Produced by David Widger





THE PAPERS AND WRITINGS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN

VOLUME SEVEN

CONSTITUTIONAL EDITION

By Abraham Lincoln


Edited by Arthur Brooks Lapsley





THE WRITINGS OF A. LINCOLN, Volume Seven, 1863-1865




1863


OPINION ON THE LOSS OF GENERAL R. H. MILROY'S DIVISION.

October 27, 1863.

In June last a division was substantially lost at or near Winchester, Va.
At the time, it was under General Milroy as immediate commander in the
field, General Schenck as department commander at Baltimore, and General
Halleck as general-in-chief at Washington.

General Milroy, as immediate commander, was put in arrest, and
subsequently a court of inquiry examined chiefly with reference to
disobedience of orders, and reported the evidence.

The foregoing is a synoptical statement of the evidence, together with the
judge-advocate-general's conclusions. The disaster, when it came, was a
surprise to all. It was very well known to Generals Shenck and Milroy for
some time before, that General Halleck thought the division was in great
danger of a surprise at Winchester; that it was of no service commensurate
with the risk it incurred, and that it ought to be withdrawn; but,
although he more than once advised its withdrawal, he never positively
ordered it. General Schenck, on the contrary, believed the service of the
force at Winchester was worth the hazard, and so did not positively
order its withdrawal until it was so late that the enemy cut the wire and
prevented the order reaching General Milroy.

General Milroy seems to have concurred with General Schenck in the opinion
that the force should be kept at Winchester at least until the approach of
danger, but he disobeyed no order upon the subject.

Some question can be made whether some of General Halleck's dispatches to
General Schenk should not have been construed to be orders to withdraw the
force, and obeyed accordingly; but no such question can be made against
General Milroy. In fact, the last order he received was to be prepared to
withdraw, but not to actually withdraw until further order, which further
order never reached him.

Serious blame is not necessarily due to any serious disaster, and I cannot
say that in this case any of the officers are deserving of serious blame.
No court-martial is deemed necessary or proper in the case.


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL SCHOFIELD.

Private and confidential

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, October 28, 1863.

GENERAL JOHN M. SCHOFIELD:

There have recently reached the War Department, and thence been laid
before me, from Missouri, three communications, all similar in import and
identical in object. One of them, addressed to nobody, and without place
or date, but having the signature of (apparently) the writer, is a letter
of eight closely written foolscap pages. The other two are written by
a different person, at St. Joseph, Mo., and of the dates, respectively,
October 12 and 13, 1863, and each inclosing a large number of affidavits.
The general statements of the whole are that the Federal and State
authorities are arming the disloyal and disarming the loyal, and that the
latter will all be killed or driven out of the State unless there shall be
a change. In particular, no loyal man who has been disarmed is named, but
the affidavits show by name forty-two persons as disloyal who have been
armed. They are as follows: [The names are omitted.]

A majority of these are shown to have been in the rebel service. I believe
it could be shown that the government here has deliberately armed more
than ten times as many captured at Gettysburg, to say nothing of similar
operations in East Tennessee. These papers contain altogether thirty--one
manuscript pages, and one newspaper in extenso, and yet I do not find it
anywhere charged in them that any loyal man has been harmed by reason of
being disarmed, or that any disloyal one has harmed anybody by reason of
being armed by the Federal or State Government. Of course, I have not had
time to carefully examine all; but I have had most of them examined and
briefed by others, and the result is as stated. The remarkable fact that
the actual evil is yet only anticipated--inferred--induces me to suppose I
understand the case; but I do not state my impression, because I might
be mistaken, and because your duty and mine is plain in any event. The
locality of nearly all this seems to be St. Joseph and Buchanan County.
I wish you to give special attention to this region, particularly on
election day. Prevent violence from whatever quarter, and see that the
soldiers themselves do no wrong.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR JOHNSON.

[Cipher.]

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., October 28, 1863.

HON. ANDREW JOHNSON, Nashville, Tenn.: If not too inconvenient, please
come at once and have a personal conversation with me.


A. LINCOLN.




TO VICE-PRESIDENT HAMLIN.

AN ACT TO REGULATE THE DUTIES OF THE CLERK OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
IN PREPARING FOR THE ORGANIZATION OF THE HOUSE.

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
States of America in Congress assembled, that, before the first meeting of
the next Congress, and of every subsequent Congress, the clerk of the
next preceding House of Representatives shall make a roll of the
Representatives elect, and place thereon the names of all persons, and of
such persons only, whose credentials show that they were regularly elected
in accordance with the laws of their States respectively, or the laws of
the United States.

Approved March 3, 1863.




TO J. W. GRIMES.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,

WASHINGTON, D.C., October 29, 1863.

HON. JAMES W. GRIMES.

MY DEAR SIR:--The above act of Congress was passed, as I suppose, for
the purpose of shutting out improper applicants for seats in the House of
Representatives; and I fear there is some danger that it will be used to
shut out proper ones. Iowa, having an entire Union delegation, will be
one of the States the attempt will be made, if upon any. The Governor
doubtless has made out the certificates, and they are already in the
hands of the members. I suggest that they come on with them; but that, for
greater caution, you, and perhaps Mr. Harlan with you, consult with the
Governor, and have an additional set made out according to the form on the
other half of this sheet; and still another set, if you can, by studying
the law, think of a form that in your judgment, promises additional
security, and quietly bring the whole on with you, to be used in case of
necessity. Let what you do be kept still.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO P. F. LOWE.

[Cipher.]

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., October 30, 1863.

HON. F. F. LOWE, San Francisco, Cal.:

Below is an act of Congress, passed last session, intended to exclude
applicants not entitled to seats, but which, there is reason to fear, will
be used to exclude some who are entitled. Please get with the Governor
and one or two other discreet friends, study the act carefully, and make
certificates in two or three forms, according to your best judgement,
and have them sent to me, so as to multiply the chances of the delegation
getting their seats. Let it be done without publicity. Below is a form
which may answer for one. If you could procure the same to be done for the
Oregon member it might be well.


A. LINCOLN.





TELEGRAM TO GENERAL MEADE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., October 30, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Army of Potomac:

Much obliged for the information about deserters contained in your
dispatch of yesterday, while I have to beg your pardon for troubling you
in regard to some of them, when, as it appears by yours, I had the means
of answering my own questions.


A. LINCOLN.




MEMORANDUM.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, October 31, 1863.

The Provost-Marshal-General has issued no proclamation at all. He has
in no form announced anything recently in regard to troops in New York,
except in his letter to Governor Seymour of October 21, which has been
published in the newspapers of that State. It has not been announced or
decided in any form by the Provost-Marshal-General, or any one else in
authority of the Government, that every citizen who has paid his three
hundred dollars commutation is liable to be immediately drafted again, or
that towns that have just raised the money to pay their quotas will have
again to be subject to similar taxation or suffer the operations of the
new conscription, nor it is probable that the like of them ever will be
announced or decided.




TELEGRAM TO W. H. SEWARD.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., November 1, 1863.

HON. W. H. SEWARD, Auburn, N.Y.:

No important news. Details of Hooker's night fight do great credit to his
command, and particularly to the Eleventh Corps and Geary's part of the
Twelfth. No discredit on any.


A. LINCOLN.




TO POSTMASTER-GENERAL BLAIR.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,

WASHINGTON, November 2, 1863.

HON. MONTGOMERY BLAIR.

MY DEAR SIR:--Some days ago I understood you to say that your brother,
General Frank Blair, desires to be guided by my wishes as to whether he
will occupy his seat in Congress or remain in the field. My wish, then, is
compounded of what I believe will be best for the country; and it is that
he will come here, put his military commission in my hands, take his seat,
go into caucus with our friends, abide the nominations, help elect the
nominees, and thus aid to organize a House of Representatives which will
really support the Government in the war. If the result shall be the
election of himself as Speaker, let him serve in that position. If not,
let him retake his commission and return to the army for the benefit of
the country.

This will heal a dangerous schism for him. It will relieve him from a
dangerous position or a misunderstanding, as I think he is in danger of
being permanently separated from those with whom only he can ever have a
real sympathy--the sincere opponents of slavery.

It will be a mistake if he shall allow the provocations offered him by
insincere time-servers to drive him from the house of his own building. He
is young yet. He has abundant talents--quite enough to occupy all his time
without devoting any to temper.

He is rising in military skill and usefulness. His recent appointment to
the command of a corps, by one so competent to judge as General Sherman,
proves this. In that line he can serve both the country and himself more
profitably than he could as a member of Congress upon the floor.

The foregoing is what I would say if Frank Blair was my brother instead of
yours.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TO GOVERNOR BRADFORD.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, November 2, 1863.

His EXCELLENCY A. W. BRADFORD, Governor of Maryland.

SIR:--Yours of the 31st ult. was received yesterday about noon, and since
then I have been giving most earnest attention to the subject-matter
of it. At my call General Schenck has attended, and he assures me it is
almost certain that violence will be used at some of the voting places on
election day unless prevented by his provost-guards. He says that at some
of those places Union voters will not attend at all, or run a ticket,
unless they have some assurance of protection. This makes the Missouri
case, of my action in regard to which you express your approval.

The remaining point of your letter is a protest against any person
offering to vote being put to any test not found in the laws of Maryland.
This brings us to a difference between Missouri and Maryland. With the
same reason in both States, Missouri has, by law, provided a test for the
voter with reference to the present rebellion, while Maryland has not. For
example, General Trimble, captured fighting us at Gettysburg, is, without
recanting his treason, a legal voter by the laws of Maryland. Even General
Schenck's order admits him to vote, if he recants upon oath. I think that
is cheap enough. My order in Missouri, which you approve, and General
Scherick's order here, reach precisely the same end. Bach assures the
right of voting to all loyal men, and whether a man is loyal, each allows
that man to fix by his own oath. Your suggestion that nearly all the
candidates are loyal, I do not think quite meets the case. In this
struggle for the nation's life, I cannot so confidently rely on those
whose elections may have depended upon disloyal votes. Such men, when
elected, may prove true; but such votes are given them in the expectation
that they will prove false.

Nor do I think that to keep the peace at the polls, and to prevent the
persistently disloyal from voting, constitutes just cause of offense to
Maryland. I think she has her own example for it. If I mistake not, it is
precisely what General Dix did when your Excellency was elected Governor.

I revoke the first of the three propositions in General Schenek's General
Order No. 53; not that it is wrong in principle, but because the military,
being of necessity exclusive judges as to who shall be arrested, the
provision is too liable to abuse. For the revoked part I substitute the
following:

That, all provost-marshals and other military officers do prevent all
disturbance and violence at or about the polls, whether offered by such
persons as above described, or by any other person or persons whomsoever.

The other two propositions of the order I allow to stand. General Schenek
is fully determined, and has my strict orders besides, that all loyal men
may vote, and vote for whom they please.

Your obedient servant,


A. LINCOLN.




TO J. H. HACKETT

[Private.]

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, November 2, 1863.

JAMES H. HACKETT.

MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of October 22d is received, as also was, in
due course, that of October 3d. I look forward with pleasure to the
fulfillment of the promise made in the former to visit Washington the
following winter and to "call."

Give yourself no uneasiness on the subject mentioned in that of the 22d.
My note to you I certainly did not expect to see in print, yet I have not
been much shocked by the newspaper comments upon it.

Those comments constitute a fair specimen of what has occurred to me
through life. I have endured a great deal of ridicule, without much
malice; and have received a great deal of kindness not quite free from
ridicule. I am used to it.





TELEGRAM TO W. H. SEWARD.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, November 3, 1863.

HON. W. H. SEWARD, Auburn, N. Y.:

Nothing new. Dispatches up to 12 last night from Chattanooga show all
quiet and doing well. How is your son?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL MEADE EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, November 3, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Army of Potomac:

Samuel Wellers, private in Company B, Forty-ninth Pennsylvania Volunteers,
writes that he is to be shot for desertion on the 6th instant. His own
story is rather a bad one, and yet he tells it so frankly, that I
am somewhat interested in him. Has he been a good soldier except the
desertion? About how old is he?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL MEADE.

EXECUTIVE, MANSION WASHINGTON, D. C., November 5, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Army of Potomac:

Please suspend the execution of Samuel Wellers, Forty-ninth Pennsylvania
Volunteers, until further orders.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL A. E. BURNSIDE. WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, November
9, 1863.4 P.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL BURNSIDE, Knoxville, Tenn.:

Have seen dispatch from General Grant about your loss at Rogersville. Per
contra, about the same time, Averell and Duffle got considerable advantage
of the enemy at and about Lewisburg, Virginia: and on Saturday, the
seventh, Meade drove the enemy from Rappahannock Station and Kelly's Ford,
capturing eight battle-flags, four guns, and over 1800 prisoners, with
very little loss to himself. Let me hear from you.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. G. MEADE.

WASHINGTON, November 9, 1863 7.30 P.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE:

I have seen your dispatches about operations on the Rappahannock on
Saturday, and I wish to say, "Well done!" Do the 1500 prisoners reported
by General Sedgwick include the 400 taken by General French, or do the
Whole amount to 1900?


A. LINCOLN.




ORDER CONCERNING THE EXPORT OF TOBACCO PURCHASED BY FOREIGN NATIONS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,

WASHINGTON, November 10, 1863.

In consideration of the peculiar circumstances and pursuant to the comity
deemed to be due to friendly powers, any tobacco in the United States
belonging to the government either of France, Austria, or any other state
with which this country is at peace, and which tobacco was purchased and
paid for by such government prior to the 4th day of March, 1861, may be
exported from any port of the United States under the supervision and upon
the responsibility of naval officers of such governments and in conformity
to such regulations as may be presented by the Secretary of State of the
United States, and not otherwise.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL SCHOFIELD.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., November 10, 1863.

GENERAL SCHOFIELD, Saint Louis, Mo.:

 I see a dispatch here from Saint Louis, which is a little difficult
for me to understand. It says "General Schofield has refused leave of
absence to members in military service to attend the legislature. All such
are radical and administration men. The election of two Senators from
this place on Thursday will probably turn upon this thing." what does this
mean? Of course members of the legislation must be allowed to attend its
sessions. But how is there a session before the recent election returns
are in? And how is it to be at "this place"--and that is Saint Louis?
Please inform me.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL SCHOFIELD.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., November 11, 1863.

GENERAL SCHOFIELD, Saint Louis, Mo.:

I believe the Secretary of War has telegraphed you about members of the
legislation. At all events, allow those in the service to attend the
session, and we can afterward decide whether they can stay through the
entire session.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO HIRAM BARNEY.

   [Cipher.]

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., November 11, 1863.

HON. HIRAM BARNEY, New York; I would like an interview with you. Can you
not come?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO J. MILDERBORGER.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,

WASHINGTON, D. C., November 11, 1863.

JOHN MILDERBORGER, Peru, Ind.:

I cannot comprehend the object of your dispatch. I do not often decline
seeing people who call upon me, and probably will see you if you call.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM to E. H. AND E. JAMESON.

WAR DEPARTMENT,

WASHINGTON, D. C., November 13, 1863.

E. H. and E. JAMESON, Jefferson City, Mo.:

Yours saying Brown and Henderson are elected Senators is received. I
understand this is one and one. If so it is knocking heads together to
some.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL W. S. ROSECRANS.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, November 14, 1863. 12.15 P.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL ROSECRANS, Cincinnati, Ohio:

I have received and considered your dispatch of yesterday. Of the reports
you mention, I have not the means of seeing any except your own. Besides
this, the publication might be improper in view of the court of inquiry
which has been ordered. With every disposition, not merely to do justice,
but to oblige you, I feel constrained to say I think the publications
better not be made now.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BURNSIDE.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, November 16, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL BURNSIDE, Knoxville, Tenn.:

What is the news?


A. LINCOLN.




TO SECRETARY CHASE

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, November 17, 1863.

HON. SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY.

MY DEAR SIR:--I expected to see you here at Cabinet meeting, and to say
something about going to Gettysburg. There will be a train to take and
return us. The time for starting is not yet fixed, but when it shall be I
will notify you.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




ADDRESS AT GETTYSBURG

NOVEMBER 19, 1863.

Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this
continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the
proposition that all men are created equal.

Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation or
any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a
great battle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that
field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that
that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should
do this.

But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate--we can not consecrate--we
can not hallow--this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled
here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract.
The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can
never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be
dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus
far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the
great task remaining before us--that from these honored dead we take
increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure
of devotion that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have
died in vain--that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of
freedom--and that government of the people, by the people, for the people,
shall not perish from the earth.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL MEADE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., November 20, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Army of Potomac:

If there is a man by the name of King under sentence to be shot, please
suspend execution till further order, and send record.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL MEADE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON. November 20, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Army of Potomac:

An intelligent woman in deep distress, called this morning, saying her
husband, a lieutenant in the Army of Potomac, was to be shot next Monday
for desertion, and putting a letter in my hand, upon which I relied for
particulars, she left without mentioning a name or other particular by
which to identify the case. On opening the letter I found it equally
vague, having nothing to identify by, except her own signature, which
seems to be "Mrs. Anna S. King." I could not again find her. If you have
a case which you shall think is probably the one intended, please apply my
dispatch of this morning to it.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO E. P. EVANS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., November 23, 1863.

E. P. EVANS, West Union, Adams County, Ohio:

Yours to Governor Chase in behalf of John A Welch is before me. Can there
be a worse case than to desert and with letters persuading others to
desert? I cannot interpose without a better showing than you make. When
did he desert? when did he write the letters?


A. LINCOLN.




TO SECRETARY SEWARD.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., November 23, 1863.

MY DEAR SIR:--Two despatches since I saw you; one not quite so late on
firing as we had before, but giving the points that Burnside thinks he
can hold the place, that he is not closely invested, and that he forages
across the river. The other brings the firing up to 11 A.M. yesterday,
being twenty-three hours later than we had before.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL GRANT.

WASHINGTON, November 25, 1863. 8.40 A.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL U.S. GRANT:

Your despatches as to fighting on Monday and Tuesday are here. Well done!
Many thanks to all. Remember Burnside.


A. LINCOLN.




TO C. P. KIRKLAND.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 7, 1863.

CHARLES P. KIRKLAND, ESQ., New York:

I have just received and have read your published letter to the HON.
Benjamin R. Curtis. Under the circumstances I may not be the most
competent judge, but it appears to me to be a paper of great ability, and
for the country's sake more than for my own I thank you for it.

Yours very truly,


A. LINCOLN.




ANNOUNCEMENT OF UNION SUCCESS IN EAST TENNESSEE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., December 7, 1863.

Reliable information being received that the insurgent force is retreating
from East Tennessee, under circumstances rendering it probable that the
Union forces cannot hereafter be dislodged from that important position;
and esteeming this to be of high national consequence, I recommend that
all loyal people do, on receipt of this information, assemble at their
places of worship, and render special homage and gratitude to Almighty God
for this great advancement of the national cause.


A. LINCOLN.




PROCLAMATION OF AMNESTY AND RECONSTRUCTION. DECEMBER 8, 1863.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A Proclamation.

Whereas in and by the Constitution of the United States it is provided
that the President "shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for
offenses against the United States, except in cases of impeachment;" and,

Whereas a rebellion now exists whereby the loyal State governments of
several States have for a long time been subverted, and many persons have
committed and are now guilty of treason against the United States; and

Whereas, with reference to said rebellion and treason, laws have been
enacted by Congress declaring forfeitures and confiscation of property and
liberation of slaves, all upon terms and conditions therein stated, and
also declaring that the President was thereby authorized at any
time thereafter, by proclamation, to extend to persons who may have
participated in the existing rebellion in any State or part thereof pardon
and amnesty, with such exceptions and at such times and on such conditions
as he may deem expedient for the public welfare; and

Whereas the Congressional declaration for limited and conditional pardon
accords with well-established judicial exposition of the pardoning power;
and

Whereas, with reference to said rebellion, the President of the United
States has issued several proclamations with provisions in regard to the
liberation of slaves; and

Whereas it is now desired by some persons heretofore engaged in said
rebellion to resume their allegiance to the United States and to
reinaugurate loyal State governments within and for their respective
States:

Therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do
proclaim, declare, and make known to all persons who have, directly or by
implication, participated in the existing rebellion, except as hereinafter
excepted, that a full pardon is hereby granted to them and each of them,
with restoration of all rights of property, except as to slaves and in
property cases where rights of third parties shall have intervened, and
upon the condition that every such person shall take and subscribe an oath
and thenceforward keep and maintain said oath inviolate, and which oath
shall be registered for permanent preservation and shall be of the tenor
and effect following, to wit:

"I, ------, do solemnly swear, in presence of Almighty God, that I will
henceforth faithfully support, protect, and defend the Constitution of the
United States and the Union of the States thereunder; and that I will in
like manner abide by and faithfully support all acts of Congress passed
during the existing rebellion with reference to slaves, so long and so far
as not repealed, modified, or held void by Congress or by decision of
the Supreme Court; and that I will in like manner abide by and faithfully
support all proclamations of the President made during the existing
rebellion having reference to slaves, so long and so far as not modified
or declared void by decision of the Supreme Court. So help me God."

The persons excepted from the benefits of the foregoing provisions are all
who are or shall have been civil or diplomatic officers or agents of the
so-called Confederate Government; all who have left judicial stations
under the United States to aid the rebellion; all who are or shall have
been military or naval officers of said so-called Confederate Government
above the rank of colonel in the army or of lieutenant in the navy; all
who left seats in the United States Congress to aid the rebellion; all
who resigned commissions in the Army or Navy of the United States and
afterwards aided the rebellion; and all who have engaged in any way in
treating colored persons, or white persons in charge of such, otherwise
than lawfully as prisoners of war, and which persons may have been
found in the United States service as soldiers, seamen, or in any other
capacity.

And I do further proclaim, declare, and make known that whenever, in
any of the States of Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Tennessee,
Alabama, Georgia, Florida, South Carolina, and North Carolina, a number of
persons, not less than one-tenth in number of the votes cast in such State
at the Presidential election of the year A.D. 1860, each having taken oath
aforesaid, and not having since violated it, and being a qualified voter
by the election law of the State existing immediately before the so-called
act of secession, and excluding all others, shall reestablish a State
government which shall be republican and in nowise contravening said oath,
such shall be recognized as the true government of the State, and
the State shall receive thereunder the benefits of the constitutional
provision which declares that "the United States shall guarantee to every
State in this Union a republican form of government and shall protect each
of them against invasion, and, on application of the legislature, or the
EXECUTIVE (when the legislature can not be convened), against domestic
violence."

And I do further proclaim, declare, and make known that any provision
which may be adopted by such State government in relation to the freed
people of such State which shall recognize and declare their permanent
freedom, provide for their education, and which may yet be consistent as
a temporary arrangement with their present condition as a laboring,
landless, and homeless class, will not be objected to by the National
EXECUTIVE.

And it is suggested as not improper that in constructing a loyal
State government in any State the name of the State, the boundary, the
subdivisions, the constitution, and the general code of laws as before the
rebellion be maintained, subject only to the modifications made necessary
by the conditions hereinbefore stated, and such others, if any, not
contravening said co and which may be deemed expedient by those framing
the new State government.

To avoid misunderstanding, it may be proper to say that this proclamation,
so far as it relates to State governments, has no reference to States
wherein loyal State governments have all the while been maintained. And
for the same reason it may be proper to further say that whether
members sent to Congress from any State shall be admitted to seats
constitutionally rests exclusively with the respective Houses, and not to
any extent with the EXECUTIVE. And, still further, that this proclamation
is intended to present the people of the States wherein the national
authority has been suspended and loyal State governments have been
subverted a mode in and by which the national authority and loyal State
governments may be re-established within said States or in any of them;
and while the mode presented is the best the EXECUTIVE can suggest, with
his present impressions, it must not be understood that no other possible
mode would be acceptable.

Given under my hand at the city of WASHINGTON, the 8th day of December,
A. D. 1863, and of the Independence of the United States of America the
eighty-eighth.


A. LINCOLN.

By the President:  WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.




ANNUAL MESSAGE TO CONGRESS, DECEMBER 8, 1863.


FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:--

Another year of health, and of sufficiently abundant harvests, has passed.
For these, and especially for the improved condition cf our national
affairs, our renewed and profoundest gratitude to God is due.

We remain in peace and friendship with foreign powers.

The efforts of disloyal citizens of the United States to involve us in
foreign wars, to aid an inexcusable insurrection, have been unavailing.
Her Britannic Majesty's government, as was justly expected, have exercised
their authority to prevent the departure of new hostile expeditions from
British ports. The Emperor of France has, by a like proceeding, promptly
vindicated the neutrality which he proclaimed at the beginning of the
contest. Questions of great intricacy and importance have arisen out of
the blockade, and other belligerent operations, between the Government and
several of the maritime powers, but they have been discussed, and, as
far as was possible, accommodated, in a spirit of frankness, justice, and
mutual good-will. It is especially gratifying that our prize courts, by
the impartiality of their adjudications, have commanded the respect and
confidence of maritime powers.

The supplemental treaty between the United States and Great Britain
for the suppression of the African slave-trade, made on the 17th day of
February last, has been duly ratified and carried into execution. It
is believed that, so far as American ports and American citizens are
concerned, that inhuman and odious traffic has been brought to an end.

I shall submit, for the consideration of the Senate, a convention for the
adjustment of possessory claims in Washington Territory, arising out of
the treaty of the 15th of June, 1846, between the United States and
Great Britain, and which have been the source of some disquiet among the
citizens of that now rapidly improving part of the country.

A novel and important question, involving the extent of the maritime
jurisdiction of Spain in the waters which surround the island of Cuba,
has been debated without reaching an agreement, and it is proposed, in
an amicable spirit, to refer it to the arbitrament of a friendly power. A
convention for that purpose will be submitted to the Senate.

I have thought it proper, subject to the approval of the Senate, to
concur with the interested commercial powers in an arrangement for the
liquidation of the Scheldt dues upon the principles which have been
heretofore adopted in regard to the imposts upon navigation in the waters
of Denmark.

The long-pending controversy between this government and that of Chile
touching the seizure at Sitana, in Peru, by Chilean officers, of a large
amount in treasure belonging to citizens of the United States has been
brought to a close by the award of His Majesty the King of the Belgians,
to whose arbitration the question was referred by the parties. The subject
was thoroughly and patiently examined by that justly respected magistrate,
and although the sum awarded to the claimants may not have been as
large as they expected there is no reason to distrust the wisdom of His
Majesty's decision. That decision was promptly complied with by Chile when
intelligence in regard to it reached that country.

The joint commission under the act of the last session of carrying
into effect the convention with Peru on the subject of claims has been
organized at Lima, and is engaged in the business intrusted to it.

Difficulties concerning interoceanic transit through Nicaragua are in
course of amicable adjustment.

In conformity with principles set forth in my last annual message, I have
received a representative from the United States of Colombia, and have
accredited a minister to that Republic.

Incidents occurring in the progress of our civil war have forced upon
my attention the uncertain state of international questions touching the
rights of foreigners in this country and of United States citizens abroad.
In regard to some governments these rights are at least partially defined
by treaties. In no instance, however, is it expressly stipulated that in
the event of civil war a foreigner residing in this country within the
lines of the insurgents is to be exempted from the rule which classes him
as a belligerent, in whose behalf the government of his country can not
expect any privileges or immunities distinct from that character. I regret
to say, however, that such claims have been put forward, and in some
instances in behalf of foreigners who have lived in the United States the
greater part of their lives.

There is reason to believe that many persons born in foreign countries who
have declared their intention to become citizens, or who have been fully
naturalized have evaded the military duty required of them by denying the
fact and thereby throwing upon the Government the burden of proof. It has
been found difficult or impracticable to obtain this proof from the want
of guides to the proper sources of information. These might be supplied by
requiring clerks of courts where declarations of intention may be made or
naturalizations effected to send periodically lists of the names of the
persons naturalized or declaring their intention to become citizens to
the Secretary of the Interior, in whose Department those names might be
arranged and printed for general information.

There is also reason to believe that foreigners frequently become citizens
of the United States for the sole purpose of evading duties imposed by the
laws of their native countries, to which on becoming naturalized here they
at once repair, and though never returning to the United States they still
claim the interposition of this government as citizens. Many altercations
and great prejudices have heretofore arisen out of this abuse. It is
therefore submitted to your serious consideration. It might be advisable
to fix a limit beyond which no citizen of the United States residing
abroad may claim the interposition of his government.

The right of suffrage has often been assumed and exercised by aliens under
pretenses of naturalization, which they have disavowed when drafted into
the military service. I submit the expediency of such an amendment of
the law as will make the fact of voting an estoppe against any plea of
exemption from military service or other civil obligation on the ground of
alienage.

In common with other Western powers, our relations with Japan have been
brought into serious jeopardy through the perverse opposition of the
hereditary aristocracy of the Empire to the enlightened and liberal policy
of the Tycoon, designed to bring the country into the society of nations.
It is hoped, although not with entire confidence, that these difficulties
may be peacefully overcome. I ask your attention to the claim of the
minister residing there for the damages he sustained in the destruction by
fire of the residence of the legation at Yedo.

Satisfactory arrangements have been made with the Emperor of Russia,
which, it is believed, will result in effecting a continuous line of
telegraph through that Empire from our Pacific coast.

I recommend to your favorable consideration the subject of an
international telegraph across the Atlantic Ocean, and also of a telegraph
between this capital and the national forts along the Atlantic seaboard
and the Gulf of Mexico. Such communications, established with any
reasonable outlay, would be economical as well as effective aids to the
diplomatic, military, and naval service.

The consular system of the United States, under the enactments of the last
Congress, begins to be self-sustaining, and there is reason to hope that
it may become entirely so with the increase of trade which will ensue
whenever peace is restored. Our ministers abroad have been faithful in
defending American rights. In protecting commercial interests our consuls
have necessarily had to encounter increased labors and responsibilities
growing out of the war. These they have for the most part met and
discharged with zeal and efficiency. This acknowledgment justly includes
those consuls who, residing in Morocco, Egypt, Turkey, Japan, China,
and other Oriental countries, are charged with complex functions and
extraordinary powers.

The condition of the several organized Territories is generally
satisfactory, although Indian disturbances in New Mexico have not been
entirely suppressed. The mineral resources of Colorado, Nevada, Idaho,
New Mexico, and Arizona are proving far richer than has been heretofore
understood. I lay before you a communication on this subject from
the Governor of New Mexico. I again submit to your consideration the
expediency of establishing a system for the encouragement of immigration.
Although this source of national wealth and strength is again flowing with
greater freedom than for several years before the insurrection occurred,
there is still a great deficiency of laborers in every field of industry,
especially in agriculture and in our mines, as well of iron and coal as
of the precious metals. While the demand for labor is much increased here,
tens of thousands of persons, destitute of remunerative occupation, are
thronging our foreign consulates and offering to emigrate to the United
States if essential, but very cheap, assistance can be afforded them. It
is easy to see that under the sharp discipline of civil war the nation
is beginning a new life. This noble effort demands the aid and ought to
receive the attention and support of the Government.

Injuries unforeseen by the Government and unintended may in some cases
have been inflicted on the subjects or citizens of foreign countries, both
at sea and on land, by persons in the service of the United States. As
this government expects redress from other powers when similar injuries
are inflicted by persons in their service upon citizens of the United
States, we must be prepared to do justice to foreigners. If the existing
judicial tribunals are inadequate to this purpose, a special court may
be authorized, with power to hear and decide such claims of the character
referred to as may have arisen under treaties and the public law.
Conventions for adjusting the claims by joint commission have been
proposed to some governments, but no definitive answer to the proposition
has yet been received from any.

In the course of the session I shall probably have occasion to request you
to provide indemnification to claimants where decrees of restitution have
been rendered and damages awarded by admiralty courts, and in other cases
where this government may be acknowledged to be liable in principle and
where the amount of that liability has been ascertained by an informal
arbitration.

