
      Hutchinson says they extend for miles. Very extensive
      explorations have been made here for scientific purposes. We have
      given, earlier, some water-jars excavated at Ancon, in last
      illustration we have some specimens of cloth found in graves
      farther north; and in the same locality was found a very
      wonderful piece of feather-work. The small feathers were so
      fastened to a ground of cotton cloth that they could not be
      pulled off.

      Wall in Huatica Valley.

      Another noted place, about the same distance south of Lima, is
      Pachacamac. Mr. Squier concludes, from the cemeteries at this
      place, that it was a holy place, to which pilgrims resorted from
      all parts of the empire so as to be laid to rest in holy ground.
      When we learn of so many other similar localities, we see that
      this conclusion does not follow. The most we can say is, that
      these valleys have surely been settled for a long while.

      The city of Lima is situated on the south bank of the Rimac
      River, about six miles from the coast. Its port is the town of
      Callao. The valley is called the Huatica Valley. Very extensive
      and wonderful rains occur in this valley, between Lima and the
      sea. We are told these ruins are thick and close over a space of
      a few square miles, and are inclosed within a triple wall. The
      last cut is given as a representation of a portion of this wall,
      though only a small portion here and there is still discernible.
      Amongst these ruins are a large number of immense mounds.

      Burial Mound, or Huaca.

      Some are huacas, or burial mounds; and some are in the nature of
      fortresses. It is best to explain a little more particularly
      about the burial mounds of the coast region of Peru. This cut
      gives us an idea of their appearance. As to their construction
      Mr. Squier says: “Many if not most of the pyramids, or huacas,
      were originally solid—built up of successive vertical layers of
      bricks, or compacted clay, around a central mass or core.”

      But this is not always the case; since in many huacas we find
      walls, in some rooms, and, finally, as before remarked, some
      apparently consist of a large, many-storied building, the rooms
      of which are all filled with clay. In the mound just mentioned,
      Mr. Hutchinson found a number of inclosures—though the work was
      done in a rough, shapeless manner. Mr. Squier gives us a
      description of a many-roomed huaca as follows: “Thanks to the
      energy of treasure-hunters who have penetrated its sides, we find
      that it had numerous large painted chambers, was built in
      successive diminishing stages, ascended by zigzag stair-ways, and
      was stuccoed over and painted in bright colors. The conquerors
      filled up these chambers, and recast the edifice with a thick
      layer of adobe.”37

      This is surely a singular piece of work. The building just
      described by Mr. Squier must have been much like a pueblo. We
      wish we had fuller descriptions of it. Mr. Squier is eminent
      authority, and scholars delight to honor him for his researches.
      We take the liberty, however, to question some of his
      conclusions. How does he know that this structure was ever used
      for any other purpose than as a mound? It is indeed a singular
      way to construct a mound, but when we learn of the existence of
      mounds showing the different methods of work—some solid, some
      with walls, others with rude rooms, still others with rooms
      towards the top—why not say that this many-storied building was
      simply one style of mound-building? He claims that the Incas
      filled up these rooms, and transformed the house into a mound.
      Mr. Hutchinson claims there is no proof that the Incas did this
      sort of work.

      As an example of fortress-mounds, also prevalent in the valley of
      the Huatica, we present the next cut. Mr. Hutchinson describes
      this mound as being eighty feet high, and about four hundred and
      fifty feet square. “Some of the adobe walls, a yard and a half in
      thickness, are still quite perfect. That this was not likely to
      have been a burial-mound may be presumed from its formation.
      Great large square rooms show their outlines on the top, but all
      filled up with earth. Who brought this earth here, and, with what
      object was the filling up accomplished? for the work of
      obliterating all space in these rooms with loose earth must have
      been almost as great as the construction of the building in
      itself.”38 So it seems that in the fortress-mounds also we meet
      with this same mysterious feature—rooms filled with earth.

      Fortress Mound.

