Produced by David Starner and the Online Distributed
Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net






THE AUGUSTAN REPRINT SOCIETY

[DANIEL DEFOE]

Atalantis Major

(1711)



_Introduction by_

JOHN J. PERRY




PUBLICATION NUMBER 198
WILLIAM ANDREWS CLARK MEMORIAL LIBRARY
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, LOS ANGELES
1979


GENERAL EDITOR
    David Stuart Rodes, _University of California, Los Angeles_

EDITORS
    Charles L. Batten, _University of California, Los Angeles_
    George Robert Guffey, _University of California, Los Angeles_
    Maximillian E. Novak, _University of California, Los Angeles_
    Thomas Wright, _William Andrews Clark Memorial Library_

ADVISORY EDITORS
    Ralph Cohen, _University of Virginia_
    William E. Conway, _William Andrews Clark Memorial Library_
    Vinton A. Dearing, _University of California, Los Angeles_
    Arthur Friedman, _University of Chicago_
    Louis A. Landa, _Princeton University_
    Earl Miner, _Princeton University_
    Samuel H. Monk, _University of Minnesota_
    James Sutherland, _University College, London_
    Robert Vosper, _William Andrews Clark Memorial Library_

CORRESPONDING SECRETARY
    Beverly J. Onley, _William Andrews Clark Memorial Library_

EDITORIAL ASSISTANT
    Frances M. Reed, _University of California, Los Angeles_




INTRODUCTION


_Atalantis Major_ is a thinly veiled allegory describing the November
1710 election of the representative Scottish peers. The circumstances
which surrounded this election were produced by the outcome of the
previous month's General Election--a landslide for the Tories--and, to
understand these circumstances, the impact of that Tory victory must be
seen within the context of the political events of 1710.

By early in 1710 it had become obvious that the Whig Ministry of Sidney
Godolphin was unable or unwilling to negotiate an end to the long,
expensive, and consequently, unpopular war with France. The quarrel
between Queen Anne and her confidante, the Duchess of Marlborough,
smouldered until, on 6 April 1710, the breach between them became
final. The Queen's confidence in the Duke of Marlborough began to erode
as early as May 1709 when he sought to be appointed "Captain-General
for Life." Godolphin's decision to impeach the popular Rev. Dr. Henry
Sacheverell for preaching "a sermon which reasserted the doctrine of
non-resistance to the will of the monarch" was ill-advised, for not
only did it give the High-Church Tories a martyr, it also gave the
Administration the appearance of being against the Church. In securing
the impeachment of Sacheverell on 20 March 1710, the Whigs discovered
that they had lost the support and the confidence of both the
Parliament and the country.

Dissention within and intrigue from without further hastened the fall
of the Administration. Godolphin, a moderate, had, after the General
Election of 1708, found himself allied with the "Junto" of five
powerful Whig Lords--Wharton, Sommers, Halifax, Orford, and
Sunderland--but it was, at best, an uneasy alliance. Throughout 1709
and into the early months of 1710, personal jealousies drove the
Godolphin-Marlborough interest farther and farther away from the Junto.
Robert Harley and the Dukes of Somerset and Shrewsbury, in their
determination to overthrow the Administration, exploited every chance
to widen the rifts between Anne and her Ministers and between the two
ministerial factions. Abigail Hill Masham, who soon became an agent of
Harley, replaced the Duchess of Marlborough as Anne's confidante.

When the Ministry fell, it fell like a house of cards. On 14 April 1710
Shrewsbury was made Lord Chamberlain over the unavailing protests of
Godolphin. Two months later, at the instigation of Somerset, the Queen
replaced Sunderland with the Tory Lord Dartmouth as Secretary of State.
Finally, on 8 August, Godolphin was ordered to break the White Staff of
his office and Harley was appointed Treasurer. One by one the remaining
Junto Ministers were replaced by Tories. By September the work was
complete. The Duke of Marlborough alone remained, in command of the
army, but this was only to be until the new Ministry could negotiate a
peace and his services would no longer be required.

It had been Harley's intention to govern by means of a "moderate"
Administration, a "Queen's Ministery above party," but he had not
reckoned on the outcome of the General Election called in October. "On
the day Godolphin fell, Harley expounded his 'moderate' programme in a
letter to the Duke of Newcastle: 'The Queen is assured you will approve
her proceedings, which are directed to the sole aim of making an
honourable and safe peace, securing her allies, reserving the liberty
and property of the subject, and the indulgence to Dissenters in
particular, and to perpetuate this by really securing the succession of
the House of Hanover.'"[1]

Alone, either the antagonism to the war or the intensity of feeling for
the High-Church cause which the Sacheverell affair engendered, would
have been sufficient to sweep the Whigs from power. Together, and
combined as they were with the prestige of the Queen's public support
of Harley and the newly appointed Tory Ministers, these issues were
irresistible. Harley found himself with an "immoderate" House of
Commons. The Tories held 320 seats, the Whigs only 150, and there were
40 seats whose votes were "doubtful."[2] Many of the new
Parliamentarians were High-Church zealots, and most were anxious to
turn the nation away from the policies of the Whig Administration of
Godolphin.

The House of Lords, however, remained a bastion of Whig strength. As an
hereditary body the House of Lords was simply not subject to the same
opportunity for change as the elected House of Commons. Consequently,
in 1710, as a result of the Glorious Revolution, the long reign of
William III, and the Godolphin Ministry, the majority of the members of
the House of Lords were of Whig or Revolution Settlement policies.
Therein lay Harley's problem in late October of 1710: to obtain a Lords
to match the Commons he had been given.

Any early eighteenth-century Ministry--Whig or Tory--could count on
having the support of those peers whose poverty made them dependent on
governmental subsidies, but this number would not have given Harley
even a bare majority in the strongly Whig House of Lords. And there
Harley needed at least enough strength to ensure success for some of
the measures designed to satisfy the demands of the newly Tory House of
Commons, particularly if his Ministry was to be able to negotiate a
satisfactory treaty of peace with France.

To obtain a Tory majority in the House of Lords commensurate with the
one in Commons, Harley could have seen to the creation of a sufficient
number of new peerages; but this would have alienated too many factions
and the recently completed Union with Scotland (1707) offered what
appeared to be a far simpler expedient. The Act of Union provided for
the election of sixteen Scottish peers who would represent all of the
Scottish nobility in the House of Lords.[3] If he could ensure that all
sixteen of these peers were Tory, Harley would be certain of a large
block of loyal votes in the upper house, or, at worst, he would have to
arrange for the creation of only a few new peers to neutralize the
Whigs' strength. To John Campbell, the second Duke of Argyll, Harley
assigned the task of orchestrating a Tory sweep in this election.

The Duke of Argyll sat in the House of Lords as the Earl of Greenwich
(an English title), not as one of the elected peers, and, as such, he
was not elegible to stand as a candidate or to vote in this election.
Argyll had supported the Whig Junto and held the rank of Lieutenant
General under Marlborough in France, but in 1710 (seeing the direction
the political tide was taking) he abandoned his support of Godolphin's
Ministry. So that, "by the time the [Sacheverell] Trial was finished,
it was known that the great chief of the Campbells and of the Scottish
Whigs had gone into opposition to the Government [of Godolphin] in
league with Harley, although he voted for the Doctor's condemnation...."[4]

Argyll and the sixteen representative peers (if they were all Tories),
together with the votes of those peers who were dependant upon
Government subsidies would give the new Ministry of Harley enough votes
in the upper house for almost any eventuality--even the impeachment of
Marlborough. It is possible to speculate that this was the
plum--command of the British armies in Europe--that induced Argyll's
change from Whig to Tory in 1710. Argyll's jealousy and resentment of
his commander had been a well known bit of gossip for some time, and it
is very possible that Argyll saw a new Government as his chance to
steal a march on Marlborough. Although Harley's Ministry did give the
Order of the Garter to Argyll on 20 December 1710, he was never
promoted over Marlborough, but that was not due to any lack of success
in assuring a Tory victory in the election of the peers. Argyll's
heavy-handed management of that election is the subject of Defoe's
_Atalantis Major_.

By birth and education Daniel Defoe was a member of the mercantile
middle class. He was a Dissenter and his political and economic
sympathies generally coincided with those of the moderate Whigs. A
limited monarchy, the destruction of France's commercial empire,
liberty of conscience for Dissenters and Nonconformists, and a
Protestant (that is, Hanover) Succession were the imperatives which lay
behind much of his political and economic thinking and writing. From as
early as 1694 he had served William III as a pamphleteer-propagandist
for the vigorous prosecution of the war with France. After his
five-month imprisonment in 1703 for writing _The Shortest Way with
Dissenters_, Defoe was employed as an agent and pamphleteer of the
Government. First, in the service of Robert Harley, Godolphin's
Secretary of State during the early moderate years of the Godolphin
Administration (1704-08), and thereafter working for Godolphin himself,
Defoe's _Review_ preached the gospel of national unity above party
faction. When Harley replaced Godolphin as Treasurer in 1710, Defoe
returned to his service.