The proper officers of the Treasury have deemed themselves required by the
law of the United States upon the subject to demand a tax upon the
incomes of foreign consuls in this country. While such a demand may not
in strictness be in derogation of public law, or perhaps of any existing
treaty between the United States and a foreign country, the expediency of
so far modifying the act as to exempt from tax the income of such consuls
as are not citizens of the United States, derived from the emoluments
of their office or from property not situated in the United States, is
submitted to your serious consideration. I make this suggestion upon the
ground that a comity which ought to be reciprocated exempts our consuls in
all other countries from taxation to the extent thus indicated. The United
States, I think, ought not to be exceptionally illiberal to international
trade and commerce.

The operations of the Treasury during the last year have been successfully
conducted. The enactment by Congress of a national banking law has proved
a valuable support of the public credit, and the general legislation in
relation to loans has fully answered the expectations of its favorers.
Some amendments may be required to perfect existing laws, but no change in
their principles or general scope is believed to be needed.

Since these measures have been in operation all demands on the Treasury,
including the pay of the Army and Navy, have been promptly met and fully
satisfied. No considerable body of troops, it is believed, were ever more
amply provided and more liberally and punctually paid, and it may be
added that by no people were the burdens incident to a great war ever more
cheerfully borne.

The receipts during the year from all sources, including loans and
balance in the Treasury at its commencement, were $901,125,674.86, and the
aggregate disbursements $895,796,630.65, leaving a balance on the 1st
of July, 1863, of $5,329,044.21. Of the receipts there were derived from
customs $69,059,642.40, from internal revenue $37,640,787.95, from direct
tax $1,485,103.61, from lands $167,617.17, from miscellaneous sources
$3,046,615.35, and from loans $776,682,361.57, making the aggregate
$901,125,674.86. Of the disbursements there were for the civil service
$23,253,922.08, for pensions and Indians $4,216,520.79, for interest on
public debt $24,729,846.51, for the War Department $599,298,600.83, for
the Navy Department $63,211,105.27, for payment of funded and temporary
debt $181,086,635.07, making the aggregate $895,796,630.65 and leaving the
balance of $5,329,044.21. But the payment of funded and temporary debt,
having been made from moneys borrowed during the year, must be regarded
as merely nominal payments and the moneys borrowed to make them as merely
nominal receipts, and their amount, $181,086,635.07, should therefore
be deducted both from receipts and disbursements. This being done there
remains as actual receipts $720,039,039.79 and the actual disbursements
$714,709,995.58, leaving the balance as already stated.

The actual receipts and disbursements for the first quarter and the
estimated receipts and disbursements for the remaining three-quarters of
the current fiscal year (1864) will be shown in detail by the report of
the Secretary of the Treasury, to which I invite your attention. It is
sufficient to say here that it is not believed that actual results will
exhibit a state of the finances less favorable to the country than the
estimates of that officer heretofore submitted while it is confidently
expected that at the close of the year both disbursements and debt will be
found very considerably less than has been anticipated.

The report of the Secretary of War is a document of great interest. It
consists of:

1. The military operations of the year, detailed in the report of the
General in Chief.

2. The organization of colored persons into the war service.

3. The exchange of prisoners, fully set forth in the letter of General
Hitchcock.

4. The operations under the act for enrolling and calling out the national
forces, detailed in the report of the Provost Marshal General.

5. The organization of the invalid corps, and

6. The operation of the several departments of the Quartermaster-General,
Commissary-General, Paymaster-General, Chief of Engineers, Chief of
Ordnance, and Surgeon-General.

It has appeared impossible to make a valuable summary of this report,
except such as would be too extended for this place, and hence I content
myself by asking your careful attention to the report itself.

The duties devolving on the naval branch of the service during the year
and throughout the whole of this unhappy contest have been discharged with
fidelity and eminent success. The extensive blockade has been constantly
increasing in efficiency as the Navy has expanded, yet on so long a line
it has so far been impossible to entirely suppress illicit trade. From
returns received at the Navy Department it appears that more than 1,000
vessels have been captured since the blockade was instituted? and that
the value of prizes already sent in for adjudication amounts to over
$13,000,000.

The naval force of the United States consists at this time of five hundred
and eighty-eight vessels completed and in the course of completion, and of
these seventy-five are ironclad or armored steamers. The events of the war
give an increased interest and importance to the Navy which will probably
extend beyond the war itself.

The armored vessels in our Navy completed and in service, or which are
under contract and approaching completion, are believed to exceed in
number those of any other power; but while these may be relied upon for
harbor defense and coast service, others of greater strength and capacity
will be necessary for cruising purposes and to maintain our rightful
position on the ocean.

The change that has taken place in naval vessels and naval warfare since
the introduction of steam as a motive power for ships of war demands
either a corresponding change in some of our existing navy yards or the
establishment of new ones for the construction and necessary repair of
modern naval vessels. No inconsiderable embarrassment, delay, and
public injury have been experienced from the want of such governmental
establishments. The necessity of such a navy-yard, so furnished, at some
suitable place upon the Atlantic seaboard has on repeated occasions been
brought to the attention of Congress by the Navy Department, and is
again presented in the report of the Secretary which accompanies this
communication. I think it my duty to invite your special attention to
this subject, and also to that of establishing a yard and depot for naval
purposes upon one of the Western rivers. A naval force has been created
on those interior waters, and under many disadvantages, within little more
than two years, exceeding in numbers the whole naval force of the country
at the commencement of the present Administration. Satisfactory and
important as have been the performances of the heroic men of the Navy at
this interesting period, they are scarcely more wonderful than the success
of our mechanics and artisans in the production of war vessels, which has
created a new form of naval power.

Our country has advantages superior to any other nation in our resources
of iron and timber, with inexhaustible quantities of fuel in the immediate
vicinity of both, and all available and in close proximity to navigable
waters. Without the advantage of public works, the resources of the nation
have been developed and its power displayed in the construction of a Navy
of such magnitude, which has at the very period of its creation rendered
signal service to the Union.

The increase of the number of seamen in the public service from 7,500
men in the spring of 1861 to about 34,000 at the present time has been
accomplished without special legislation or extraordinary bounties to
promote that increase. It has been found, however, that the operation of
the draft, with the high bounties paid for army recruits, is beginning
to affect injuriously the naval service, and will, if not corrected, be
likely to impair its efficiency by detaching seamen from their proper
vocation and inducing them to enter the Army. I therefore respectfully
suggest that Congress might aid both the army and naval services by
a definite provision on this subject which would at the same time be
equitable to the communities more especially interested.

I commend to your consideration the suggestions of the Secretary of the
Navy in regard to the policy of fostering and training seamen and also
the education of officers and engineers for the naval service. The Naval
Academy is rendering signal service in preparing midshipmen for the highly
responsible duties which in after life they will be required to perform.
In order that the country should not be deprived of the proper quota of
educated officers, for which legal provision has been made at the
naval school, the vacancies caused by the neglect or omission to make
nominations from the States in insurrection have been filled by the
Secretary of the Navy. The school is now more full and complete than
at any former period, and in every respect entitled to the favorable
consideration of Congress.

During the past fiscal year the financial condition of the Post-Office
Department has been one of increasing prosperity, and I am gratified in
being able to state that the actual postal revenue has nearly equaled the
entire expenditures, the latter amounting to $11,314,206.84 and the former
to $11,163,789.59, leaving a deficiency of but $150,417.25. In 1860,
the year immediately preceding the rebellion, the deficiency amounted to
$5,656,705.49, the postal receipts of that year being $2,645,722.19
less that those of 1863. The decrease since 1860 in the annual amount of
transportation has been only about twenty-five per cent, but the annual
expenditure on account of the same has been reduced thirty-five per cent.
It is manifest, therefore, that the Post-Office Department may become
self-sustaining in a few years, even with the restoration of the whole
service.

The international conference of postal delegates from the principal
countries of Europe and America, which was called at the suggestion of the
Postmaster-General, met at Paris on the 11th of May last and concluded
its deliberations on the 8th of June. The principles established by
the conference as best adapted to facilitate postal intercourse between
nations and as the basis of future postal conventions inaugurate a general
system of uniform international charges at reduced rates of postage, and
can not fail to produce beneficial results.

I refer you to the report of the Secretary of the Interior, which is
herewith laid before you, for useful and varied information in relation to
the public lands, Indian affairs, patents, pensions, and other matters of
public concern pertaining to his Department.

The quantity of land disposed of during the last and the first quarter of
the present fiscal years was 3,841,549 acres, of which 161,911 acres were
sold for cash, 1,456,514 acres were taken up under the homestead law, and
the residue disposed of under laws granting lands for military bounties,
for railroad and other purposes. It also appears that the sale of the
public lands is largely on the increase.

It has long been a cherished opinion of some of our wisest statesmen that
the people of the United States had a higher and more enduring interest in
the early settlement and substantial cultivation of the public lands than
in the amount of direct revenue to be derived from the sale of them. This
opinion has had a controlling influence in shaping legislation upon the
subject of our national domain. I may cite as evidence of this the liberal
measures adopted in reference to actual settlers; the grant to the States
of the overflowed lands within their limits, in order to their being
reclaimed and rendered fit for cultivation; the grants to railway
companies of alternate sections of land upon the contemplated lines of
their roads, which when completed will so largely multiply the facilities
for reaching our distant possessions. This policy has received its most
signal and beneficent illustration in the recent enactment granting
homesteads to actual settlers. Since the 1st day of January last the
before-mentioned quantity of 1,456,514 acres of land have been taken up
under its provisions. This fact and the amount of sales furnish gratifying
evidence of increasing settlement upon the public lands, notwithstanding
the great struggle in which the energies of the nation have been engaged,
and which has required so large a withdrawal of our citizens from their
accustomed pursuits. I cordially concur in the recommendation of the
Secretary of the Interior suggesting a modification of the act in favor
of those engaged in the military and naval service of the United States.
I doubt not that Congress will cheerfully adopt such measures as will,
without essentially changing the general features of the system, secure to
the greatest practicable extent its benefits to those who have left their
homes in the defense of the country in this arduous crisis.

I invite your attention to the views of the Secretary as to the propriety
of raising by appropriate legislation a revenue from the mineral lands of
the United States.

The measures provided at your last session for the removal of certain
Indian tribes have been carried into effect. Sundry treaties have been
negotiated, which will in due time be submitted for the constitutional
action of the Senate. They contain stipulations for extinguishing the
possessory rights of the Indians to large and valuable tracts of lands.
It is hoped that the effect of these treaties will result in the
establishment of permanent friendly relations with such of these tribes
as have been brought into frequent and bloody collision with our outlying
settlements and emigrants. Sound policy and our imperative duty to these
wards of the Government demand our anxious and constant attention to their
material well-being, to their progress in the arts of civilization, and,
above all, to that moral training which under the blessing of Divine
Providence will confer upon them the elevated and sanctifying influences,
the hopes and consolations, of the Christian faith.

I suggested in my last annual message the propriety of remodeling our
Indian system. Subsequent events have satisfied me of its necessity. The
details set forth in the report of the Secretary evince the urgent need
for immediate legislative action.

I commend the benevolent institutions established or patronized by the
Government in this District to your generous and fostering care.

The attention of Congress during the last session was engaged to some
extent with a proposition for enlarging the water communication between
the Mississippi River and the northeastern seaboard, which proposition,
however, failed for the time. Since then, upon a call of the greatest
respectability, a convention has been held at Chicago upon the same
subject, a summary of whose views is contained in a memorial addressed to
the President and Congress, and which I now have the honor to lay before
you. That this interest is one which ere long will force its own way I do
not entertain a doubt, while it is submitted entirely to your wisdom as to
what can be done now. Augmented interest is given to this subject by the
actual commencement of work upon the Pacific Railroad, under auspices
so favorable to rapid progress and completion. The enlarged navigation
becomes a palpable need to the great road.

I transmit the second annual report of the Commissioner of the Department
of Agriculture, asking your attention to the developments in that vital
interest of the nation.

When Congress assembled a year ago, the war had already lasted nearly
twenty months, and there had been many conflicts on both land and sea,
with varying results; the rebellion had been pressed back into reduced
limits; yet the tone of public feeling and opinion, at home and abroad,
was not satisfactory. With other signs, the popular elections then just
past indicated uneasiness among ourselves, while, amid much that was cold
and menacing, the kindest words coming from Europe were uttered in accents
of pity that we are too blind to surrender a hopeless cause. Our commerce
was suffering greatly by a few armed vessels built upon and furnished from
foreign shores, and we were threatened with such additions from the same
quarter as would sweep our trade from the sea and raise our blockade. We
had failed to elicit from European governments anything hopeful upon this
subject. The preliminary emancipation proclamation, issued in September,
was running its assigned period to the beginning of the new year. A month
later the final proclamation came, including the announcement that colored
men of suitable condition would be received into the war service. The
policy of emancipation and of employing black soldiers gave to the future
a new aspect, about which hope and fear and doubt contended in uncertain
conflict. According to our political system, as a matter of civil
administration, the General Government had no lawful power to effect
emancipation in any State, and for a long time it had been hoped that
the rebellion could be suppressed without resorting to it as a military
measure. It was all the while deemed possible that the necessity for it
might come, and that if it should the crisis of the contest would then be
presented. It came, and, as was anticipated, it was followed by dark and
doubtful days. Eleven months having now passed, we are permitted to take
another review. The rebel borders are pressed still farther back, and
by the complete opening of the Mississippi the country dominated by the
rebellion is divided into distinct parts, with no practical communication
between them. Tennessee and Arkansas have been substantially cleared of
insurgent control, and influential citizens in each, owners of slaves and
advocates of slavery at the beginning of the rebellion, now declare openly
for emancipation in their respective States. Of those States not included
in the emancipation proclamation, Maryland and Missouri, neither of which
three years ago would tolerate any restraint upon the extension of slavery
into new Territories, dispute now only as to the best mode of removing it
within their own limits.

Of those who were slaves at the beginning of the rebellion full 100,000
are now in the United States military service, about one-half of which
number actually bear arms in the ranks, thus giving the double advantage
of taking so much labor from the insurgent cause and supplying the places
which otherwise must be filled with so many white men. So far as tested,
it is difficult to say they are not as good soldiers as any. No servile
insurrection or tendency to violence or cruelty has marked the measures
of emancipation and arming the blacks. These measures have been much
discussed in foreign countries, and, contemporary with such discussion,
the tone of public sentiment there is much improved. At home the same
measures have been fully discussed, supported, criticized, and denounced,
and the annual elections following are highly encouraging to those whose
official duty it is to bear the country through this great trial. Thus we
have the new reckoning. The crisis which threatened to divide the friends
of the Union is past.

Looking now to the present and future, and with reference to a resumption
of the national authority within the States wherein that authority has
been suspended, I have thought fit to issue a proclamation, a copy of
which is herewith transmitted. On examination of this proclamation it
will appear, as is believed, that nothing will be attempted beyond what is
amply justified by the Constitution. True, the form of an oath is given,
but no man is coerced to take it. The man is promised a pardon only
in case he voluntarily takes the oath. The Constitution authorizes the
Executive to grant or withhold the pardon at his own absolute discretion,
and this includes the power to grant on terms, as is fully established by
judicial and other authorities.

It is also proffered that if in any of the States named a State government
shall be in the mode prescribed set up, such government shall be
recognized and guaranteed by the United States, and that under it the
State shall, on the constitutional conditions, be protected against
invasion and domestic violence. The constitutional obligation of the
United States to guarantee to every State in the Union a republican form
of government and to protect the State in the cases stated is explicit
and full. But why tender the benefits of this provision only to a State
government set up in this particular way? This section of the Constitution
contemplates a case wherein the element within a State favorable to
republican government in the Union may be too feeble for an opposite
and hostile element external to or even within the State, and such are
precisely the cases with which we are now dealing.

An attempt to guarantee and protect a revived State government,
constructed in whole or in preponderating part from the very element
against whose hostility and violence it is to be protected, is simply
absurd. There must be a test by which to separate the opposing elements,
so as to build only from the sound; and that test is a sufficiently
liberal one which accepts as sound whoever will make a sworn recantation
of his former unsoundness.

But if it be proper to require as a test of admission to the political
body an oath of allegiance to the Constitution of the United States and
to the Union under it, why also to the laws and proclamations in regard to
slavery? Those laws and proclamations were enacted and put forth for the
purpose of aiding in the suppression of the rebellion. To give them their
fullest effect there had to be a pledge for their maintenance. In my
judgment, they have aided and will further aid the cause for which they
were intended. To now abandon them would be not only to relinquish a lever
of power, but would also be a cruel and an astounding breach of faith. I
may add at this point that while I remain in my present position I shall
not attempt to retract or modify the emancipation proclamation, nor
shall I return to slavery any person who is free by the terms of that
proclamation or by any of the acts of Congress. For these and other
reasons it is thought best that support of these measures shall be
included in the oath, and it is believed the Executive may lawfully claim
it in return for pardon and restoration of forfeited rights, which he has
clear constitutional power to withhold altogether or grant upon the terms
which he shall deem wisest for the public interest. It should be observed
also that this part of the oath is subject to the modifying and abrogating
power of legislation and supreme judicial decision.

The proposed acquiescence of the National Executive in any reasonable
temporary State arrangement for the freed people is made with the view of
possibly modifying the confusion and destitution which must at best attend
all classes by a total revolution of labor throughout whole States. It
is hoped that the already deeply afflicted people in those States may be
somewhat more ready to give up the cause of their affliction if to this
extent this vital matter be left to themselves, while no power of the
National Executive to prevent an abuse is abridged by the proposition.

The suggestion in the proclamation as to maintaining the political
framework of the States on what is called reconstruction is made in the
hope that it may do good without danger of harm. It will save labor and
avoid great confusion.

But why any proclamation now upon this subject? This question is beset
with the conflicting views that the step might be delayed too long or be
taken too soon. In some States the elements for resumption seem ready for
action, but remain inactive apparently for want of a rallying point--a
plan of action. Why shall A adopt the plan of B rather than B that of
A? And if A and B should agree, how can they know but that the General
Government here will reject their plan? By the proclamation a plan is
presented which may be accepted by them as a rallying point, and which
they are assured in advance will not be rejected here. This may bring them
to act sooner than they otherwise would.

The objections to a premature presentation of a plan by the National
Executive consist in the danger of committals on points which could be
more safely left to further developments. Care has been taken to so shape
the document as to avoid embarrassments from this source. Saying that on
certain terms certain classes will be pardoned with rights restored, it is
not said that other classes or other terms will never be included. Saying
that reconstruction will be accepted if presented in a specified way, it
is not said it will never be accepted in any other way.

The movements by State action for emancipation in several of the States
not included in the emancipation proclamation are matters of profound
gratulation. And while I do not repeat in detail what I have heretofore
so earnestly urged upon this subject my general views and feelings remain
unchanged and I trust that Congress will omit no fair opportunity of
aiding these important steps to a great consummation.

In the midst of other cares, however important we must not lose sight
of the fact that the war power is still our main reliance. To that power
alone we look yet for a time to give confidence to the people in the
contested regions that the insurgent power will not again overrun them.
Until that confidence shall be established little can be done anywhere
what is called reconstruction. Hence our chiefest care must still be
directed to the Army and Navy who have thus far borne their harder part so
nobly and well; and it may be esteemed fortunate that giving the greatest
efficiency to these indispensable arms we do also honorably recognize the
gallant men, from commander to sentinel, who compose them, and to whom
more than to others the world must stand indebted for the home of freedom
disenthralled, regenerated, enlarged, and perpetuated.


A. LINCOLN.




MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. WASHINGTON D. C., December 8, 1863.

TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:

In conformity to the law of July 16, 1862, I most cordially recommend
that Captain John Rogers United States Navy, receive a vote of thanks
from Congress for the eminent skill and gallantry exhibited by him in the
engagement with the rebel armed ironclad steamer Fingal, alias Atlanta,
whilst in command of the United States ironclad steamer Weehawken, which
led to her capture on the 17th June, 1863, and also for the zeal, bravery,
and general good conduct shown by this officer on many occasions.

This recommendation is specially made in order to comply with the
requirements of the ninth section of the aforesaid act, which is in the
following words, viz:

That any line officer of the Navy or Marine Corps may be advanced one
grade if upon recommendation of the President by name he receives the
thanks of Congress for highly distinguished conduct in conflict with the
enemy or for extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession.


A. LINCOLN.




MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. WASHINGTON, D. C., December 8, 1863.

TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES:

Congress, on my recommendation, passed a resolution, approved 7th
February, 1863, tendering its thanks to Commander D. D. Porter "for the
bravery and skill displayed in the attack on the post of Arkansas on the
10th January, 1863," and in consideration of those services, together with
his efficient labors and vigilance subsequently displayed in thwarting the
efforts of the rebels to obstruct the Mississippi and its tributaries and
the important part rendered by the squadron under his command, which led
to the surrender of Vicksburg.

I do therefore, in conformity to the seventh section of the act approved
16th July, 1862, nominate Commander D. D. Porter to be a rear-admiral in
the Navy on the active list from the 4th July, 1863, to fill an existing
vacancy.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL U. S. GRANT.

WASHINGTON, December 8, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL GRANT:

Understanding that your lodgment at Chattanooga and Knoxville is now
secure, I wish to tender you, and all under your command, my more than
thanks, my profoundest gratitude, for the skill, courage, and perseverance
with which you and they, over so great difficulties, have effected that
important object. God bless you all!


A. LINCOLN.




TO GOVERNOR CURTIN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 9, 1863

HIS EXCELLENCY A. G. CURTIN,

Governor of Pennsylvania.

DEAR SIR:--I have to urge my illness, and the preparation of the message,
in excuse for not having sooner transmitted you the inclosed from the
Secretary of War and Provost Marshal General in response to yours in
relation to recruiting in Pennsylvania. Though not quite as you desire, I
hope the grounds taken will be reasonably satisfactory to you. Allow me
to exchange congratulations with you on the organization of the House of
Representatives, and especially on recent military events in Georgia and
Tennessee.

Yours very truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BUTLER.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., December 10, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL BUTLER, Fort Monroe, Va.:

Please suspend execution in any and all sentences of death in your
department until further order.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL MEADE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 11, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Army of the Potomac:

Lieut. Col. James B. Knox, Tenth Regiment Pennsylvania Reserves, offers
his resignation under circumstances inducing me to wish to accept it. But
I prefer to know your pleasure upon the subject. Please answer.


A. LINCOLN.




TO JUDGE HOFFMAN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, December 15, 1863.

HON. OGDEN HOFFMAN, U. S. District Judge, San Francisco, Cal.:

The oath in the proclamation of December 8 is intended for those who may
voluntarily take it, and not for those who may be constrained to take it
in order to escape actual imprisonment or punishment. It is intended that
the latter class shall abide the granting or withholding of the pardoning
power in the ordinary way.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO MARY GONYEAG.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 15, 1863.

MOTHER MARY GONYEAG, Superior, Academy of Visitation, Keokuk, Iowa:

The President has no authority as to whether you may raffle for the
benevolent object you mention. If there is no objection in the Iowa laws,
there is none here.


A. LINCOLN.




PROCLAMATION CONCERNING DISCRIMINATING DUTIES, DECEMBER 16, 1863.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A Proclamation.

Whereas by an act of the Congress of the United States of the 24th of May,
1828, entitled "An act in addition to an act entitled 'An act concerning
discriminating duties of tonnage and impost' and to equalize the duties on
Prussian vessels and their cargoes," it is provided that upon satisfactory
evidence being given to the President of the United States by the
government of any foreign nation that no discriminating duties of tonnage
or impost are imposed or levied in the ports of the said nation upon
vessels wholly belonging to citizens of the United States or upon the
produce, manufactures, or merchandise imported in the same from the United
States or from any foreign country, the President is thereby authorized to
issue his proclamation declaring that the foreign discriminating duties of
tonnage and impost within the United States are and shall be suspended and
discontinued so far as respects the vessels of the said foreign nation and
the produce, manufactures, or merchandise imported into the United
States in the same from the said foreign nation or from any other
foreign country, the said suspension to take effect from the time of such
notification being given to the President of the United States and to
continue so long as the reciprocal exemption of vessels belonging to
citizens of the United States and their cargoes, as aforesaid, shall be
continued, and no longer; and

Whereas satisfactory evidence has lately been received by me through an
official communication of Senor Don Luis Molina, Envoy Extraordinary and
Minister Plenipotentiary of the Republic of Nicaragua, under date of the
28th of November, 1863, that no other or higher duties of tonnage and
impost have been imposed or levied since the second day of August, 1838,
in the ports of Nicaragua, upon vessels wholly belonging to citizens of
the United States, and upon the produce, manufactures, or merchandise
imported in the same from the United States, and from any foreign country
whatever, than are levied on Nicaraguan ships and their cargoes in the
same ports under like circumstances:

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States of
America, do hereby declare and proclaim that so much of the several acts
imposing discriminating duties of tonnage and impost within the United
States are, and shall be, suspended and discontinued so far as respects
the vessels of Nicaragua, and the produce, manufactures, and the
merchandise imported into the United States in the same from the dominions
of Nicaragua, and from any other foreign country whatever; the said
suspension to take effect from the day above mentioned, and to continue
thenceforward so long as the reciprocal exemption of the vessels of the
United States, and the produce, manufactures, and merchandise imported
into the dominions of Nicaragua in the same, as aforesaid, shall be
continued on the part of the government of Nicaragua.

Given under my hand at the city of Washington, the sixteenth day
of December, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and
sixty-three, and the eighty-eighth of the Independence of the United
States.


A. LINCOLN.

By the President:  WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.




MESSAGE TO CONGRESS,

DECEMBER 17, 1863.

TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES:

Herewith I lay before you a letter addressed to myself by a committee of
gentlemen representing the freedmen's aid societies in Boston, New York,
Philadelphia, and Cincinnati. The subject of the letter, as indicated
above, is one of great magnitude and importance, and one which these
gentlemen, of known ability and high character, seem to have considered
with great attention and care. Not having the time to form a mature
judgment of my own as to whether the plan they suggest is the best, I
submit the whole subject to Congress, deeming that their attention thereto
is almost imperatively demanded.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL HURLBUT.

[Cipher.]

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., December 17, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL HURLBUT, Memphis, Tenn.:

I understand you have under sentence of death, a tall old man, by the name
of Henry F. Luckett. I personally knew him, and did not think him a bad
man. Please do not let him be executed unless upon further order from me,
and in the meantime send me a transcript of the record.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL U.S. GRANT.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, December 19, 1863.

GENERAL GRANT, Chattanooga, Tennessee:

The Indiana delegation in Congress, or at least a large part of them, are
very anxious that General Milroy shall enter active service again, and I
share in this feeling. He is not a difficult man to satisfy, sincerity and
courage being his strong traits. Believing in our cause, and wanting
to fight for it, is the whole matter with him. Could you, without
embarrassment, assign him a place, if directed to report to you?


A. LINCOLN.




TO SECRETARY STANTON.

(Private.)

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., December 21, 1863.

HON. SECRETARY OF WAR.

MY DEAR SIR:--Sending a note to the Secretary of the Navy, as I promised,
he called over and said that the strikes in the ship-yards had thrown
the completion of vessels back so much that he thought General Gilimore's
proposition entirely proper. He only wishes (and in which I concur) that
General Gillmore will courteously confer with, and explain to, Admiral
Dahlgren.

In regard to the Western matter, I believe the program will have to stand
substantially as I first put it. Henderson, and especially Brown, believe
that the social influence of St. Louis would inevitably tell injuriously
upon General Pope in the particular difficulty existing there, and I think
there is some force in that view.

As to retaining General Schofield temporarily, if this should be done,
I believe I should scarcely be able to get his nomination through the
Senate. Send me over his nomination, which, however, I am not quite ready
to send to the Senate.

Yours as ever,


A. LINCOLN.




TO O. D. FILLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 22, 1863.

O. D. FILLEY, ST. Louis, Missouri:

I have just looked over a petition signed by some three dozen citizens of
St. Louis, and three accompanying letters, one by yourself, one by a Mr.
Nathan Ranney, and one by a Mr. John D. Coalter, the whole relating to the
Rev. Dr. McPheeters. The petition prays, in the name of justice and mercy,
that I will restore Dr. McPheeters to all his ecclesiastical rights. This
gives no intimation as to what ecclesiastical rights are withheld.

Your letter states that Provost-Marshal Dick, about a year ago, ordered
the arrest of Dr. McPheeters, pastor of the Vine Street Church, prohibited
him from officiating, and placed the management of the affairs of the
church out of the control of its chosen trustees; and near the close
you state that a certain course "would insure his release." Mr. Ranney's
letter says: "Dr. Samuel S. McPheeters is enjoying all the rights of a
civilian, but cannot preach the Gospel!!!!" Mr. Coalter, in his letter,
asks: "Is it not a strange illustration of the condition of things, that
the question of who shall be allowed to preach in a church in St. Louis
shall be decided by the President of the United States?"

Now, all this sounds very strangely; and, withal, a little as if you
gentlemen making the application do not understand the case alike; one
affirming that the doctor is enjoying all the rights of a civilian, and
another pointing out to me what will secure his release! On the second day
of January last, I wrote to General Curtis in relation to Mr. Dick's order
upon Dr. McPheeters; and, as I suppose the doctor is enjoying all the
rights of a civilian, I only quote that part of my letter which relates
to the church. It is as follows: "But I must add that the United States
Government must not, as by this order, undertake to run the churches. When
an individual, in a church or out of it, becomes dangerous to the public
interest, he must be checked; but the churches, as such, must take care
of themselves. It will not do for the United States to appoint trustees,
supervisors, or other agents for the churches."

This letter going to General Curtis, then in command there, I supposed, of
course, it was obeyed, especially as I heard no further complaint from
Dr. McPheeters or his friends for nearly an entire year. I have never
interfered, nor thought of interfering, as to who shall or shall not
preach in any church; nor have I knowingly or believingly tolerated any
one else to so interfere by my authority. If any one is so interfering by
color of my authority, I would like to have it specifically made known
to me. If, after all, what is now sought is to have me put Dr. McPheeters
back over the heads of a majority of his own congregation, that, too, will
be declined. I will not have control of any church on any side.

Yours respectfully,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO MILITARY COMMANDER AT POINT LOOKOUT.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 22, 1863.

MILITARY COMMANDER, Point Lookout, Md.:

If you have a prisoner by the name Linder--Daniel Linder, I think, and
certainly the son of U. F. Linder, of Illinois, please send him to me by
an officer.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO MILITARY COMMANDER AT POINT LOOKOUT.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., December 24, 1863.

MILITARY COMMANDER, Point Lookout, Md.:

If you send Linder to me as directed a day or two ago, also send Edwin C.
Claybrook, of Ninth Virginia rebel cavalry.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO U. F. LINDER.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON D. C., December 26, 1863.

HON. U. F. LINDER, Chicago, Ill.: Your son Dan has just left me with
my order to the Secretary of War, to administer to him the oath of
allegiance, discharge him and send him to you.


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL N. P. BANKS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 29, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL BANKS:

Yours of the sixteenth is received, and I send you, as covering the ground
of it, a copy of my answer to yours of the sixth, it being possible the
original may not reach you. I intend you to be master in every controversy
made with you.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BUTLER.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., December 30, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL BUTLER, Fort Monroe, Va.:

Jacob Bowers is fully pardoned for past offence, upon condition that he
returns to duty and re-enlists for three years or during the war.


A. LINCOLN.




TO SECRETARY STANTON.

EXECUTIVE MANSION WASHINGTON, December 31, 1863.

HON. SECRETARY OF WAR.

SIR:--Please fix up the department to which Curtis is to go, without
waiting to wind up the Missouri matter. Lane is very anxious to have Fort
Smith in it, and I am willing, unless there be decided military reasons to
the contrary, in which case of course, I am not for it. It will oblige me
to have the Curtis department fixed at once.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




1864



TELEGRAM TO GENERAL SULLIVAN.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D.C., January 1, 1864. 3.30 p.m.