      The Huatica Valley was also the location of a famous temple—at
      least such are the traditions—and ruins are pointed out as being
      those of the temple in question. It is simply an immense, large
      inclosed square, of some forty-nine acres. On each side of this
      square there is a huge mass of ruins, and another in the center.
      In our next illustration we have a portion of the wall
      surrounding the ruins on the south side of the supposed temple.
      This is the largest of the group of ruins. The walls are seventy
      feet high; the area at the top is over five acres. Here, again,
      we notice the same mysterious feature already referred to, for
      “on the top of this were also discernible the outlines of large
      square rooms, filled up, as all the others, even to the topmost
      height of seventy feet, with earth or clay.”

      Temple Wall.

      This cut is given as a fort, meaning thereby a fortress-mound,
      such as we have already described. It is said to be situated to
      one side of the temple. From this we understand that the wall
      seen in the cut is that already mentioned as inclosing the
      temple. Another ruined fortress found in this valley is given
      earlier.

      Fortress, Huatica Valley.

      Twenty miles south of Lima, in the valley of the river Lurin, is
      an important field of ruins, known as Pachacamac, which is still
      the name of a small village in the neighborhood. We give a
      general view of the ruins. The principal point of interest, about
      it is the ruins of an old temple. Traditionally, this, is one of
      the most interesting points in Peru. All the coast tribes were
      very superstitious. We have already referred to the celebrated
      temple near Lima. The temple at Pachacamac was of still greater
      renown. Arriaga, a famous ecclesiastic, took an active part in
      extirpating their idolatrous belief. From his accounts, it seems
      they were much addicted to fortune-telling. Their gods were made
      to give out oracles and their temples became renowned just in
      proportion as their priests were shrewd in this matter.

      Pachacamac.

      Those at Pachacamac were especially skillful, and it is said,
      pilgrims resorted to it from all parts of the coast. As a
      consequence, it became very rich. The god that was worshiped here
      was a fish-god. The name of this god, and the name of this old
      town are alike lost to us. When the Incas conquered the coast
      people, they imposed the name of one of their own divinities on
      this temple, and by that name the place is now known to us.39

      The ruins of the supposed temple are seen on the hill in the
      background of the picture. A number of writers speak of this hill
      in such terms as to imply that it was altogether artificial, like
      the famous pyramid at Cholula.

      Mr. Squier says that it is largely artificial, but that the
      central core is a natural hill. He speaks of rocks cropping out
      on the highest part, which seem to be conclusive of the matter.
      They built up great terraces around this central core. These
      terrace walls are now in such a ruined condition that they can
      with difficulty be made out. We introduce this cut as a nearer
      view of the ruins of the temple.

      View of the Temple.

      Some writers assert that the Incas erected on the summit of this
      hill a temple of the sun. There are, however, no good proofs of
      this assertion. According to Mr. Squier the only ruin of the Inca
      type of architecture is a mile and a half distant. Mr. Hutchinson
      noticed, on the very top of the hill, evidence of the same
      mysterious proceedings to which we have already referred—that is,
      great rooms all filled up with clay. He propounds this query:
      “Whose hands carried up the enormous quantities of earth that
      fill every space and allow no definition of rooms, halls, or,
      indeed, of any thing but the clay itself, and the walls cropping
      up from amongst them?” We are afraid this query can never be
      answered. Mr. Hutchinson found graves to be very plentiful all
      over the field of ruins. Quite a number of curiosities have been
      found in these graves. We present in this cut some of the same.
      We call especial attention to the duck-headed bowl. Compare, this
      with the cut given in Chapter X, and we will be struck with the
      similarity. Another view of the ruins at Pachacamac is given
      earlier in this chapter. As in the case of the ruins of Grand
      Chimu, the whole field of ruins was encompassed by a wall,
      portions of which Mr. Hutchinson observed on the north,
      stretching away from the sea inland. Explorers have found here
      true arches. They are said to exist in Northern Peru. We are at a
      loss to account for their appearance, for certainly the people
      generally were ignorant of their use.

      Relics from Graves at Pachacamac.

      The valley of the Canete, the next one we meet going south, is a
      very large and very fertile valley. It is also full of ruins, but
      not differing enough from the others to justify a separate
      description. About one hundred miles below Lima we notice three
      small islands. These are the Chincha Islands, noticeable on
      account of the immense quantities of guano they contain. It seems
      that at various depths in this guano deposits are found relics of
      man. In our next cut we present some of these objects. The two
      small vessels which were probably water jars, were found buried
      in the guano at a depth of sixty-two feet. The other figure, a
      wooden idol, was found at the depth of thirty-five feet.