Although it may appear from this that Defoe's pen was for hire by
whichever party was in power, in point of fact, Defoe's political views
were remarkably congruent with those of both Harley and Godolphin. All
three were staunch supporters of England's commercial interests, the
Hanoverian Succession, liberty of conscience for Dissenters and
Nonconformists, and the terms of the Revolution Settlement. It must be
remembered that Godolphin and Harley were both moderates, each trying
to chart his course between the extremes of the parties. They, like
Daniel Defoe, saw their loyalty being to England and to the Queen, not
to a party. Like Defoe, they both discovered that politics often make
strange bedfellows. Godolphin, faced with a large Whig majority in the
House of Commons after the General Election of 1708, found that his
fortunes were bound to those of the Junto. Harley, after the General
Election of 1710, discovered the necessity of courting the High-Church
Tories far more than he would have liked.

Argyll's slate of Scottish peers for the November election included men
who were even more extreme in their Toryism than the majority of
High-Church English Tories. Most of the sixteen were High-Church, many
had strong Catholic leanings; all of them were against increasing the
religious liberties of the Scottish Presbyterians (and thus those of
the English Dissenters and Nonconformists). Several of these peers had
been openly professed Jacobites and all were, in some degree,
sympathetic to France. To have men with such beliefs in Parliament
meant, to Defoe, the chance that Marlborough's victories in France
would be negotiated away, the loss of what the Toleration Act of 1689
had gained, and finally, the spector of the Pretender on the throne. In
short, such men could mean the loss of all that the Revolution and the
war with France had won. Yet, in the late autumn of 1710, Defoe found
himself in Edinburgh, the agent and propagandist of the man on whose
behalf Argyll had engineered the election of men of such politics.

Defoe's mission in Edinburgh that autumn was to allay the fears of the
Presbyterian clergy and Whig merchants about the new Tory Ministry. His
message to them was, in Professor Sutherland's words, that

    What the country needed ... was steady, moderate men, whether they
    called themselves Whig or Tory, men who would uphold the Protestant
    succession and avoid extreme measures; and that on the whole was
    what it had now got [appearances to the contrary notwithstanding].
    The Ministry was not going to give way to the clamours of the High
    Tory rank and file; and the Queen would certainly not countenance
    any form of persecution.[5]

In short, Defoe was charged with convincing his Scottish friends and
associates (and, by means of the _Review_, the nation at large) the
opposite of all that Argyll's actions and words bespoke of Harley's
intentions.

Defoe wrote Harley from Edinburgh on 18 November (eight days after the
election of the peers) to voice his dismay at the tactics that had been
used by Argyll. By them his own mission on Harley's behalf had been
impaired:

    I hint this Sir to Confirm my Censure of the Conduct aforesaid as
    Imprudent and as what has rendred [sic] the quieting these people,
    which was Easy before, Very Difficult now.[6]

Further, he suggests that Harley's heretofore moderate allies, the
Squadrone, have been pushed by Argyll into league with the old Court
Party that had supported the Godolphin Ministry. This letter also
contains a brief summary of the main events which were to form the plot
of _Atalantis Major_, but it does not attack Argyll with the same
bitterness that the longer work does. Defoe writes:

    In the late Election, the Conduct of the D of 60 [Argyll], the E of
    163 [Islay], and the Earle of 194 [Mar] is Very Perticular....
    [They] Declared Openly [that] the Quallification of those to be
    Chosen ... [was] their agreeing to Impeach 140 [Godolphin] and 193
    [Marlborough], Nor did the Impudence End there, but On all
    Occasions to Say in So Many Words They had her Majties Orders to
    Choose Such and Such and it must be don: This was So abandonning
    all Reserves, that it has disgusted the Generallity, and has Put
    them Upon Measures of Uniteing, which may shut the door upon all
    future Measures, what Ever the Occasion may be....

    Now they have Returnd their Number, it were to be Wished they Could
    have Avoided a few who are Declar'd profest Jacobites, Such as 197
    [Marischal], Kilsyth, Blantire, Hume &c. who are known to aim in
    all they do at the Pretender, and whose being Now Chosen has many
    ill Effects here What Ever may be as to Over-ruleing them in
    England, I mean as to Encreasing the Insolence of Jacobitisme in
    the North, where its Strength is far from being Contemptible.[7]

What Defoe hoped to obtain from Harley by this and succeeding letters
on this subject is not clear. He may have been seeking Harley's public
repudiation of the Jacobite peers, or at least some private assurances
that what Argyll had told the peers did not represent the new
Ministry's policies. Whatever it was he sought, by late December it was
obviously not forthcoming from Harley or his Ministry. And on 20
December Argyll was made a Knight of the Garter. It was during this
December that the bulk of _Atalantis Major_ was written, most probably
between 30 November and 26 December. On 26 December 1710 Defoe wrote
Harley of the existence of "Two Vile Ill Natur'd Pamphlets ... both of
which have fallen into My hands in Manuscript, and I think I have
prevented both their Printing. The first Was advertised in the Gazette
here and Called the Scots atalantis[8] ... The Other Pamphlet is called
_Atalantis Major_." The letter concludes with a short description of
the work, a disavowal of any knowledge of its authorship, and the hope
that he can suppress its publication:

    The Other Pamphlet is called _Atalantis Major_; and is a Bitter
    Invective against the D of Argyle, the E of Mar, and the Election
    of the Peers. It is Certainly Written by Some English man, and I
    have Some Guess at the Man, but dare not be positive. I have
    hitherto kept this also from the Press, and believe it will be
    Impossible for them to get it printed here after the Measures I
    have Taken. The Party I Got it of pretends the Coppy Came from
    England, But I am of Another Opinion. I shall Trouble you no
    farther about it because if possible I can get it Coppyed, I will
    Transmit the Coppy by Next post, for I have the Originall in My
    hand. They Expect I shall Encourage and assist them in the
    Mannageing it, and Till I can Take a Coppy I shall not Undeciev
    them.[9]

There is no evidence to suggest that Harley doubted Defoe's disclaimer
or that Defoe sent the copy to Harley.

Since Defoe was back in London on 13 February 1711, _Atalantis Major_
must have been seen through the press sometime between 26 December and
the end of January, not, as Moore lists it, "before 26 December
1710."[10] Internal evidence suggests an even narrower range of
probable dates of publication. The last four pages of _Atalantis Major_
deal with the Duke of Argyll being given command of the English forces
in Spain and the singular lack of grace with which he undertook this
command. Since Argyll was not given command of the Peninsula campaign
until 11 January 1711, it could not be until after this date that the
manuscript could have been finished and printed.

The work bears few signs of being hastily printed. There are only nine
typographical errors,[11] and four of these are catchwords. There is no
evidence to suggest that there was more than one printing of the
pamphlet,[12] and the use of several Scotticisms[13] seems to offer
support for the contention that the pamphlet was intended for a
primarily Scottish audience.

William Lee was the first to ascribe the work to Defoe, and this
ascription has been accepted by both Dottin and Moore.[14] The evidence
for assigning this work to Defoe seems to rest on the two letters to
Harley quoted above. Another proof of Defoe's authorship of _Atalantis
Major_ is to be found in the remark it contains, "That the Southern
Part of the Island [that is, England] was the most remarkable of any,
as to the Policy of their Government, and the Character of the People;
and excepting _Englishmen_ and _Polanders_, there is not such another
Nation in the World" (p. 12). In 1704 Defoe had written _The Dyet of
Poland_, a poem in which he had made a similar unflattering comparison
between England and Poland. A far more substantial case for Defoe's
authorship can be made from the existence of the anecdote of John
White, Edinburgh's hangman, in both a letter to Harley (18 November
1710) and the _Review_ (for 30 November 1710), as well as in _Atalantis
Major_ (pp. 22-3).




Key to Names and Characters in _Atalantis Major_


In the thinly disguised allegory of _Atalantis Major_, _Atalantis_ is,
of course, Britain. _Olreeky_, or _Old Reeky_, or simply _Reeky_, is
still used as an affectionate local term for the city of Edinburgh,
prone as it is to be enshrouded in mists and smoke in the early
morning. _Tartary_ is France, and the French are referred to as either
the _Tartarians_ or the _Barbarians_. Jacobites are also indicated by
the name _Tartarians_, since the Pretender's cause was actively
supported by Louis XIV. _Japan_ is Spain and _China_ stands for
Holland. The characters who appear in _Atalantis Major_ are (in the
order that they are mentioned):

    _The Duke de Sanquarius_ (p. 14) is James Douglas, second Duke of
    Queensberry and Duke of Dover (1662-1711);

    _The Earl of Stairdale_ (p. 15) is John Dalrymple, second Earl of
    Stair (1673-1747);

    _The Earl of Crawlinfordsay_ (p. 16) is John Lindsay, nineteenth
    Earl of Crawford (d. 1713);

    _The Prince of Greeniccio of the ancient Blood of Argyllius_ (p.
    17) is John Campbell, second Duke of Argyll, Baron Chatham and Earl
    of Greenwich (1678-1742);

    _The Earl of Marereskine_ (p. 18) is John Erskine, eleventh Earl of
    Mar of the Erskine line (1675-1732);

    _The Prince de Heymuthius_ (p. 18) is John Churchill, first Duke of
    Marlborough and Baron Churchill of Aymouth (1650-1722);

    _The Earl of Dolphinus_ (p. 18) is Sidney Godolphin (1645-1712);

    _Bellcampo, Lord of the Isles_ (p. 19) is Archibald Campbell, first
    and only Earl of Islay (pronounced "Isle-ah") and brother and heir
    of the second Duke of Argyll (1682-1761);

    _One of the Ministers_ (p. 22) is Thomas Miller of Kirkliston;

    _John ----, his Majesty's Hangman_ (p. 22) is John White;

    _Bradalbino_ (p. 24) is John Campbell, first Earl of Breadalbane
    (1635-1716);

    _Leslynus_ (p. 24) is David Leslie, third Earl of Leven
    (1660-1728);

    _One of the family of Boiilio_ (p. 24) is David Boyle, first Earl
    of Glasgow (1666-1733);

    _The Prince de Rosymonte_ (p. 34) is James Graham, fourth Marquis
    and first Duke of Montrose (d. 1742).