GENERAL SULLIVAN, Harper's Ferry:

Have you anything new from Winchester, Martinsburg or thereabouts?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR PIERPOINT.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., January 2, 1864.

GOVERNOR PIERPOINT, Alexandria, Va.:

Please call and see me to-day if not too inconvenient.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BUTLER.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 2, 1864

MAJOR-GENERAL BUTLER.

SIR:--The Secretary of War and myself have concluded to discharge of the
prisoners at Point Lookout the following classes: First, those who will
take the oath prescribed in the proclamation of December 8, and issued by
the consent of General Marston, will enlist in our service. Second, those
who will take the oath and be discharged and whose homes lie safely within
our military lines.

I send by Mr. Hay this letter and a blank-book and some other blanks, the
way of using which I propose for him to explain verbally better than I can
in writing.

Yours, very truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL MEADE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 5, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE:

If not inconsistent with the service, please allow General William Harrow
as long a leave of absence as the rules permit with the understanding that
I may lengthen it if I see fit. He is an acquaintance and friend of mine,
and his family matters very urgently require his presence.


A. LINCOLN.




MESSAGE TO CONGRESS,

JANUARY 5, 1864.

GENTLEMEN OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:

By a joint resolution of your honorable bodies approved December 23, 1863,
the paying of bounties to veteran volunteers, as now practiced by the
War Department, is, to the extent of three hundred dollars in each case,
prohibited after this 5th day of the present month. I transmit for your
consideration a communication from the Secretary of War, accompanied by
one from the Provost-Marshal General to him, both relating to the subject
above mentioned. I earnestly recommend that the law be so modified as to
allow bounties to be paid as they now are, at least until the ensuing 1st
day of February.

I am not without anxiety lest I appear to be importunate in thus recalling
your attention to a subject upon which you have so recently acted, and
nothing but a deep conviction that the public interest demands it could
induce me to incur the hazard of being misunderstood on this point. The
Executive approval was given by me to the resolution mentioned, and it
is now by a closer attention and a fuller knowledge of facts that I feel
constrained to recommend a reconsideration of the subject.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR BRAMLETTE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 6, 1864. 2 P.M.

GOVERNOR BRAMLETTE, Frankfort, Kentucky:

Yours of yesterday received. Nothing is known here about General Foster's
order, of which you complain, beyond the fair presumption that it comes
from General Grant, and that it has an object which, if you understood,
you would be loath to frustrate. True, these troops are, in strict law,
only to be removed by my order; but General Grant's judgment would be the
highest incentive to me to make such order. Nor can I understand how doing
so is bad faith and dishonor, nor yet how it so exposes Kentucky to ruin.
Military men here do not perceive how it exposes Kentucky, and I am sure
Grant would not permit it if it so appeared to him.


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL Q. A. GILLMORE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 13, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL GILLMORE:

I understand an effort is being made by some worthy gentlemen to
reconstruct a legal State government in Florida. Florida is in your
Department, and it is not unlikely you may be there in person. I have
given Mr. Hay a commission of major, and sent him to you, with some
blank-books and other blanks, to aid in the reconstruction. He will
explain as to the manner of using the blanks, and also my general views on
the subject. It is desirable for all to co-operate, but if irreconcilable
differences of opinion shall arise, you are master. I wish the thing done
in the most speedy way, so that when done it be within the range of the
late proclamation on the subject. The detail labor will, of course, have
to be done by others; but I will be greatly obliged if you will give
it such general supervision as you can find consistent with your more
strictly military duties.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR BROUGH. EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 15,
1864.

GOVERNOR BROUGH, Columbus, Ohio:

If Private William G. Toles, of Fifty-ninth Ohio Volunteers, returns to
his regiment and faithfully serves out his term, he is fully pardoned for
all military offenses prior to this.


A. LINCOLN.




TO CROSBY AND NICHOLS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 16, 1864.

MESSRS. CROSBY AND NICHOLS.

GENTLEMEN: The number for this month and year of the North American Review
was duly received, and for which please accept my thanks. Of course I am
not the most impartial judge; yet, with due allowance for this, I venture
to hope that the article entitled "The President's Policy" will be of
value to the country. I fear I am not worthy of all which is therein
kindly said of me personally.

The sentence of twelve lines, commencing at the top of page 252, I could
wish to be not exactly what it is. In what is there expressed, the writer
has not correctly understood me. I have never had a theory that secession
could absolve States or people from their obligations. Precisely the
contrary is asserted in the inaugural address; and it was because of my
belief in the continuation of those obligations that I was puzzled, for
a time, as to denying the legal rights of those citizens who remained
individually innocent of treason or rebellion. But I mean no more now than
to merely call attention to this point.

Yours respectfully,


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL P. STEELE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 20, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL STEELE:

Sundry citizens of the State of Arkansas petition me that an election may
be held in that State, at which to elect a Governor; that it be assumed
at that election, and thenceforward, that the constitution and laws of
the State, as before the rebellion, are in full force, except that the
constitution is so modified as to declare that there shall be neither
slavery nor involuntary servitude, except in the punishment of crimes
whereof the party shall have been duly convicted; that the General
Assembly may make such provisions for the freed people as shall recognize
and declare their permanent freedom, and provide for their education, and
which may yet be construed as a temporary arrangement suitable to their
condition as a laboring, landless, and homeless class; that said election
shall be held on the 28th of March, 1864, at all the usual places of the
State, or all such as voters may attend for that purpose, that the voters
attending at eight o'clock in the morning of said day may choose judges
and clerks of election for such purpose; that all persons qualified
by said constitution and laws, and taking the oath presented in the
President's proclamation of December 8, 1863, either before or at the
election, and none others, may be voters; that each set of judges and
clerks may make returns directly to you on or before the --th day of ----
next; that in all other respects said election may be conducted according
to said constitution and laws: that on receipt of said returns, when five
thousand four hundred and six votes shall have been cast, you can receive
said votes, and ascertain all who shall thereby appear to have been
elected; that on the --th day of ------ next, all persons so appearing to
have been elected, who shall appear before you at Little Rock, and take
the oath, to be by you severally administered, to support the Constitution
of the United States and said modified Constitution of the State of
Arkansas, may be declared by you qualified and empowered to enter
immediately upon the duties of the offices to which they shall have been
respectively elected.

You will please order an election to take place on the 28th of March,
1864, and returns to be made in fifteen days thereafter.


A. LINCOLN.




MESSAGE TO CONGRESS, JANUARY 20, 1864

GENTLEMEN OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:

In accordance with a letter addressed by the Secretary of State, with my
approval, to the Hon. Joseph A. Wright, of Indiana, that patriotic and
distinguished gentleman repaired to Europe and attended the International
Agricultural Exhibition, held at Hamburg last year, and has since his
return made a report to me, which, it is believed, can not fail to be
of general interest, and especially so to the agricultural community. I
transmit for your consideration copies of the letters and report. While
it appears by the letter that no reimbursement of expenses or compensation
was promised him, I submit whether reasonable allowance should not be made
him for them.


A. LINCOLN.




ORDER APPROVING TRADE REGULATIONS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 26, 1864.

I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States having seen and
considered the additional regulations of trade prescribed by the Secretary
of the Treasury, and numbered LI, LII, LIII, LIV, LV, and LVI, do hereby
approve the same; and I further declare and order that all property
brought in for sale, in good faith, and actually sold in pursuance of said
Regulations LII, LIII, LIV, LV, and LVI, after the same shall have taken
effect and come in force as provided in Regulation LVI, shall be exempt
from confiscation or forfeiture to the United States.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL FOSTER.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., January 27, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL FOSTER, Knoxville, Tenn.:

Is a supposed correspondence between General Longstreet and yourself about
the amnesty proclamation, which is now in the newspapers, genuine?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO E. STANLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 28, 1864

HON. EDWARD STANLEY, San Francisco, Cal.:

Yours of yesterday received. We have rumors similar to the dispatch
received by you, but nothing very definite from North Carolina. Knowing
Mr. Stanley to be an able man, and not doubting that he is a patriot, I
should be glad for him to be with his old acquaintances south of Virginia,
but I am unable to suggest anything definite upon the subject.


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK.

EXECUTIVE MANSION

WASHINGTON, January 28, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK:

Some citizens of Missouri, vicinity of Kansas City, are apprehensive that
there is special danger of renewed troubles in that neighborhood, and
thence on the route toward New Mexico. I am not impressed that the danger
is very great or imminent, but I will thank you to give Generals Rosecrans
and Curtis, respectively, such orders as may turn their attention thereto
and prevent as far as possible the apprehended disturbance.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL SICKLES.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 29, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL SICKLES, New York:

Could you, without it being inconvenient or disagreeable to yourself,
immediately take a trip to Arkansas for me?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR BRAMLETTE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., January 31, 1864.

GOVERNOR BRAMLETTE, Frankfort, Ky.:

General Boyle's resignation is accepted, so that your Excellency can give
him the appointment proposed.


A. LINCOLN.




COLONIZATION EXPERIMENT

ORDER TO SECRETARY STANTON.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, February 1, 1864

HON. EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War.

SIR:-You are directed to have a transport (either a steam or sailing
vessel, as may be deemed proper by the Quartermaster-General) sent to the
colored colony established by the United States at the island of Vache,
on the coast of San Domingo, to bring back to this country such of the
colonists there as desire to return. You will have the transport furnished
with suitable supplies for that purpose, and detail an officer of the
Quartermaster's Department, who, under special instructions to be given,
shall have charge of the business. The colonists will be brought to
Washington, unless otherwise hereafter directed, and be employed and
provided for at the camps for colored persons around that city. Those only
will be brought from the island who desire to return, and their effects
will be brought with them.


A. LINCOLN.




ORDER FOR A DRAFT OF FIVE HUNDRED THOUSAND MEN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, February 1, 1864.

Ordered, That a draft of five hundred thousand (500,000) men, to serve for
three years or during the war, be made on the tenth (10th) day of March
next, for the military service of the United States, crediting and
deducting therefrom so many as may have been enlisted or drafted into the
service prior to the first (1st) day of March, and not before credited.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR YATES.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February 3, 1864.

GOVERNOR YATES, Springfield, Ill.:

The United States Government lot in Springfield can be used for a
soldiers' home, with the understanding that the Government does not incur
any expense in the case.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR MURPHY.

WASHINGTON, February 6, 1864.

GOVERNOR J. MURPHY:

My order to General Steele about an election was made in ignorance of
the action your convention had taken or would take. A subsequent letter
directs General Steele to aid you on your own plan, and not to thwart or
hinder you. Show this to him.


A. LINCOLN.




THE STORY OF THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION

TOLD BY THE PRESIDENT, TO THE ARTIST F. B. CARPENTER,

FEBRUARY 6, 1864.

"It had got to be," said Mr. Lincoln, "midsummer, 1862. Things had gone on
from bad to worse, until I felt that we had reached the end of our rope on
the plan of operations we had been pursuing; that we had about played our
last card, and must change our tactics, or lose the game. I now determined
upon the adoption of the emancipation policy; and without consultation
with, or the knowledge of, the Cabinet, I prepared the original draft
of the proclamation, and, after much anxious thought, called a Cabinet
meeting upon the subject. This was the last of July or the first part of
the month of August, 1862. [The exact date was July 22, 1862.]... All were
present excepting Mr. Blair, the Postmaster-General, who was absent at the
opening of the discussion, but came in subsequently. I said to the Cabinet
that I had resolved upon this step, and had not called them together to
ask their advice, but to lay the subject-matter of a proclamation before
them, suggestions as to which would be in order after they had heard it
read. Mr. Lovejoy was in error when he informed you that it excited no
comment excepting on the part of Secretary Seward. Various suggestions
were offered. Secretary Chase wished the language stronger in reference to
the arming of the blacks.

"Mr. Blair, after he came in, deprecated the policy on the ground that it
would cost the administration the fall elections. Nothing, however, was
offered that I had not already fully anticipated and settled in my mind,
until Secretary Seward spoke. He said in substance, 'Mr. President, I
approve of the proclamation, but I question the expediency of its issue
at this juncture. The depression of the public mind, consequent upon our
repeated reverses, is so great that I fear the effect of so important a
step. It may be viewed as the last measure of an exhausted government,
a cry for help; the government stretching forth its hands to Ethiopia,
instead of Ethiopia stretching forth her hands to the government.' His
idea," said the President, "was that it would be considered our last
shriek on the retreat." [This was his precise expression.] 'Now,'
continued Mr. Seward, 'while I approve the measure, I suggest, sir, that
you postpone its issue until you can give it to the country supported by
military success, instead of issuing it, as would be the case now, upon
the greatest disasters of the war.' Mr. Lincoln continued "The wisdom of
the view of the Secretary of State struck me with very great force. It
was an aspect of the case that, in all my thought upon the subject, I
had entirely overlooked. The result was that I put the draft of the
proclamation aside, as you do your sketch for a picture, waiting for a
victory.

"From time to time I added or changed a line, touching it up here and
there, anxiously watching the process of events. Well, the next news we
had was of Pope's disaster at Bull Run. Things looked darker than ever.
Finally came the week of the battle of Antietam. I determined to wait no
longer. The news came, I think, on Wednesday, that the advantage was on
our side. I was then staying at the Soldiers' Home [three miles out of
Washington]. Here I finished writing the second draft of the preliminary
proclamation; came up on Saturday; called the Cabinet together to hear it,
and it was published on the following Monday."




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL SEDGWICK.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February 11, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL SEDGWICK, Army of Potomac:

Unless there be some strong reason to the contrary, please send General
Kilpatrick to us here, for two or three days.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO HORACE MAYNARD.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February 13, 1864.

HON. HORACE MAYNARD, Nashville, Tenn.:

Your letter of [the] second received. Of course Governor Johnson will
proceed with reorganization as the exigencies of the case appear to him to
require. I do not apprehend he will think it necessary to deviate from my
views to any ruinous extent. On one hasty reading I see no such deviation
in his program, which you send.


A. LINCOLN.




TO W. M. FISHBACK.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, February 17, 1864.

WILLIAM M. FISHBACK, Little Rock, Arkansas:

When I fixed a plan for an election in Arkansas I did it in ignorance that
your convention was doing the same work. Since I learned the latter fact
I have been constantly trying to yield my plan to them. I have sent two
letters to General Steele, and three or four despatches to you and others,
saying that he, General Steele, must be master, but that it will probably
be best for him to merely help the convention on its own plan. Some single
mind must be master, else there will be no agreement in anything, and
General Steele, commanding the military and being on the ground, is the
best man to be that master. Even now citizens are telegraphing me to
postpone the election to a later day than either that fixed by the
convention or by me. This discord must be silenced.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL STEELE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February 17, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL STEELE, Little Rock, Arkansas:

The day fixed by the convention for the election is probably the best,
but you on the ground, and in consultation with gentlemen there, are to
decide. I should have fixed no day for an election, presented no plan for
reconstruction, had I known the convention was doing the same things. It
is probably best that you merely assist the convention on their own
plan, as to election day and all other matters I have already written and
telegraphed this half a dozen times.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO A. ROBINSON.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February 18, 1864.

A. ROBINSON, Leroy, N. Y.:

The law only obliges us to keep accounts with States, or at most
Congressional Districts, and it would overwhelm us to attempt in counties,
cities and towns. Nevertheless we do what we can to oblige in particular
cases. In this view I send your dispatch to the Provost-Marshal General,
asking him to do the best he can for you.


A. LINCOLN.




PROCLAMATION CONCERNING BLOCKADE, FEBRUARY 18, 1864.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES

A Proclamation.

Whereas, by my proclamation of the nineteenth of April, one thousand eight
hundred and sixty-one, the ports of the States of South Carolina, Georgia,
Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas were, for reasons
therein set forth, placed under blockade; and whereas, the port of
Brownsville, in the district of Brazos Santiago, in the State of Texas,
has since been blockaded, but as the blockade of said port may now be
safely relaxed with advantage to the interests of commerce:

Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the
United States, pursuant to the authority in me vested by the fifth section
of the act of Congress approved on the 13th of July, 1861, entitled "An
act further to provide for the collection of duties on imports, and for
other purposes," do hereby declare that the blockade of the said port of
Brownsville shall so far cease and determine from and after this date,
that commercial intercourse with said port, except as to persons, things,
and information hereinafter specified, may, from this date, be carried on,
subject to the laws of the United States, to the regulations prescribed
by the Secretary of the Treasury, and, until the rebellion shall have been
suppressed, to such orders as may be promulgated by the general commanding
the department, or by an officer duly authorized by him and commanding at
said port. This proclamation does not authorize or allow the shipment
or conveyance of persons in, or intending to enter, the service of the
insurgents, or of things or information intended for their use, or for
their aid or comfort, nor, except upon the permission of the Secretary
of War, or of some officer duly authorized by him, of the following
prohibited articles, namely: cannon, mortars, firearms, pistols, bombs,
grenades, powder, saltpeter, sulphur, balls, bullets, pikes, swords,
boarding-caps (always excepting the quantity of the said articles which
may be necessary for the defense of the ship and those who compose the
crew), saddles, bridles, cartridge-bag material, percussion and other
caps, clothing adapted for uniforms; sail-cloth of all kinds, hemp and
cordage, intoxicating drinks other than beer and light native wines.

To vessels clearing from foreign ports and destined to the port of
Brownsville, opened by this proclamation, licenses will be granted by
consuls of the United States upon satisfactory evidence that the vessel
so licensed will convey no persons, property, or information excepted or
prohibited above, either to or from the said port; which licenses shall
be exhibited to the collector of said port immediately on arrival, and,
if required, to any officer in charge of the blockade, and on leaving said
port every vessel will be required to have a clearance from the collector
of the customs, according to law, showing no violation of the conditions
of the license. Any violations of said conditions will involve the
forfeiture and condemnation of the vessel and cargo, and the exclusion of
all parties concerned from any further privilege of entering the United
States during the war for any purpose whatever.

In all respects, except as herein specified, the existing blockade remains
in full force and effect as hitherto established and maintained, nor is
it relaxed by this proclamation except in regard to the port to which
relaxation is or has been expressly applied.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington, this
eighteenth day of February, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight
hundred and sixty-four, and of the independence of the United States the
eighty-eighth.


A. LINCOLN.

By the President   WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.




TELEGRAM TO COMMANDER BLAKE.

EXECUTIVE, MANSION, February 19, 1864.

COMMANDER GEORGE S. BLAKE, Commandant Naval Academy, Newport, R. I.:

I desire the case of Midshipman C. Lyon re-examined and if not clearly
inconsistent I shall be much obliged to have the recommendation changed.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM FROM WARREN JORDAN.

NASHVILLE, February 20, 1864.

HON. W. H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, Washington, D.C.:

In county and State elections, must citizens of Tennessee take the oath
prescribed by Governor Johnson, or will the President's oath of amnesty
entitle them to vote? I have been appointed to hold the March election in
Cheatham County, and wish to act understandingly.

WARREN JORDAN.


WASHINGTON, February 20, 1864.

WARREN JORDAN, NASHVILLE:

In county elections you had better stand by Governor Johnson's plan;
otherwise you will have conflict and confusion. I have seen his plan.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL ROSECRANS.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., February 22, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL ROSECRANS, Saint LOUIS, MO.:

Colonel Sanderson will be ordered to you to-day, a mere omission that it
was not done before. The other questions in your despatch I am not yet
prepared to answer.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL STEELE.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., February 22, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL STEELE, Little Rock, Ark.:

Yours of yesterday received. Your conference with citizens approved. Let
the election be on the 14th of March as they agreed.


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL F. STEELE.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, February 25, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL STEELE, Little Rock, Arkansas:

General Sickles is not going to Arkansas. He probably will make a tour
down the Mississippi and home by the gulf and ocean, but he will not
meddle in your affairs.

At one time I did intend to have him call on you and explain more fully
than I could do by letter or telegraph, so as to avoid a difficulty coming
of my having made a plan here, while the convention made one there, for
reorganizing Arkansas; but even his doing that has been given up for
more than two weeks. Please show this to Governor Murphy to save me
telegraphing him.


A. LINCOLN.




DESERTERS DEATH SENTENCES REMITTED

GENERAL ORDERS, NO.76.

WAR DEPARTMENT, ADJUTANT-GENERALS OFFICE,

WASHINGTON, February 26, 1864.

Sentence of Deserters.

The President directs that the sentences of all deserters who have been
condemned by court-martial to death, and that have not been otherwise
acted upon by him, be mitigated to imprisonment during the war at the Dry
Tortugas, Florida, where they will be sent under suitable guards by orders
from army commanders.

The commanding generals, who have power to act on proceedings of
courts-martial in such cases, are authorized in special cases to restore
to duty deserters under sentence, when in their judgment the service will
be thereby benefited.

Copies of all orders issued under the foregoing instructions will be
immediately forwarded to the Adjutant-General and to the Judge-Advocate
General.

By order of the Secretary of War: B. D. TOWNSEND, Assistant
Adjutant-General




FEMALE SPY

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BUTLER.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February 26, 1864

MAJOR-GENERAL BUTLER, Fort. Monroe, Va.:

I cannot remember at whose request it was that I gave the pass to Mrs.
Bulky. Of course detain her, if the evidence of her being a spy is strong
against her.


A. LINCOLN.




TO W. JAYNE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February 26, 1864.

HON. W. JAYNE.

DEAR SIR--I dislike to make changes in office so long as they can
be avoided. It multiplies my embarrassments immensely. I dislike two
appointments when one will do. Send me the name of some man not the
present marshal, and I will nominate him to be Provost-Marshal for Dakota.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TO E. H. EAST.

WASHINGTON, February 27, 1864.

HON. E. H: EAST, Secretary of State, Nashville, Tennessee

Your telegram of the twenty-sixth instant asking for a copy of my despatch
to Warren Jordan, Esq., at Nashville Press office, has just been referred
to me by Governor Johnson. In my reply to Mr. Jordan, which was brief
and hurried, I intended to say that in the county and State elections of
Tennessee, the oath prescribed in the proclamation of Governor Johnson on
the twenty-sixth of January, 1864, ordering an election in Tennessee on
the first Saturday in March next, is entirely satisfactory to me as a test
of loyalty of all persons proposing or offering to vote in said elections;
and coming from him would better be observed and followed. There is
no conflict between the oath of amnesty in my proclamation of eighth
December, 1863, and that prescribed by Governor Johnson in his
proclamation of the twenty-sixth ultimo.

No person who has taken the oath of amnesty of eighth December, 1863, and
obtained a pardon thereby, and who intends to observe the same in good
faith, should have any objection to taking that prescribed by Governor
Johnson as a test of loyalty.

I have seen and examined Governor Johnson's proclamation, and am entirely
satisfied with his plan, which is to restore the State government and
place it under the control of citizens truly loyal to the Government of
the United States.


A. LINCOLN.

Please send above to Governor Johnson. A. L.




TO SECRETARY STANTON.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February 27, 1864

HON. SECRETARY OF WAR.

SIR:--You ask some instructions from me in relation to the Report of
Special Commission constituted by an order of the War Department, dated
December 5, 1863, "to revise the enrolment and quotas of the City and
State of New York, and report whether there be any, and what, errors or
irregularities therein, and what corrections, if any, should be made."

In the correspondence between the Governor of New York and myself last
summer, I understood him to complain that the enrolments in several of the
districts of that State had been neither accurately nor honestly made;
and in view of this, I, for the draft then immediately ensuing, ordered an
arbitrary reduction of the quotas in several of the districts wherein they
seemed too large, and said: "After this drawing, these four districts,
and also the seventeenth and twenty-ninth, shall be carefully re-enrolled,
and, if you please, agents of yours may witness every step of the
process." In a subsequent letter I believe some additional districts were
put into the list of those to be re-enrolled. My idea was to do the work
over according to the law, in presence of the complaining party, and
thereby to correct anything which might be found amiss. The commission,
whose work I am considering, seem to have proceeded upon a totally
different idea. Not going forth to find men at all, they have proceeded
altogether upon paper examinations and mental processes. One of their
conclusions, as I understand, is that, as the law stands, and attempting
to follow it, the enrolling officers could not have made the enrolments
much more accurately than they did. The report on this point might be
useful to Congress. The commission conclude that the quotas for the draft
should be based upon entire population, and they proceed upon this basis
to give a table for the State of New York, in which some districts are
reduced and some increased. For the now ensuing draft, let the quotas
stand as made by the enrolling officers, in the districts wherein this
table requires them to be increased; and let them be reduced according to
the table in the others: this to be no precedent for subsequent action.
But, as I think this report may, on full consideration, be shown to have
much that is valuable in it, I suggest that such consideration be given
it, and that it be especially considered whether its suggestions can be
conformed to without an alteration of the law.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.



TELEGRAM TO GENERAL THOMAS.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, February 28, 1864.

GENERAL L. THOMAS, Louisville, Kentucky:

I see your despatch of yesterday to the Secretary of War.

I wish you would go to the Mississippi River at once, and take hold of and
be master in the contraband and leasing business. You understand it better
than any other man does. Mr. Miller's system doubtless is well intended,
but from what I hear I fear that, if persisted in, it would fall dead
within its own entangling details. Go there and be the judge. A Mr. Lewis
will probably follow you with something from me on this subject, but do
not wait for him. Nor is this to induce you to violate or neglect any
military order from the General-in-Chief or Secretary of War.


A. LINCOLN.




TO SECRETARY CHASE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February 29, 1864.

HON. SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY.

MY DEAR SIR:--I would have taken time to answer yours of the 22d inst.
sooner, only that I did not suppose any evil could result from the delay,
especially as, by a note, I promptly acknowledged the receipt of yours,
and promised a fuller answer. Now, on consideration I find there is really
very little to say. My knowledge of Mr. Pomeroy's letter having been made
public came to me only the day you wrote; but I had, in spite of myself,
known of its existence several days before. I have not yet read it, and I
think I shall not. I was not shocked or surprised by the appearance of
the letter, because I had had knowledge of Mr. Pomeroy's committee, and of
secret issues which, I supposed, came from it, and of secret agents who,
I supposed, were sent out by it for several weeks. I have known just as
little a these things as my friends have allowed me to know. They bring
the documents to me, but I do not read them; they tell me what they think
fit to tell me, but I do not inquire for more.

I fully concur with you that neither of us can justly be held responsible
for what our respective friends may do without our instigation or
countenance and I assure you, as you have assured me, that no assault has
been made upon you by my instigation, or with my countenance.

Whether you shall remain at the head of the Treasury Department is a
question which I will not allow myself to consider from any standpoint
other than my judgment of the public service, and, in that view, I do not
perceive occasion for a change.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL THOMAS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION WASHINGTON, March 1,1864.

GENERAL L. THOMAS:

This introduces Mr. Lewis, mentioned in my despatch sent you at Louisville
some days ago. I have but little personal acquaintance with him; but he
has the confidence of several members of Congress here who seem to know
him well. He hopes to be useful, without charge to the government, in
facilitating the introduction of the free-labor system on the Mississippi
plantations. He is acquainted with, and has access to, many of the
planters who wish to adopt the system. He will show you two letters of
mine on this subject, one somewhat General, and the other relating to
named persons; they are not different in principle. He will also show you
some suggestions coming from some of the planters themselves. I desire
that all I promise in these letters, so far as practicable, may be in good
faith carried out, and that suggestions from the planters may be heard
and adopted, so far as they may not contravene the principles stated, nor
justice, nor fairness, to laborers. I do not herein intend to overrule
your own mature judgment on any point.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL STEELE.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., March 3, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL STEELE, Little Rock, Ark.:

Yours including address to people of Arkansas is received. I approve the
address and thank you for it. Yours in relation to William M. Randolph
also received. Let him take the oath of December 8, and go to work for the
new constitution, and on your notifying me of it, I will immediately issue
the special pardon for him.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BUTLER.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, March 4,1864. MAJOR-GENERAL BUTLER, Fort
Monroe, Va.:

Admiral Dahlgren is here, and of course is very anxious about his son.
Please send me at once all you know or can learn of his fate.


A. LINCOLN.




ORDER IN REGARD TO THE EXPORTATION OF TOBACCO BELONGING TO THE FRENCH
GOVERNMENT.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,

WASHINGTON, March 7, 1864.

Whereas, by an Executive order of the 10th of November last permission was
given to export certain tobacco belonging to the French government from
insurgent territory, which tobacco was supposed to have been purchased
and paid for prior to the 4th day of March, 1861; but whereas it was
subsequently ascertained that a part at least of the said tobacco had
been purchased subsequently to that date, which fact made it necessary to
suspend the carrying into effect of the said order; but whereas, pursuant
to mutual explanations, a satisfactory understanding upon the subject has
now been reached, it is directed that the order aforesaid may be carried
into effect, it being understood that the quantity of French tobacco so to
be exported shall not exceed seven thousand hogsheads, and that it is
the same tobacco respecting the exportation of which application Was
originally made by the French government.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO UNITED STATES MARSHAL, LOUISVILLE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, March 7, 1864.

U.S. MARSHAL, Louisville, Ky.:

Until further order suspend sale of property and further proceedings in
cases of the United States against Dr. John B. English, and S. S. English,
qt al., sureties for John L. Hill. Also same against same sureties for
Thomas A. Ireland.


A. LINCOLN.

MAJOR ECKERT: Please send the above dispatch. JNO. G. NICOLAY, Private
Secretary




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL MEADE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, March 9, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Army of Potomac:

New York City votes ninety-five hundred majority for allowing soldiers
to vote, and the rest of the State nearly all on the same side. Tell the
soldiers.


A. LINCOLN.




MESSAGE TO SENATE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, March 9, 1864.

TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES

In compliance with a resolution of the Senate of the 1st instant,
respecting the points of commencement of the Union Pacific Railroad, on
the one hundredth degree of west longitude, and of the branch road,
from the western boundary of Iowa to the said one hundredth degree of
longitude, I transmit the accompanying report from the Secretary of the
Interior, containing the information called for.

I deem it proper to add that on the 17th day of November last an Executive
order was made upon this subject and delivered to the vice-president of
the Union Pacific Railroad Company, which fixed the point on the western
boundary of the State of Iowa from which the company should construct
their branch road to the one hundredth degree of west longitude, and
declared it to be within the limits of the township in Iowa opposite the
town of Omaha, in Nebraska. Since then the company has represented to me
that upon actual surveys made it has determined upon the precise point of
departure of their said branch road from the Missouri River, and located
the same as described in the accompanying report of the Secretary of the
Interior, which point is within the limits designated in the order of
November last; and inasmuch as that order is not of record in any of the
Executive Departments, and the company having desired a more definite one,
I have made the order of which a copy is herewith, and caused the same to
be filed in the Department of the Interior.


A. LINCOLN.




ADDRESS TO GENERAL GRANT,

MARCH 9, 1864.

GENERAL GRANT:--The expression of the nation's approbation of what you
have already done, and its reliance on you for what remains to do in
the existing great struggle, is now presented with this commission
constituting you Lieutenant-General of the Army of the United States.

With this high honor, devolves on you an additional responsibility. As the
country herein trusts you, so, under God, it will sustain you. I scarcely
need add, that with what I here speak for the country, goes my own hearty
personal concurrence.



GENERAL GRANT'S REPLY.

Mr. PRESIDENT:--I accept this commission, with gratitude for the high
honor conferred.

With the aid of the noble armies that have fought on so many fields for
our common country, it will be my earnest endeavor not to disappoint your
expectations.

I feel the full weight of the responsibilities now devolving on me, and I
know that if they are met, it will be due to those armies; and above all,
to the favor of that Providence which leads both nations and men.




ORDER ASSIGNING U. S. GRANT COMMAND OF THE ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATES.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., March 10, 1864.

Under the authority of an act of Congress to revive the grade of
lieutenant-General in the United States Army, approved February 29, 1864,
Lieutenant-General Ulysses S. Grant, United States Army, is assigned to
the command of the Armies of the United States.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR MURPHY.

WASHINGTON, D. C., March 12, 1864.

GOVERNOR MURPHY, Little Rock, Arkansas:

I am not appointing officers for Arkansas now, and I will try to remember
your request. Do your best to get out the largest vote possible, and of
course as much of it as possible on the right side.