      Relics found buried in Guano Deposits.

      We have no very good data on which to rely when we attempt to
      estimate the number of years required to bury the water jars to
      the depth where found. Thousands of years must have passed.40 The
      water jars are not rude forms. No little skill is indicated by
      their formation. The wooden idol is not necessarily near as old
      as the jars, but no one can doubt but that it dates from long
      before the Inca conquest of the valley. Another collection of
      small idols, and supposed royal emblems, also found in guano
      deposits, but at an unknown depth, is shown earlier in this
      chapter.

      We have thus far been describing the ruins that occur in the
      territory occupied by the coast tribes, a people in many ways
      different from the great body of Peruvian people in the interior.
      According to traditions, the conquest of the coast tribes took
      place about one hundred and fifty years before the Spanish
      conquest. The details of this conquest are given with great
      precision. We doubt whether any great reliance can be placed upon
      them. We might remark that while Garcillasso traces the progress
      of the conquest from the south north, Salcamayhua reverses this
      order, and makes the victorious Incas march from the north to the
      south. One or the other made a mistake in traditions.

      Prehistoric Pottery Ware.

      The Inca conquest of the coast tribes was a very thorough one.
      The names and traditions of the tribes were blotted out. The word
      Yunca, by which they are known, is from the Inca language. The
      same is true of the names of the coast valleys, and yet, from
      what we have already learned of them, we feel sure that they were
      very far from the degraded savages Garcillasso would have us
      believe they were. The inhabitants of each valley formed a
      distinct community under its own chief. De Leon says: “The chief
      of each valley had a great house, with adobe pillars and
      door-ways, hung with matting, built on extensive terraces.” This
      might have been the official house of the tribe.

      They were an industrious people, and the evidence is abundant
      that they had made considerable advance in cultivation of the
      ground. They “set apart every square foot of ground that could be
      reached by water for cultivation, and built their dwellings on
      the hillsides overlooking their fields and gardens. Their system
      of irrigation was as perfect as any that modern science has since
      adopted.41 It is an altogether mistaken idea to suppose the Incas
      were the authors.

      We are not without evidence that they were possessed of
      considerable artistic skill. This preceding collection of pottery
      ware is not the work of savages. Mr. Markham further tells us
      that they made “silver and gold ornaments, mantles, embroidered
      with gold and silver bezants, robes of feathers, cotton cloth of
      fine texture, etc.” We have already referred to the tasteful
      decorations of the walls of Grand Chimu. “Figures of colored
      birds and animals are said to have been painted on the walls of
      temples and palaces.” At Pachacamac the remains of this color are
      still seen on a portion of the walls. This cut represents the
      head of a silver cylinder found in one of the coast valleys. The
      ornamentation is produced by hammering up from below.

      Silver Cylinder Head.

      We must now leave the coast regions and investigate some ruins in
      the interior. We have already spoken of the Lake Titicaca region.
      Not far from the southern border of that lake we notice a place
      marked Tiahuanuco. Here occur a very interesting group of ruins.
      They consist of “rows of erect stones, some of them rough, or but
      rudely shaped by art, others accurately cut and fitted in walls
      of admirable workmanship; long sections of foundations, with
      piers and portions of stairways; blocks of stone, with mouldings,
      cornices, and niches cut with geometrical precision, vast masses
      of sandstone, trachyte, and basalt, but partially hewn, and great
      monolithic doorways, bearing symbolical ornaments in relief,
      besides innumerable smaller rectangular and symmetrically shaped
      stones rise on every hand, or lie scattered in confusion over the
      plain.”42 In fact, all explorers are loud in their praise of the
      beautifully cut stones found in the ruins.

      Terrace Wall, Tiahuanuco.

      We have seen in our review how general has been the desire to
      raise foundations, sometimes of great extent, on which to place
      buildings. This is true of the ruins under consideration. Here
      the pyramid or foundation was faced with stone work. In this
      illustration we have a view of such a wall yet remaining in
      place. The labor expended on such a wall was very great. We
      notice in the cut three large standing stones. These are ranged
      along at regular intervals between. No mortar was used in the
      construction of the wall. If we examine the large standing stone
      carefully we will notice on the side a sort of projecting
      shoulder. The stones of the wall that come in contact with this
      standing stone are cut to fit this shoulder.