The fact that, in several cases, the names used by Defoe are developed
from family names and not the title seems to offer support for the
contention that _Atalantis Major_ was intended primarily for a Scottish
audience. Further, Defoe's name for Marlborough--_Heymuthius_--comes
from his one Scottish title, Baron Aymouth (now Eyemouth, a fishing
town on the southeast coast of Scotland), and not from his better-known
English title, the Duke of Marlborough.

State University College
Brockport, New York


NOTES TO THE INTRODUCTION

 1. George Macaulay Trevelyan, _England Under Queen Anne_ (London:
Longmans, Green and Co., 1948), III, 68.

 2. These are Trevelyan's figures (_op. cit._, 73). W. A. Speck (_Tory
and Whig_ [London: Macmillan, 1970], p. 123) gives the Tories 332 seats
and 181 seats to the Whigs in this election.

 3. In point of fact, Harley's concern for the loyalty of the
representative peers is unique in the history of these elections. In
subsequent Parliaments, the Scottish peers seldom, if ever, voted
against the Government--even at the trial of Lord Lovat in 1745-6. For
one thing, almost without exception, the representative peers were
dependent on governmental subsidies and this dependence increased
during the course of the eighteenth century (see J. H. Plumb, _The
Growth of Political Stability in England_ [London: Penguin, 1973], p.
180; and Geoffrey Holmes, _British Politics in the Age of Anne_
[London: Macmillan, 1967], p. 393). The practice of electing a
representative peerage for Scotland was discontinued after 1782 (see
Trevelyan, _op. cit._, 235).

 4. Trevelyan, _op. cit._, 58.

 5. James R. Sutherland, _Defoe_ (London: Methuen, 1950), p. 179.

 6. _The Letters of Daniel Defoe_, ed. by George Harris Healey (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1955), p. 296.

 7. _Ibid._, pp. 294-295.

 8. Healey reports that "in such issues as I have been able to find of
the _Scots Postman, or the New Edinburgh Gazette_, there is no mention
of the _Scots Atalantis_" (_Letters_, p. 306, n. 1). The title of this
work and of Defoe's _Atalantis Major_ are derived from Mrs. Manley's
_New Atalantis or Secret Memoirs and Manners of several Persons of
Quality of both Sexes from the New Atalantis, an island in the
Mediterranean_ (1709). The OED records that the word _atalantis_
enjoyed a brief currency in the eighteenth century with the meaning, "a
secret or scandalous history."

 9. _Letters_, p. 307.

10. John Robert Moore, _A Checklist of the Writings of Daniel Defoe_
(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1960), p. 82.

11. Page 12, line 5: _do_ is omitted before _this_; page 16, line 24:
_an_ for _on_; page 17, line 6: _Grandfathers_ for _Grandfather's_;
page 19, the catch-word, _the_ for _this_; page 20, line 5: _run_ for
_ran_; page 22, line 22: _of_ for _off_; page 28, the catch-word,
_they_ for _the_; page 36, the catch-word, _Cha-_ for _Courage_; page
37, the catch-word, _Lansd_ for _Lands_. In addition, there are several
places where the printer uses eighteenth-century variant spellings such
as _ballances_ (pp. 5, 8), _mannaged_ (p. 2), _quallifie_ (p. 8),
_Soveraign_ (p. 41) and _steddy_ (p. 15). Eighteenth-century
orthographic practice would have permitted such spellings. The word
_entitled_, however, appears on page five as both _entituled_ and
_intituled_.

12. None of the various copies I have examined contains typographical
differences--even in the case of the typographical errors.

13. On page 38, line 25, the word _Big_ is used where _Large_ would
have been the English usage; on page 42, line 3, the word _Bann'd_ is
used for _Swore_ and defined in the text as an "Atalantic word"; on
page 43, line 4, the word _evite_ is used instead of _avoid_.

14. William Lee, _Daniel Defoe: His Life, and Recently Discovered
Writings_ (London: Hotten, 1869), I, 177; Paul Dottin, _Daniel Defoe_,
trans. Louise Ragan (New York, Macaulay, 1929), p. 155; John Robert
Moore, _Daniel Defoe, Citizen of the Modern World_ (Chicago: University
of Chicago Press, 1958), p. 191; and Moore, _A Checklist of the
Writings of Daniel Defoe_(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1962),
p. 82.


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE

_Atalantis Major_ is reproduced from a copy of the first edition
(1711) in the William Andrews Clark Memorial Library (Shelf Mark:
*PR/3404/A851). A typical type-page (p. 4) measures 158 × 82 mm.




Atalantis Major.

Printed in _Olreeky_, the Chief City of the North Part of _Atalantis
Major_.

_Anno Mundi_ 1711.




Atalantis Major.


There having been a large Account given to the World of several
remarkable Adventures which happened lately in the famous _Atalantis_,
an Island, which the ingenious Authors found placed in the
_Mediterranean_ Sea; the Success of which Accounts, but especially the
Usefulness of the Relation, to the Ends for which they were designed,
having been very remarkable, I thought it could not be unacceptable to
the World, (especially to those who _have been Already so delighted_
with News from that Island) to give a particular Historical Narration
of some remarkable Transactions which happened in the Great Island,
called, _Atalantis Major_, a famous well known Island, tho' much
farther North, lying in the _Ducaledonian_ Ocean, which Island it was
my good Fortune to winter at, the last time I returned North about from
_China_, by the Streights of _Nassau_ and _Wygates_, and the Eastern
Coast of _Grand Tartary_.

I have nothing to do to enquire, whether our late Authors mistook or
not, in placing the Island _Atalantis_ in the _Mediterranean_ Sea, or,
whether they might find some small Island of that Name among the
infinite Crowd of Islands of the _Egean_ Sea: But as the mighty
Transactions of which my History shall be the faithful Relator, are of
too great Consequence in the World to be brought forth on so mean a
Stage; so the Place, and the mighty People, and by whom this Revolution
of Affairs have been mannaged, are all suitable to the Greatness and
Glory of the Actions themselves.

As Geographers have no doubt given a full Description of this famous
Island, and allowed it due Place in the Globes, where it stands noted
for the biggest of the Kind in the Northern World, I need spend none of
your Time in the Description of the Place, excepting such as shall fall
naturally in my Way, as I come to treat of the People, and historically
of their Behaviour.

The Island is possest by a brave, generous, powerful and wealthy
Nation, truly Great in their natural Gallantry of Spirit, terrible in
the Field, rich in the Product of their Lands, more in their general
Commerce, most of all in their Manufactures, Industry and Application:
They have some few Errors in their Conduct, which seems owing to the
Climate, which is cold and moist, or to their Diet, which is strong and
luxurious, and particularly to their way of Living, which in Eating and
Drinking, is high, to an Excess.

This makes them Cholerick, Envious, and above all Contentious, so that
the Nation is ever divided into Parties and Factions: They pursue their
Feuds with the most eagerness imaginable in their Turns, commit all
Kinds of Errors even on both Sides alternately, as they get uppermost.

This occasions much Heat, tho' the Country is Cold, little Charity, and
above all, (which the Climate has the blame off) they are by their own
Confession, of short Memories, partly as to Injuries, but especially as
to Kindnesses, Services and inherent Merit. Hence, Gratitude is not the
national Virtue, nor is encouraging Virtue any Branch of the
Manufacture of the Place; long Services often meet here with unjust
Censures; overgrown Merit with necessary Contempt: He must be a bold
Man that dares oblige them; he is sure to provoke them by it to use him
very severely.

If they are reduc'd to any extreme Distress, he must be weary of his
Life that Attempts to rescue them from the Danger; he is as sure to Die
for it as they are sure to be Unjust: It is Natural to the Blood of the
Race, if they are obliged beyond the Power of Payment, they presently
hate, because they scorn to be in Debt. Hence also Benefactors are the
most abhorr'd People in the World, they Walk always alone, for every
Man keeps at a distance from them.

If a Man happens to be bound Apprentice to his own generous Spirit, and
resolves to do them good, he must do it to God, to do it to them is to
work to the Devil; he must be sure to run the Gauntlet, and bear the
Lashes of Ten thousand Tongues, the Reproach of all those he serves,
and will Die unpitied.

If ever they do relent, if ever they acknowledge Services, 'tis always
after the Man is dead, that he may not upbraid them with it. An eminent
great Man among them, and rich to a Prodigy, had been almost drowned,
but was taken up in the Interval by a poor Man; when he came to
himself, he gave the poor Man Six-pence, but could never abide the
sight of him after: The poor Man afterwards had the Dissaster of being
drowned himself, and then the rich Man bewail'd that he had not made
him a better Return, wherefore, in abundant Gratitude, he settled upon
the Widow and her Six Children, a noble Pension of 20 _s. per Annum_.