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL HAHN. (Private.)

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, March 13, 1864

HON. MICHAEL HAHN.

MY DEAR SIR:--I congratulate you on having fixed your name in history as
the first free-state governor of Louisiana. Now, you are about to have
a convention, which among other things will probably define the elective
franchise. I barely suggest for your private consideration, whether some
of the colored people may not be let in,--as, for instance, the very
intelligent, and especially those who have fought gallantly in our ranks.
They would probably help, in some trying time to come, to keep the
jewel of liberty within the family of freedom. But this is only a
suggestion,--not to the public, but to you alone.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




CALL FOR TWO HUNDRED THOUSAND MEN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION WASHINGTON, MARCH 14, 1864.

In order to supply the force required to be drafted for the Navy and to
provide an adequate reserve force for all contingencies, in addition
to the five hundred thousand men called for February 1, 1864, a call
is hereby made and a draft ordered for two hundred thousand men for the
military service (Army, Navy, and Marine Corps) of the United States.

The proportional quotas for the different wards, towns, townships,
precincts, or election districts, or counties, will be made known through
the Provost Marshal-General's Bureau, and account will be taken of the
credits and deficiencies on former quotas.

The 15th day of April, 1864, is designated as the time up to which the
numbers required from each ward of a city, town, etc., may be raised by
voluntary enlistment, and drafts will be made in each ward of a city,
town, etc., which shall not have filled the quota assigned to it within
the time designated for the number required to fill said quotas. The
drafts will be commenced as soon after the 15th of April as practicable.

The Government bounties as now paid continue until April I, 1864, at which
time the additional bounties cease. On and after that date one hundred
dollars bounty only will be paid, as provided by the act approved July 22,
1861.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL U. S. GRANT.

(Private.)

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, March 15, 1864

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, Nashville, Tenn.:

General McPherson having been assigned to the command of a department,
could not General Frank Blair, without difficulty or detriment to the
service, be assigned to command the Corps he commanded a while last
autumn?


A. LINCOLN.




PASS FOR GENERAL D. E. SICKLES.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, March 15, 1864.

WHOM IT MAY CONCERN

Major-General Sickles is making a tour for me from here by way of Cairo,
New Orleans, and returning by the gulf, and ocean, and all land and naval
officers and, employees are directed to furnish reasonable transportation
and other reasonable facilities to himself and personal staff not
inconsistent with the public service.


A. LINCOLN.




ORDER TO GOVERNOR HAHN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, March 15, 1864.

HIS EXCELLENCY MICHAEL HAHN, Governor of Louisiana

Until further order, you are hereby invested with the powers exercised
hitherto by the military governor of Louisiana.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




REMARKS AT A FAIR IN THE PATENT OFFICE,

WASHINGTON, MARCH 16, 1864.

LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:

I appear to say but a word. This extraordinary war in which we are engaged
falls heavily upon all classes of people but the most heavily upon the
soldier. For it has been said, "All that a man hath will he give for his
life;" and while all contribute of their substance, the soldier puts his
life at stake, and often yields it up in his country's cause. The highest
merit, then, is due to the soldier.

In this extraordinary war, extraordinary developments have manifested
themselves, such as have not been seen in former wars; and among these
manifestations nothing has been more remarkable than these fairs for the
relief of suffering soldiers and their families. And the chief agents of
these fairs are the women of America.

I am not accustomed to the use of language of eulogy: I have never studied
the art of paying compliments to women; but I must say, that if all that
has been said by orators and poets since the creation of the world in
praise of women were applied to the women of America, it would not do them
justice for their conduct during this war. I will close by saying, God
bless the women of America.




REPLY TO A COMMITTEE FROM THE WORKINGMEN'S ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK,

MARCH 21, 1864.

GENTLEMEN OF THE COMMITTEE:

The honorary membership in your association, as generously tendered, is
gratefully accepted.

You comprehend, as your address shows, that the existing rebellion means
more and tends to do more than the perpetuation of African slavery--that
it is, in fact, a war upon the rights of all working people. Partly to
show that this view has not escaped my attention, and partly that I cannot
better express myself, I read a passage from the message to Congress in
December, 1861:

"It continues to develop that the insurrection is largely, if not
exclusively, a war upon the first principle of popular government, the
rights of the people. Conclusive evidence of this is found in the most
grave and maturely considered public documents, as well as in the General
tone of the insurgents. In those documents we find the abridgment of the
existing right of suffrage, and the denial to the people of all right to
participate in the selection of public officers, except the legislature,
boldly advocated, with labored argument to prove that large control of the
people in government is the source of all political evil. Monarchy itself
is sometimes hinted at as a possible refuge from the power of the people.
In my present position I could scarcely be justified were I to omit
raising a warning voice against this approach of returning despotism.

"It is not needed, nor fitting here, that a General argument should be
made in favor of popular institutions; but there is one point, with its
connections, not so hackneyed as most others, to which I ask a brief
attention. It is the effort to place capital on an equal footing, if not
above labor, in the structure of government. It is assumed that labor
is available only in connection with capital; that nobody labors unless
somebody else, owning capital, somehow by the use of it induces him to
labor. This assumed, it is next considered whether it is best that capital
shall hire laborers, and thus induce them to work by their own consent or
buy them, and drive them to it without their consent. Having proceeded so
it is naturally concluded that all laborers are either hired laborers, or
what we call slaves. And, further, it is assumed that whoever is once a
hired laborer, is fixed in that condition for life. Now there is no such
relation between capital and labor as assumed, nor is there any such thing
as a free man being fixed for life in the condition of a hired laborer.
Both these assumptions are false, and all inferences from them are
groundless.

"Labor is prior to, and independent of, capital. Capital is only the fruit
of labor, and could never have existed if labor had not first existed.
Labor is the superior of capital, and deserves much the higher
consideration. Capital has its rights, which are as worthy of protection
as any other rights. Nor is it denied that there is, and probably always
will be, a relation between capital and labor, producing mutual benefits.
The error is in assuming that the whole labor of a community exists within
that relation. A few men own capital, and that few avoid labor themselves,
and, with their capital, hire or buy another few to labor for them. A
large majority belong to neither class--neither work for others, nor have
others working for them. In most of the Southern States, a majority of the
whole people, of all colors, are neither slaves nor masters; while in the
Northern, a large majority are neither hirers nor hired. Men with their
families, wives, sons, and daughters--work for themselves, on their
farms, in their houses, and in their shops, taking the whole product to
themselves, and asking no favors of capital on the one hand, nor of hired
laborers or slaves on the other. It is not forgotten that a considerable
number of persons mingle their own labor with capital; that is, they labor
with their own hands, and also buy or hire others to labor for them, but
this is only a mixed and not a distinct class. No principle stated is
disturbed by the existence of this mixed class.

"Again, as has already been said, there is not, of necessity, any such
thing as the free hired laborer being fixed to that condition for life.
Many independent men everywhere in these States, a few years back in their
lives, were hired laborers. The prudent penniless beginner in the world
labors for wages a while, saves a surplus with which to buy tools or land
for himself, then labors on his own account another while, and at length
hires another new beginner to help him. This is the just and generous
and prosperous system which opens the way to all--gives hope to all, and
consequent energy and progress, and improvement of condition to all.
No men living are more worthy to be trusted than those who toil up from
poverty--none less inclined to touch or take aught which they have not
honestly earned. Let them beware of surrendering a political power they
already possess, and which, if surrendered, will surely be used to close
the door of advancement against such as they, and to fix new disabilities
and burdens upon them, till all of liberty shall be lost."

The views then expressed remain unchanged, nor have I much to add. None
are so deeply interested to resist the present rebellion as the working
people. Let them beware of prejudices, working division and hostility
among themselves. The most notable feature of a disturbance in your
city last summer was the hanging of some working people by other working
people. It should never be so. The strongest bond of human sympathy,
outside of the family relation, should be one uniting all working people,
of all nations, and tongues, and kindreds. Nor should this lead to a war
upon property, or the owners of property. Property is the fruit of labor;
property is desirable; is a positive good in the world. That some
should be rich shows that others may become rich, and, hence, is just
encouragement to industry and enterprise. Let not him who is houseless
pull down the house of another, but let him labor diligently and build
one for himself, thus by example assuring that his own shall be safe from
violence when built.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BUTLER.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, March 22, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL BUTLER, Fort Monroe, Va.:

Hon. W. R. Morrison says he has requested you by letter to effect a
special exchange of Lieut. Col. A. F. Rogers, of Eightieth Illinois
Volunteers, now in Libby Prison, and I shall be glad if you can effect it.


A. LINCOLN.




CORRESPONDENCE WITH GENERAL C. SCHURZ.

( Private.)

WASHINGTON, March 13, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL SCHURZ.

MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of February 29 reached me only four days ago; but the
delay was of little consequence, because I found, on feeling around, I
could not invite you here without a difficulty which at least would be
unpleasant, and perhaps would be detrimental to the public service. Allow
me to suggest that if you wish to remain in the military service, it
is very dangerous for you to get temporarily out of it; because, with a
major-general once out, it is next to impossible for even the President
to get him in again. With my appreciation of your ability and correct
principle, of course I would be very glad to have your service for
the country in the approaching political canvass; but I fear we cannot
properly have it without separating you from the military.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




PROCLAMATION ABOUT AMNESTY,

MARCH 26, 1864.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A Proclamation.

Whereas, it has become necessary to define the cases in which insurgent
enemies are entitled to the benefits of the Proclamation of the President
of the United States, which was made on the 8th day of December, 1863,
and the manner in which they shall proceed to avail themselves of these
benefits; and whereas the objects of that Proclamation were to suppress
the insurrection and to restore the authority of the United States; and
whereas the amnesty therein proposed by the President was offered with
reference to these objects alone:

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do
hereby proclaim and declare that the said Proclamation does not apply
to the cases of persons who, at the time when they seek to obtain the
benefits thereof by taking the oath thereby prescribed, are in military,
naval, or civil confinement or custody, or under bonds, or on parole of
the civil, military, or naval authorities, or agents of the United States,
as prisoners of war, or persons detained for offences of any kind, either
before or after conviction; and that on the contrary it does apply only
to those persons who, being yet at large, and free from any arrest,
confinement, or duress, shall voluntarily come forward and take the said
oath, with the purpose of restoring peace, and establishing the national
authority.

Persons excluded from the amnesty offered in the said Proclamation may
apply to the President for clemency, like all other offenders, and their
application will receive due consideration.

I do further declare and proclaim that the oath presented in the aforesaid
proclamation of the 8th of December, 1863, may be taken and subscribed
before any commissioned officer, civil, military, or naval, in the service
of the United States, or any civil or military officer of a State or
Territory not in insurrection, who, by the laws thereof, may be qualified
for administering oaths.

All officers who receive such oaths are hereby authorized to give
certificates thereof to the persons respectively by whom they are made,
and such officers are hereby required to transmit the original records of
such oaths, at as early a day as may be convenient, to the Department of
State, where they will be deposited, and remain in the archives of the
Government.

The Secretary of State will keep a registry thereof, and will, on
application, in proper cases, issue certificates of such records in the
customary form of official certificates.

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed............


A. LINCOLN.

By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.




TO SECRETARY STANTON.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, March 28, 1864.

HON. SECRETARY OF WAR.

MY DEAR SIR:--The Governor of Kentucky is here, and desires to have the
following points definitely fixed:

First. That the quotas of troops furnished, and to be furnished, by
Kentucky may be adjusted upon the basis as actually reduced by able-bodied
men of hers having gone into the rebel service; and that she be required
to furnish no more than her just quotas upon fair adjustment upon such
basis.

Second. To whatever extent the enlistment and drafting, one or both,
of colored troops may be found necessary within the State, it may be
conducted within the law of Congress; and, so far as practicable, free
from collateral embarrassments, disorders, and provocations.

I think these requests of the Governor are reasonable; and I shall be
obliged if you will give him a full hearing, and do the best you can to
effect these objects.

Yours very truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL G. G. MEADE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, March 29, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE.

MY DEAR SIR:--Your letter to Colonel Townsend, inclosing a slip from the
"Herald," and asking a court of inquiry, has been laid before me by the
Secretary of War, with the request that I would consider it. It is quite
natural that you should feel some sensibility on the subject; yet I am not
impressed, nor do I think the country is impressed, with the belief that
your honor demands, or the public interest demands, such an inquiry. The
country knows that at all events you have done good service; and I believe
it agrees with me that it is much better for you to be engaged in trying
to do more, than to be diverted, as you necessarily would be, by a court
of inquiry.

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL U. S. GRANT.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, March 29,1864.

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, Army of the Potomac:

Captain Kinney, of whom I spoke to you as desiring to go on your staff,
is now in your camp, in company with Mrs. Senator Dixon. Mrs. Grant and I,
and some others, agreed last night that I should, by this despatch, kindly
call your attention to Captain Kinney.


A. LINCOLN.




TO A. G. HODGES.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 4, 1864.

A. G. HODGES, ESQ., Frankfort, Kentucky:

MY DEAR SIR:--You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I
verbally said the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and
Senator Dixon. It was about as follows:

"I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong, nothing is wrong.
I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel, and yet I have never
understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to
act officially upon this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took
that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect, and defend the
Constitution of the United States. I could not take the office without
taking the oath. Nor was it my view that I might take an oath to get
power, and break the oath in using the power. I understood, too, that in
ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically
indulge my primary abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I
had publicly declared this many times, and in many ways. And I aver that,
to this day, I have done no official act in mere deference to my abstract
judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath
to preserve the Constitution to the best of my ability, imposed upon me
the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government,
that nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it
possible to lose the nation and yet preserve the Constitution? By General
law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated
to save a life; but a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I
felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful, by
becoming indispensable to the preservation of the Constitution, through
the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and
now avow it. I could not feel that to the best of my ability I had even
tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any
minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and
Constitution, altogether. When, early in the war, General Fremont
attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then
think it an indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General
Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I
objected, because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity.
When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I again
forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity
had come. When, in March, and May, and July, 1862, I made earnest and
successive appeals to the Border States to favor compensated emancipation,
I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and
arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They
declined the proposition, and I was, in my best judgment, driven to
the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the
Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose
the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss, but of
this I was not entirely confident. More than a year of trial now shows no
loss by it in our foreign relations, none in our home popular sentiment,
none in our white military force, no loss by it any how, or anywhere. On
the contrary, it shows a gain of quite one hundred and thirty thousand
soldiers, seamen, and laborers. These are palpable facts, about which, as
facts, there can be no caviling. We have the men; and we could not have
had them without the measure.

"And now let any Union man who complains of the measure test himself by
writing down in one line that he is for subduing the rebellion by force
of arms; and in the next, that he is for taking these hundred and thirty
thousand men from the Union side, and placing them where they would be but
for the measure he condemns. If he cannot face his case so stated, it is
only because he cannot face the truth."

I add a word which was not in the verbal conversation. In telling this
tale I attempt no compliment to my own sagacity. I claim not to have
controlled events, but confess plainly that events have controlled me.
Now, at the end of three years' struggle, the nation's condition is not
what either party, or any man, devised or expected. God alone can claim
it. Whither it is tending seems plain. If God now wills the removal of a
great wrong, and wills also that we of the North, as well as you of
the South, shall pay fairly for our complicity in that wrong, impartial
history will find therein new cause to attest and revere the justice and
goodness of God.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TO MRS. HORACE MANN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 5, 1864.

MRS HORACE MANN:

MADAM:--The petition of persons under eighteen, praying that I would
free all slave children, and the heading of which petition it appears you
wrote, was handed me a few days since by Senator Sumner. Please tell these
little people I am very glad their young hearts are so full of just and
generous sympathy, and that, while I have not the power to grant all they
ask, I trust they will remember that God has, and that, as it seems, he
wills to do it.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BUTLER.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 12, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL BUTLER, Fort Monroe, Va.:

I am pressed to get from Libby, by special exchange, Jacob C. Hagenbuek,
first lieutenant, Company H, Sixty-seventh Pennsylvania Volunteers. Please
do it if you can without detriment or embarrassment.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL MEADE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 17, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Army of the Potomac:

Private William Collins of Company B, of the Sixty-ninth New York
Volunteers, has been convicted of desertion, and execution suspended as
in numerous other cases. Now Captain O'Neill, commanding the regiment,
and nearly all its other regimental and company officers, petition for his
full pardon and restoration to his company. Is there any good objection?


A. LINCOLN.




LECTURE ON LIBERTY

ADDRESS AT SANITARY FAIR IN BALTIMORE,

APRIL 18, 1864.

LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:--Calling to mind that we are in Baltimore, we
cannot fail to note that the world moves. Looking upon these many people
assembled here to serve, as they best may, the soldiers of the Union, it
occurs at once that three years ago the same soldiers could not so much
as pass through Baltimore. The change from then till now is both great and
gratifying. Blessings on the brave men who have wrought the change, and
the fair women who strive to reward them for it!

But Baltimore suggests more than could happen within Baltimore. The change
within Baltimore is part only of a far wider change. When the war began,
three years ago, neither party, nor any man, expected it would last till
now. Each looked for the end, in some way, long ere to-day. Neither did
any anticipate that domestic slavery would be much affected by the war.
But here we are; the war has not ended, and slavery has been much affected
how much needs not now to be recounted. So true is it that man proposes
and God disposes.

But we can see the past, though we may not claim to have directed it;
and seeing it, in this case, we feel more hopeful and confident for the
future.

The world has never had a good definition of the word liberty, and the
American people, just now, are much in want of one. We all declare for
liberty; but in using the same word we do not all mean the same thing.
With some the word liberty may mean for each man to do as he pleases with
himself, and the product of his labor; while with others the same word may
mean for some men to do as they please with other men, and the product
of other men's labor. Here are two, not only different, but incompatible
things, called by the same name, liberty. And it follows that each of
the things is, by the respective parties, called by two different and
incompatible names--liberty and tyranny.

The shepherd drives the wolf from the sheep's throat, for which the sheep
thanks the shepherd as his liberator, while the wolf denounces him for the
same act, as the destroyer of liberty, especially as the sheep was a black
one. Plainly, the sheep and the wolf are not agreed upon a definition of
the word liberty; and precisely the same difference prevails to-day among
us human creatures, even in the North, and all professing to love liberty.
Hence we behold the process by which thousands are daily passing from
under the yoke of bondage hailed by some as the advance of liberty, and
bewailed by others as the destruction of all liberty. Recently, as it
seems, the people of Maryland have been doing something to define liberty,
and thanks to them that, in what they have done, the wolf's dictionary has
been repudiated.

It is not very becoming for one in my position to make speeches at length;
but there is another subject upon which I feel that I ought to say a word.
A painful rumor, true, I fear, has reached us, of the massacre, by
the rebel forces at Fort Pillow, in the west end of Tennessee, on the
Mississippi River, of some three hundred colored soldiers and white
officers [I believe it latter turned out to be 500], who had just been
overpowered by their assailants [numbering 5000]. There seems to be some
anxiety in the public mind whether the Government is doing its duty to the
colored soldier, and to the service, at this point. At the beginning
of the war, and for some time, the use of colored troops was not
contemplated; and how the change of purpose was wrought I will not now
take time to explain. Upon a clear conviction of duty I resolved to turn
that element of strength to account; and I am responsible for it to the
American people, to the Christian world, to history, and in my final
account to God. Having determined to use the negro as a soldier, there is
no way but to give him all the protection given to any other soldier. The
difficulty is not in stating the principle, but in practically applying
it. It is a mistake to suppose the Government is indifferent to this
matter, or is not doing the best it can in regard to it. We do not to-day
know that a colored soldier, or white officer commanding colored soldiers,
has been massacred by the rebels when made a prisoner. We fear it, we
believe it, I may say,--but we do not know it. To take the life of one of
their prisoners on the assumption that they murder ours, when it is short
of certainty that they do murder ours, might be too serious, too cruel, a
mistake. We are having the Fort Pillow affair thoroughly investigated; and
such investigation will probably show conclusively how the truth is. If
after all that has been said it shall turn out that there has been no
massacre at Fort Pillow, it will be almost safe to say there has been
none, and will be none, elsewhere. If there has been the massacre of
three hundred there, or even the tenth part of three hundred, it will be
conclusively proved; and being so proved, the retribution shall as surely
come. It will be matter of grave consideration in what exact course to
apply the retribution; but in the supposed case it must come.

[There was a massacre of a black company and their officers at Fort
Pillow--they were prisoners who later on, the day of their capture,
were ordered executed. The black soldiers were tied alive to individual
planks--then man and plank were cobbled up like cord wood and burned. The
white officers were shot. D.W.]




TO CALVIN TRUESDALE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 20, 1864.

CALVIN TRUESDALE, ESQ., Postmaster, Rock Island, Ill.:

Thomas J. Pickett, late agent of the Quartermaster 's Department for the
island of Rock Island, has been removed or suspended from that position on
a charge of having sold timber and stone from the island for his private
benefit. Mr. Pickett is an old acquaintance and friend of mine, and I will
thank you, if you will, to set a day or days and place on and at which
to take testimony on the point. Notify Mr. Pickett and one J. B. Danforth
(who, as I understand, makes the charge) to be present with their
witnesses. Take the testimony in writing offered by both sides, and report
it in full to me. Please do this for me.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO OFFICER COMMANDING AT FORT WARREN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 20, 1864.

OFFICER IN MILITARY COMMAND, Fort Warren, Boston Harbor, Mass.:

If there is a man by the name of Charles Carpenter, under sentence of
death for desertion, at Fort Warren, suspend execution until further order
and send the record of his trial. If sentenced for any other offence,
telegraph what it is and when he is to be executed. Answer at all events.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO OFFICER COMMANDING AT FORT WARREN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 21,1864.

OFFICER IN COMMAND AT FORT WARREN, Boston Harbor, Mass.:

The order I sent yesterday in regard to Charles Carpenter is hereby
withdrawn and you are to act as if it never existed.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL DIX.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., April 21, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL Dix, New York:

Yesterday I was induced to telegraph the officer in military command at
Fort Warren, Boston Harbor, Massachusetts, suspending the execution of
Charles Carpenter, to be executed tomorrow for desertion. Just now,
on reaching your order in the case, I telegraphed the same officer
withdrawing the suspension, and leave the case entirely with you. The
man's friends are pressing me, but I refer them to you, intending to take
no further action myself.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BUTLER.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 23, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL BUTLER, Fort Monroe, Va.:

Senator Ten Eyck is very anxious to have a special exchange of Capt. Frank
J. McLean, of Ninth Tennessee Cavalry now, or lately, at Johnson's Island,
for Capt. T. Ten Eyck, Eighteenth U. S. Infantry, and now at Richmond. I
would like to have it done. Can it be?


A. LINCOLN.




INDORSEMENT ON OFFER OF TROOPS, APRIL 23, 1864.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES:

1. The Governors of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, and Wisconsin offer
to the President infantry troops for the approaching campaign as follows:
Ohio, thirty thousand; Indiana, twenty thousand; Illinois, twenty
thousand; Iowa, ten thousand; Wisconsin, five thousand.

2. The term of service to be one hundred days, reckoned from the date of
muster into the service of the United States, unless sooner discharged.

3. The troops to be mustered into the service of the United States by
regiments, when the regiments are filled up, according to regulations,
to the minimum strength--the regiments to be organized according to the
regulations of the War Department. The whole number to be furnished within
twenty days from date of notice of the acceptance of this proposition.

4. The troops to be clothed, armed, equipped, subsisted; transported,
and paid as other United States infantry volunteers, and to serve in
fortifications,--or wherever their services may be required, within or
without their respective States.

5. No bounty to be paid the troops, nor the service charged or credited on
any draft.

6. The draft for three years' service to go on in any State or district
where the quota is not filled up; but if any officer or soldier in this
special service should be drafted, he shall be credited for the service
rendered.

JOHN BROUGH, Governor of Ohio. O. P. MORTON, Governor of Indiana. RICHARD
PATES, Governor of Illinois. WILLIAM M. STONE, Governor of Iowa. JAMES T.
LEWIS, Governor of Wisconsin

(Indorsement.)

April 23, 1864.

The foregoing proposition of the governors is accepted, and the Secretary
of War is directed to carry it into execution.


A. LINCOLN.




TO SECRETARY STANTON.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 23, 1864.

HON. SECRETARY OF WAR:

MY DEAR SIR:--According to our understanding with Major-General Frank P.
Blair at the time he took his seat in Congress last winter, he now asks to
withdraw his resignation as Major-General, then tendered, and be sent to
the field. Let this be done. Let the order sending him be such as shown me
to-day by the Adjutant-General, only dropping from it the names of Maguire
and Tompkins.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO JOHN WILLIAMS.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, April 25, 1864.

JOHN WILLIAMS, Springfield, Ill.:

Yours of the 15th is just received. Thanks for your kind remembrance. I
would accept your offer at once, were it not that I fear there might be
some impropriety in it, though I do not see that there would. I will think
of it a while.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL MEADE.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, April 25, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Army of Potomac:

A Mr. Corby brought you a note from me at the foot of a petition I
believe, in the case of Dawson, to be executed to-day. The record has been
examined here, and it shows too strong a case for a pardon or commutation,
unless there is something in the poor man's favor outside of the record,
which you on the ground may know, but I do not. My note to you only means
that if you know of any such thing rendering a suspension of the execution
proper, on your own judgment, you are at liberty to suspend it. Otherwise
I do not interfere.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL THOMAS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., April 26, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL THOMAS, Chattanooga, Term.:

Suspend execution of death sentence of young Perry, of Wisconsin,
condemned for sleeping on his post, till further orders, and forward
record for examination.


A. LINCOLN.




TO GOVERNOR MURPHY.

WASHINGTON, D. C., April 27, 1864.

GOVERNOR MURPHY, Little Rock, Arkansas:

I am much gratified to learn that you got out so large a vote, so nearly
all the right way, at the late election; and not less so that your State
government including the legislature, is organized and in good working
order. Whatever I can I will do to protect you; meanwhile you must do your
utmost to protect yourselves. Present my greeting to all.


A. LINCOLN.




MESSAGE TO CONGRESS, APRIL 28, 1864.

TO THE HONORABLE THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:

I have the honor to transmit herewith an address to the President of
the United States, and through him to both Houses of Congress, on the
condition and wants of the people of east Tennessee, and asking their
attention to the necessity of some action on the part of the Government
for their relief, and which address is presented by a committee of an
organization called "The East Tennessee Relief Association."

Deeply commiserating the condition of these most loyal and suffering
people, I am unprepared to make any specific recommendation for their
relief. The military is doing and will continue to do the best for them
within its power. Their address represents that the construction of direct
railroad communication between Knoxville and Cincinnati by way of central
Kentucky would be of great consequence in the present emergency. It may
be remembered that in the annual message of December, 1861, such railroad
construction was recommended. I now add that, with the hearty concurrence
of Congress, I would yet be pleased to construct a road, both for the
relief of these people and for its continuing military importance.


A. LINCOLN.




MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

APRIL 28, 1864.

TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:

In obedience to the resolution of your honorable body, a copy of which is
herewith returned, I have the honor to make the following brief statement,
which is believed to contain the information sought:

Prior to and at the meeting of the present Congress, Robert C. Schenck, of
Ohio, and Frank P. Blair, Jr., of Missouri, members elect thereto, by
and with the consent of the Senate held commissions from the Executive
as major-generals in the volunteer army. General Schenck tendered the
resignation of his said commission, and took his seat in the House of
Representatives, at the assembling thereof, upon the distinct verbal
understanding with the Secretary of War and the Executive that he might,
at any time during the session, at his own pleasure, withdraw said
resignation and return to the field.

General Blair was, by temporary assignment of General Sherman, in command
of a corps through the battles in front of Chattanooga, and in the march
to the relief of Knoxville, which occurred in the latter days of November
and early days of December last, and of course was not present at the
assembling of Congress. When he subsequently arrived here, he sought, and
was allowed by the Secretary of War and the Executive, the same conditions
and promise as allowed and made to General Schenck.

General Schenck has not applied to withdraw his resignation; but when
General Grant was made Lieutenant-General, producing some change of
commanders, General Blair sought to be assigned to the command of a corps.
This was made known to Generals Grant and Sherman, and assented to by
them, and the particular corps for him designated.

This was all arranged and understood, as now remembered, so much as a
month ago; but the formal withdrawal of General Blair's resignation,
and making the order assigning him to the command of the corps, were not
consummated at the War Department until last week, perhaps on the 23d of
April instant. As a summary of the whole, it may be stated that General
Blair holds no military commission or appointment other than as herein
stated, and that it is believed he is now acting as major-General upon the
assumed validity of the commission herein stated, in connection with the
facts herein stated, and not otherwise. There are some letters, notes,
telegrams, orders, entries, and perhaps other documents in connection with
this subject, which it is believed would throw no additional light upon
it, but which will be cheerfully furnished if desired.


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL U. S. GRANT.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 30, 1864.

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT:

Not expecting to see you before the spring campaign opens, I wish to
express in this way my entire satisfaction with what you have done up to
this time, so far as I understand it.

The particulars of your plans I neither know nor seek to know. You are
vigilant and self-reliant; and, pleased with this, I wish not to obtrude
any restraints or constraints upon you. While I am very anxious that any
great disaster or capture of our men in great number shall be avoided, I
know that these points are less likely to escape your attention than they
would be mine. If there be anything wanting which is within my power to
give, do not fail to let me know it.

And now, with a brave army and a just cause, may God sustain you.

Yours very truly,


A. LINCOLN.





MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

MAY 2, 1864.

TO THE HONORABLE THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:

In compliance with the request contained in your resolution of the 29th
ultimo, a copy of which resolution is herewith returned, I have the honor
to transmit the following:

[Correspondence and orders relating to the resignation and reinstatement
of Major-General Frank P. Blair, Jr., of Missouri.]

The foregoing constitutes all sought by the resolution so far as is
remembered or has been found upon diligent search.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL W. T. SHERMAN.

WASHINGTON, D. C., May 4, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL SHERMAN, Chattanooga, Tenn.:

I have an imploring appeal in behalf of the citizens who say your Order
No.8 will compel them to go north of Nashville. This is in no sense an
order, nor is it even a request that you will do anything which in the
least shall be a drawback upon your military operations, but anything you
can do consistently with those operations for those suffering people I
shall be glad of.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL ROSECRANS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, May 5, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL ROSECRANS, Commanding, Saint Louis, Mo.:

The President directs me to inquire whether a day has yet been fixed for
the execution of citizen Robert Louden, and if so what day?

JOHN HAY, Major and Assistant Adjutant-General.




TO MRS. S. B. McCONKEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, May 9, 1864.

MRS. SARAH B. McCONKEY, West Chester, Pa.:

MADAM:--Our mutual friend, Judge Lewis, tells me you do me the honor to
inquire for my personal welfare. I have been very anxious for some days in
regard to our armies in the field, but am considerably cheered, just now,
by favorable news from them.

I am sure you will join me in the hope for their further success; while
yourself, and other good mothers, wives, sisters, and daughters, do all
you and they can, to relieve and comfort the gallant soldiers who compose
them.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




RECOMMENDATION OF THANKSGIVING.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, May 9, 1864

TO THE FRIENDS OF UNION AND LIBERTY:

Enough is known of army operations, within the last five days, to claim
our special gratitude to God. While what remains undone demands our most
sincere prayers to and reliance upon Him (without whom all effort is
vain), I recommend that all patriots at their homes, in their places of
public worship, and wherever they may be, unite in common thanksgiving and
prayer to Almighty God.


A. LINCOLN.




RESPONSE TO A SERENADE,

MAY 9, 1864.