      Method of Joining Stone, Tiahuanuco.

      The remaining stones in the wall were held in place by a peculiar
      arrangement, illustrated in this cut. Round holes were drilled in
      the bottom and top of each stone. There is reason to suppose that
      bronze pins fitted into these holes. Furthermore, each stone was
      cut with alternate grooves and projections, so as to fit
      immovably into each other.

      One case was observed where either the will has entirely
      disappeared, or else it was left unfinished, and so we have a row
      of these standing stones, as seen in this illustration. This has
      been called the American Stonehenge name is inappropriate,
      because we have no reason to suppose the plans of the builders of
      the two structures were at all similar.

      Pillars of Stone, Tiahuanuco.

      The most celebrated feature of these ruins is the presence of
      huge gateways, each one cut out of a solid mass of stone. We give
      a view of the most noteworthy of these gateways. It is now
      broken, tradition says, by a stroke of lightning.43 The upper
      portion is covered with carvings.

      Gateway, at Tiahuanuco.

      North of Tiahuanuco is Lake Titicaca. This was the sacred lake of
      the Incas. We have already referred to the probable origin of
      this feeling. Near the southern end of this lake, on the western
      side, is the peninsula of Copacabana. Separated by a narrow
      strait from the northern extremity of this peninsula is the
      sacred island, Titicaca. According to traditions, the Incas
      sought, in all ways, to beautify this island. They built temples,
      and laid out gardens. The hills were leveled as much as possible,
      terraced, and then covered with earth brought from afar.
      According to the statements of early writers, pilgrims were not
      permitted to land on its sacred soil until they had undergone
      certain preliminary fasts and purifications on the main-land.
      Landing on the island, they traversed a terrace, and by a narrow
      passage way they were conducted between two large buildings,
      where other ceremonies were performed.

      The most sacred spot in all the island was a rock in the northern
      part. Only priests of especial sanctity were allowed near it. The
      rock to-day presents but the appearance of a weather-worn mass of
      red sandstone. It is traditionally represented as having been
      plated all over with gold and silver, and covered, except on
      solemn occasions with a mantle of rich color and material. Here
      the sun was believed to have first risen to dispel the primal
      darkness. To this day the Indians regard it with superstitious
      veneration. The traveler’s guide, when he comes in sight of it,
      removes his hat, and reverently bows to it, and mutters to
      himself a few words of mystic import.44

      Ruins on the Island of Titicaca.

      The whole appearance of the island shows how highly it was
      regarded. In one place the remains of a drinking fountain were
      noticed. Streams from some unknown source were still bringing to
      it their limpid burden. Perhaps as noticeable a ruin as any is
      represented in this cut. It is called the Palace. It is in a
      sheltered nook. The lake washes the very foot of the foundation
      on which it stands. It is two-storied. In the lower story were
      twelve rooms, so connected with each other that but four of them
      communicated by doors with the outside. The others were certainly
      dark and illy ventilated. The second story was entered by means
      of the terrace in the rear. The same statement may be made in
      regard to its rooms; they did not, however, at all correspond in
      arrangement with the rooms below. The Island of Coati, but a
      short distance to the south-east, was sacred to the moon. It has
      also a number of ruins. The approach to this was guarded by a
      number of terraces.

      Ruins, Island of Coati.

      We will describe one more class of ruins found abundantly in the
      Collao region. These are burial towers, or chulpas. A view of one
      is here presented. The chulpas are common in the Titicaca basin,
      and usually occur in groups, and almost always in positions from
      which a large extent of country can be viewed. The great mass of
      a chulpa is solid, but within is a dome-shaped chamber, into
      which the opening seen in the cut leads. Sometimes the chulpas
      are round, and in some the masonry is of that variety we have
      already mentioned, called the Cyclopean. Another view of burial
      towers is given earlier in this chapter.

      Burial Tower.