It was a saying of One of their great and wise Men, of a poor Servant
that had saved his Life; he saved my Life, _said he_, and therefore I
hate to see him, for it is an intolerable Life to have always a
Creditor in my Sight that I cannot ballance Accounts with.

But all this is by the By. The Inhabitants of this Great Island are,
those things excepted, a Noble, Gallant, Ancient, Wealthy People; and a
Stranger may very well winter among them. I could say more in their
Praise but the ensuing History calls me off from that Subject.

There happen'd in that famous Island, when I was last there, an
Occasion upon some State Affairs to assemble an extraordinary Council
of the Nobility, to consult together with the Sovereign; whole
Hereditary Councellors they were by the Constitution of the Place:
These were not chosen by the Inhabitants, as in such Cases among us our
Parliament Men are chosen; but were by Birth and Blood, or by
Dignities, High-Offices, _&c._ entitled to sit in the aforesaid
Council, except one Part of the Island, who had by some former
Constitution been a several distinct Government, and had a certain
Number of Nobility of their own. This Part having by some ancient
Treaty been join'd to the other, their whole Nobility were not
intituled to the Right of sitting in Council as above; but they usually
met by themselves upon such Occasions, and chose a certain Number to
represent the whole Body. This Number was, as near as I can remember,
Sixteen or thereabouts, not reckoning some who were singled out by the
Sovereign to be advanc'd by new Titles, to be Members of the Great Body
of the Hereditary Nobility; a Favour, which by the Stipulations of the
said Agreement, was reserv'd to the Sovereign of that whole Island.

Now there happening, as I have noted, an Occasion to assemble this
Great Council; the Nobility of that Part of the Island which were thus
particularly constituted, behoved to meet, _as said is_, to elect the
Number that were to represent them in the great Assembly; and the
History of that Meeting having so many strange Circumstances in it, and
making so much Noise in that Country, it cannot but be useful for us to
be inform'd of it.

The Nobility of that Island, as I find it too much the Fate of all the
Nobility in the World, were unhappily divided into Factions and
separate Interests, and therefore before I proceed to the Relation, it
will be necessary to give you a brief Account of these several
Divisions, and as to the Characters of the Persons, it will necessarily
fall into the Course of the Story.

The Divisions and Animosities which, as I say, were among the Nobility,
were very unhappily occasion'd upon two several Foundations, and
therefore consisted of two several Kinds.

This Island, it seems, was govern'd by a very glorious Queen, who
however she was of the ancient Royal Blood of that Country, was yet for
Reasons more especially respecting the Safety of the Country, plac'd
upon the Throne by the Suffrage of the Nobility and People, without
Regard to her Father or his Male Children, who for like Reasons of
Safety they had Depos'd and render'd incapable: There being, it seems a
Power reserv'd by the Constitution of that Place, to the said Nobility
and People so to do a thing so like what we call in _England_
Parliamentary Limitation, that it gives me great Reason to think the
Power of Parliaments limiting the Crown is a natural Principle, and
founded upon meer Original Light, since it should be so exactly
establish'd in a Country so remote and so entirely excluded from
Correspondence with _Europe_, as this of the Island of _Atalantis_.

The Queen of this Island, by the Assistance of exquisite Councellors,
Punctual Management, and a mild merciful Administration, had obtain'd
the entire Affection of Her Subjects at Home, and as long as she
continued the Administration in those Hands she preserv'd that
Affection very entire to herself; She had also, by the Conduct of
eminent and most glorious Commanders, rendered her self Victorious
abroad, in a long, terrible and expensive War, against the barbarous
_Tartarian_ Emperor, whose growing Greatness, had forced her
Predecessor, in Conjunction with several neighbouring Nations, to have
recourse to Arms, to keep up a Ballance of Power in that Part of the
World, as long as those fortunate Generals commanded, her Affairs were
blest by Sea and Land; till the _Barbarians_ began to stoop their
Pride, to be humbled, and they sought Peace, made great Offers of
restoring the Kingdoms they had usurped, and of establishing a lasting
Tranquillity in those Parts of the World.

How the Face of Affairs there altered, how some Factions prevailing at
Home, made a Breach in all this blessed Harmony, how the faithful
Councellors at Home were dismiss'd and disgrac'd, the victorious
Generals Abroad ill used and ungratefully treated, by which the Publick
Credit sunk at Home, the great Confederates of this glorious Queen were
discouraged and allarmed, the _Barbarians_ encouraged to hold out,
carry on the War, and reject the Terms of Peace, they would before have
complied with: These are Things perhaps my stay in that Place not
permitting me to get a full Account of, much less see the Issue of, I
shall for the present omit, perhaps my next Voyage may more fully
quallifie me to inform you.

My present Relation refers more especially to the Affair of the
Election of those representing Nobles, which, as before, the Northern
Part of the Island, by a late Treaty of Coalition, were obliged to send
up as often as the Soveraign of the Country thought fit to Summon her
Hereditary Council to meet, which Summons was generally once in Three
Years.

To let you into the Nature of the unhappy Strife which is the Subject
of my present Relation, it may be necessary to descend to a Historical
Relation of some Facts for a few Years past, and to give the Characters
of some Persons who have the principal Conduct in the present Affairs.

There had been a Contention in the last Election in the same Place, (we
shall go no further back) of something of the like Nature with this;
wherein the same Heat was unhappily breaking out against the Friends
and Favourites of the great Queen of the Island, as had now come to a
full height; it is too true, That the Factions which then agitated the
Nobility being between the Court-Party then so called, and a flying
Squadron of Noblemen, who were of the same general Denomination with
themselves, that Breach tended so much to the dividing their Interest,
that they could never effectually joyn it again, they made that
Seperation of Affection then which they could never unite, let in those
Enemies then which they could never get removed again, brought those
Charges and Accusations against one another then which their Enemies
have since made use off, and which they cannot now deny but are fatal
to them.

The Parties are so naturally resembling our unhappy Divisions in
_Britain_, have been so exactly pursued by our Methods, are so properly
adapted to Persons as well as Things, so alike in Temper, Manners,
Management and Design, to our Parties, of _Tory_, _Whig_, _High
Church_, _Low Church_, _Old Whig_, _New Whig_, _High Flyer_,
_Dissenter_, _Jacobite_, _Court_, _Country_, _Revolution_, _Union_, and
the like. That to give the more lively Representation of them to your
Minds, and to avoid the barbarous Words used in the Country, where the
Language is altogether unknown to us, and unlike ours, I shall even
call them by the same Names, giving a brief Description as I go on, and
always desiring you to add a Subintelligitur for the word _Atalantick_
to them all; as the _Atalantick Whigs_, _Atalantick Tories_,
_Atalantick High Church_, and so of all the rest: And whenever you meet
with the Names or Distinctions of _Whig_, _Tory_, _High Church_, _Low
Church_, _&c._ in this Discourse, the Author provides against any other
Suggestion or Meaning, than that of the _Whigs_, _Tories_, _High
Church_, _Low Church_, _Old Whig_, _New Whig_, _High Flyers_,
_Dissenters_, _Jacobites_, _&c._ who are Inhabitants of the famous
Island of _Atalantis Major_, situate beyond the North Cape, between the
Degrees of 42 and 80 of Northern Latitude, as you sail from _China_
into _Europe_, by the Streights of _Nassau_, the Island of _Nova
Zembla_, (if it be an Island) and the like, being what we call the
North-East Passages: And you cannot blame me for being thus Particular
in this early Protestation, if you consider how ready the Men of this
Age are to Censure, Condemn and Reproach, the Meaning of Authors,
whether they themseves have any meaning or no. If any Man shall presume
to say, there is no such Place, I may as readily answer their
Presumption, by another less Criminal, _viz._ That they never have past
that Way to _China_, and consequently cannot demonstrate the Truth of
what they say.

Having thus premised what I think necessary, to fence this Work against
the Malice of the Times, I am next to tell you, That I shall confine
this Part of my Account to the Transactions of the Northern Part of
this great Island, and therein to what happened in this Case of the
Election of their Noble Councellors only; yet I must Hint a little at
what had been transacting in the Southern Parts of the Island; and this
is absolutely necessary, in order to make the other Accounts
intelligible.

In order to this, you are to understand, That the Southern Part of the
Island was the most remarkable of any, as to the Policy of their
Government, and the Character of the People; and excepting _Englishmen_
and _Polanders_, there is not such another Nation in the World: Here
they reckoned about Fifty three several Sects, Divisions, and espoused
Opinions in Religion, upon most of the Heads whereof the People
actually seperated from one another; such as, (1.) _Churchmen_, and
among them _High Church_, _Low Church_, _Non Jurors_, _Prelatists_,
_Socinians_, _Arians_, _Arminians_, _Deists_, _Atheists_,
_Immoralists_, _Flyers_, _Soul-Sleepers_, _Prophets_, _&c._ (2.)
_Presbyterians_, and under that head all kind of Dissenters,
_Cameronians_, _Independants_, _Anabaptists_, _Baptists_,
_Seventh-Day-Men_, _Sabatarians_, _Donatists_, _Gnosticks_,
_Antiprelatists_, _Muggletonians_, and various undistinguishable
_Quakers_ both wet and dry, _Sweet Singers_, _Family of Love_,
_Christian Jews_, _Jewish Christians_, and the like. In the State, the
Divisions were no less Fatal, or the variety greater in Proportion,
these we may, as I said before, call by the Names which the like
Factions are distinguish'd by here; such as _Tory_, _Whig_, _Low
Church_, _Hot_ _Whig_, _Old Whig_, _Modern Whig_, _High Flyer_, _High
Church_, _High Tory_, a _Gillicranky_, a _Tantivy_, _Tackers_, _Non
Jurors_, _Assassinators_, _Junto's_, _Squadroni_, _Court_, _Country_,
_Revolutionists_, _Non Resisters_, _Passive Obedience Men_, and the
like.