FELLOW-CITIZENS:--I am very much obliged to you for the compliment of this
call, though I apprehend it is owing more to the good news received to-day
from the Army, than to a desire to see me. I am indeed very grateful to
the brave men who have been struggling with the enemy in the field, to
their noble commanders who have directed them, and especially to our
Maker. Our commanders are following up their victories resolutely and
successfully. I think, without knowing the particulars of the plans of
General Grant, that what has been accomplished is of more importance than
at first appears. I believe, I know (and am especially grateful to know)
that General Grant has not been jostled in his purposes, that he has made
all his points, and to-day he is on his line as he purposed before he
moved his armies. I will volunteer to say that I am very glad at what
has happened, but there is a great deal still to be done. While we are
grateful to all the brave men and officers for the events of the past few
days, we should, above all, be very grateful to Almighty God, who gives us
victory.

There is enough yet before us requiring all loyal men and patriots to
perform their share of the labor and follow the example of the modest
General at the head of our armies, and sink all personal consideration
for the sake of the country. I commend you to keep yourselves in the same
tranquil mood that is characteristic of that brave and loyal man. I have
said more than I expected when I came before you. Repeating my thanks for
this call, I bid you good-bye.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL LEW WALLACE.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., May 10, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL WALLACE, Baltimore:

Please tell me what is the trouble with Dr. Hawks. Also please ask Bishop
Whittington to give me his view of the case.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL W. S. ROSECRANS,

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, May 11, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL ROSECRANS, St. Louis, Missouri:

Complaints are coming to me of disturbances in Canoll, Platte, and
Buchanan counties. Please ascertain the truth, correct what is found
wrong, and telegraph me.


A. LINCOLN.




TO P. B. LOOMIS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, May 12, 1864

F. B. LOOMIS, ESQ.

MY DEAR SIR:--I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your
communication of the 28th April, in which you offer to replace the present
garrison at Port Trumbull with volunteers, which you propose to raise at
your own expense. While it seems inexpedient at this time to accept
this proposition on account of the special duties now devolving upon the
garrison mentioned, I cannot pass unnoticed such a meritorious instance
of individual patriotism. Permit me, for the Government, to express my
cordial thanks to you for this generous and public-spirited offer, which
is worthy of note among the many called forth in these times of national
trial.

I am very truly, your obedient servant,


A. LINCOLN.




RESPONSE TO A METHODIST DELEGATION, MAY 14, 1864.

GENTLEMEN:-In response to your address, allow me to attest the accuracy of
its historical statements, indorse the sentiments it expresses, and thank
you in the nation's name for the sure promise it gives. Nobly sustained,
as the Government has been, by all the churches, I would utter nothing
which might in the least appear invidious against any. Yet without this,
it may fairly be said, that the Methodist Episcopal Church, not less
devoted than the best, is by its greatest numbers the most important
of all. It is no fault in others that the Methodist Church sends more
soldiers to the field, more nurses to the hospitals, and more prayers
to Heaven than--any other. God bless the Methodist Church Bless all the
churches; and blessed be God, who in this our great trial giveth us the
churches.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR YATES. EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, May 18, 1864.

His EXCELLENCY RICHARD YATES, Springfield, Ill.:

If any such proclamation has appeared, it is a forgery.


A. LINCOLN.




ARREST AND IMPRISONMENT OF IRRESPONSIBLE NEWSPAPER REPORTERS AND EDITORS

ORDER TO GENERAL J. A. DIX.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, May 18, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN A. DIX, Commanding at New York:

Whereas there has been wickedly and traitorously printed and published
this morning in the New York World and New York Journal of Commerce,
newspapers printed and published in the city of New York, a false and
spurious proclamation purporting to be signed by the President and to
be countersigned by the Secretary of State, which publication is of a
treasonable nature, designed to give aid and comfort to the enemies of
the United States and to the rebels now at war against the Government and
their aiders and abettors, you are therefore hereby commanded forthwith
to arrest and imprison in any fort or military prison in your command, the
editors, proprietors, and publishers of the aforesaid newspapers, and all
such persons as, after public notice has been given of the falsehood of
said publication, print and publish the same with intent to give aid and
comfort to the enemy; and you will hold the persons so arrested in close
custody until they can be brought to trial before a military commission
for their offense. You will also take possession by military force of the
printing establishments of the New York World and Journal of Commerce, and
hold the same until further orders, and prohibit any further publication
therefrom.


A. LINCOLN.

[On the morning of May 18, 3864, a forged proclamation was published in
the World, and Journal of Commerce, of New York. The proclamation named a
day for fasting and prayer, called for 400,000 fresh troops, and purposed
to raise by an "immediate and peremptory draft," whatever quotas were not
furnished on the day specified. Ed.]




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL B. P. BUTLER.

(Cipher.)

WASHINGTON, D. C., May 18, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL BUTLER, Bermuda Hundred, Va.:

Until receiving your dispatch of yesterday, the idea of commissions in the
volunteers expiring at the end of three years had not occurred to me. I
think no trouble will come of it; and, at all events, I shall take care of
it so far as in me lies. As to the major-generalships in the regular
army, I think I shall not dispose of another, at least until the combined
operations now in progress, under direction of General Grant, and within
which yourself and command are included, shall be terminated.

Meanwhile, on behalf of yourself, officers, and men, please accept my
hearty thanks for what you and they have so far done.


A. LINCOLN.




ORDER CONCERNING THE EXEMPTION OF AMERICAN CONSULS FROM MILITARY SERVICE

MAY 19, 1864.

It is officially announced by the State Department that citizens of the
United States holding commissions and recognized as Consuls of foreign
powers, are not by law exempt from military service if drafted:

Therefore the mere enrolment of a citizen holding a foreign consulate
will not be held to vacate his commission, but if he shall be drafted
his exequatur will be revoked unless he shall have previously resigned in
order that another Consul may be received.

An exequatur bearing date the 3d day of May, 1858, having been issued to
Charles Hunt, a citizen of the United States, recognizing him as a Consul
of Belgium for St. Louis, Missouri, and declaring him free to exercise and
enjoy such functions, powers, and privileges as are allowed to the Consuls
of the most favored nations in the United States, and the said Hunt
having sought to screen himself from his military duty to his country,
in consequence of thus being invested with the consular functions of a
foreign power in the United States, it is deemed advisable that the said
Charles Hunt should no longer be permitted to continue in the exercise of
said functions, powers, and privileges.

These are therefore to declare that I no longer recognize the said Hunt
as Consul of Belgium, for St. Louis, Missouri, and will not permit him to
exercise or enjoy any of the functions, powers or privileges allowed to
consuls of that nation, and that I do hereby wholly revoke and annul the
said exequatur heretofore given, and do declare the same to be absolutely
null and void from this day forward.

In testimony whereof, I have caused these letters to be made patent,
and the seal of the United States of America to be hereunto
affixed................


A. LINCOLN.

By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR MORTON AND OTHERS. EXECUTIVE MANSION, May 21, 1864

GOVERNOR O. P. MORTON:

The getting forward of hundred-day troops to sustain General Sherman's
lengthening lines promises much good. Please put your best efforts into
the work.


A. LINCOLN.

Same to Governor Yates, Springfield, Illinois; Governor Stone, Davenport,
Iowa; Governor Lewis, Madison, Wisconsin.




TELEGRAM TO CHRISTIANA A. SACK. WAR DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON, D. C., May 21,
1864

CHRISTIANA A. SACK, Baltimore, Md.:

I cannot postpone the execution of a convicted spy on a mere telegraphic
despatch signed with a name I never heard before. General Wallace may give
you a pass to see him if he chooses.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR BROUGH. WASHINGTON CITY, May 24, 1864.

GOVERNOR BROUGH, Columbus, Ohio:

Yours to Secretary of War [received] asking for something cheering. We
have nothing bad from anywhere. I have just seen a despatch of Grant, of
11 P.M., May 23, on the North Anna and partly across it, which ends as
follows: "Everything looks exceedingly favorable for us." We have nothing
later from him.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL MEADE. EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, May 25,1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Army of Potomac:

Mr. J. C. Swift wishes a pass from me to follow your army to pick up rags
and cast-off clothing. I will give it to him if you say so, otherwise not.


A. LINCOLN.

["No job to big or too small" for this president--not even a request from
a Rag Picker. D.W.]




MEMORANDUM CONCERNING THE TRANSPORTATION OF THE NEW YORK NAVAL BRIGADE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, May 26, 1864.

WHOM IT MAY CONCERN:

I am again pressed with the claim of Mr. Marshall O. Roberts, for
transportation of what was called the Naval Brigade from New York to
Fortress Monroe. This force was a special organization got up by one
Bartlett, in pretended pursuance of written authority from me, but in
fact, pursuing the authority in scarcely anything whatever. The
credit given him by Mr. Roberts, was given in the teeth of the express
declaration that the Government would not be responsible for the class of
expenses to which it belonged. After all some part of the transportation
became useful to the Government, and equitably should be paid for; but
I have neither time nor means to ascertain this equitable amount, or any
appropriation to pay it with if ascertained. If the Quartermaster at New
York can ascertain what would compensate for so much of the transportation
as did result usefully to the Government, it might be a step towards
reaching justice. I write this from memory, but I believe it is
substantially correct.


A. LINCOLN.




TO P. A. CONKLING AND OTHERS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,

WASHINGTON, June 3, 1864.

HON. F. A. CONKLING AND OTHERS.

GENTLEMEN:--Your letter, inviting me to be present at a mass meeting of
loyal citizens, to be held at New York on the 4th instant, for the
purpose of expressing gratitude to Lieutenant-General Grant for his signal
services, was received yesterday. It is impossible for me to attend. I
approve, nevertheless, of whatever may tend to strengthen and sustain
General Grant and the noble armies now under his direction. My previous
high estimate of General Grant has been maintained and heightened by what
has occurred in the remarkable campaign he is now conducting, while the
magnitude and difficulty of the task before him does not prove less than
I expected. He and his brave soldiers are now in the midst of their great
trial, and I trust that at your meeting you will so shape your good words
that they may turn to men and guns, moving to his and their support.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




INDORSEMENT ON A LETTER TOUCHING THE REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION.

JUNE 5, 1864.

(Indorsement.)

Swett is unquestionably all right. Mr. Holt is a good man, but I had not
heard or thought of him for Vice-President. Wish not to interfere about
Vice-President. Cannot interfere about platform. Convention must judge for
itself.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL MEADE. EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, June 6, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Army of the Potomac:

Private James McCarthy, of the One-hundred and fortieth New York
Volunteers, is here under sentence to the Dry Tortugas for an attempt to
desert. His friends appeal to me and if his colonel and you consent, I
will send him to his regiment. Please answer.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL W. S. ROSECRANS. WASHINGTON, June 8, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL ROSECRANS, St. Louis, Missouri:

Yours of to-day received. I am unable to conceive how a message can be
less safe by the express than by a staff-officer. If you send a verbal
message, the messenger is one additional person let into the secret.


A. LINCOLN




REPLY TO THE COMMITTEE NOTIFYING PRESIDENT LINCOLN OF HIS RENOMINATION,

JUNE 9, 1864.

Mr. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN OF THE COMMITTEE:

I will neither conceal my gratification nor restrain the expression of
my gratitude that the Union people, through their convention, in their
continued effort to save and advance the nation, have deemed me not
unworthy to remain in my present position. I know no reason to doubt
that I shall accept the nomination tendered; and yet perhaps I should
not declare definitely before reading and considering what is called the
platform. I will say now, however, I approve the declaration in favor of
so amending the Constitution as to prohibit slavery throughout the nation.
When the people in revolt, with a hundred days of explicit notice that
they could within those days resume their allegiance without the overthrow
of their institution, and that they could not so resume it afterward,
elected to stand out, such amendment of the Constitution as now proposed
became a fitting and necessary conclusion to the final success of
the Union cause. Such alone can meet and cover all cavils. Now the
unconditional Union men, North and South, perceive its importance and
embrace it. In the joint names of Liberty and Union, let us labor to give
it legal form and practical effect.




PLATFORM OF THE UNION NATIONAL CONVENTION HELD IN BALTIMORE, MD., JUNE 7
AND 8, 1864.

1. Resolved, That it is the highest duty of every American citizen to
maintain against all their enemies the integrity of the Union and the
paramount authority of the Constitution and laws of the United States;
and that, laying aside all differences of political opinion, we pledge
ourselves, as Union men, animated by a common sentiment and aiming at
a common object, to do everything in our power to aid the Government in
quelling by force of arms the rebellion now raging against its authority,
and in bringing to the punishment due to their crimes the rebels and
traitors arrayed against it.

2. Resolved, That we approve the determination of the Government of the
United States not to compromise with rebels, or to offer them any terms
of peace, except such as may be based upon an unconditional surrender of
their hostility and a return to their just allegiance to the Constitution
and laws of the United States, and that we call upon the Government to
maintain this position, and to prosecute the war with the utmost possible
vigor to the complete suppression of the rebellion, in full reliance
upon the self-sacrificing patriotism, the heroic valor, and the
undying devotion of the American people to their Country and its free
institutions.

3. Resolved, That as slavery was the cause, and now constitutes the
strength, of this rebellion, and as it must be, always and everywhere,
hostile to the principles of republican government, justice and the
national safety demand its utter and complete extirpation from the soil
of the republic; and that while we uphold and maintain the acts and
proclamations by which the Government, in its own defense, has aimed a
death-blow at this gigantic evil, we are in favor, furthermore, of such an
amendment to the Constitution, to be made by the people in conformity with
its provisions, as shall terminate and forever prohibit the existence of
slavery within the limits or the jurisdiction of the United States.

4. Resolved, That the thanks of the American people are due to the
soldiers and sailors of the Army and Navy, who have periled their lives in
defense of their country and in vindication of the honor of its flag; that
the nation owes to them some permanent recognition of their patriotism
and their valor, and ample and permanent provision for those of their
survivors who have received disabling and honorable wounds in the service
of the country; and that the memories of those who have fallen in its
defense shall be held in grateful and everlasting remembrance.

5. Resolved, That we approve and applaud the practical wisdom, the
unselfish patriotism, and the unswerving fidelity to the Constitution
and the principles of American liberty, with which Abraham Lincoln has
discharged under circumstances of unparalleled difficulty the great duties
and responsibilities of the Presidential office; that we approve and
indorse as demanded by the emergency and essential to the preservation of
the nation, and as within the provisions of the Constitution, the measures
and acts which he has adopted to defend the nation against its open
and secret foes; that we approve, especially, the Proclamation of
Emancipation, and the employment as Union soldiers of men heretofore held
in slavery; and that we have full confidence in his determination to carry
these and all other constitutional measures essential to the salvation of
the country into full and complete effect.

6. Resolved, That we deem it essential to the General welfare that harmony
should prevail in the national councils, and we regard as worthy of
public confidence and official trust those only who cordially indorse the
principles proclaimed in these resolutions, and which should characterize
the administration of the Government.

7. Resolved, That the Government owes to all men employed in its armies,
without regard to distinction of color, the full protection of the laws of
war, and that any violation of these laws, or of the usages of civilized
nations in time of war, by the rebels now in arms, should be made the
subject of prompt and full redress.

8. Resolved, That foreign immigration, which in the past has added so much
to the wealth, development of resources, and increase of power to this
nation, the asylum of the oppressed of all nations, should be fostered and
encouraged by a liberal and just policy.

9. Resolved, That we are in favor of the speedy construction of the
railroad to the Pacific coast.

10. Resolved, That the national faith, pledged for the redemption of
the public debt, must be kept inviolate, and that for this purpose we
recommend economy and rigid responsibility in the public expenditures, and
a vigorous and just system of taxation: and that it is the duty of every
loyal State to sustain the credit and promote the use of the national
currency.

11. Resolved, That we approve the position taken by the Government that
the people of the United States can never regard with indifference the
attempt of any European power to overthrow by force or to supplant
by fraud the institutions of any republican government on the Western
Continent, and that they will view with extreme jealousy, as menacing to
the peace and independence of their own country, the efforts of any such
power to obtain new footholds for monarchical governments, sustained by
foreign military force, in near proximity to the United States.




REPLY TO A DELEGATION FROM THE NATIONAL UNION LEAGUE,

JUNE 9, 1864.

GENTLEMEN--I can only say in response to the remarks of your chairman,
that I am very grateful for the renewed confidence which has been accorded
to me, both by the convention and by the National League. I am not
insensible at all to the personal compliment there is in this, yet I do
not allow myself to believe that any but a small portion of it is to
be appropriated as a personal compliment to me. The convention and the
nation, I am assured, are alike animated by a higher view of the interests
of the country, for the present and the great future, and the part I am
entitled to appropriate as a compliment is only that part which I may lay
hold of as being the opinion of the convention and of the League, that I
am not entirely unworthy to be intrusted with the place I have occupied
for the last three years. I have not permitted myself, gentlemen, to
conclude that I am the best man in the country; but I am reminded in this
connection of a story of an old Dutch farmer, who remarked to a companion
once that "it was not best to swap horses when crossing a stream."




REPLY TO A DELEGATION FROM OHIO,

JUNE 9, 1864.

GENTLEMEN:--I am very much obliged to you for this compliment. I have just
been saying, and will repeat it, that the hardest of all speeches I have
to answer is a serenade. I never know what to say on these occasions. I
suppose that you have done me this kindness in connection with the action
of the Baltimore convention, which has recently taken place, and with
which, of course, I am very well satisfied. What we want still more than
Baltimore conventions, or Presidential elections, is success under General
Grant. I propose that you constantly bear in mind that the support you
owe to the brave officers and soldiers in the field is of the very first
importance, and we should therefore bend all our energies to that point.
Now without detaining you any longer, I propose that you help me to close
up what I am now saying with three rousing cheers for General Grant and
the officers and soldiers under his command.




ADDRESS TO THE ENVOY FROM THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS,

JUNE 11, 1864.

SIR:--In every light in which the State of the Hawaiian Islands can be
contemplated, it is an object of profound interest for the United States.
Virtually it was once a colony. It is now a near and intimate neighbor.
It is a haven of shelter and refreshment for our merchants, fishermen,
seamen, and other citizens, when on their lawful occasions they are
navigating the eastern seas and oceans. Its people are free, and its
laws, language, and religion are largely the fruit of our own teaching and
example. The distinguished part which you, Mr. Minister, have acted in
the history of that interesting country, is well known here. It gives me
pleasure to assure you of my sincere desire to do what I can to render now
your sojourn in the United States agreeable to yourself, satisfactory to
your sovereign, and beneficial to the Hawaiian people.




REMARKS TO AN OHIO REGIMENT,

JUNE 11, 1864.

Soldiers! I understand you have just come from Ohio; come to help us in
this the nation's day of trial, and also of its hopes. I thank you for
your promptness in responding to the call for troops. Your services were
never needed more than now. I know not where you are going. You may stay
here and take the places of those who will be sent to the front, or you
may go there yourselves. Wherever you go I know you will do your best.
Again I thank you. Good-by.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL L. THOMAS. EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, June 13,
1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL THOMAS, Louisville, Kentucky:

Complaint is made to me that in the vicinity of Henderson, our militia
is seizing negroes and carrying them off without their own consent, and
according to no rules whatever, except those of absolute violence. I wish
you would look into this and inform me, and see that the making soldiers
of negroes is done according to the rules you are acting upon, so that
unnecessary provocation and irritation be avoided.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO THOMAS WEBSTER. WASHINGTON, D. C., June 13, 1864.

THOMAS WEBSTER, Philadelphia:

Will try to leave here Wednesday afternoon, say at 4 P.M., remain till
Thursday afternoon and then return. This subject to events.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL U. S. GRANT. WASHINGTON, June 15, 1864. 7 A.M.

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, Headquarters Army of the Potomac:

I have just received your dispatch of 1 P.M. yesterday. I begin to see it:
you will succeed. God bless you all.


A. LINCOLN.




ADDRESS AT A SANITARY FAIR IN PHILADELPHIA,

JUNE 16, 1864.

I suppose that this toast is intended to open the way for me to say
something. War at the best is terrible, and this of ours in its magnitude
and duration is one of the most terrible the world has ever known. It
has deranged business totally in many places, and perhaps in all. It has
destroyed property, destroyed life, and ruined homes. It has produced a
national debt and a degree of taxation unprecedented in the history of
this country. It has caused mourning among us until the heavens may
almost be said to be hung in black. And yet it continues. It has had
accompaniments not before known in the history of the world. I mean the
Sanitary and Christian Commissions, with their labors for the relief of
the soldiers, and the Volunteer Refreshment Saloons, understood better by
those who hear me than by myself, and these fairs, first begun at Chicago
and next held in Boston, Cincinnati, and other cities. The motive and
object that lie at the bottom of them are worthy of the most that we can
do for the soldier who goes to fight the battles of his country. From the
fair and tender hand of women is much, very much, done for the soldier,
continually reminding him of the care and thought for him at home. The
knowledge that he is not forgotten is grateful to his heart. Another
view of these institutions is worthy of thought. They are voluntary
contributions, giving proof that the national resources are not at all
exhausted, and that the national patriotism will sustain us through all.
It is a pertinent question, When is this war to end? I do not wish to name
the day when it will end, lest the end should not come at the given time.
We accepted this war, and did not begin it. We accepted it for an object,
and when that object is accomplished the war will end, and I hope to God
that it will never end until that object is accomplished. We are going
through with our task, so far as I am concerned, if it takes us three
years longer. I have not been in the habit of making predictions, but I
am almost tempted now to hazard one. I will. It is, that Grant is this
evening in a position, with Meade and Hancock, of Pennsylvania, whence he
can never be dislodged by the enemy until Richmond is taken. If I shall
discover that General Grant may be greatly facilitated in the capture
of Richmond by rapidly pouring to him a large number of armed men at the
briefest notice, will you go? Will you march on with him? [Cries of "Yes,
yes."] Then I shall call upon you when it is necessary.




TO ATTORNEY-GENERAL BATES.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, Jun. 24, 1864

HONORABLE ATTORNEY-GENERAL.

SIR:--By authority of the Constitution, and moved thereto by the fourth
section of the act of Congress, entitled "An act making appropriations
for the support of the army for the year ending the thirtieth of June,
eighteen hundred and sixty-five, and for other purposes, approved June
is, 1864," I require your opinion in writing as to what pay, bounty,
and clothing are allowed by law to persons of color who were free on the
nineteenth day of April, 1861, and who have been enlisted and mustered
into the military service of the United States between the month of
December, 1862, and the sixteenth of June, 1864.

Please answer as you would do, on my requirement, if the act of June 15,
1864, had not been passed, and I will so use your opinion as to satisfy
that act.

Your obedient servant,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO MRS. LINCOLN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, June 24, 1864.

MRS. A. LINCOLN, Boston, Massachusetts:

All well and very warm. Tad and I have been to General Grant's army.
Returned yesterday safe and sound.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL W. S. ROSECRANS. WASHINGTON, June 24, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL ROSECRANS, St. Louis, Missouri:

Complaint is made to me that General Brown does not do his best to
suppress bushwhackers. Please ascertain and report to me.


A. LINCOLN.




LETTER ACCEPTING THE NOMINATION FOR PRESIDENT.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, June 27, 1864.

HON. WILLIAM DENNISON AND OTHERS, a Committee of the Union National
Convention.

GENTLEMEN:--Your letter of the 14th inst.., formally notifying me that I
have been nominated by the convention you represent for the Presidency
of the United States for four years from the 4th of March next, has been
received. The nomination is gratefully accepted, as the resolutions of the
convention, called the platform, are heartily approved.

While the resolution in regard to the supplanting of republican government
upon the Western Continent is fully concurred in, there might be
misunderstanding were I not to say that the position of the Government in
relation to the action of France in Mexico, as assumed through the State
Department and indorsed by the convention among the measures and acts of
the Executive, will be faithfully maintained so long as the state of facts
shall leave that position pertinent and applicable.

I am especially gratified that the soldier and seaman were not forgotten
by the convention, as they forever must and will be remembered by the
grateful country for whose salvation they devote their lives.

Thanking you for the kind and complimentary terms in which you have
communicated the nomination and other proceedings of the convention, I
subscribe myself,

Your obedient servant,


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL P. STEELE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, June 29, 1864

MAJOR-GENERAL STEELE:

I understand that Congress declines to admit to seats the persons sent as
Senators and Representatives from Arkansas. These persons apprehend that,
in consequence, you may not support the new State government there as you
otherwise would. My wish is that you give that government and the people
there the same support and protection that you would if the members had
been admitted, because in no event, nor in any view of the case, can this
do any harm, while it will be the best you can do toward suppressing the
rebellion.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL GRANT. EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, June 29, 1864.

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, City Point:

Dr. Worster wishes to visit you with a view of getting your permission to
introduce into the army "Harmon's Sandal Sock." Shall I give him a pass
for that object?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO DAVID TOD.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., June 30, 1864.

HON. DAVID TOD, Youngstown, Ohio: I have nominated you to be Secretary of
the Treasury, in place of Governor Chase, who has resigned. Please come
without a moment's delay.


A. LINCOLN.




TO J. L. SCRIPPS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, July 4, 1864.

To JOHN L. SCRIPPS, ESQ.

DEAR SIR:--Complaint is made to me that you are using your official power
to defeat Mr. Arnold's nomination to Congress. I am well satisfied with
Mr. Arnold as a member of Congress, and I do not know that the man who
might supplant him would be as satisfactory; but the correct principle,
I think, is that all our friends should have absolute freedom of choice
among our friends. My wish, therefore, is that you will do just as you
think fit with your own suffrage in the case, and not constrain any of
your subordinates to [do] other than [as] he thinks fit with his. This is
precisely the rule I inculcated and adhered to on my part, when a certain
other nomination, now recently made, was being canvassed for.

Yours very truly,


A. LINCOLN.



TELEGRAM TO J. W. GARRETT. WASHINGTON, July 5, 1864.

J. W. GARRETT, President [B. & 0. R. R.], Camden Station:

You say telegraphic communication is re-established with Sandy Hook. Well,
what does Sandy Hook say about operations of enemy and of Sigel during
to-day?


A. LINCOLN.




FROM SECRETARY STANTON TO GOVERNOR SEYMOUR.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, July 5, 1864.

HIS EXCELLENCY HORATIO SEYMOUR, Governor of New York, Albany:

The President directs me to inform you that a rebel force, variously
estimated at from fifteen to twenty thousand men, have invaded the State
of Maryland, and have taken Martinsburg and Harper's Ferry, and are
threatening other points; that the public safety requires him to call
upon the State executives for a militia force to repel this invasion. He
therefore directs me to call on you for a militia force of twelve thousand
men from your State to serve not more than one hundred days, and to
request that you will with the utmost despatch forward the troops to
Washington by rail or steamboat as may be most expeditious.

Please favor me with an answer at your earliest convenience.

EDWIN M. STANTON,

Secretary of War.




PROCLAMATION SUSPENDING THE WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS,

JULY 5, 1864.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES:

A Proclamation.

Whereas, by a proclamation which was issued on the 15th day of April,
1861, the President of the United States announced and declared that the
laws of the United States had been for some time past, and then were,
opposed and the execution thereof obstructed in certain States therein
mentioned, by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary
course of judicial proceedings or by the power vested in the marshals by
law; and

Whereas, immediately after the issuing of the said proclamation the land
and naval forces of the United States were put into activity to suppress
the said insurrections and rebellion; and

Whereas, the Congress of the United States, by an act approved on the
third day of March, 1863, did enact that during the said rebellion the
President of the United States, whenever in his judgment the public safety
may require it, is authorized to suspend the privilege of the writ of
habeas corpus in any case throughout the United States, or any part
thereof; and

Whereas, the said insurrection and rebellion still continue, endangering
the existence of the Constitution and Government of the United States; and

Whereas, the military forces of the United States are now actively engaged
in suppressing the said insurrection and rebellion in various parts of
the States where the said rebellion has been successful in obstructing
the laws and public authorities, especially in the States of Virginia and
Georgia; and

Whereas, on the fifteenth day of September last, the President of the
United States duly issued his proclamation, wherein he declared that the
privilege of the writ of habeas corpus should be suspended throughout
the United States, in Cases whereby the authority of the President of
the United States, the military, naval, and civil officers of the United
States, or any of them, hold persons under their command or in their
custody, either as prisoners of war, spies, or aiders or abettors of the
enemy, or officers, soldiers, or seamen enrolled or drafted, or mustered,
or enlisted in, or belonging to the land or naval forces of the United
States, or as deserters therefrom, or otherwise amenable to military law,
or the rules and articles of war, or the rules and regulations prescribed
for the military and naval service by authority of the President of the
United States, or for resisting a draft, or for any other offence against
the military or naval service; and

Whereas, many citizens of the State of Kentucky have joined the forces of
the insurgents, who have on several occasions entered the said State
of Kentucky in large force and not without aid and comfort furnished by
disaffected and disloyal citizens of the United States residing therein,
have not only greatly disturbed the public peace but have overborne the
civil authorities and made flagrant civil war, destroying property and
life in various parts of the State; and

Whereas, it has been made known to the President of the United States, by
the officers commanding the National armies, that combinations have been
formed in the said State of Kentucky, with a purpose of inciting the rebel
forces to renew the said operations of civil war within the said State,
and thereby to embarrass the United States armies now operating in the
said States of Virginia and Georgia, and even to endanger their safety.

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, by
virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution and laws, do
hereby declare that in my judgment the public safety especially requires
that the suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus so
proclaimed in the said proclamation of the 15th of September, 1863, be
made effectual and be duly enforced in and throughout the said State of
Kentucky, and that martial law be for the present declared therein. I do
therefore hereby require of the military officers of the said State that
the privilege of the habeas corpus be effectually suspended within the
said State, according to the aforesaid proclamation, and that martial law
be established therein to take effect from the date of this proclamation,
the said suspension and establishment of martial law to continue until
this proclamation shall be revoked or modified, but not beyond the period
when the said rebellion shall have been suppressed or come to an end. And
I do hereby require and command, as well as military officers, all civil
officers and authorities existing or found within the said State of
Kentucky, to take notice of this proclamation and to give full effect
to the same. The martial laws herein proclaimed and the things in that
respect herein ordered will not be deemed or taken to interfere with the
holding of lawful elections, or with the proceedings of the constitutional
Legislature of Kentucky, or with the administration of justice in the
courts of law existing therein between citizens of the United States in
suits or proceedings which do not affect the military operations or the
constituted authorities of the government of the United States.

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed.

Done at the City of Washington this 5th day of July, in the year of our
Lord 1864, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-eighth.


A. LINCOLN. By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.




PROCLAMATION FOR A DAY OF PRAYER, JULY 7, 1864.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A Proclamation.

Whereas, the Senate and House of Representatives at their last session
adopted a concurrent resolution, which was approved on the second day of
July instant, and which `was in the words following, namely:

That the President of the United States be requested to appoint a day of
humiliation and prayer by the people of the United States, that he request
his constitutional advisers at the head of the Executive Departments
to unite with him, as Chief Magistrate of the nation, at the City of
Washington, and the members of Congress, and all magistrates, all civil,
military, and naval officers, all soldiers, sailors, and marines, with all
loyal and law-abiding people, to convene at their usual places of worship,
or wherever they may be, to confess and to repent of their manifold
sins, to implore the compassion and forgiveness of the Almighty, that,
if consistent with His will, the existing rebellion may be speedily
suppressed, and the supremacy of the Constitution and laws of the United
States may be established throughout all the States; to implore Him, as
the Supreme Ruler of the world, not to destroy us as a people, nor suffer
us to be destroyed by the hostility or connivance of other nations, or by
obstinate adhesion to our own counsels which may be in conflict with His
eternal, purposes, and to implore Him to enlighten the mind of the nation
to know and do His will, humbly believing that it is in accordance with
His will that our place should be maintained as a united people among the
family of nations; to implore Him to grant to our armed defenders, and
the masses of the people, that courage, power of resistance, and endurance
necessary to secure that result; to implore Him in His infinite goodness
to soften the hearts, enlighten the minds, and quicken the conscience of
those in rebellion, that they may lay down their arms, and speedily return
to their allegiance to the United States, that they may not be utterly
destroyed, that the effusion of blood may be stayed, and that unity and
fraternity may be restored, and peace established throughout all our
borders.