      As a mere description of ruins becomes tiresome, we will now pass
      to Cuzco, and see of what we can learn of the architecture of the
      Incas. The Incas were, of course, a very rich and a very powerful
      tribe. All the tribes of ancient Peru had to pay them tribute. We
      way therefore suppose that the pueblo of Cuzco was well built,
      the houses large, and imposing, and that the official buildings
      for worship and tribal business would be commensurate with their
      importance as a tribe. Yet we have but very few accounts of these
      buildings. Immediately after the conquest, many of the Spanish
      leaders settled in Cuzco. They made many changes in the various
      edifices, and introduced into them many improvements. At present
      in the modern city we still find portions of ancient walls, and
      can trace the foundation of various buildings.

      Terrace Wall at Cuzco.

      The site of the city of Cuzco is very uneven. It stands on the
      slopes of three hills, where as many rivulets come together. The
      ancient builders had to resort to extensive terracing in order to
      secure level surfaces on which to build. These terraces, built in
      a substantial manner, and faced with stone, are still standing in
      many places. In this illustration we have a view of such a wall.
      Observe that the stones are not laid in regular courses, nor is
      there any regularity as to their size. This is a good example of
      a Cyclopean wall. Some of the stones must weigh several tons, and
      they are fitted together with marvelous precision, one stone
      having as many as twelve angles.

      All accounts agree that the temple of the sun was the grandest
      structure in Cuzco. We present an illustration of one end of it.
      This end is slightly curving. It is necessary to remark that this
      end now forms part of the Church of Santo Domingo. The
      fine-looking window and balcony are modern additions to this
      ancient building. According to Mr. Squier, the temple was an
      oblong building, nearly three hundred feet long, by about fifty
      in width. It formed one side of a spacious court. It did not
      extend east and west, but rather north-east and south-west. Early
      chroniclers affirm that the inner walls of this temple were
      covered with gold. Portions of very thin plates of gold exist in
      private museums in Cuzco, said to have formed part of this
      covering. The end of the temple shown in our illustration was
      covered with a great plate of gold intended to represent the sun.
      This plate was all in one piece, and spread from wall to wall.

      Temple of the Sun.

      Only fragments of the ancient buildings of Cuzco now exist. But
      enough are at hand to enable us to describe their general
      characteristics. As a rule, they were built around a court, the
      outer surface presenting the appearance of an unbroken wall.
      These walls are excellent specimens of Inca masonry. All
      travelers speak in their praise. Mr. Squier says: “The world has
      nothing to show in the way of stone-cutting and fitting to
      surpass the skill and accuracy displayed in the Inca structures
      at Cuzco.” There was but one gateway to the court. This entrance
      was broad and lofty. On the lintels, over the doorway, was
      frequently carved the figure of a serpent. The apartments were
      constructed so as to face the court, and nearly all opened upon
      the same. In some cases rooms wore observed, to which access
      could be obtained only after passing through several outer rooms.
      Some of the walls yet remaining at Cuzco are from thirty-five to
      forty feet high. This would indicate houses of two or three
      stories.

      It is here necessary to state that the structures we have been
      describing are considered by most writers as palaces of the Inca
      chiefs. Names hive been bestowed upon them—such as the palace of
      Huayna Capac. It is asserted that each Inca chief built a
      separate palace. The credulous traveler is even pointed to a pile
      of ruins said to have been the palace of that mythical personage,
      Manco Capac. There is some conflict of authority as to the names
      of these palaces. Modern tradition names one of the most imposing
      piles as the palace of Inca Rocca, and as such it is described by
      Mr. Squier and others. Garcillasso De La Vega says this chief’s
      palace was in an altogether different part of the city.45 Those
      who call these buildings palaces, think the houses of the
      ordinary people have all disappeared. It is evident, however,
      that if our views of the state of society among the Incas be
      right, that it is a misnomer to call these structures palaces.
      Some of them may have been public buildings, devoted to tribal
      purposes. But we need not doubt but that this was the type of
      communal buildings erected by the natives of Cuzco.

      Fortress Walls.