You may understand, that the Queen of the Island had thought fit to
change Hands in the Administration just before I came there, and tho'
it was given out that the change would not be from what we call here a
Whig to a Tory Ministry, in effect it past for no other, especially for
that the Whigs were generally laid by in every publick Matter, and the
Tories, or at least such as had appear'd with them were all taken in.

Among the Persons turn'd out of Employ, or very much envy'd in it, we
find two great Personages, Men of the greatest Eminency in their
Station that the Age had produc'd in that Island, their Country had no
Error to find in their Conduct except it were that it was so much in
debt to their Services, that they could not be capable of rewarding it,
therefore like the corrupted Nature of the whole Race of Man, they hate
the Men, as a late Author says, because they hate to be in debt beyond
the Power of Payment.

One of these presided over the Treasure, the other over the Army, and
except what may have happen'd since those days, their very Enemies had
not been able to assign any Reason from their own Behaviour, why they
dismist them. Of these more in the Process of the Story.

For the present it shall suffice to tell you, without other Preamble,
both these were by the Artifice of their Enemies, dispossess'd of the
Queen of the Island's Favour, and that with them fell the Juncto's and
Squadrons of their Friends in most Part of the Southern _Atalantis_.

In the North Part of the Island the Divisions of the Court had not
extended so far, at least they had not been push'd so vigorously, the
great Officers kept their Posts, whether Civil or Military, not the
least Alteration was made, except of a few inferiour Officers, and
those but casually; all seem'd to stand at a Stay till the Election of
the noble Councellors aforesaid, and till the sitting of the great
Council, as above.

There were some of the Nobility of these Northern Parts that had very
much the Favour of their Prince, and by whom she had always been
directed in those things that related to that Part of Her Dominions,
These were,

1. The Duke _de Sanquarius_, a Northern Prince of great Reputation who
had the principal Trust in the Management of the late Coalition, which,
as is noted already, had formerly been made between this Northern Part
of the Island and the Southern. This Prince was a Person of great
Prudence and Policy, perfect Master of the Interest, Temper and
Constitution of the Country and People; great and as a Master of his
own Passions, that had an Insight into Persons as well as things, and
was, without Dispute, the best qualify'd to manage that uneasy People,
of any Man in that Part of the Island: He had a leading Interest among
them, and us'd it with such Temper and such Clearness of Judgment, as
seldom failed to bring to pass whatever he undertook. He was Viceroy in
the great Meeting of the States of that Country, several times; in
which he behav'd to the Satisfaction of his Sovereign and the general
Good, even to the Confession of his Enemies, after the separate
Government of that Part of the Island ceas'd he was receiv'd very
graciously by the Queen, and made principal Secretary of State.

2. The Earl of _Stairdale_ was another, a Nobleman of extraordinary
Merit, distinguish'd for a thousand good Qualities; affable, generous,
exceeding curteous, steddy in a sound Principle, wise above his Age,
brave above his Neighbours. His Family had been famous for the Gown, he
was like to make it more so by the Sword: He had at this time a very
honourable Command in the Armies of _Atalantis Major_, and being the
same thing as we call a Lieutenant General, was employed against the
_Tartarians_.

3. The Earl of _Crawlinfordsay_ a Nobleman of a most ancient Race,
being the first of his Degree in the whole _Atalantis Major_, an
honest, bold, gallant Person; he had so much Goodness in his Temper,
Courage in his Heart, and Honesty in his Face, that made all Men love
him; he was true to his Sovereign, and tho' his Fortunes too depended
upon the _Court_, being Captain of the Queen's Guards, yet so true to
his Honour, that he scorn'd to sacrifice his Principle to his Interest;
had too much Courage to be bully'd, and too much Honesty to be brib'd;
too much Wit to be wheedl'd and too much Warmth to forbear telling it
in the Teeth of those that try'd all those ways to bring him into their
Party.

4. The Prince of _Greeniccio_ of the ancient Blood of _Agyllius_. This
was a young Nobleman of great Hopes, and from whom great things were
expected, an account of the very Race he was descended from. Had he
inherited the Principles of his Family as he did the Honour and Estate,
he must have been the Head of that very Party he now acted against,
being the same for whose Cause two of his greatest Ancestors at least
had both ventured and lost their Lives, but Grace not going by
Generation, nor Vertue by Inheritance any more in that Country than in
ours. He neither own'd their Cause or imitated their Vertue, but gave
himself up first to all Manner of Vice, and then with his Morals
abandoned his Principles, flew in the Face of his Grandfathers injured
_Grave_, join'd with his Murtherers, and the abhorr'd Betrayers of his
Country, and plac'd himself at the Head of that very Party who had
trampled on the Blood of his Family as well as Nation. He was in Temper
brave but rash, had more Courage than Generosity, more Passion than
Prudence, and more Regard to his Resentment than to his Honour; he was
proud without Merit, ambitious without Prospect, revengeful without
Injury; he would resent without Affront, and quarrel without Cause,
would embroil himself without Reason, and come out of it without
Honour: His Courage was rather in his Blood than in his Head, and as
his Actions run often before his Thoughts, so his Thoughts often run
before his Reason; yet he was pushing and that supply'd very much his
Want of Policy; but he discover'd the Errors of his Judgment by the
Warmth of his Behaviour in every thing he did he sought no Disguise,
every Man knew him better than himself, and he never could be in a Plot
because he conceal'd nothing.

He was a General in the Armys of _Atalantis Major_ and excepting the
chief Command of an Army, was very well fitted for the Field: He had
behav'd himself very well on several Occasions against the
_Tartarians_, and unless his ill Fate should place him above being
commanded, he might in time be a great Man; at present, having all the
Fire of a General without the Flegm, his great Misfortune and the only
Thing that can ruin him is, That he thinks himself qualifyed to
Command, and cannot bear the Lustre of their Merit that excel him.

5. The E. of _Marereskine_: This was a Nobleman whose Character is not
so easy to describe; he appear'd in the Service of the Queen of the
Island, but was suspected to lean to the _Tartars_, whose Interest he
was known formerly to espouse; He was proud, peevish, subtle and
diligent, affected more the Statesman than the Soldier, and therefore
aim'd at the Place the Duke _de Sanquharius_ enjoy'd of Secretary of
State, but had not yet had his Ambition gratifyed.

You are to note also that the Queen of the Island had for several Years
committed the Administration of her Affairs to two extraordinary
Persons, Natives of the South Parts of the Island. The Prince _de
Heymuthius_ and the E. of _Dolphinus_, their Characters may be confin'd
to this: In short, the first commanded all the Armies of _Atalantis
Major_, and was Captain General and Commander in Chief; the other, High
Keeper of the Treasury of the Island, the greatest General and the
greatest Minister of State the Island ever knew, who had raised the
Glory of their Mistress, and the Honour of their Country, to the
greatest Pitch the Age has ever seen; whose Merit I can no more
describe than the Nation can requite.

Tho' these Characters seem to take up too much room in this Tract, yet
it could not be avoided, it being impossible to let you into a true
Notion of the Farce that was acted afterwards if the Actors had not
been thus described.

_Greeniccio_ was a Peer of the whole Island, and therefore had no Vote
in the Northern Election, being one of the Hereditary Council
aforesaid; but taking upon him the absolute Direction of the Affair,
tho' he had really, as above, nothing to do with it, he rendred himself
at the City Reeky, the Capital of that Part of the Kingdom a few Days
before the Election.

_Marereskine_, who had really a Voice in the Election, was there before
him, and had busily embark'd _Bellcampo_, Lord of the Isles, and
Brother to _Greeniccio_, to make Parties, and prepare Parties,
sollicite Votes, get Proxies, and the like, about the Countries.

This _Bellcampo_, Lord of the Isles, was an insinuating self-interested
Man, had little Fortune of his own, but resolved to raise himself which
side soever got upmost: He run with every Stream, kept fair with every
Side, spoke smoothly to all, meant Service to none, his dear Self
excepted. By this means he got up from one Step to another to some good
Employments, which his Interest and Diligence procured for him rather
than his Sincerity; for he was first made a Peer on the Side he now
acted against, and now a Judge acting against the Side made him a Peer,
and the like.

These were the Instruments of the Fate of North _Atalantis_;
_Marereskine_ acted one Part, _Greeniccio_ another: And here it is, as
I said before, that the differing Parties, appeared so like our _Whig_
and _Tory_, _Episcopal_ and _Presbyterian_, that I cannot better
describe them to you than by the same Names, only with this Difference,
That all the _Tories_ and _Episcopal_ People in North _Atalantis_ were
_Tartarians_ profestly, and boldly owned themselves for the _Tartarian_
Emperor.