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the `United States,
cordially concurring with the Congress of the United States, in the
penitential and pious sentiments expressed in the aforesaid resolutions,
and heartily approving of the devotional design and purpose thereof, do
hereby appoint the first Thursday of August next to be observed by the
people of the United States as a day of national humiliation and prayer.

I do hereby further invite and request the heads of the Executive
Departments of this Government, together with all legislators, all judges
and magistrates, and all other persons exercising authority in the land,
whether civil, military, or naval, and all soldiers, seamen, and marines
in the national service, and all other loyal and law-abiding people of the
United States, to assemble in their preferred places of public worship on
that day, and there to render to the Almighty and merciful Ruler of the
Universe, such homage and such confessions, and to offer to Him such
supplications as the Congress of the United States have, in their
aforesaid resolution, so solemnly, so earnestly, and so reverently
recommended.

In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal
of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington this
seventh day of July, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred
and sixty-four, and of the independence of the United States the
eighty-ninth.


A. LINCOLN.

By the President WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.




PROCLAMATION CONCERNING A BILL "TO GUARANTEE TO CERTAIN STATES,

WHOSE GOVERNMENTS HAVE BEEN USURPED OR OVERTHROWN, A REPUBLICAN FORM OF
GOVERNMENT," AND CONCERNING RECONSTRUCTION,

JULY 8, 1864.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES:

A Proclamation.

Whereas at the late session Congress passed a bill "to guarantee to
certain states whose governments have been usurped or overthrown a
republican form of government," a copy of which is hereunto annexed; and

Whereas, the said bill was presented to the President of the United States
for his approval less than one hour before the sine die adjournment of
said session, and was not signed by him; and

Whereas the said bill contains, among other things, a plan for restoring
the States in rebellion to their proper practical relation in the Union,
which plan expresses the sense of Congress upon that subject, and
which plan it is now thought fit to lay before the people for their
consideration:

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do
proclaim, declare, and make known that while I am (as I was in December
last, when, by proclamation, I propounded a plan for restoration)
unprepared by a formal approval of this bill to be inflexibly committed to
any single plan of restoration, and while I am also unprepared to declare
that the free State constitutions and governments already adopted and
installed in Arkansas and Louisiana shall be set aside and held for
naught, thereby repelling and discouraging the loyal citizens who have
set up the same as to further effort, or to declare a constitutional
competency in Congress to abolish slavery in States, but am at the same
time sincerely hoping and expecting that a constitutional amendment
abolishing slavery throughout the nation may be adopted, nevertheless I am
fully satisfied with the system for restoration contained in the bill as
one very proper plan for the loyal people of any State choosing to adopt
it, and that I am and at all times shall be prepared to give the Executive
aid and assistance to any such people so soon as the military resistance
to the United States shall have been suppressed in any such States and the
people thereof shall have sufficiently returned to their obedience to
the Constitution and the laws of the United States, in which cases
militia-governors will be appointed with directions to proceed according
to the bill.

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed..............


A. LINCOLN.

By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.




TO HORACE GREELEY.

WASHINGTON, D. C., July 9, 1864

HON. HORACE GREELEY.

DEAR SIR:--Your letter of the 7th, with inclosures, received.

If you can find any person, anywhere, professing to have any proposition
of Jefferson Davis in writing, for peace, embracing the restoration of the
Union and abandonment of slavery, whatever else it embraces, say to him he
may come to me with you; and that if he really brings such proposition,
he shall at the least have safe conduct with the paper (and without
publicity, if he chooses) to the point where you shall have to meet him.
The same if there be two or more persons.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO J. W. GARRETT. WASHINGTON, D. C., July 9, 1864

J. W. GARRETT, Camden Station:

What have you heard about a battle at Monocacy to-day? We have nothing
about it here except what you say.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM FROM GENERAL HALLECK TO GENERAL WALLACE.

WASHINGTON, July 9, 1864. 11.57 P.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL L. WALLACE, Commanding Middle Department:

I am directed by the President to say that you will rally your forces and
make every possible effort to retard the enemy's march on Baltimore.

H. W. HALLECK, Major-General and Chief of Staff.




TELEGRAM TO T. SWAN AND OTHERS. WASHINGTON, D. C., July 10, 1864. 9.20
A.M.

THOMAS SWAN AND OTHERS, Baltimore, Maryland:

Yours of last night received. I have not a single soldier but whom is
being disposed by the military for the best protection of all. By latest
accounts the enemy is moving on Washington. They cannot fly to either
place. Let us be vigilant, but keep cool. I hope neither Baltimore nor
Washington will be sacked.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL U.S. GRANT. WASHINGTON CITY, July TO, 1864.2 P.M.

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, City Point, Va.:

Your dispatch to General Halleck, referring to what I may think in the
present emergency, is shown me. General Halleck says we have absolutely no
force here fit to go to the field. He thinks that with the hundred-day
men and invalids we have here we can defend Washington, and, scarcely,
Baltimore. Besides these there are about eight thousand, not very
reliable, under Howe, at Harper's Ferry with Hunter approaching that point
very slowly, with what number I suppose you know better than I. Wallace,
with some odds and ends, and part of what came up with Ricketts, was so
badly beaten yesterday at Monocacy, that what is left can attempt no more
than to defend Baltimore. What we shall get in from Pennsylvania and New
York will scarcely be worth counting, I fear. Now, what I think is, that
you should provide to retain your hold where you are, certainly, and bring
the rest with you personally, and make a vigorous effort to destroy the
enemy's forces in this vicinity. I think there is really a fair chance
to do this, if the movement is prompt. This is what I think upon your
suggestion, and is not an order.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL U.S. GRANT. WASHINGTON, July 11, 1864. 8 A.M.

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, City Point, Va.:

Yours of 10.30 P.M. yesterday received, and very satisfactory. The enemy
will learn of Wright's arrival, and then the difficulty will be to unite
Wright and Hunter south of the enemy before he will recross the Potomac.
Some firing between Rockville and here now.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL U.S. GRANT. WASHINGTON, D. C., July 12, 1864. 11.30
AM.

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, City Point, Va.:

Vague rumors have been reaching us for two or three days that Longstreet's
corps is also on its way [to] this vicinity. Look out for its absence from
your front.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM AND LETTER TO HORACE GREELEY. EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, July
12, 1864.

HON. HORACE GREELEY, New York:

I suppose you received my letter of the 9th. I have just received yours of
the 13th, and am disappointed by it. I was not expecting you to send me a
letter, but to bring me a man, or men. Mr. Hay goes to you with my answer
to yours of the 13th.


A. LINCOLN.

[Carried by Major John Hay.]




EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, JULY 15, 1864.

HON. HORACE GREELEY.

MY DEAR SIR:-Yours of the 13th is just received, and I am disappointed
that you have not already reached here with those commissioners, if they
would consent to come on being shown my letter to you of the 9th instant.
Show that and this to them, and if they will come on the terms stated in
the former, bring them. I not only intend a sincere effort for peace, but
I intend that you shall be a personal witness that it is made.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




SAFE CONDUCT FOR CLEMENT C. CLAY AND OTHERS,

JULY 16, 1864.

The President of the United States directs that the four persons whose
names follow, to wit, HON. Clement C. Clay, HON. Jacob Thompson, Professor
James P. Holcombe, George N. Sanders, shall have safe conduct to the city
of Washington in company with the HON. HORACE GREELEY, and shall be exempt
from arrest or annoyance of any kind from any officer of the United States
during their journey to the said city of Washington.

By order of the President: JOHN HAY, Major and Assistant Adjutant-General




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL U. S. GRANT. [WASHINGTON] July 17. 1864. 11.25 A.M.

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, City Point, Va.:

In your dispatch of yesterday to General Sherman, I find the following, to
wit:

"I shall make a desperate effort to get a position here, which will hold
the enemy without the necessity of so many men."

Pressed as we are by lapse of time I am glad to hear you say this; and yet
I do hope you may find a way that the effort shall not be desperate in the
sense of great loss of life.


A. LINCOLN, President.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL D. HUNTER WASHINGTON JULY 17, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL HUNTER, Harper's Ferry, West Va.

Yours of this morning received. You misconceive. The order you complain of
was only nominally mine, and was framed by those who really made it with
no thought of making you a scapegoat. It seemed to be General Grant's wish
that the forces under General Wright and those under you should join and
drive at the enemy under General Wright. Wright had the larger part of the
force, but you had the rank. It was thought that you would prefer Crook's
commanding your part to your serving in person under Wright. That is all
of it. General Grant wishes you to remain in command of the department,
and I do not wish to order otherwise.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL W. T. SHERMAN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, July 18, 1864. 11.25 A.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL SHERMAN, Chattahoochee River, Georgia:

I have seen your despatches objecting to agents of Northern States opening
recruiting stations near your camps. An act of Congress authorizes this,
giving the appointment of agents to the States, and not to the Executive
Government. It is not for the War Department, or myself, to restrain
or modify the law, in its execution, further than actual necessity may
require. To be candid, I was for the passage of the law, not apprehending
at the time that it would produce such inconvenience to the armies in the
field as you now cause me to fear. Many of the States were very anxious
for it, and I hoped that, with their State bounties, and active exertions,
they would get out substantial additions to our colored forces, which,
unlike white recruits, help us where they come from, as well as where they
go to. I still hope advantage from the law; and being a law, it must be
treated as such by all of us. We here will do what we consistently can to
save you from difficulties arising out of it. May I ask, therefore, that
you will give your hearty co-operation.


A. LINCOLN.




ANNOUNCEMENT CONCERNING TERMS OF PEACE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,

WASHINGTON, July 18, 1864.

TO WHOM IT MAY CONCERN:

Any proposition which embraces the restoration of peace, the integrity of
the whole Union, and the abandonment of slavery, and which comes by and
with an authority that can control the armies now at war against the
United States, will be received and considered by the Executive
Government of the United States, and will be met by liberal terms on other
substantial and collateral points; and the bearer or bearers thereof shall
have safe conduct both ways.


A. LINCOLN.




PROCLAMATION CALLING FOR FIVE HUNDRED THOUSAND VOLUNTEERS,

JULY 18, 1864,

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A Proclamation.

Whereas by the act approved July 4, 1864, entitled "An act further to
regulate and provide for the enrolling and calling out the national forces
and for other purposes," it is provided that the President of the United
States may, "at his discretion, at any time hereafter, call for any number
of men, as volunteers for the respective terms of one, two, and three
years for military service," and "that in case the quota or any part
thereof of any town, township, ward of a city, precinct, or election
district, or of a county not so subdivided, shall not be filled within the
space of fifty days after such call, then the President shall immediately
order a draft for one year to fill such quota or any part thereof which
may be unfilled;" and

Whereas the new enrolment heretofore ordered is so far completed as
that the aforementioned act of Congress may now be put in operation for
recruiting and keeping up the strength of the armies in the field, for
garrisons, and such military operations as may be required for the purpose
of suppressing the rebellion and restoring the authority of the United
States Government in the insurgent States:

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do
issue this my last call for five hundred thousand volunteers for the
military service: Provided, nevertheless, That this call shall be reduced
by all credits which may be established under section eight of the
aforesaid act on account of persons who have entered the naval service
during the present rebellion and by credits for men furnished to the
military service in excess of calls heretofore made. Volunteers will be
accepted under this call for one, two, or three years, as they may elect,
and will be entitled to the bounty provided by the law for the period of
services for which they enlist.

And I hereby proclaim, order, and direct that immediately after the 5th
day of September, 1864, being fifty days from the date of this call,
a draft for troops to serve for one year shall be had in every town,
township, ward of a city, precinct, or election district, or county not
so subdivided, to fill the quota which shall be assigned to it under this
call or any part thereof which may be unfilled by volunteers on the said
5th day of September, 1864.

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed.

Done at the City of Washington, this 18th day of July, A.D. 1864, and of
the independence of the United States the eighty-ninth.


A. LINCOLN.

By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL U.S. GRANT.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, July 20, 1864. 4.30 p.m.

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, City Point, Va.:

Yours of yesterday, about a call for three hundred thousand, is received.
I suppose you had not seen the call for five hundred thousand, made the
day before, and which, I suppose, covers the case. Always glad to have
your suggestions.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO J. L. WRIGHT.

WAR DEPARTMENT, JULY. 20, 1864.

J. L. WRIGHT, Indianapolis, Ind.:

All a mistake. Mr. Stanton has not resigned.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL D. HUNTER. (Cipher.)

WAR DEPARTMENT, JULY 23, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL HUNTER, Harper's Ferry, West Va.

Are you able to take care of the enemy, when he turns back upon you, as he
probably will on finding that Wright has left?


A. LINCOLN.




TO GOVERNOR CURTIN, ENCLOSING A LETTER TO WILLIAM O. SNIDER.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, July 25, 1864.

GOVERNOR CURTIN:

Herewith is the manuscript letter for the gentleman who sent me a cane
through your hands. For my life I cannot make out his name; and therefore
I cut it from his letter and pasted it on, as you see. I suppose [sic]
will remember who he is, and I will thank you to forward him the letter.
He dates his letter at Philadelphia.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




PRESENTATION OF A CANE

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, July 25, 1864.

WILLIAM O. SNIDER:

The cane you did me the honor to present through Governor Curtin was duly
placed in my hand by him. Please accept my thanks; and, at the same time,
pardon me for not having sooner found time to tender them. Your obedient
servant,


A. LINCOLN.




FROM JOHN HAY TO J. C. WELLING.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON. July 25, 1864.

J. C. WELLING, ESQ.

SIR:--According to the request contained in your note, I have placed Mr.
Gibson's letter of resignation in the hands of the President. He has read
the letter, and says he accepts the resignation, as he will be glad to
do with any other, which may be tendered, as this is, for the purpose of
taking an attitude of hostility against him.

He says he was not aware that he was so much indebted to Mr. Gibson for
having accepted the office at first, not remembering that he ever pressed
him to do so, or that he gave it otherwise than as was usual, upon request
made on behalf of Mr. Gibson.

He thanks Mr. Gibson for his acknowledgment that he has been treated with
personal kindness and consideration, and says he knows of but two small
drawbacks upon Mr. Gibson's right to still receive such treatment, one
of which is that he never could learn of his giving much attention to
the duties of his office, and the other is this studied attempt of Mr.
Gibson's to stab him.

I am very truly,

Your obedient servant,

JOHN HAY.




TO COLONEL, FIRST N. Y. VETERAN CAVALRY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, JULY 25, 1864.

Thomas Connor, a private in the First Veteran New York Cavalry, is now
imprisoned at hard labor for desertion. If the Colonel of said Regiment
will say in writing on this sheets that he is willing to receive him back
to the Regiment, I will pardon, and send him.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL W. T. SHERMAN.

WASHINGTON, July 26, 1864. 2.30 P.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL SHERMAN, near Atlanta:

I have just seen yours complaining of the appointment of Hovey and
Osterhaus. The point you make is unquestionably a good one, and yet
please hear a word from us. My recollection is that both General Grant
and yourself recommended both H [ovey] and O [sterhaus] for promotion, and
these, with other strong recommendations, drew committals from us which we
could neither honorably or safely disregard. We blamed H [ovey] for coming
away in the manner in which he did, but he knew he had apparent reason to
feel disappointed and mortified, and we felt it was not best to crush one
who certainly had been a good soldier. As to [Osterhaus], we did not know
of his leaving at the time we made the appointment, and do not now
know the terms on which he left. Not to have appointed him, as the case
appeared to us at the time, would have been almost, if not quite, a
violation of our word. The word was given on what we thought was high
merit and somewhat on his nationality. I beg you to believe we do not act
in a spirit of disregarding merit. We expect to await your programme for
further changes and promotions in your army. My profoundest thanks to you
and your whole army for the present campaign so far.


A. LINCOLN.




FROM SECRETARY STANTON TO GENERAL HALLECK.

WASHINGTON CITY, July 27, 1864

MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, Chief of Staff of the Army:

GENERAL:--Lieutenant-General Grant having signified that, owing to the
difficulties and delay of communication between his headquarters and
Washington, it is necessary that in the present emergency military orders
must be issued directly from Washington, the President directs me to
instruct you that all the military operations for the defense of the
Middle Department, the Department of the Susquehanna, the Department of
Washington, and the Department of West Virginia, and all the forces in
those departments, are placed under your general command, and that you
will be expected to take all military measures necessary for defense
against any attack of the enemy and for his capture and destruction.
You will issue from time to time such orders to the commanders of the
respective departments and to the military authorities therein as may be
proper.

Your obedient servant,

EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR JOHNSON. WASHINGTON, July 27, 1864.

GOVERNOR JOHNSON, Nashville, Tennessee:

Yours in relation to General A. C. Gillam just received. Will look after
the matter to-day.

I also received yours about General Carl Schurz. I appreciate him
certainly, as highly as you do; but you can never know until you have the
trial, how difficult it is to find a place for an officer of so high rank
when there is no place seeking him.


A. LINCOLN.




TO Mrs. ANNE WILLIAMSON,

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, July 29, 1864.

Mrs. ANNE WILLIAMSON.

MADAM:--The plaid you send me is just now placed in my hands. I thank you
for that pretty and useful present, but still more for those good wishes
for myself and our country, which prompted you to present it.

Your obedient servant,


A. LINCOLN.


INDORSEMENT, AUGUST 3, 1864.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, August 2, 1864.

MR. PRESIDENT:--This note will introduce to you Mr. Schley of Baltimore,
who desires to appeal to you for the revocation of an order of General
Hunter, removing some persons, citizens of Frederick, beyond his lines,
and imprisoning others. This Department has no information of the reasons
or proofs on which General Hunter acts, and I do not therefore feel
at liberty to suspend or interfere with his action except under your
direction.

Yours truly,

EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War.


[Indorsement.]

August 3, 1864.

The Secretary of War will suspend the order of General Hunter mentioned
within, until further order and direct him to send to the Department a
brief report of what is known against each one proposed to be dealt with.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL U, S. GRANT.

(Cipher.)

WASHINGTON, D. C.. August 3, 1864

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, City Point, Va.:

I have seen your despatch in which you say, "I want Sheridan put in
command of all the troops in the field, with instructions to put himself
south of the enemy, and follow him to the death. Wherever the enemy goes,
let our troops go also."

This, I think, is exactly right as to how our forces should move; but
please look over the despatches you may have received from here, ever
since you made that order, and discover, if you can, that there is any
idea in the head of any one here of "putting our army south of the enemy,"
or of following him to the "death," in any direction. I repeat to you,
it will neither be done nor attempted, unless you watch it every day and
hour, and force it.


A. LINCOLN.

     [Here the President was mistaken in thinking that Sherman,
     Sheridan, and Grant had the same inability of most of his
     previous general officers.  No one needed to watch Grant or
     Sherman or Sheridan, they only needed to get out of their
     way. D.W.]




TELEGRAM TO HORACE GREELEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, August 6, 1864

HON. HORACE GREELEY, New York:

Yours to Major Hay about publication of our correspondence received. With
the suppression of a few passages in your letters in regard to which I
think you and I would not disagree, I should be glad of the publication.
Please come over and see me.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO HORACE GREELEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, August 8, 1864

HON. HORACE GREELEY, New York:

I telegraphed you Saturday. Did you receive the despatch? Please answer.


A. LINCOLN.




ON DISLOYAL FAMILY MEMBER

TO GENERAL S. O. BURBRIDGE.

WASHINGTON, D. C., August 8, 1864

MAJOR-GENERAL BURBRIDGE, Lexington, Ky.:

Last December Mrs. Emily T. Helm, half-sister of Mrs. Lincoln, and widow
of the rebel general, Ben Hardin Helm, stopped here on her way from
Georgia to Kentucky, and I gave her a paper, as I remember, to protect her
against the mere fact of her being General Helm's widow. I hear a rumor
to-day that you recently sought to arrest her, but were prevented by her
presenting the paper from me. I do not intend to protect her against the
consequences of disloyal words or acts, spoken or done by her since her
return to Kentucky, and if the paper given her by me can be construed
to give her protection for such words and acts, it is hereby revoked pro
tanto. Deal with her for current conduct just as you would with any other.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL U. S. GRANT.

WASHINGTON, D. C., August 14, 1864. 1.30 P.M.

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, City Point, Va.:

The Secretary of War and I concur that you had better confer with General
Lee, and stipulate for a mutual discontinuance of house-burning and other
destruction of private property. The time and manner of conference and
particulars of stipulation we leave, on our part, to your convenience and
judgment.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL W. T. SHERMAN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., August 15,1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL SHERMAN, near Atlanta, Ga.:

If the Government should purchase, on its own account, cotton northward of
you, and on the line of your communications, would it be an inconvenience
to you, or detriment to the military service, for it to come to the north
on the railroad?


A. LINCOLN.




INTERVIEW WITH JOHN T. MILLS,

AUGUST [15?], 1864.


"Mr. President," said Governor Randall, "why can't you seek seclusion, and
play hermit for a fortnight? It would reinvigorate you."

"Ah," said the President, "two or three weeks would do me no good. I
cannot fly from my thoughts--my solicitude for this great country follows
me wherever I go. I do not think it is personal vanity or ambition, though
I am not free from these infirmities, but I cannot but feel that the
weal or woe of this great nation will be decided in November. There is no
program offered by any wing of the Democratic party but that must result
in the permanent destruction of the Union."

"But, Mr. President, General McClellan is in favor of crushing out this
rebellion by force. He will be the Chicago candidate."

"Sir, the slightest knowledge of arithmetic will prove to any man that
the rebel armies cannot be destroyed by Democratic strategy. It would
sacrifice all the white men of the North to do it. There are now in
the service of the United States nearly one hundred and fifty thousand
able-bodied colored men, most of them under arms, defending and acquiring
Union territory. The Democratic strategy demands that these forces be
disbanded, and that the masters be conciliated by restoring them to
slavery. The black men who now assist Union prisoners to escape are to be
converted into our enemies, in the vain hope of gaining the good-will of
their masters. We shall have to fight two nations instead of one.

"You cannot conciliate the South if you guarantee to them ultimate
success; and the experience of the present war proves their success is
inevitable if you fling the compulsory labor of millions of black men
into their side of the scale. Will you give our enemies such military
advantages as insure success, and then depend on coaxing, flattery, and
concession to get them back into the Union? Abandon all the posts now
garrisoned by black men, take one hundred and fifty thousand men from our
side and put them in the battle-field or corn-field against us, and we
would be compelled to abandon the war in three weeks.

"We have to hold territory in inclement and sickly places; where are the
Democrats to do this? It was a free fight, and the field was open to the
war Democrats to put down this rebellion by fighting against both master
and slave, long before the present policy was inaugurated.

"There have been men base enough to propose to me to return to slavery the
black warriors of Port Hudson and Olustee, and thus win the respect of the
masters they fought. Should I do so, I should deserve to be damned in time
and eternity. Come what will, I will keep my faith with friend and foe.
My enemies pretend I am now carrying on this war for the sole purpose of
abolition. So long as I am President, it shall be carried on for the
sole purpose of restoring the Union. But no human power can subdue this
rebellion without the use of the emancipation policy, and every other
policy calculated to weaken the moral and physical forces of the
rebellion.

"Freedom has given us one hundred and fifty thousand men, raised on
Southern soil. It will give us more yet. Just so much it has subtracted
from the enemy, and, instead of alienating the South, there are now
evidences of a fraternal feeling growing up between our men and the rank
and file of the rebel soldiers. Let my enemies prove to the country that
the destruction of slavery is not necessary to a restoration of the Union.
I will abide the issue."




ENDORSEMENT OF APPLICATION FOR EMPLOYMENT, AUGUST 15, 1864.

I am always for the man who wishes to work; and I shall be glad for this
man to get suitable employment at Cavalry Depot, or elsewhere.


A. LINCOLN.




TO H. J. RAYMOND.

EXECUTIVE MANSION WASHINGTON, August 15, 1864

HON. HENRY J. RAYMOND.

MY DEAR SIR:--I have proposed to Mr. Greeley that the Niagara
correspondence be published, suppressing only the parts of his letters
over which the red pencil is drawn in the copy which I herewith send. He
declines giving his consent to the publication of his letters unless these
parts be published with the rest. I have concluded that it is better for
me to submit, for the time, to the consequences of the false position
in which I consider he has placed me, than to subject the country to the
consequences of publishing these discouraging and injurious parts. I send
you this, and the accompanying copy, not for publication, but merely to
explain to you, and that you may preserve them until their proper time
shall come.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL U. S. GRANT.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, August 17, 1864.

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, City Point, Va.:

I have seen your despatch expressing your unwillingness to break your hold
where you are. Neither am I willing. Hold on with a bulldog grip, and chew
and choke as much as possible.


A. LINCOLN.




PROCLAMATION CONCERNING COMMERCIAL REGULATIONS, AUGUST 18, 1864.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A Proclamation.

Whereas the act of Congress of the 28th of September, 1850, entitled "An
act to create additional collection districts in the State of California,
and to change the existing districts therein, and to modify the existing
collection districts in the United States," extends to merchandise
warehoused under bond the privilege of being exported to the British North
American provinces adjoining the United States, in the manner prescribed
in the act of Congress of the 3d of March, 1845, which designates certain
frontier ports through which merchandise may be exported, and further
provides "that such other ports, situated on the frontiers of the United
States adjoining the British North American provinces, as may hereafter
be found expedient, may have extended to them the like privileges, on the
recommendation of the Secretary of the Treasury, and proclamation duly
made by the President of the United States, specially designating the
ports to which the aforesaid privileges are to be extended."

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States of
America, in accordance with the recommendation of the Secretary of the
Treasury, do hereby declare and proclaim that the port of Newport, in the
State of Vermont, is and shall be entitled to all the privileges in regard
to the exportation of merchandise in bond to the British North American
provinces adjoining the United States, which are extended to the ports
enumerated in the seventh section of the act of Congress of the 3d of
March, 1845, aforesaid, from and after the date of this proclamation.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington, this
eighteenth day of August, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight
hundred and sixty-four, and of the independence of the United States of
America, the eighty-ninth.


A. LINCOLN.

By the President:  WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.




INDORSEMENT CONCERNING AN EXCHANGE OF PRISONERS, AUGUST 18, 1864.

If General Hitchcock can effect a special exchange of Thomas D. Armesy,
now under conviction as a spy, or something of the sort, and in prison
at for Major Nathan Goff, made a prisoner of war, and now in prison at
Richmond, let it be done.


A. LINCOLN.




ADDRESS TO THE 164TH OHIO REGIMENT,

AUGUST 18, 1864.

SOLDIERS:--You are about to return to your homes and your friends, after
having, as I learn, performed in camp a comparatively short term of duty
in this great contest. I am greatly obliged to you, and to all who
have come forward at the call of their country. I wish it might be more
generally and universally understood what the country is now engaged in.
We have, as all will agree, a free government, where every man has a right
to be equal with every other man. In this great struggle, this form of
government and every form of human right is endangered if our enemies
succeed. There is more involved in this contest than is realized by
every one. There is involved in this struggle, the question whether your
children and my children shall enjoy the privileges we have enjoyed. I say
this, in order to impress upon you, if you are not already so impressed,
that no small matter should divert us from our great purpose.

There may be some inequalities in the practical application of our system.
It is fair that each man shall pay taxes in exact proportion to the value
of his property; but if we should wait, before collecting a tax, to adjust
the taxes upon each man in exact proportion with every other man, we
should never collect any tax at all. There may be mistakes made sometimes;
and things may be done wrong, while the officers of the Government do all
they can to prevent mistakes. But I beg of you, as citizens of this great
Republic, not to let your minds be carried off from the great work we have
before us. This struggle is too large for you to be diverted from it by
any small matter. When you return to your homes, rise up to the height of
a generation of men worthy of a free government, and we will carry out the
great work we have commenced. I return to you my sincere thanks, soldiers,
for the honor you have done me this afternoon.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BUTLER. EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., August
20, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL BUTLER, Bermuda Hundred, Va.:

Please allow Judge Snead to go to his family on Eastern Shore, or give me
some good reason why not.


A. LINCOLN.




ADDRESS TO THE 166TH OHIO REGIMENT,

AUGUST 22, 1864.

SOLDIERS--I suppose you are going home to see your families and friends.
For the services you have done in this great struggle in which we are
engaged, I present you sincere thanks for myself and the country.

I almost always feel inclined, when I say anything to soldiers, to impress
upon them, in a few brief remarks, the importance of success in this
contest. It is not merely for the day, but for all time to come, that
we should perpetuate for our children's children that great and free
government which we have enjoyed all our lives. I beg you to remember
this, not merely for my sake, but for yours. I happen, temporarily, to
occupy this big White House. I am a living witness that any one of your
children may look to come here as my father's child has. It is in order
that each one of you may have, through this free government which we have
enjoyed, an open field, and a fair chance for your industry, enterprise,
and intelligence; that you may all have equal privileges in the race of
life with all its desirable human aspirations--it is for this that the
struggle should be maintained, that we may not lose our birthrights--not
only for one, but for two or three years, if necessary. The nation is
worth fighting for, to secure such an inestimable jewel.




MEMORANDUM.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, August 23, 1864.

This morning, as for some days past, it seems exceedingly probable that
this administration will not be re-elected. Then it will be my duty to
so co-operate with the President-elect as to save the Union between the
election and the inauguration; as he will have secured his election on
such ground that he cannot possibly save it afterward.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR JOHNSON. EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, August 26,
1864.

GOVERNOR JOHNSON, Nashville, Tenn.:

Thanks to General Gillam for making the news and also to you for sending
it. Does Joe Heiskell's "walking to meet us" mean any more than that "Joe"
was scared and wanted to save his skin?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO B. H. BREWSTER. EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., August
30,1864.

HON. B. H. BREWSTER, Astor House, New York:

Your letter of yesterday received. Thank you for it. Please have no fears.


A. LINCOLN.




ORDER CONCERNING COTTON.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, August 31, 1864.

Any person or persons engaged in bringing out cotton, in strict conformity
with authority given by W. P. Fessenden, Secretary of the United States
Treasury, must not be hindered by the War, Navy, or any other Department
of the Government, or any person engaged under any of said Departments.


A. LINCOLN.




TO COLONEL HUIDEKOPER.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, SEPTEMBER 1, 1864

COLONEL H. C. HUIDEKOPER, Meadville, Penn.

SIR: It is represented to me that there are at Rock Island, Illinois, as
rebel prisoners of war, many persons of Northern and foreign birth who are
unwilling to be exchanged and sent South, but who wish to take the oath
of allegiance and enter the military service of the Union. Colonel
Huidekoper, on behalf of the people of some parts of Pennsylvania, wishes
to pay the bounties the Government would have to pay to proper persons
of this class, have them enter the service of the United States, and be
credited to the localities furnishing the bounty money. He will therefore
proceed to Rock Island, ascertain the names of such persons (not
including any who have attractions Southward), and telegraph them to
the Provost-Marshal-General here, whereupon direction will be given to
discharge the persons named upon their taking the oath of allegiance; and
then upon the official evidence being furnished that they shall have been
duly received and mustered into the service of the United States, their
number will be credited as may be directed by Colonel Huidekoper.


A. LINCOLN.




PROCLAMATION OF THANKSGIVING,

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON CITY, September 3, 1864.

The signal success that Divine Providence has recently vouchsafed to the
operations of the United States fleet and army in the harbor of Mobile,
and the reduction of Fort Powell, Fort Gaines, and Fort Morgan, and the
glorious achievements of the army under Major-General Sherman, in the
State of Georgia, resulting in the capture of the city of Atlanta, call
for devout acknowledgment to the Supreme Being in whose hands are the
destinies of nations. It is therefore requested that on next Sunday, in
all places of worship in the United States, thanksgivings be offered to
Him for His mercy in preserve our national existence against the insurgent
rebels who have been waging a cruel war against the Government of the
United States for its overthrow, and also that prayer be made for Divine
protection to our brave soldiers and their leaders in the field who have
so often and so gallantly periled their lives in battling with the enemy,
and for blessings and comfort from the Father of mercies to the sick,
wounded, and prisoners, and to the orphans and widows of those who have
fallen in the service of their country, and that He will continue to
uphold the Government of the United States against all the efforts of
public enemies and secret foes.