      We must describe one more piece of aboriginal work. This is the
      celebrated Fortress of Cuzco. As we have stated, the ancient
      pueblo, or city@, was built on the slopes of three hills. One of
      these, easily defended, was strongly fortified, and thus
      converted into a citadel. Though called a hill, it is in reality
      a projecting headland. Back of it rise still higher hills. The
      portion overhanging the city is very precipitous, in fact, almost
      incapable of ascent. There is, however, a pathway up this front,
      ascending in places by stone steps. On this front it did not need
      very strong fortifications, yet sections of stone wall, serving
      for this purpose, are to be seen. They have been mostly thrown
      down, and the stones rolled or tumbled down the hill to be
      utilized in building. The main defensive works are where the
      headland commences, from which point the city is not visible.

      Section of Fortress Walls.

      In this illustration we have a view of the three massive walls
      which defended the citadel. They are really wonderful works. In
      order to understand the construction, we will present an
      imaginary section of the walls. The walls support terraces, but
      they rose above the terraces so as to form a parapet. To prevent
      the accumulation of water behind the parapet, channels were cut
      through the walls at regular intervals to drain them. The height
      of the outer wall is at present twenty-seven feet; the width of
      the terrace thirty-five feet. The second wall is eighteen feet
      high; the width of its terrace is also eighteen feet. The height
      of the third wall is fourteen feet.

      Quippos, or Knot Record.

      The Incas divided the year into twelve months, but we do not
      learn how they kept track of the years. In this respect they were
      behind the Mexicans. Neither do we know of any hieroglyphics for
      days, or months, or years. In the matter of keeping records, they
      must have been far below the Mexicans. Our next illustration is
      that of one of their knot records, or quippos. It is a very rude
      attempt to assist the memory. To the base cord are attached other
      threads of various colors, and tied in various ways. We, of
      course, know but very little about them. It is claimed, however,
      that a red thread signified a soldier, or war; a yellow one
      signified gold; a white one silver, or peace; a green one wheat,
      or maize. A single knot is said to have stood for ten; two knots,
      twenty; a knot doubly intertwined, one hundred, etc. Also the
      position of the knots on the threads was to be considered, their
      distance apart, the way the threads were twisted, and many other
      details.46 It is manifest, however, that this system of records
      is of very little value, and is way below the picture-writing of
      the Mexicans.

      Take it all in all, the Incas are indeed an interesting people.
      We believe, however, their culture has been greatly overrated.
      Our object in this chapter has been to give an outline of the
      Incas and the tribes subject to them. It is impossible in these
      few pages to give more than an outline. Should the reader, by the
      perusal of these pages, acquire an interest in the culture of the
      Andean people just before the Spanish invasion, and be thereby
      induced to continue his investigations, the writer will consider
      such a result reward enough, even though the conclusions reached
      should be totally opposed to those set forth in this chapter on
      Ancient Peru.

      REFERENCES


        Xeres: “Report on the Discovery of Peru,” Markham’s
        translation, Hakluyt Society’s Publication.

        Buckle’s “History of Civilization,” chap. ii.

        Squier’s “Peru,” p. 9. The Vicuna is a species of the llama.

        Squier’s “Peru,” p. 12. The quinoa is a species of plant of the
        same genus as our pig-weeds. But it is a larger plant, and its
        seeds give a very nutritious meal. The biscacha is about the
        size and shape of the rabbit. It belongs to the chinchilla
        family. The llama is the only representative of the camel
        family on the western hemisphere. There were three species of
        this genus in Peru, the llama, alpaca, and vicuna. These
        domesticated and constituted what the Spaniards in their first
        reports called sheep.

        Squier’s “Peru,” p. 12.

        Morton’s “Crania Americanæ” pp. 6, 83. Winchell’s
        “Pre-Adamites,” p. 388.

        H. L. Morgan. “Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity of the
        Human Family,” p. 255; other works by the same author, “House
        and House-life of American Aborigines,” and “Ancient Society.”

        The Quichuas were a closely related tribe to the Incas, and
        their name has been given to the language of Peru. But as the
        Incas were the ruling tribe, their name should have been given
        to this family of languages.

        “The Geographical Distribution of the Tribes of the Inca
        Empire,” in “Journal of the Geographical Society,” Vol. XLI, p.
        281, _et seq._

        “Peru,” p. 571.