And now the two last mentioned Engines, having acted covertly for some
time, which they had the better opportunity to do, because they had
both appeared among the other Party, _which now I'll call Whigs_;
before, the first of these carried it stiff and forward when he talked
with the great Officers, or such Lords as had some Dependance upon the
Court: He told them of what the Queen expected from them, what was
their Duty to do, that they would find it their Interest to do so and
so, that they might consider in Time what they had to do, and the like:
When he talk'd with any of the _Whig_ Lords, for there was a Squadron
of them left, that had a great sway yet in the Country, then he would
talk of him, and Party and Queen, as one Knot, in the plural Number,
most haughtily, thus: We are resolved to do so and so, and we must have
none but such or such.

The _Lord of the Isles_, at the same time acted his usual Flattery on
both Sides, insinuating to the _Whigs_, that they were in No Danger;
that there was not the least Design against them or their Liberties;
that the Queen was resolved to change Hands, but would not change
Principles; that their Church should not be touched, that their
Priviledges should not in the least be infringed, and that they need
not fear. One time, this Politick Peer, as he would be thought, was
very handsomely met with, the Story is this, whether designedly or no
it matters not. He was one Day in Company with some of the North
_Atalantis_ Ministers, for there just as here, they have one Church
established in the North, and another in the South of the Island; He
used all his Art in persuading the Ministers that they should be easie,
that they should fear nothing, that there was no Design to give them
the least Disturbance; that this was a Politick Turn, not a Religious,
and that they should do well to be satisfied, and to satisfie their
People that they were in no Danger, and should fear nothing. One of the
Ministers, who had heard him very patiently, but saw easily through all
his cunning; returns, Thus my Lord, shall I tell your Lordship a Story,
and then he goes on with it. We had in former times, one _John_ ----
who had the Honour to be his Majesty's Hangman in this City. This good
Man had a most gentle easie Way of executing his Office; for when the
poor People came into his Hands, and were to Die by his Operations, as
many honest Men did in those cruel Days, (this by the way was home to
his Lordship, for that this very _John_ cut off his Lordships
Grandfather's Head) all the while he was a fitting Things for the
Execution of his Office, he would smile upon them, talk kindly to them,
bid them not be afraid, Come, come, fear nothing, trust God, and the
like: Then bringing them to the foot of the Ladder, he would still say,
Be not afraid, come, come, fear nothing, step up one step, do not fear,
trust in God, and so to another step and another; and just thus he
carried 'em on, till at last, with the very Words in his Mouth, Fear
nothing, he turn'd them off.

The honest Minister made no Application of the Story, much less took
Notice, how his Lordship's own Grandfather not only fell by the same
Hangman, but by the same Party that he then espoused: But he had too
much Sense, and was too closely touch'd with the Story, not to make the
Application himself; so he left the Ministers, giving no Reply at all
to the Story.

This Story grew so popular, especially being printed by the Reviewer of
that Country, that the Lord of the Isles could make nothing of his
Design whenever he talk'd of the good Design of the Party; he was only
laugh'd at, and bid remember his Grandfathers Hangman; so he became
useless.

The Prince _Greeniccio_ and the Earl of _Marereskine_ then took upon
them the Manegement of the whole Affair. They took publick Apartments
in the Town, kept an affected State, called themselves the Queen's
Managers, and had a Court as great as if they had been really so; they
received the Visits of the Nobility with an Air of Majesty, and
affected Gravity; and under this assumed Authority they took upon them
to Closet the Noblemen when they came to pay their Respects to them;
not to ask who they would give their Votes for, or to sollicit them to
Vote for this or that, but in a Style haughty and insolent, especially
to the Men of the greatest Character and Merit.

_Greeniccio_ had several Ruffles with some of the Nobility, of which it
may not be amiss to give some Account, because it may be for the
Advantage of our Nobility to know, how Persons of like Quality in that
Country can submit to be treated.

_Bradalbino_, a Nobleman of great Age and Authority in that Island,
expected to be One of the Sixteen, and was told he was in the List;
when he comes to Discourse with the Prince _de Greeniccio_, he tells
him, Very plainly, That he thought it would be much for the Publick
Good to put in Two or Three Lords, such as _Leslynus_, and one of the
Family of _Boiilio_, being Men he thought could not properly be left
out, and that if they were in, he would come into all the rest: The
Prince, in a kind of Passion swore, By G--d, not of them; and but for
naming them, laid aside _Bradalbino_ himself.

Another Lord being an Officer in the Army, having the Court List
proposed to him, answered, My Lord you kno' _Leslynus_ is my General
and Commander in Chief, and he could not as he commanded under him but
Vote for his General, _&c._ _Greeniccio_ in a fury returns, God d----n
your General, what do you tell us of Commander in Chief? If that be
all, we shall soon get you another Commander in Chief; you shall Vote
for none such as he.

Another Lord expostulated with him a little to admit such and such with
the Men he proposed; he answers, My Lord, I am no Hypocrite, I am
above-board; this is the List we will have; the Q....n approves of it,
and I will have no other; and swearing again, By-G--d, says he, 'Tis
indifferent to me, keep out but the Men we are against; but I will have
no _Go....phin_ Men, no _Ma....bro'_ Men, no Squadron Men, in short, no
_Whigs_ of any Denomination; as for the rest, it is indifferent, any
but them. How, my Lord, says this Nobleman, What will you take
_Tartarians_, (that is, as our _Jacobites_) rather than the honest
Gentlemen that have been so true to the _Atalantic_ Interest: I care
not what they are, says the Prince, so they be none of these.

Among the Noblemen that he used with the most rudeness, was the Earl of
_Crawlindford_: Whether he thought to Insult this faithful Nobleman,
because he knew his Fortunes were low, and that he depended on the
Court; or whether he took this Advantage to use him Ill on Account of
an old Ruffle, in which he having challenged the Earl to Fight; and the
Earl appearing ready to defend his Honour with his Sword; the Prince
ashamed of the needless Quarrel, had declin'd it again, and came off
but, so, so; choosing to risk his Honour rather than his Life; what was
the Reason, Authors do not agree about; But the Prince used him most
scandalously. The Earl prest him hard, and told him, How he had on all
Occasions shewn himself faithful to the Queen, and to the _Atalantic_
Interest, that he had gone into all such Measures as were for the
Service of both, that he thought he had some Claim to be trusted in the
Service of his Country.

The Prince told him plainly, He might set his Heart at rest, for he
should not be one. He ask'd him, What Reason was assigned, what
Objections were against him. The Prince, with much more Plainness than
Prudence replies, They knew he was under Obligations to the President
of the Treasure, and the great Commander of the Army; and he did not
know but they might come to bring a Charge or Impeachment against them
in the great _Atalantic_ Council; and he would have no Body chosen but
such as would give their Words they would come into such Measures. The
Earl told him, If any thing could be offered to prove them Guilty, or
any Crimes were made appear, he scorned to be so much obliged to any
Man as not to dare to do Justice; and that he would readily join in an
Impeachment, if there was Reason sufficient to Charge them; and to
refuse him otherwise, implied, they wanted Crime and just Ground to
form the Impeachment upon, and therefore must choose such a Set of Men
as would Impeach innocent Men blindfold, to please a Party. The Prince
told him, That the Resolution was to Impeach them, and he would have
none chosen that would not agree to it. What, right or wrong, my Lord!
says the Earl; to which the Prince, not suddenly replying, the Earl
went on, Let what will come of it, and tho' I should lose all, nay,
tho' I were to beg my Bread, I'll never submit to such base Terms, and
so defied him. The Prince told him, It should be the worse for him; and
there they parted.

There was a short Dispute between the Prince and the Earl of
_Stairdale_; but the Earl had so much more Honesty than the Party, and
so much more Sense and Wit than the Prince, that indeed he cared not
much to talk to him, but left him to _Mareskine_. He was too hard for
them both, and having baffled them in Discourse, he was no more to be
Bullied by them, than he was to be Wheedled; he told 'em plainly, They
were betraying their Country, selling and sacrificing the Priviledges
of the Nobility, making themselves Tools to a Party, and giving
themselves up in a base Manner to the Pleasure of a few Men, who, when
they had got their Will would contemn them, would love the Folly, but
P....s upon the Fools; and as to their List, he scorn'd to come into
it, or into any of their menacing Measures. This put a short end to
their Attempts upon him; and indeed, had the other Lords been advised
by this gallant Gentleman, they had broke all their Schemes; but they
were not all united in their Resolutions, or equally determined in
their Measures.

Thus they went on, _Mareskine_ mannag'd the most mildly; yet he told
the Nobility of his Acquaintance: That the List was determined, that
the Q....n expected they should Vote them all: that they would have no
Mixtures: that her Majesty would have nothing to do with the _Whig_
Lords, but there was other Work to do now than usual: Discoursing with
some of the Lords, who were G----als in the Army, he told them plainly,
They had resolved to Impeach the great Commander; and that it could not
be expected, those who had Commands under him, and were Awed by him,
should do Justice in that Case. They had often the Question put to
them, What it was the great Commander, or the Keeper of the Treasure,
had done, that they were to be Impeach'd for: But they could never be
brought to offer the least tollerable Reason, except that the Prince
_Greeniccio_ let fall in his Passion sometimes, of which he had no
manner of Government, That he had used him ill abroad.