A. LINCOLN.




ORDERS OF GRATITUDE AND REJOICING.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, September 3, 1864.

The national thanks are tendered by the President to Admiral Farragut
and Major-General Canby, for the skill and harmony with which the recent
operations in Mobile Harbor and against Fort Powell, Fort Gaines, and Fort
Morgan were planned and carried into execution. Also to Admiral Farragut
and Major-General Granger, under whose immediate command they were
conducted, and to the gallant commanders on sea and land, and to the
sailors and soldiers engaged in the operations, for their energy and
courage, which, under the blessing of Providence, have been crowned with
brilliant success, and have won for them the applause and thanks of the
nation.


A. LINCOLN.




EXECUTIVE MANSION, September 3, 1864.

The national thanks are tendered by the President to Major-General William
T. Sherman and the gallant officers and soldiers of his command before
Atlanta, for the distinguished ability, courage, and perseverance
displayed in the campaign in Georgia, which under Divine power resulted
in the capture of the city of Atlanta. The marches, battles, sieges, and
other military operations that have signalized this campaign must
render it famous in the annals of war, and have entitled those who have
participated therein to the applause and thanks of the nation.


A. LINCOLN.




EXECUTIVE MANSION, September 3, 1864.

Ordered: First, That on Monday, the fifth day of September, commencing
at the hour of twelve o'clock noon, there shall be given a salute of one
hundred guns at the arsenal and navy-yard, at Washington, and on Tuesday,
the 6th of September, or on the day after the receipt of this order, at
each arsenal and navy-yard in the United States, for the recent brilliant
achievements of the fleet and land forces of the United States in the
harbor of Mobile, and in the reduction of Fort Powell, Fort Gaines, and
Fort Morgan. The Secretary of War and the Secretary of the Navy will issue
the necessary directions in their respective departments for the execution
of this order.

Second, That on Wednesday, the 7th of September, commencing at the hour of
twelve o'clock noon, there shall be fired a salute of one hundred guns
at the arsenal at Washington, and at New York, Boston, Philadelphia,
Baltimore, Pittsburg, Newport (Ky.), and St. Louis, and New Orleans,
Mobile, and Pensacola, Hilton Head, and Newbern, the day after the receipt
of this order, for the brilliant achievements of the army under command
of Major-General Sherman, in the State of Georgia, and for the capture of
Atlanta. The Secretary of War will issue directions for the execution of
this order.


A. LINCOLN, President Of the United States.




TO MRS. GURNEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, SEPTEMBER 4, 1864.

ELIZA P. GURNEY.

MY ESTEEMED FRIEND:--I have not forgotten probably never shall forget the
very impressive occasion when yourself and friends visited me on a Sabbath
forenoon two years ago--nor has your kind letter, written nearly a
year later, even been for gotten. In all, it has been your purpose to
strengthen my reliance on God. I am much indebted to the good Christian
people of the country for their constant prayer and consolations; and to
no one of them, more than to yourself. The purposes of the Almighty are
perfect, and must prevail, though we erring mortals may fail to accurately
perceive them in advance. We hoped for a happy termination of this
terrible war long before this; but God knows best, and has ruled
otherwise. We shall yet acknowledge His wisdom, and our own error therein.
Mean while we must work earnestly in the best light He gives us, trusting
that so working still conduces to the great ends He ordains. Surely He
intends some great good to follow this mighty convulsion, which no mortal
could make, and no mortal could stay.

Your people--the Friends--have had, and are having, a very great trial.
On principle, and faith, opposed to both war and oppression, they can
only practically oppose oppression by war. For those appealing to me on
conscientious grounds, I have done, and shall do, the best I could and
can, in my own conscience, under my oath to the law. That you believe this
I doubt not, and believing it, I shall still receive, for our country and
myself your earnest prayers to our Father in Heaven.

Your sincere friend,


A. LINCOLN.




REPLY TO A COMMITTEE OF COLORED PEOPLE FROM BALTIMORE

WHO PRESENTED HIM WITH A BIBLE,

SEPTEMBER 7, 1864.

I can only say now, as I have often said before, it has always been a
sentiment with me, that all mankind should be free. So far as I have been
able, so far as came within my sphere, I have always acted as I believed
was just and right, and done all I could for the good of mankind. I have,
in letters sent forth from this office, expressed myself better than I can
now.

In regard to the great Book, I have only to say it is the best gift which
God has ever given to man. All the good from the Saviour of the world is
communicated to us through this book. But for that Book, we could not know
right from wrong. All those things desirable to man are contained in it. I
return you sincere thanks for this very elegant copy of this great Book of
God which you present.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR PICKERING.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., September 8, 1864:

GOVERNOR PICKERING, Olympia, W. T.:

Your patriotic despatch of yesterday received and will be published.


A. LINCOLN.




ORDER OF THANKS TO HUNDRED-DAY TROOPS FROM OHIO.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON CITY, September 10, 1864.

The term of one hundred days for which the National Guard of Ohio
volunteered having expired, the President directs an official
acknowledgment to be made of their patriotic and valuable services during
the recent campaigns. The term of service of their enlistment was short,
but distinguished by memorable events. In the Valley of the Shenandoah, on
the Peninsula, in the operations on the James River, around Petersburg
and Richmond, in the battle of Monocacy, and in the intrenchments of
Washington, and in other important service, the National Guard of Ohio
performed with alacrity the duty of patriotic volunteers, for which they
are entitled to and are hereby tendered, through the Governor of their
State, the national thanks.


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL U.S. GRANT.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, September 12, 1864.


LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT:

Sheridan and Early are facing each other at a dead-lock. Could we not pick
up a regiment here and there, to the number of say ten thousand men, and
quietly but suddenly concentrate them at Sheridan's camp and enable him to
make a strike?

This is but a suggestion.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO JAMES G. BLAINE. WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., September
13, 1864.

HON. J. G. BLAINE, Augusta, Me.: On behalf of the Union, thanks to Maine.
Thanks to you personally for sending the news.


A. LINCOLN.

P. S.--Send same to L. B. Smith and M. A. Blanchard, Portland, Me. A. L.


TELEGRAM TO GENERAL ROSECRANS. EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, September
13, 1864

MAJOR-GENERAL ROSECRANS, Saint Louis:

Postpone the execution of S. H. Anderson for two weeks. Hear what his
friends can say in mitigation and report to me.


A. LINCOLN.

MAJOR ECKERT: Please send the above telegram.

JNO. G. NICOLAY, Private Secretary.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL SLOUGH.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., September 16, 1864.

GENERAL SLOUGH, Alexandria, Va.:

On the 14th I commuted the sentence of Conley, but fearing you may not
have received notice I send this. Do not execute him.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL W. T. SHERMAN. WASHINGTON, D. C., September 17,1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL SHERMAN, Atlanta, Georgia:

I feel great interest in the subjects of your despatch mentioning corn and
sorghum, and the contemplated visit to you.


A. LINCOLN, President of the United States.




TO GENERAL W. T. SHERMAN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, September 19, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL SHERMAN:

The State election of Indiana occurs on the 11th of October, and the loss
of it to the friends of the Government would go far towards losing
the whole Union cause. The bad effect upon the November election, and
especially the giving the State government to those who will oppose the
war in every possible way, are too much to risk if it can be avoided. The
draft proceeds, notwithstanding its strong tendency to lose us the State.
Indiana is the only important State voting in October whose soldiers
cannot vote in the field. Anything you can safely do to let her soldiers
or any part of them go home and vote at the State election will be greatly
in point. They need not remain for the Presidential election, but may
return to you at once. This is in no sense an order, but is merely
intended to impress you with the importance to the Army itself of your
doing all you safely can, yourself being the judge of what you can safely
do.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




INDORSEMENT CONCERNING AN EXCHANGE OF PRISONERS, SEPTEMBER 1864.

The writer of this, who appeals for his brother, is our minister to
Ecuador, and whom, if at all compatible, I would like to have obliged by a
special exchange of his brother.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL P. SHERIDAN. EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, September
20, 1864

MAJOR-GENERAL SHERIDAN, Winchester, Va.:

Have just heard of your great victory. God bless you all, officers and
men. Strongly inclined to come up and See you.


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL HITCHCOCK,

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, September 21, 1864.

GENERAL HITCHCOCK:

Please see the bearer, Mr. Broadwell, on a question about a mutual
supplying of clothes to prisoners.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL U.S. GRANT.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, September 22, 1864.

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT:

I send this as an explanation to you, and to do justice to the Secretary
of War. I was induced, upon pressing application, to authorize the agents
of one of the districts of Pennsylvania to recruit in one of the prison
depots in Illinois; and the thing went so far before it came to the
knowledge of the Secretary that, in my judgment, it could not be abandoned
without greater evil than would follow its going through. I did not know
at the time that you had protested against that class of thing being done;
and I now say that while this particular job must be completed, no other
of the sort will be authorized, without an understanding with you, if at
all. The Secretary of War is wholly free of any part in this blunder.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TO POSTMASTER-GENERAL BLAIR.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, September 23, 1864.


HON. MONTGOMERY BLAIR.

MY DEAR SIR:--You have generously said to me, more than once, that
whenever your resignation could be a relief to me, it was at my disposal.
The time has come. You very well know that this proceeds from no
dissatisfaction of mine with you personally or officially. Your uniform
kindness has been unsurpassed by that of any other friend, and while it
is true that the war does not so greatly add to the difficulties of your
department as to those of some others, it is yet much to say, as I most
truly can, that in the three years and a half during which you have
administered the General Post-Office, I remember no single complaint
against you in connection therewith.

Yours, as ever,


A. LINCOLN.




ORDER CONCERNING THE PURCHASE OF PRODUCTS IN INSURRECTIONARY STATES.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, September 24, 1864.

I. Congress having authorized the purchase for the United States of the
products of States declared in insurrection, and the Secretary of the
Treasury having designated New Orleans, Memphis, Nashville, Pensacola,
Port Royal, Beaufort (North Carolina), and Norfolk, as places of purchase,
and, with my approval, appointed agents and made regulations under which
said products may be purchased, therefore:

II. All persons except such as may be in the civil, military, or naval
service of the government, having in their possession any products of
States or parts of States declared in insurrection, which said agents
are authorized to purchase; and all persons owning or controlling such
products therein are authorized to convey such products to either of the
places which have been hereby or may hereafter be designated as places of
purchase, and such products so destined shall not be liable to
detention, seizure, or forfeiture while in transitu, or in store waiting
transportation.

III. Any person having the certificate of a purchasing agent, as
prescribed by Treasury Regulation VIII, is authorized to pass with the
necessary means of transportation to the points named in said certificate,
and to return therefrom with the products required for the fulfilment of
the stipulations set forth in said certificate.

IV. Any person having sold and delivered to a purchasing agent any
products of an insurrectionary State in accordance with the regulations in
relation thereto, and having in his possession a certificate setting
forth the fact of such purchase and sale; the character and quantity
of products, and the aggregate amount paid therefor, as prescribed by
Regulation I, shall be permitted by the military authority commanding at
the place of sale to purchase from any authorized dealer at such place
merchandise and other articles not contraband of war nor prohibited by
order of the War Department, nor coin, bullion, or foreign exchange, to
an amount not exceeding in value one-third of the aggregate value of
the products sold by him as certified by the agents purchasing, and the
merchandise and other articles so purchased may be transported by the
same route, and to the same place, from and by which the products sold and
delivered reached the purchasing agent, as set forth in the certificate,
and such merchandise and other articles shall have safe conduct, and
shall not be subject to detention, seizure, or forfeiture while being
transported to the places and by the routes set forth in the said
certificate.

V. Generals commanding military districts, and commandants of military
posts and detachments, and officers commanding fleets, flotillas, and
gunboats, will give safe conduct to persons and products, merchandise, and
other articles duly authorized as aforesaid, and not contraband of war,
or prohibited by order of the War Department, or of the order of such
generals commanding, or other duly authorized military or naval officer,
made in pursuance hereof, and all persons hindering or preventing such
safe conduct of persons or property will, be deemed guilty of a military
offense and punished accordingly.

VI. Any person transporting or attempting to transport any merchandise or
other articles except in pursuance of regulations of the Secretary of
the Treasury, dated July 29, 1864, or in pursuance of this order, or
transporting or attempting to transport any merchandise or other articles
contraband of war or forbidden by any order of the War Department, will
be deemed guilty of a military offense and punished accordingly; and all
products of insurrectionary States found in transitu to any other person
or than a purchasing agent and a designated of purchase shall be seized
and forfeited to the States, except such as may be moving to a loyal
state under duly authorized permits of a proper officer of the Treasury
Department, as prescribed by Regulation XXXVIII, concerning commercial
intercourse, dated July 29, 1864, or such as may have been found
abandoned, or have been captured and are moving in pursuance of the act of
March 12, 1864.

VII. No military or naval officer of the United States, or person in
the military or naval service, nor any civil officer, except such as
are appointed for that purpose, shall engage in trade or traffic in the
products of the insurrectionary States, or furnish transportation therefor
under pain of being deemed guilty of unlawful trading with the enemy and
punished accordingly.

VIII. The Secretary of War will make such general orders or regulations as
will insure the proper observance and execution of,, this order, and
the Secretary of the Navy will give instructions to officers commanding
fleets, flotillas, and gunboats in conformity therewith.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL W. T. SHERMAN. WASHINGTON, D. C., September 27, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL SHERMAN, Atlanta, Georgia:

You say Jefferson Davis is on a visit to Hood. I judge that Brown and
Stephens are the objects of his visit.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL U. S. GRANT. WASHINGTON, D.C., September 29,1864.

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, City Point, Va.:

I hope it will have no constraint on you, nor do harm any way, for me to
say I am a little afraid lest Lee sends reinforcements to Early, and thus
enables him to turn upon Sheridan.


A. LINCOLN.




INDORSEMENT.

September 29, 1864.

I think the bearer of this, Second Lieutenant Albee, deserves a hearing.
Will the Secretary of War please accord it to him?


A. LINCOLN.




ORDER RETURNING THANKS TO THE VOLUNTEERS FOR ONE HUNDRED DAYS

FROM THE STATES OF INDIANA, ILLINOIS, IOWA, AND WISCONSIN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,

WASHINGTON, October 1, 1864.

The term of one hundred days for which volunteers from the States of
Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, and Wisconsin volunteered, under the call of
their respective governors, in the months of May and June, to aid in the
campaign of General Sherman, having expired; the President directs an
official acknowledgment to be made of their patriotic service. It was
their good fortune to render efficient service in the brilliant operations
in the Southwest and to contribute to the victories of the national arms
over the rebel forces in Georgia under command of Johnston and Hood. On
all occasions and in every service to which they were assigned their duty
as patriotic volunteers was performed with alacrity and courage, for which
they are entitled to and are hereby tendered the national thanks through
the governors of their respective States.

The Secretary of War is directed to transmit a copy of this order to
the governors of Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, and Wisconsin and to cause a
certificate of their honorable service to be delivered to the officers
and soldiers of the States above named who recently served in the military
force of the United States as volunteers for one hundred days.


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL U.S. GRANT.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, October 5, 1864

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT:

I inclose you a copy of a correspondence in regard to a contemplated
exchange of naval prisoners through your lines, and not very distant from
your headquarters. It only came to the knowledge of the War Department and
of myself yesterday, and it gives us some uneasiness. I therefore send it
to you with the statement that, as the numbers to be exchanged under it
are small, and so much has already been done to effect the exchange, I
hope you may find it consistent to let it go forward under the general
supervision of General Butler, and particularly in reference to the points
he holds vital in exchanges. Still, you are at liberty to arrest the whole
operation if in your judgment the public good requires it.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




INDORSEMENT ON A MEMORANDUM BY GENERAL McDOWELL, OCTOBER 7, 1864

I well remember the meetings herein narrated. See nothing for me to object
to in the narrative as being made by General McDowell, except the phrase
attributed to me "of the Jacobinism of Congress",

     [This memorandum describes the private discussions that
     preceded the transfer of McClellan's army from the Potomac,
     where it had confronted the Confederates at Manassas. See H.
     J. Raymond: Life of Lincoln, p. 772]

which phrase I do not remember using literally or in substance, and which
I wish not to be published in any event.


A. LINCOLN.




TO H. W. HOFFMAN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION WASHINGTON, October 10, 1864.

HON. HENRY W. HOFFMAN.

MY DEAR SIR:--A convention of Maryland has framed a new constitution for
the State; a public meeting is called for this evening at Baltimore to aid
in securing its ratification by the people, and you ask a word from me
for the occasion. I presume the only feature of the instrument about which
there is serious controversy is that which provides for the extinction of
slavery. It needs not to be a secret and I presume it is no secret, that I
wish success to this provision. I desire it on every consideration. I wish
all men to be free. I wish the material prosperity of the already free,
which I feel sure the extinction of slavery would bring. I wish to see in
process of disappearing that only thing which ever could bring this nation
to civil war. I attempt no argument. Argument upon the question is already
exhausted by the abler, better informed, and more immediately interested
sons of Maryland herself. I only add that I shall be gratified exceedingly
if the good people of the State shall, by their votes, ratify the new
constitution.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR CURTIN.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., October 10, 1864, 5 P.M.

GOVERNOR CURTIN, Harrisburg, Pa.:

Yours of to-day just this moment received, and the Secretary having left
it is impossible for me to answer to-day. I have not received your letter
from Erie.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO ROBERT T. LINCOLN, Cambridge, Mass.:

Your letter makes us a little uneasy about your health. Telegraph us how
you are. If you think it would help you, make us a visit.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL U. S. GRANT. WASHINGTON, D. C., October 12, 1864.

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, City Point, Va.:

Secretary of War not being in, I answer yours about election. Pennsylvania
very close, and still in doubt on home vote. Ohio largely for us, with
all the members of Congress but two or three. Indiana largely for
us,--Governor, it is said, by fifteen thousand, and eight of the eleven
members of Congress. Send us what you may know of your army vote.


A. LINCOLN.




RESPONSE TO A SERENADE,

OCTOBER 19, 1864.


FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS:--I am notified that this is a compliment paid
me by the loyal Marylanders resident in this District. I infer that the
adoption of the new constitution for the State furnishes the occasion, and
that in your view the extirpation of slavery constitutes the chief
merit of the new constitution. Most heartily do I congratulate you, and
Maryland, and the nation, and the world, upon this event. I regret that
it did not occur two years sooner, which, I am sure, would have saved the
nation more money than would have met all the private loss incident to
the measure; but it has come at last, and I sincerely hope its friends
may fully realize all their anticipations of good from it, and that its
opponents may by its effects be agreeably and profitably disappointed.

A word upon another subject. Something said by the Secretary of State in
his recent speech at Auburn, has been construed by some into a threat,
that if I shall be beaten at the election, I will, between then and
the end of my constitutional term, do what I may be able to ruin the
Government.

Others regard the fact that the Chicago Convention adjourned, not sine
die, but to meet again, if called to do so by a particular individual, as
the intimation of a purpose that if their nominee shall be elected he
will at once seize control of the Government. I hope the good people will
permit themselves to suffer no uneasiness on either point. I am struggling
to maintain the Government, not to overthrow it. I am struggling
especially to prevent others from overthrowing it. I therefore say, that
if I live, I shall remain President until the 4th of next March, and that
whoever shall be constitutionally elected, in November, shall be duly
installed as President on the 4th of March, and in the interval I shall do
my utmost that whoever is to hold the helm for the next voyage shall
start with the best possible chance of saving the ship. This is due to
the people, both on principle and under the Constitution. Their will,
constitutionally expressed, is the ultimate law for all. If they should
deliberately resolve to have immediate peace, even at the loss of their
country and their liberties, I know not the power or the right to resist
them. It is their own business, and they must do as they please with their
own. I believe, however, they are still resolved to preserve their country
and their liberties; and in this, in office or out of it, I am resolved to
stand by them. I may add, that in this purpose to save the country and its
liberties, no classes of people seem so nearly unanimous as the soldiers
in the field and the sailors afloat. Do they not have the hardest of it?
Who should quail while they do not? God bless the soldiers and seamen,
with all their brave commanders.




PROCLAMATION OF THANKSGIVING, OCTOBER 20, 1864.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A Proclamation.

It has pleased Almighty God to prolong our national life another year,
defending us with his guardian care against unfriendly designs from
abroad, and vouchsafing to us in His mercy many and signal victories over
the enemy, who is of our own household. It has also pleased our Heavenly
Father to favor as well our citizens in their homes as our soldiers in
their camps, and our sailors on the rivers and seas, with unusual health.
He has largely augmented our free population by emancipation and by
immigration, while he has opened to us new: sources of wealth, and has
crowned the labor of our working-men in every department of industry with
abundant rewards. Moreover, he has been pleased to animate and inspire our
minds and hearts with fortitude, courage, and resolution sufficient
for the great trial of civil war into which we have been brought by our
adherence as a nation to the cause of freedom and humanity, and to afford
to us reasonable hopes of an ultimate and happy deliverance from all our
dangers and afflictions.

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do
hereby appoint and set apart the last Thursday in November next as a day
which I desire to be observed by all my fellow-citizens, wherever they
may be then, as a day of thanksgiving and praise to Almighty God, the
beneficent Creator and Ruler of the Universe. And I do further recommend
to my fellow-citizens aforesaid, that on that occasion they do reverently
humble themselves in the dust, and from thence offer up penitent and
fervent prayers and supplications to the great Disposer of events for
a return of the inestimable blessings of peace, union, and harmony
throughout the, land which it has pleased him to assign as a
dwelling-place for ourselves and for our posterity throughout all
generations.

In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed.

Done at the city of Washington, this twentieth day of October, in the
year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-four, and of the
independence of the United States the eighty-ninth.


A. LINCOLN.

By the President  WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.




TELEGRAM To J. G. NICOLAY. WASHINGTON, D. C., October 21, 1864. 9.45 P.M.

J. G. NICOLAY, Saint Louis, Missouri:

While Curtis is fighting Price, have you any idea where the force under
Rosecrans is, or what it is doing?


A. LINCOLN.




TO WILLIAM B. CAMPBELL AND OTHERS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., October 22, 1864.


MESSRS WILLIAM B. CAMPBELL, THOMAS A. R. NELSON, JAMES T. P. CARTER, JOHN
WILLIAMS, A. BLIZZARD, HENRY COOPER, BAILLIE PEYTON, JOHN LELLYET, EMERSON
ETHERIDGE, and JOHN D. PERRYMAN.

GENTLEMEN:--On the 15th day of this month, as I remember, a printed paper
manuscript, with a few manuscript interlineations, called a protest, with
your names appended thereto, and accompanied by another printed paper,
purporting to be a proclamation by Andrew Johnson, Military Governor of
Tennessee, and also a manuscript paper, purporting to be extracts from the
Code of Tennessee, were laid before me.

The protest, proclamation, and extracts are respectively as follows:

[The protest is here recited, and also the proclamation of Governor
Johnson, dated September 30, to which it refers, together with a list of
the counties in East, Middle, and West Tennessee; also extracts from the
Code of Tennessee in relation to electors of President and Vice-President,
qualifications of voters for members of the General Assembly, places of
holding elections, and officers of popular elections.]

At the time these papers were presented, as before stated, I had never
seen either of them, nor heard of the subject to which they related,
except in a general way one day previously.

Up to the present moment, nothing whatever upon the subject has
passed between Governor Johnson, or any one else, connected with the
proclamation, and myself.

Since receiving the papers, as stated, I have given the subject such brief
consideration as I have been able to do, in the midst of so many pressing
public duties.

My conclusion is, that I can have nothing to do with the matter, either to
sustain the plan as the convention and Governor Johnson have initiated it,
or to revoke or modify it as you demand.

By the Constitution and laws, the President is charged with no duty in
the presidential election in any State, nor do I in this case perceive any
military reason for his interference in the matter.

The movement set on foot by the convention and Governor Johnson does not,
as seems to be assumed by you, emanate from the National Executive.

In no proper sense can it be considered other than an independent movement
of, at least, a portion of the loyal people of Tennessee.

I do not perceive in the plan any menace, or violence, or coercion towards
any one.

Governor Johnson, like any other loyal citizen of Tennessee, has the right
to favor any political plan he chooses, and, as military governor, it is
his duty to keep peace among and for the loyal people of the State.

I cannot discern that by this plan he purposes any more. But you object to
the plan.

Leaving it alone will be your perfect security against it. It is not
proposed to force you into it. Do as you please, on your own account,
peaceably and loyally, and Governor Johnson will not molest you, but will
protect you against violence as far as in his power.

I presume that the conducting of a presidential election in Tennessee
in strict accordance with the old Code of the State, is not now a
possibility.

It is scarcely necessary to add, that if any election shall be held
and any votes shall be cast in the State of Tennessee for President and
Vice-President of the United States, it will belong, not to the military
agents, nor yet to the Executive Department, but exclusively to another
department of the Government, to determine whether they are entitled to be
counted in conformity with the Constitution and laws of the United States.

Except it be to give protection against violence, I decline to interfere
in any way with any presidential election.


A. LINCOLN.



TELEGRAM TO GENERAL P. H. SHERIDAN. EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, October
22, 1864

MAJOR-GENERAL SHERIDAN:

With great pleasure I tender to you and your brave army the thanks of
the nation, and my own personal admiration and gratitude, for the month's
operations in the Shenandoah Valley; and especially for the splendid work
of October 19, 1864.

Your obedient servant,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. H. THOMAS. WASHINGTON, D. C., October 23, 1864 5
P.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL THOMAS, Nashville, Tennessee:

I have received information to-day, having great appearance of
authenticity, that there is to be a rebel raid into Western Kentucky; that
it is to consist of four thousand infantry and three thousand cavalry, and
is to start from Corinth, Mississippi, On the fourth day of November.


A. LINCOLN, President.

Send copy to General Washburn at Memphis. A. L.




TELEGRAM TO T. T. DAVIS. EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D.C., October 31,
1864.

HON. THOMAS T. DAVIS, Syracuse, N.Y.:

I have ordered that Milton D. Norton be discharged on taking the oath.
Please notify his mother.


A. LINCOLN.




PROCLAMATION ADMITTING NEVADA INTO THE UNION

OCTOBER 31, 1864.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A Proclamation

Whereas the Congress of the United States passed an act, which was
approved on the 21st day of March last, entitled "An act to enable the
people of Nevada to form a constitution and State government, and for
the admission of such State into the Union on an equal footing with the
original States;" and,

Whereas the said constitution and State government have been formed,
pursuant to the conditions prescribed by the fifth section of the act of
Congress aforesaid, and the certificate required by the said act and
also a copy of the constitution and ordinances have been submitted to the
President of the United States:

Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the
United States, in accordance with the duty imposed upon me by the act of
Congress aforesaid, do hereby declare and proclaim that the said State of
Nevada is admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the original
States.

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the
United States to be affixed..........


A. LINCOLN.

By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BURBRIDGE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, November 4, 1864

MAJOR-GENERAL BURBRIDGE, Lexington, Ky.

Suspend execution of all the deserters ordered to be executed on Sunday
at Louisville, until further order, and send me the records in the cases.
Acknowledge receipt.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO NAVAL OFFICER AT MOBILE BAY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, November 6, 1864. 9 P.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL CANBY, New Orleans, La.:

Please forward with all possible despatch to the naval officer commanding
at Mobile Bay the following order.


A. LINCOLN.


(Inclosure.)

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, November 6, 1864.

NAVAL OFFICER IN COMMAND AT MOBILE BAY

Do not on any account, or on any showing of authority whatever, from
whomsoever purporting to come, allow the blockade to be violated.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO SAILORS' FAIR, BOSTON, MASSACHUSETTS.

WASHINGTON, D. C., November 8, 1864.

TO THE MANAGING COMMITTEE OF THE SAILORS' FAIR, Boston, Massachusetts

Allow me to wish you a great success. With the old fame of the Navy made
brighter in the present war you cannot fail. I name none lest I wrong
others by omission. To all, from rear-admiral to honest Jack, I tender the
nation's admiration and gratitude.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO A. H. RICE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, November 8, 1864.

HON. A. H. RICE, Boston, Massachusetts:

Yours received. I have no other notice that the ox is mine. If it be
really so, I present it to the Sailors' Fair as a contribution.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO SECRETARY SEWARD. WASHINGTON, November 8, 1864.

HON. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Auburn, New York:

News from Grant, Sherman, Thomas and Rosecrans satisfactory, but not
important. Pirate Florida captured by the Wachusett October 7, on the
coast of Brazil. The information is certain.


A. LINCOLN.




RESPONSE TO A SERENADE, NOVEMBER 9, 1864.

FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS:--Even before I had been informed by you that
this compliment was paid me by loyal citizens of Pennsylvania, friendly
to me, I had inferred that you were of that portion of my countrymen who
think that the best interests of the nation are to be subserved by the
support of the present administration. I do not pretend to say that you,
who think so, embrace all the patriotism and loyalty of the country, but I
do believe, and I trust without personal interest, that the welfare of the
country does require that such support and indorsement should be given.

I earnestly believe that the consequences of this day's work, if it be as
you assume, and as now seems probable, will be to the lasting advantage,
if not to the very salvation, of the country. I cannot at this hour say
what has been the result of the election. But, whatever it may be, I have
no desire to modify this opinion: that all who have labored to-day in
behalf of the Union have wrought for the best interests of the country and
the world; not only for the present, but for all future ages.

I am thankful to God for this approval of the people; but, while deeply
grateful for this mark of their confidence in me, if I know my heart, my
gratitude is free from any taint of personal triumph. I do not impugn the
motives of any one opposed to me. It is no pleasure to me to triumph
over any one, but I give thanks to the Almighty for this evidence of
the people's resolution to stand by free government and the rights of
humanity.




TELEGRAM TO H. W. HOFFMAN. WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C. November 10,
1864.

H. HOFFMAN, Baltimore, Md.:

The Maryland soldiers in the Army of the Potomac cast a total vote of
fourteen hundred and twenty-eight, out of which we get eleven hundred and
sixty majority. This is directly from General Meade and General Grant.


A. LINCOLN.




ON DEMOCRATIC GOVERNMENT

RESPONSE TO A SERENADE, NOVEMBER 10, 1864.

It has long been a grave question whether any government, not too strong
for the liberties of its people, can be strong enough to maintain its
existence in great emergencies. On this point the present rebellion
brought our government to a severe test, and a presidential election
occurring in regular course during the rebellion, added not a little to
the strain.

If the loyal people united were put to the utmost of their strength by the
rebellion, must they not fail when divided and partially paralyzed by
a political war among themselves? But the election was a necessity. We
cannot have free government without elections; and if the election could
force us to forego or postpone a national election, it might fairly claim
to have already conquered and ruined us. The strife of the election is
but human nature practically applied to the facts of the case. What has
occurred in this case must ever recur in similar cases. Human nature will
not change. In any future great national trial, compared with the men of
this, we will have as weak and as strong, as silly and as wise, as bad and
as good. Let us, therefore, study the incidents of this as philosophy to
learn wisdom from, and none of them as wrongs to be revenged.

But the election, along with its incidental and undesirable strife, has
done good, too. It has demonstrated that a people's government can sustain
a national election in the midst of a great civil war. Until now, it has
not been known to the world that this was a possibility. It shows, also,
how sound and strong we still are. It shows that even among the candidates
of the same party, he who is most devoted to the Union and most opposed
to treason can receive most of the people's votes. It shows, also, to
the extent yet known, that we have more men now than we had when the war
began. Gold is good in its place; but living, brave, and patriotic men are
better than gold.

But the rebellion continues, and, now that the election is over, may
not all have a common interest to reunite in a common effort to save our
common country? For my own part, I have striven and shall strive to avoid
placing any obstacle in the way. So long as I have been here, I have not
willingly planted a thorn in any man's bosom. While I am duly sensible to
the high compliment of a re-election, and duly grateful, as I trust, to
Almighty God, for having directed my countrymen to a right conclusion, as
I think, for their good, it adds nothing to my satisfaction that any other
man may be disappointed by the result.