        Foster’s “Prehistoric Races,” p. 375. The Zuñi Indians have
        indeed preserved a tradition of the visit of Coronado three
        hundred and fifty years ago, but in such a form that no one not
        acquainted with the facts would guess the meaning. “Fifth
        Annual Report Archæological Institute,” p. 40.

        More than one-third of Mr. Prescott’s quotations are from this
        authority.

        Morton.

        This idea was largely based on the differences of the skulls.
        On this point see “Fourth Annual Report Peabody Museum.” Some
        authors speak rather vaguely of the ancient race of the
        Titicaca basin. We know of no good foundation for such
        expressions.

        Garcillasso impresses on his readers the idea that the Incas
        was the only tribe at all civilized. The Aymara Indians were
        certainly as far advanced as the Incas, and even surpassed them
        in the art of cutting stone, if we conclude the ruins at
        Tiahuanuco to be of Aymara origin. The tribes of the coast
        region were certainly not far behind. The Muyscas, of Bogota,
        who were never under the dominion of the Incas, were yet
        possessed of a high degree of culture.

        Markham in Forbes’s “Aymara Indians,” p. 111.

        “Peru,” p. 427.

        “It was from Cuzco the nearest point to the sun-rising.”
        (Markham.)

        Their name for the Titicaca basin.

        Markham, in Forbes’s “Aymara Indians.”

        _American Antiquarian,_ Sept., 1884, p. 295, _et seq._

        It is manifest that, during the centuries of slow development
        which the Incas underwent, they had a great many chiefs. How
        many we shall never know. Garcillasso gives us a list of
        fourteen, including Huascar and Atahualpa. Montesino generously
        increases this number to one hundred and one. Neither of them
        knew any thing positive about it; but this latter number is the
        more reasonable of the two. Mr. Markham, who goes at the
        problem in another way, thinks there were five historical
        Incas, counting Huayna-Capac the last. He surmises that the
        first may have flourished two hundred years before the
        conquest.

        Markham’s Garcillasso’s “Royal Commentaries,” Vol. I, p. 66.

        Markham’s translation, p. 151.

        Morgan’s “Ancient Society,” p. 100.

        Our authority is Christoval Molina, a priest of Cuzco. He made
        a report to the bishop, which must have been written some time
        between 1570 and 1584, on the “Fables and Rites of the Incas.”
        This was translated by Markham, and published by Hakluyt
        Society in 1873. He obtained his information by gathering
        together a number of aged Indians, including some priests, who
        had participated in these ceremonies in the days of the Incas.

        This writer, a native Indian, wrote about the same time as
        Garcillasso.

        “Fables and Rites of the Incas,” p. 105.

        “Peruvian Antiquities,” p. 105.

        “Peru,” p. 5.

        Many such quotations could be given, not only from Garcillasso,
        but from Molina, Salcamayhua, and others.

        Address before the Historical Society of New Mexico.

        We can not help wondering if the Incas did not have two chief
        executives. This would make them similar to the Iroquois, and
        most of the more southern tribes, such as we have already seen
        to be true of the Mexicans. Mr. Bandelier says there is
        abundant proof that the Incas had two chiefs—one the
        “dispensing Inca,” the other the “speaking head.”
        (“Archæological Tour in Mexico,” p. 167, note 6.)

        “Travels,” Markham’s Translation, p. 164.

        In Forbes’s “Aymara Indians,” p. 109.

        Indian architecture from the Sioux lodge to the houses of
        Uxmal, Mitla, and Tiahuanuco, is only understood through Indian
        social organization.” (Bandelier.)

        “Peru,” p. 214.

        “Two Years in Peru,” Vol. I, p. 283.

        Markham’s “Introduction,” to “Report on the Discovery of Peru.”

        “In this case it is nonsense to talk of hundreds.”
        (Hutchinson.)

        Markham, in Journal of the Royal Geog. Society, Vol. XLI.

        Squier’s “Peru,” p. 375.

        The dimensions are: Length, thirteen feet five inches; height
        above ground, seven feet two inches; thickness, one foot six
        inches. (Squier.)

        Squier’s “Peru,” p. 336.

        Markham, in “Journal of Geog. Soc.,” Vol. XLI.

        “Peruvian Antiquities,” p. 110.


      The End.