Some, who had more nicely enquired into the Particulars of the ill
Usage which was the Cause of this Resentment, have given the oddest
contradicting Accounts of it that any History can Parallel: As first,
That the great Commander had restrained the rashness of this young
Hotspur General, who being but a Boy in Experience, compared to the
Commander, was always for pushing into the Heart of _Tartary_ with the
Army; not considering, That to run up a Hundred Mile into the Country,
and leave the Enemies Towns untaken, and their Armies in a Condition to
Recruit, cut off their Convoys and Communication, and make their
Subsistence impracticable, was the ready way to destroy them, as has
been seen by a woful Example in _Spain_. But the General was wiser, and
regarded more the Safety of the Army, and the Honour of his Mistress;
and therefore, by the unanimous Approbation of all the allied Generals,
(for it was not his own single Opinion) and according to the just Rules
of War, went on gradually to take their fortified Towns, and ruin their
Defences on the Frontiers, that at last, he might have a sure and easie
Conquest of the rest: This was one Pretence. The second was just the
Reverse of this: For at a great Battle with the _Tartarians_, the
Commander having resolved to attack the Enemy in their advantageous
Camp, and having drawn up in Battalia his whole Army, he gives the Post
of Honour to the Prince, appointing him, with a select Body of the best
Troops in the Army, to fall on upon the Right, and Charge the Enemy,
while other Generals did the like, and with equal Hazard and more real
Danger, on the Left. There was not a Gentleman in the Enemies Army but
would have taken this as the greatest Testimony of his General's
Esteem, and would have thought any Man in the Army his mortal Enemy
that should have gone about to have deprived him of it. Nor was there
any Man in the _Attalantick_ Army, who did not take it as an Evidence
of the great Opinion the Commander had of the Prince's Courage; and all
the World talked of it as the greatest Honour could possibly be done
the Prince.

Had not the Commander taken all needful Care to have him well back'd,
had he not given him the best Troops in the Army to act under him, had
he not plac'd a great Body of Horse to support him, had he not equally
prest the Enemy in other Places, to prevent their doubling their
Strength in that Part; had he done any Thing but what a Man of Honour
would have thought himself obliged by, there might have been some
Reason to Object: But to call giving a General a Post of Honour
sacrificing him, because it was attended with Danger, is referr'd to
the Determination of the Soldierly Part of Mankind. And as it would be
laught at in _Tartary_, in _France_, and in _Britain_, where such
Things are very seldom heard of; so I can assure the Reader, it was
sufficiently laugh'd at in _Attalantis Major_, and the Prince of
_Greeniccio_ is become most intollerably ridiculous by the taking
Notice of it.

Hence all Men in the Island of _Atalantick Major_ conclude, he has
Rashness without Courage, Fury without Honour, Passion without
Judgment, and less regard to his Character than to his Resentment.

Nor has the Vanity of this Prince appeared less in his not sticking
openly to discover, That he aims at the Command in general; that he
thinks himself equally qualified for a Post of so great Trust, and that
regard is not had to his Merit that he is so long suffered to Serve
under another; at the same time not enquiring, whether the Allies of
the Queen would have equal Confidence in him, as in the great
Commander, on whose Judgment, all the Princes and States of the North
have so much Dependance, to whom they have so chearfully committed
their Troops, and under whose Conduct they have had such wonderful
Success against the _Tartarian_ Emperor: But it never was this Prince's
Talent to think too much, his Heat was always too volatile, and his
Head too light for his Hands.

We have brought him now to the Conclusion of the Affair: Having gone
through his Catechizing of the Nobility, in which indeed they of his
own Party appeared of a Temper patient and debased, below the true
Spirit of Noblemen; (at least, God be praised, below the ancient Temper
and Gallantry of the Nobility of _Great Britain_) Having come now to
the Day for the Choice, which was the 10th Day of their Sixth Month,
but as I suppose _November_: There appeared at the Place 33 Noblemen,
besides the 16 which were chosen, and who every one Voted for
themselves and for one another; so that of about 130 Noblemen, which
they say are in the North Part of _Attalantis Major_, only 49 appeared.

There was a great Meeting of the honest Part of the Nobility, at
another Place, to consult what was proper to be done in this
new-fashion'd Way of Proceeding: Some proposed to go down in a Body to
the Place where the rest were met, and protest against the Illegality
of the Choice; that to impose a List upon the Nobility was not
agreeable to the Nature of a free Choice; and that therefore they
should protest, That whoever were returned by Virtue of that Meeting,
were not legally Chosen, and had no right to Sit in the great Council
of the Nobility.

This was sound Advice: But unhappily it was not resolved upon; and some
they say slipt out of the Meeting for fear of Resentment, and went down
and voted, and came up again _incognito_.

The rest resolved to send Two of their Number down to the Meeting, and
offer their Service to Vote with them, provided they would declare
their Measures: and that those that might be chosen would declare
themselves for the true _Atalantick_ Succession, against a pretending
Claimant, who was then sheltred among the _Tartarians_: But they could
receive no Satisfaction even to this so reasonable Request. But the
Prince of _Greeniccio_, who had no right to Vote himself, yet run up
and down, as a Broker, or a Party-Sollicitor, whispering and prompting,
from one to another, to Influence and Settle them, (for some began to
waver.) This Prince, I say, giving an answer, insolent and haughty,
_like himself_. The Noble Persons that went, came away, and contented
themselves, with telling them, they would having nothing to do with
them. Thus, being but a Rump of the Nobility, they gave up their
Liberties, Voted as they were commanded to do, signed a Roll of Names,
and this they called a Choice.

The Number of the dissenting Nobility were about Twenty six, whereof
Five did at last comply with their List, as they thought, being in
publick Commands, supposing it might give a Handle to their Enemies, to
misrepresent them to their Soveraign; but they nevertheless, upon all
Occasions, testified their Dislike and Abhorrence of the Method, and of
the Conduct of those concern'd in it.

Among those said Dissenters, were Two Dukes, One Marquis, Sixteen
Earls, and Six Lords, besides many others, who were Absent.

We might be large in describing, and giving Characters of these
dissenting Nobility. Among them we could not escape the Prince _de
Rosymonte_, a Person, for Blood and Birth, eminent in that Country,
more for his own excellent and inimitable Virtues, Grave, Sober,
Judicious, even from his Youth, of whom one of the _Atalantick_ Poets
gave this bright Character.

    _Grave without Age, without Experience wise._

He was President of the Royal Council of that Country even while he was
very young, an Honour the greatest of the Nobility were well pleased to
see him adorned with, and made no Scruple to sit below him: His
distinguish'd Modesty and Humility in all his publick Appearances,
recommends him to the Affections of the whole Country; and tho' the
Fortunes of his Family have suffered by the Disasters of the Times, yet
he supports a handsome Figure suitable to the Dignity of his Character,
Rich without Gaiety, Great without Affectation, Plentiful without
Profusion, letting the World see he knows how and when, and to what
Pitch to appear that when he pleases to be at Large, he can do it like
a wise Man, or Retrench, he can do it like a Prince. It might be said,
as a finishing stroke to his Character, he is just the Reverse of
_Greeniccio_, for he is Fire without Thunder, Brave without Fury, Great
without Pride, Gay without Vanity, Wise without Affectation, knows how
to Obey and how to Command; he knows great Things enough to manage
them, and is so Master of himself, as not to let them manage him; he
knows how to be a Courtier without Ambition, and to Merit Favour rather
than to seek it; he scorns to push his Fortunes over the Belly of his
Principles, ever Faithful to himself, and by consequence to all that
Trust him; he has too great a Value for Merit to envy it even in his
Enemy, and too low Thoughts of the Pride and Conceit of Men without
Merit, to approve of it even in his Friends.

This Noble Person appears at the Head of the dissenting Nobility: Nor
does it lessen his Zeal for the Principles of Liberty, or the present
Establishment of Religion in his Country; that some of his Ancestors,
otherwise Noble, Brave and Great, appear'd on the other side; since the
Liberties of his Country are the Center of his Actions, and the
Prosperity of all Men the mark he aims at.

It may be a Character to the rest of the dissenting Lords, to say of
them in general, That they were such as took a particular Pleasure in
being Patrons of Virtue as well as Patrons of Liberty: That they were
Men generally speaking distinguish'd for their constant Loyalty to
their Prince, but ever with a view to the Fundamental Laws: That they
had always Wisdom enough to know their Countries Rights, and Courage
enough to defend them; Men of Honour, Men of Prudence, Men of
Resolution: In short, They were Men admirably suited to the Character
of their Leader; as he on the other hand, thought it his Honour to be
at the Head of so illustrious a Body of Men, equally valuable for their
Virtue, Capacities, Wisdom and Integrity.

It cannot be forgotten; That as these Noble Persons were Zealous for
the Liberties of their Country, so truly they were Men that had the
greatest Interest in it, having separately considered the best Estates
of the whole Nobility, of that Country and joined together, were able
to Buy twice their Number in the whole Assembly. It is true, that
Estate is not any just Addition to the Character of a Person; but it
will for ever remain a Truth; And all Nations will shew a regard to it,
_viz._ that those may be supposed to be the most proper Persons to be
trusted with the Conservation of the Liberties of their Country, who
have by their Birth and Inheritance the largest Shares in the
Possession of it.

This is illustrated by the Practice of that happy Country we live in,
where this Story may perhaps be read, and where very lately, a Law has
been made, to unquallifie all such to represent their Country in the
Legislation and Power of raising Taxes, who are not possessed of such
or such a Porportion in the Lands of their Country, as may suppose them
Persons made naturally anxious for the Welfare of the whole, in regard
to the Preservation of their Property. Unhappy _Atalantis_! Had such a
Law pass'd for the Qualification of those Noblemen, who should be
elected to the great Royal Council of thy Country; and should the
Nobility so to be chosen have been limited to but one hundred
_Perialo's_ (a Gold Coin in that Country amounting by Estimation to
about 2000 _l._ a Year Sterling) of yearly Estate in Lands, how few of
the Sixteen now chosen could have shewn themselves in that august
Meeting.

On the contrary, several of those now sent up, were not able to put
themselves into a Posture to undertake the Journey, till they had sold
the Magazines of Corn which they had laid up for the Year's Subsistance
of their Families, or mortgaged their small Estates to borrow Money for
the Expence.

Nor is it doubted in the least, but when those poor Noblemen come to
find some of their _Tartarian_ Expectations frustrated, with which it
is manifest they were very Big when they went up; they will sorely
regret the Misfortune of their Election; since they must be thereby so
reduced, as almost to want Subsistance for their Families; and as for
the Debts contracted, it is impossible some of them should ever Pay
them.

It has been a too unhappy Truth in other Places as well as in
_Atalantis Major_, That in such popular Elections, whether of Noblemen
or others, Men are deluded with the Notion, that to be chosen by their
Country to these great Councils of the Nation, must so recommend them,
or make them so necessary to the State, to the Government, or the
Ministers of State, that they cannot fail to make their Fortunes and
raise Estates by their very Appearance: But this is so constantly found
to fail, and so many have been almost ruin'd by the Expences they have
been at to make a Figure as they call it, and to appear at Court like
themselves on such Occasions, that it seems wonderful that Persons of
Quality, who know their own Circumstances, and whose Fortunes, through
the Disasters of their Families, may not be equal to their Dignity,
should on so vain a Presumption push themselves upon the necessity of
compleating their own Ruin, beggering their Families, and leaving their
Posterity an Estate in Titles and Coronets, Things without the Support
of competent Estates the most despicable in the World.

It might be very useful to our Readers, and perhaps something
instructing might be gathered from it, with respect to the Affairs of
_Europe_ at this Time, to give some Account here of the Success of
these strange Proceedings; what Figure these People made, when they
came to Court, how they behav'd themselves when they came into the
great Council, how they were made Tools there to the Politicians of
those Times, even to act against their Interest, their Country, their
own Designs.

In doing this, it would appear, How some of the Sixteen, more
particularly known to be in the _Tartarian_ Interest, and who had all
along declared themselves for the Person and Title of the pretending
Prince, who, as is noted before, put in a Claim to the Succession of
the Throne: How these, I say, went up to the great Council, wheedled by
the Subtilties of _Greeniccio_, and his Agents, to believe seriously
that they went up directly to declare his Title; that they should be
the Men that should have the Honour to declare his Right in the great
Council of the Nobility; and that he should for the future own his
Restoration, his Glory, and his Crown, to their Loyalty and steddy
acting for him. This, they did not doubt, should tend not to their
Honour only, but to the raising their decay'd Fortunes, for they were
miserably Poor; since he could do no less than confer the greatest
Trusts upon Persons who had with so much Fidelity acted for his Glory
and Interest.

It would also to the eternal Shame and Disappointment of the _Atalantic
Jacobites_, (if I may so call them) necessarily follow, that the
History of their Conduct should come in at the same time to be
considered, _viz._ How just the contrary to all this, and against the
very Nature of the Thing they were obliged, even among the very first
of their Transactings in their Publick Station, as Members of the great
Council aforesaid, to appear in a Publick Address to the Soveraign of
the Country, in which they were brought in recognizing Her just Title
to Reign, (which they in their Hearts abhorr'd) promising to Stand by
and Defend that Title with all their Might, (which they had hoped to
see overthrown) engaging to assist Her to the utmost, against that very
pretending Claimant as above, (who they Reverence as their lawful
Prince) and to carry on the War with Vigour against the _Tartarian_
Emperor (that very Prince on whose Power they depended for the carrying
on their Designs).

Had any _British_-Man of Sense, that understands the Language of the
Countenance, but seen the Astonishment, the Chagrin, the Vexation and
Anguish of Soul, that appear'd on the Faces of these _Atalantic_
Noblemen, at this surprizing Event; how they gnashed their Teeth for
Anger, and curst the Hour that ever they were Members of this grand
Council; how they Bann'd, (an _Atalantis_ Word used there, for what we
call Swearing and Damning in our Country;) how they raged at
_Greenwiccio_, and the _Lord of the Isles_, who they said had Betray'd
them; and how strangely they look'd, upon the solemn Occasion of
presenting this Address to their Soveraign: I say, could their
Countenances but have been read by any in our Country, they would have
taken them for Furies rather than Men, or for Men under some Frenzy,
ridden with the Night-Mare, or scared with some Apparition.

It was not less odd, to see the Conduct of _Greeniccio_; for tho' he
had not less Mischief in his Heart, yet it was of another Kind; and
tho' he had not the same View of the Succession, nor perhaps was
directly in the _Tartarian_ Interest, and therefore shew'd no Pity,
or Sympathy with the Mortifications of the other, yet he met with
Disappointments equally perplexing, and which made him heartily repent
the length he had gone; but as it was in his Nature to be rash, it was
impossible to prevent his being disappointed almost in every Thing he
went about: For it is in _Atalantis Major_ just as it is in other Parts
of the World, _viz._ That rash headstrong unthinking Tempers, generally
precipitate themselves into innumerable Mischiefs, which Prudence and
Patience would evite and prevent; and also, that these furious rash
People, as they are hot and impatient under those Mischiefs when they
are surprised with them, so they are not always the best able to
extricate and deliver themselves.

                     *      *      *      *      *

This will necessarily lead us to a long History of the Disappointments
he met with:

1. In his Project of charging and impeaching his General, and the great
Testador, or ---- of the Nations Treasure, which he could never, either
bring Crime enough to justifie, or Friends enough to joyn in, and make
it terrible.

2. How he was disappointed in his ambitious Views of being made General
against the _Tartarians_; whereas, he had on the contrary, the
Mortification, to see the great Commander continu'd, with an addition
of Generallissimo to his Titles of Command; and himself, like what we
used to call in _England_, being _Kick'd up Stairs_, sent out of the
Way with a Feather in his Cap, and the Title of General, to carry on a
remote Unfortunate, and never-to-be Successful War in _Japan_, and the
Lord knows where, among Barbarians and Savages.

                     *      *      *      *      *

This was not all; When upon his embracing this Title, which his Temper
(naturally Ambitious) jumpt at, and eagerly closed with, he began to
choose Officers, name Regiments, and draw out Forces to form the Army
he was to Command, he found the new Generalissimo had supplanted him
there too; for he had not only prevailed with the Queen of the Country,
not to draw away any of the old Troops then establish'd for the
_Tartarian_ War, of which this _Gew-Gaw-General_ fancied to himself he
should form his Army: But the Generalissimo obtain'd, That the best
Troops which were remaining in _Atalantis Major_, should be sent over
to strengthen the Army against the _Tartars_: So that this new General
was likely to go away to _Japan_ without any Army, but such Troops as
her _Atalantic_ Majesty and Her Allies had hired from the _Emperor of
China_, and such other People; and he had none but Strangers,
Barbarians and Mercenaries to Command.

It is true, That his Design of drawing off the Troops from the
_Tartarian_ War, to carry on a _Wild-Goose War_ in the remotest Parts
of _Japan_, was like the rest of his Schemes, so inconsistent, so
destructive to the general Design of the War, and would in all its
probable Circumstances be so dangerous to the true Interest of
_Atalantis Major_, That notwithstanding some had persuaded the
Government to a _New Scheme_, and that the War was to be pushed on
_ESPECIALLY_ in _Japan_ (a Thing which perhaps some encouraged at
first, on purpose to draw him in to accept of that Command, which many
of inferiour Rank to him had declin'd) yet when they came to look
nearer into the Thing, and to see the fatal Prospect of weakning the
Forces on the _Tartarian_ side, while the _Emperor of Tartary_ at the
same Time was vigilant and forward in encreasing his Preparations, they
soon found the Representations of the Generalissimo had such Weight in
them, and were founded so much upon their general Good, that they
thought fit to alter their Measures.

How _Greeniccio_ was thus disappointed; how he resented it; how to
Pacifie him, an Appearance of drawing some Troops together was made;
how he was at last sent away with a whole Ship load of fine Promises;
as he on the contrary loaded the same Ship back with a full Freight of
Schemes, Projects and Rhodomontadoes; how he went; what he did, and
what he did not; how _Tinker_ like, he mended the Work of those that
went before, and left it for others to mend after him; these are Things
I may give you a farther Account of when I return from my next Progress
to that glorious Country of _Atalantis Major_.


_FINIS._