May I ask those who have not differed with me to join with me in this
same spirit towards those who have? And now, let me close by asking three
hearty cheers for our brave soldiers and seamen, and their gallant and
skillful commanders.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL S. O. BURBRIDGE. WASHINGTON, D.C., November 10, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL BURBRIDGE, Lexington, Ky.:

I have just received a telegram from Governor Bramlette saying: "General
John B. Houston, a loyal man and prominent citizen, was arrested, and
yesterday, started off by General Burbridge, to be sent beyond our lines
by way of Catlettsburg, for no other offense than opposition to your
re-election," and I have answered him as follows below, of which please
take notice and report to me.


A. LINCOLN.




WASHINGTON, D.C., November 10, 1864. GOVERNOR BRAMLETTE, Frankfort, Ky.:

Yours of yesterday received. I can scarcely believe that General John
B. Houston has been arrested "for no other offense than opposition to my
re-election;" for, if that had been deemed sufficient cause of arrest, I
should have heard of more than one arrest in Kentucky on election day.
If, however, General Houston has been arrested for no other cause than
opposition to my re-election, General Burbridge will discharge him at
once, I sending him a copy of this as an order to that effect.


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL S. A. HURLBUT.

(Private.)

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, November 14, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL HURLBUT:

Few things since I have been here have impressed me more painfully
than what, for four or five months past, has appeared a bitter military
opposition to the new State government of Louisiana. I still indulged some
hope that I was mistaken in the fact; but copies of a correspondence
on the subject between General Canby and yourself, and shown me to-day,
dispel that hope. A very fair proportion of the people of Louisiana
have inaugurated a new State government, making an excellent new
constitution--better for the poor black man than we have in Illinois. This
was done under military protection, directed by me, in the belief, still
sincerely entertained, that with such a nucleus around which to build we
could get the State into position again sooner than otherwise. In this
belief a general promise of protection and support, applicable alike to
Louisiana and other States, was given in the last annual message. During
the formation of the new government and constitution they were supported
by nearly every loyal person, and opposed by every secessionist. And
this support and this opposition, from the respective standpoints of the
parties, was perfectly consistent and logical. Every Unionist ought to
wish the new government to succeed; and every disunionist must desire it
to fail. Its failure would gladden the heart of Slidell in Europe, and
of every enemy of the old flag in the world. Every advocate of slavery
naturally desires to see blasted and crushed the liberty promised the
black man by the new constitution. But why General Canby and General
Hurlbut should join on the same side is to me incomprehensible.

Of course, in the condition of things at New Orleans, the military must
not be thwarted by the civil authority; but when the Constitutional
Convention, for what it deems a breach of privilege, arrests an editor in
no way connected with the military, the military necessity for insulting
the convention and forcibly discharging the editor is difficult to
perceive. Neither is the military necessity for protecting the people
against paying large salaries fixed by a legislature of their own choosing
very apparent. Equally difficult to perceive is the military necessity for
forcibly interposing to prevent a bank from loaning its own money to the
State. These things, if they have occurred, are, at the best, no better
than gratuitous hostility. I wish I could hope that they may be shown not
to have occurred. To make assurance against misunderstanding, I repeat
that in the existing condition of things in Louisiana, the military
must not be thwarted by the civil authority; and I add that on points of
difference the commanding general must be judge and master. But I also add
that in the exercise of this judgment and control, a purpose, obvious, and
scarcely unavowed, to transcend all military necessity, in order to crush
out the civil government, will not be overlooked.

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.




REPLY TO MARYLAND UNION COMMITTEE, NOVEMBER 17, 1864.

The President, in reply, said that he had to confess he had been duly
notified of the intention to make this friendly call some days ago, and in
this he had had a fair opportunity afforded to be ready with a set speech;
but he had not prepared one, being too busy for that purpose. He would
say, however, that he was gratified with the result of the presidential
election. He had kept as near as he could to the exercise of his best
judgment for the interest of the whole country, and to have the seal of
approbation stamped on the course he had pursued was exceedingly grateful
to his feelings. He thought he could say, in as large a sense as any other
man, that his pleasure consisted in belief that the policy he had pursued
was the best, if not the only one, for the safety of the country.

He had said before, and now repeated, that he indulged in no feeling of
triumph over any man who thought or acted differently from himself. He
had no such feeling toward any living man. When he thought of Maryland, in
particular, he was of the opinion that she had more than double her share
in what had occurred in the recent elections. The adoption of a free-State
constitution was a greater thing than the part taken by the people of the
State in the presidential election. He would any day have stipulated to
lose Maryland in the presidential election to save it by the adoption of
a free-State constitution, because the presidential election comes every
four years, while that is a thing which, being done, cannot be undone. He
therefore thought that in that they had a victory for the right worth a
great deal more than their part in the presidential election, though
of the latter he thought highly. He had once before said, but would say
again, that those who have differed with us and opposed us will see that
the result of the presidential election is better for their own good than
if they had been successful.

Thanking the committee for their compliment, he brought his brief speech
to a close.




PROCLAMATION CONCERNING BLOCKADE, NOVEMBER 19, 1864

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A Proclamation.

Whereas by my proclamation of the 19th of April, 1861, it was declared
that the ports of certain States, including those of Norfolk, in the State
of Virginia, Fernandina and Pensacola, in the State of Florida, were, for
reasons therein set forth, intended to be placed under blockade; and:

Whereas the said ports were subsequently blockaded accordingly, but having
for some time past been in the military possession of the United States,
it is deeemd advisable that they should be opened to domestic and foreign
commerce:

Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the
United States, pursuant to the authority in me vested by the fifth section
of the act of Congress approved on the 13th of July, 1861, entitled "An
act further to provide for the collection of duties on imports, and for
other purposes," do hereby declare that the blockade of the said ports of
Norfolk, Fernandina, and Pensacola shall so far cease and determine, from
and after the first day of December next, that commercial intercourse with
those ports, except as to persons, things, and information contraband of
war, may, from that time, be carried on, subject to the laws of the United
States, to the limitations and in pursuance of the regulations which may
be prescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury, and to such military
and naval regulations as are now in force, or may hereafter be found
necessary.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington, this
nineteenth day of November, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight
hundred and sixty-four, and of the independence of the United States the
eighty-ninth.


A. LINCOLN.

By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.




FIVE-STAR MOTHER

TO MRS. BIXBY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, November 21, 1864.

MRS. BIXBY, Boston, Massachusetts.

DEAR MADAM:--I have been shown in the files of the War Department a
statement of the Adjutant-General of Massachusetts that you are the mother
of five sons who have died gloriously on the field of battle. I feel
how weak and fruitless must be any words of mine which should attempt to
beguile you from the grief of a loss so overwhelming. But I cannot refrain
from tendering to you the consolation that may be found in the thanks
of the Republic they died to save. I pray that our Heavenly Father may
assuage the anguish of your bereavement, and leave you only the cherished
memory of the loved and lost, and the solemn pride that must be yours to
have laid so costly a sacrifice upon the altar of freedom.

Yours very sincerely and respectfully,


A. LINCOLN.




TO J. PHILLIPS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, November 21, 1864.

DEACON JOHN PHILLIPS.

MY DEAR SIR:--I have heard of the incident at the polls in your town, in
which you acted so honorable a part, and I take the liberty of writing
to you to express my personal gratitude for the compliment paid me by the
suffrage of a citizen so venerable.

The example of such devotion to civic duties in one whose days have
already been extended an average lifetime beyond the Psalmist's limit,
cannot but be valuable and fruitful. It is not for myself only, but for
the country which you have in your sphere served so long and so well, that
I thank you.

Your friend and servant,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR BRAMLETTE. WASHINGTON, D. C. NOVEMBER 22, 1864.

GOVERNOR BRAMLETTE, Frankfort, Ky.:

Yours of to-day received. It seems that Lieutenant-Governor Jacobs and
Colonel Wolford are stationary now. General Sudarth and Mr. Hodges are
here, and the Secretary of War and myself are trying to devise means of
pacification and harmony for Kentucky, which we hope to effect soon, now
that the passion-exciting subject of the election is past.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR CURTIN, WASHINGTON, D.C., NOVEMBER 25, 1864

GOVERNOR CURTIN, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania;

I have no knowledge, information, or belief, that three States--or any
States, offer to resume allegiance.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL ROSECRANS. EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON D.C., NOV.
26, 1864

MAJOR-GENERAL ROSECRANS:

Please telegraph me briefly on what charge and evidence Mrs. Anna B.
Martin has been sent to the penitentiary at Alton.


A. LINCOLN.




MEMORANDUM,

DECEMBER 3, 1864.

On Thursday of last week, two ladies from Tennessee came before the
President, asking the release of their husbands held as prisoners of war
at Johnson's Island. They were put off until Friday, when they came again,
and were again put off until Saturday. At each of the interviews one of
the ladies urged that her husband was a religious man, and on Saturday the
President ordered the release of the prisoners, when he said to this lady:
"You say your husband is a religious man; tell him when you meet him, that
I say I am not much of a judge of religion, but that, in my opinion, the
religion that sets men to rebel and fight against their own government,
because, as they think, that government does not sufficiently help some
men to eat their bread in the sweat of other men's faces, is not the sort
of religion upon which people can get to heaven."


A. LINCOLN.




ORDER CONCERNING THE STEAMER "FUNAYMA SOLACE."

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 3, 1864.

A war steamer, called the Funayma Solace, having been built in this
country, for the Japanese government and at the instance of that
government, it is deemed to comport with the public interest, in view of
the unsettled condition of the relations of the United States with that
Empire, that the steamer should not be allowed to proceed to Japan. If,
however, the Secretary of the Navy should ascertain that the steamer is
adapted to our service, he is authorized to purchase her, but the purchase
money will be held in trust toward satisfying any valid claims which may
be presented by the Japanese on account of the construction of the steamer
and the failure to deliver the same, as above set forth.


A. LINCOLN.



MESSAGE TO CONGRESS.

WASHINGTON CITY, December 5, 1864

TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:

In conformity to the law of July 16, 1862, I most cordially recommend that
Captain John A. Winslow, United States Navy, receive a vote of thanks from
Congress for the skill and gallantry exhibited by him in the brilliant
action whilst in command of the United States steamer Keaysarge, which led
to the total destruction of the piratical craft Alabama, on the 19th of
June, 1864., a vessel superior in tonnage, superior in number of guns, and
superior in number of crew.

This recommendation is specially made in order to comply with the
requirements of the ninth section of the aforesaid act, which is in the
following words, viz:

That any line officer of the navy or marine corps may be advanced one
grade, if, upon recommendation by the President by name he receives the
thanks of Congress for highly distinguished conduct in conflict with the
enemy, or far extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession.


A. LINCOLN,




MESSAGE TO CONGRESS.

WASHINGTON CITY, December 5, 1864.

TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:

In conformity to the law of July 16, 1862, I most cordially recommend
that Lieutenant William B. Gushing, United States Navy, receive a vote of
thanks from Congress for his important, gallant, and perilous achievement
in destroying the rebel ironclad steamer Albemarle on the night of the
27th of October, 1864., at Plymouth, N. C.

The destruction of so formidable a vessel, which had resisted the
continued attacks of a number of our vessels on former occasions, is an
important event touching our future naval and military operations, and
would reflect honor on any officer, and redounds to the credit of this
young officer and the few brave comrades who assisted in this successful
and daring undertaking.

This recommendation is specially made in order to comply with the
requirements of the ninth section of the Aforesaid act, which is in the
following words, namely:

That any line officer of the navy or marine corps may be advanced one
grade if upon recommendation of the President by name he receives the
thanks of Congress for highly distinguished conduct in conflict with the
enemy, or for extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession.


A. LINCOLN.




ANNUAL MESSAGE TO CONGRESS,

DECEMBER 6, 1864.

FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:

Again the blessings of health and abundant harvests claim our profoundest
gratitude to Almighty God.

The condition of our foreign affairs is reasonably satisfactory.

Mexico continues to be a theater of civil war. While our political
relations with that country have undergone no change, we have at the same
time strictly maintained neutrality between the belligerents.

At the request of the States of Costa Rica and Nicaragua, a competent
engineer has been authorized to make a survey of the river San Juan
and the port of San Juan. It is a source of much satisfaction that the
difficulties which for a moment excited some political apprehensions and
caused a closing of the interoceanic transit route have been amicably
adjusted, and that there is a good prospect that the route will soon
be reopened with an increase of capacity and adaptation. We could not
exaggerate either the commercial or the political importance of that great
improvement.

It would be doing injustice to an important South American State not
to acknowledge the directness, frankness, and cordiality with which the
United States of Colombia have entered into intimate relations with this
government. A claims convention has been constituted to complete the
unfinished work of the one which closed its session in 1861.

The new liberal constitution of Venezuela having gone into effect with
the universal acquiescence of the people, the government under it has been
recognized and diplomatic intercourse with it has opened in a cordial
and friendly spirit. The long-deferred Aves Island claim has been
satisfactorily paid and discharged.

Mutual payments have been made of the claims awarded by the late joint
commission for the settlement of claims between the United States and
Peru. An earnest and cordial friendship continues to exist between the two
countries, and such efforts as were in my power have been used to remove
misunderstanding, and avert a threatened war between Peru and Spain.

Our relations are of the most friendly nature with Chile, the Argentine
Republic, Bolivia, Costa Rica, Paraguay, San Salvador, and Haiti.

During the past year no differences of any kind have arisen with any of
these republics, and on the other hand, their sympathies with the United
States are constantly expressed with cordiality and earnestness.

The claim arising from the seizure of the cargo of the brig Macedonian in
1821 has been paid in full by the Government of Chile.

Civil war continues in the Spanish part of San Domingo, apparently without
prospect of an early close.

Official correspondence has been freely opened with Liberia, and it gives
us a pleasing view of social and political progress in that republic. It
may be expected to derive new vigor from American influence improved by
the rapid disappearance of slavery in the United States.

I solicit your authority to furnish to the republic a gunboat, at moderate
cost, to be reimbursed to the United States by instalments. Such a vessel
is needed for the safety of that state against the native African races,
and in Liberian hands it would be more effective in arresting the African
slave-trade than a squadron in our own hands. The possession of the least
organized naval force would stimulate a generous ambition in the republic,
and the confidence which we should manifest by furnishing it would win
forbearance and favor toward the colony from all civilized nations.

The proposed overland telegraph between America and Europe, by the way of
Bering Straits and Asiatic Russia, which was sanctioned by Congress at the
last session, has been undertaken, under very favorable circumstances,
by an association of American citizens, with the cordial good-will and
support as well of this Government as of those of Great Britain and
Russia. Assurances have been received from most of the South American
States of their high appreciation of the enterprise and their readiness
to co-operate in constructing lines tributary to that world-encircling
communication. I learn with much satisfaction that the noble design of a
telegraphic communication between the eastern coast of America and
Great Britain has been renewed, with full expectation of its early
accomplishment.

Thus it is hoped that with the return of domestic peace the country will
be able to resume with energy and advantage its former high career of
commerce and civilization.

Our very popular and estimable representative in Egypt died in April last.
An unpleasant altercation which arose between the temporary incumbent of
the office and the Government of the Pasha resulted in a suspension
of intercourse. The evil was promptly corrected on the arrival of the
successor in the consulate, and our relations with Egypt, as well as our
relations with the Barbary Powers, are entirely satisfactory.

The rebellion which has so long been flagrant in China has at last been
suppressed, with the co-operating good offices of this Government and of
the other Western commercial States. The judicial consular establishment
there has become very difficult and onerous, and it will need legislative
revision to adapt it to the extension of our commerce and to the more
intimate intercourse which has been instituted with the Government and
people of that vast Empire. China seems to be accepting with hearty
good-will the conventional laws which regulate commercial and social
intercourse among the Western nations.

Owing to the peculiar situation of Japan and the anomalous form of its
Government, the action of that empire in performing treaty stipulations is
inconstant and capricious. Nevertheless, good progress has been effected
by the Western powers, moving with enlightened concert. Our own pecuniary
claims have been allowed or put in course of settlement, and the inland
sea has been reopened to commerce. There is reason also to believe that
these proceedings have increased rather than diminished the friendship of
Japan toward the United States.

The ports of Norfolk, Fernandina, and Pensacola have been opened by
proclamation. It is hoped that foreign merchants will now consider whether
it is not safer and more profitable to themselves, as well as just to
the United States, to resort to these and other open ports than it is to
pursue, through many hazards and at vast cost, a contraband trade with
other ports which are closed, if not by actual military occupation, at
least by a lawful and effective blockade.

For myself, I have no doubt of the power and duty of the Executive, under
the law of nations, to exclude enemies of the human race from an asylum in
the United States. If Congress should think that proceedings in such
cases lack the authority of law, or ought to be further regulated by it, I
recommend that provision be made for effectually preventing foreign
slave traders from acquiring domicile and facilities for their criminal
occupation in our country.

It is possible that if it were a new and open question the maritime
powers, with the lights they now enjoy, would not concede the privileges
of a naval belligerent to the insurgents of the United States, destitute,
as they are, and always have been, equally of ships of war and of ports
and harbors. Disloyal emissaries have been neither assiduous nor more
successful during the last year than they were before that time in their
efforts, under favor of that privilege, to embroil our country in foreign
wars. The desire and determination of the governments of the maritime
states to defeat that design are believed to be as sincere as and can
not be more earnest than our own. Nevertheless, unforeseen political
difficulties have arisen, especially in Brazilian and British ports and on
the northern boundary of the United States, which have required, and are
likely to continue to require, the practice of constant vigilance and a
just and conciliatory spirit on the part of the United States, as well as
of the nations concerned and their governments.

Commissioners have been appointed under the treaty with Great Britain
on the adjustment of the claims of the Hudson Bay and Puget Sound
Agricultural Companies, in Oregon, and are now proceeding to the execution
of the trust assigned to them.

In view of the insecurity of life and property in the region adjacent
to the Canadian border, by reason of recent assaults and depredations
committed by inimical and desperate persons who are harbored there, it
has been thought proper to give notice that after the expiration of six
months, the period conditionally stipulated in the existing arrangement
with Great Britain, the United States must hold themselves at liberty
to increase their naval armament upon the Lakes if they shall find that
proceeding necessary. The condition of the border will necessarily come
into consideration in connection with the question of continuing or
modifying the rights of transit from Canada through the United States, as
well as the regulation of imposts, which were temporarily established by
the reciprocity treaty of the 5th June, 1854.

I desire, however, to be understood while making this statement that the
colonial authorities of Canada are not deemed to be intentionally unjust
or unfriendly toward the United States, but, on the contrary, there is
every reason to expect that, with the approval of the Imperial Government,
they will take the necessary measures to prevent new incursions across the
border.

The act passed at the last session for the encouragement of immigration
has so far as was possible been put into operation. It seems to need
amendment which will enable the officers of the Government to prevent the
practice of frauds against the immigrants while on their way and on
their arrival in the ports, so as to secure them here a free choice of
avocations and places of settlement. A liberal disposition toward this
great national policy is manifested by most of the European States, and
ought to be reciprocated on our part by giving the immigrants effective
national protection. I regard our immigrants as one of the principal
replenishing streams which are appointed by Providence to repair the
ravages of internal war and its wastes of national strength and health.
All that is necessary is to secure the flow of that stream in its present
fullness, and to that end the Government must in every way make it
manifest that it neither needs nor designs to impose involuntary military
service upon those who come from other lands to cast their lot in our
country. The financial affairs of the Government have been successfully
administered during the last year. The legislation of the last session of
Congress has beneficially affected the revenues, although sufficient
time has not yet elapsed to experience the full effect of several of the
provisions of the acts of Congress imposing increased taxation.

The receipts during the year from all sources, upon the basis of warrants
signed by the Secretary of the Treasury, including loans and the balance
in the Treasury on the 1st day of July, 1863, were $1,394,196,007.62, and
the aggregate disbursements, upon the same basis, were $1,298,056,101.89,
leaving a balance in the Treasury, as shown by warrants, of
$96,739,905.73.

Deduct from these amounts the amount of the principal of the public debt
redeemed and the amount of issues in substitution therefor, and the
actual cash operations of the Treasury were: receipts, $884,076,646.57;
disbursements, $865,234,087.86; which leaves a cash balance in the
Treasury of $18,842,558.71.

Of the receipts there were derived from customs $102,316,152.99, from
lands $588,333.29, from direct taxes $475,648.96, from internal revenue
$109,741,134.10, from miscellaneous sources $47,511,448.10, and from loans
applied to actual expenditures, including former balance, $623,443,929.13.

There were disbursed for the civil service $27,505,599.46, for pensions
and Indians $7,517,930.97, for the War Department $690,791,842.97, for
the Navy Department $85,733,292.77, for interest on the public debt
$53,685,421.69, making an aggregate of $865,234,087.86, and leaving a
balance in the Treasury of $18,842,558.71, as before stated.

For the actual receipts and disbursements for the first quarter and the
estimated receipts and disbursements for the three remaining quarters of
the current fiscal year, and the general operations of the Treasury in
detail, I refer you to the report of the Secretary of the Treasury. I
concur with him in the opinion that the proportion of moneys required to
meet the expenses consequent upon the war derived from taxation should
be still further increased; and I earnestly invite your attention to this
subject to the end that there be such additional legislation as shall be
required to meet the just expectations of the Secretary.

The public debt on the first day of July last, as appears by the books
of the Treasury, amounted to $1,740,690,489.49. Probably, should the war
continue for another year, that amount may be increased by not far from
$500,000,000. Held, as it is, for the most part by our own people, it has
become a substantial branch of national, though private, property. For
obvious reasons the more nearly this property can be distributed among
all the people the better. To favor such general distribution, greater
inducements to become owners might, perhaps, with good effect and without
injury be presented to persons of limited means. With this view I suggest
whether it might not be both competent and expedient for Congress to
provide that a limited amount of some future issue of public securities
might be held by any bona fide purchaser exempt from taxation and from
seizure for debt, under such restrictions and limitations as might be
necessary to guard against abuse of so important a privilege. This
would enable every prudent person to set aside a small annuity against a
possible day of want.

Privileges like these would render the possession of such securities to
the amount limited most desirable to every person of small means who might
be able to save enough for the purpose. The great advantage of citizens
being creditors as well as debtors with relation to the public debt is
obvious. Men readily perceive that they can not be much oppressed by a
debt which they owe to themselves.

The public debt on the first day of July last, although somewhat exceeding
the estimate of the Secretary of the Treasury made to Congress at the
commencement of the last session, falls short of the estimate of that
officer made in the preceding December as to its probable amount at the
beginning of this year by the sum of $3,995,097.31. This fact exhibits a
satisfactory condition and conduct of the operations of the Treasury.

The national banking system is proving to be acceptable to capitalists
and to the people. On the twenty-fifth day of November five hundred and
eighty-four national banks had been organized, a considerable number of
which were conversions from State banks. Changes from State systems to the
national system are rapidly taking place, and it is hoped that very soon
there will be in the United States no banks of issue not authorized by
Congress and no bank-note circulation not secured by the Government. That
the Government and the people will derive great benefit from this change
in the banking systems of the country can hardly be questioned. The
national system will create a reliable and permanent influence in support
of the national credit and protect the people against losses in the use of
paper money. Whether or not any further legislation is advisable for the
suppression of State-bank issues, it will be for Congress to determine.
It seems quite clear that the Treasury can not be satisfactorily conducted
unless the Government can exercise a restraining power over the bank-note
circulation of the country.

The report of the Secretary of War and the accompanying documents will
detail the campaigns of the armies in the field since the date of the
last annual message, and also the operations of the several administrative
bureaus of the War Department during the last year. It will also specify
the measures deemed essential for the national defense and to keep up and
supply the requisite military force.

The report of the Secretary of the Navy presents a comprehensive and
satisfactory exhibit of the affairs of that Department and of the naval
service. It is a subject of congratulation and laudable pride to our
countrymen that a Navy of such vast proportions has been organized in so
brief a period and conducted with so much efficiency and success.

The general exhibit of the Navy, including vessels under construction on
the first of December, 1864, shows a total of 671 vessels, carrying 4610
guns, and of 510,396 tons, being an actual increase during the year, over
and above all losses by shipwreck or in battle, of 83 vessels, 167 guns,
and 42,427 tons.

The total number of men at this time in the naval service, including
officers, is about 51,000.

There have been captured by the Navy during the year 324 vessels, and the
whole number of naval captures since hostilities commenced is 1379, of
which 267 are steamers.

The gross proceeds arising from the sale of condemned prize property thus
far reported amount to $14,369,250.51. A large amount of such proceeds is
still under adjudication and yet to be reported.

The total expenditure of the Navy Department of every description,
including the cost of the immense squadrons that have been called into
existence from the fourth of March, 1861, to the first of November, 1864,
is $238,647,262.35.

Your favorable consideration is invited to the various recommendations
of the Secretary of the Navy, especially in regard to a navy-yard and
suitable establishment for the construction and repair of iron vessels and
the machinery and armature for our ships, to which reference was made in
my last annual message.

Your attention is also invited to the views expressed in the report in
relation to the legislation of Congress at its last session in respect to
prize on our inland waters.

I cordially concur in the recommendation of the Secretary as to the
propriety of creating the new rank of vice-admiral in our naval service.

Your attention is invited to the report of the Postmaster-General for
a detailed account of the operations and financial condition of the
Post-Office Department.

The postal revenues for the year ending June 30, 1864, amounted to
$12,438,253.78, and the expenditures to $12,644,786.20, the excess of
expenditures over receipts being $206,532.42.

The views presented by the Postmaster-General on the subject of special
grants by the Government in aid of the establishment of new lines of
ocean mail steamships and the policy he recommends for the development of
increased commercial intercourse with adjacent and neighboring countries
should receive the careful consideration of Congress.

It is of noteworthy interest that the steady expansion of population,
improvement, and governmental institutions over the new and unoccupied
portions of our country have scarcely been checked, much less impeded or
destroyed, by our great civil war, which at first glance would seem to
have absorbed almost the entire energies of the nation.

The organization and admission of the State of Nevada has been completed
in conformity with law, and thus our excellent system is firmly
established in the mountains, which once seemed a barren and uninhabitable
waste between the Atlantic States and those which have grown up on the
coast of the Pacific Ocean.

The Territories of the Union are generally in a condition of prosperity
and rapid growth. Idaho and Montana, by reason of their great distance and
the interruption of communication with them by Indian hostilities,
have been only partially organized; but it is understood that these
difficulties are about to disappear, which will permit their governments,
like those of the others, to go into speedy and full operation.

As intimately connected with and promotive of this material growth of the
nation, I ask the attention of Congress to the valuable information and
important recommendations relating to the public lands, Indian affairs,
the Pacific Railroad, and mineral discoveries contained in the report of
the Secretary of the Interior which is herewith transmitted, and which
report also embraces the subjects of patents, pensions, and other topics
of public interest pertaining to his Department.

The quantity of public land disposed of during the five quarters ending
on the thirtieth of September last was 4,221,342 acres, of which 1,538,614
acres were entered under the homestead law. The remainder was located
with military land warrants, agricultural scrip certified to States for
railroads, and sold for cash. The cash received from sales and location
fees was $1,019,446.

The income from sales during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1864, was
$678,007.21, against $136,077.95 received during the preceding year. The
aggregate number of acres surveyed during the year has been equal to the
quantity disposed of, and there is open to settlement about 133,000,000
acres of surveyed land.

The great enterprise of connecting the Atlantic with the Pacific States by
railways and telegraph lines has been entered upon with a vigor that gives
assurance of success, notwithstanding the embarrassments arising from the
prevailing high prices of materials and labor. The route of the main line
of the road has been definitely located for one hundred miles westward
from the initial point at Omaha City, Nebraska, and a preliminary location
of the Pacific Railroad of California has been made from Sacramento
eastward to the great bend of the Truckee River in Nevada.

Numerous discoveries of gold, silver, and cinnabar mines have been added
to the many heretofore known, and the country occupied by the Sierra
Nevada and Rocky mountains and the subordinate ranges now teems with
enterprising labor, which is richly remunerative. It is believed that the
produce of the mines of precious metals in that region has during the year
reached, if not exceeded, $100,000,000 in value.

It was recommended in my last annual message that our Indian system be
remodeled. Congress at its last session, acting upon the recommendation,
did provide for reorganizing the system in California, and it is believed
that under the present organization the management of the Indians there
will be attended with reasonable success. Much yet remains to be done to
provide for the proper government of the Indians in other parts of the
country, to render it secure for the advancing settler, and to provide for
the welfare of the Indian. The Secretary reiterates his recommendations,
and to them the attention of Congress is invited.


The liberal provisions made by Congress for paying pensions to invalid
soldiers and sailors of the Republic and to the widows, orphans, and
dependent mothers of those who have fallen in battle or died of disease
contracted or of wounds received in the service of their country have been
diligently administered. There have been added to the pension rolls during
the year ending the 30th day of June last the names of 16,770 invalid
soldiers and of 271 disabled seamen, making the present number of army
invalid pensioners 22,767 and of navy invalid pensioners 712.

Of widows, orphans, and mothers 22,198 have been placed on the army
pension rolls and 248 on the navy rolls. The present number of army
pensioners of this class is 25,433 and of navy pensioners 793. At the
beginning of the year the number of Revolutionary pensioners was 1430.
Only twelve of them were soldiers, of whom seven have since died.
The remainder are those who under the law receive pensions because
of relationship to Revolutionary soldiers. During the year ending the
thirtieth of June, 1864, $4,504,616.92 have been paid to pensioners of all
classes.

I cheerfully commend to your continued patronage the benevolent
institutions of the District of Columbia which have hitherto been
established or fostered by Congress, and respectfully refer for
information concerning them and in relation to the Washington Aqueduct,
the Capitol, and other matters of local interest to the report of the
Secretary.

The Agricultural Department, under the supervision of its present
energetic and faithful head, is rapidly commending itself to the great and
vital interest it was created to advance. It is peculiarly the people's
department, in which they feel more directly concerned than in any other.
I commend it to the continued attention and fostering care of Congress.

The war continues. Since the last annual message all the important lines
and positions then occupied by our forces have been maintained and our
arms have steadily advanced, thus liberating the regions left in rear, so
that Missouri, Kentucky, Tennessee, and parts of other States have again
produced reasonably fair crops.

The most remarkable feature in the military operations of the year is
General Sherman's attempted march of three hundred miles directly through
the insurgent region. It tends to show a great increase of our relative
strength that our General-in-Chief should feel able to confront and
hold in check every active force of the enemy, and yet to detach a
well-appointed large army to move on such an expedition. The result not
yet being known, conjecture in regard to it is not here indulged.

Important movements have also occurred during the year to the effect of
molding society for durability in the Union. Although short of complete
success, it is much in the right direction that twelve thousand citizens
in each of the States of Arkansas and Louisiana have organized loyal State
governments, with free constitutions, and are earnestly struggling to
maintain and administer them. The movements in the same direction more
extensive though less definite in Missouri, Kentucky, and Tennessee,
should not be overlooked. But Maryland presents the example of complete
success. Maryland is secure to liberty and union for all the future. The
genius of rebellion will no more claim Maryland. Like another foul spirit
being driven out, it may seek to tear her, but it will woo her no more.

At the last session of Congress a proposed amendment of the Constitution
abolishing slavery throughout the United States passed the Senate,
but failed for lack of the requisite two-thirds vote in the House of
Representatives. Although the present is the same Congress and nearly the
same members, and without questioning the wisdom or patriotism of those
who stood in opposition, I venture to recommend the reconsideration and
passage of the measure at the present session. Of course the abstract
question is not changed; but an intervening election shows almost
certainly that the next Congress will pass the measure if this does not.
Hence there is only a question of time as to when the proposed amendment
will go to the States for their action. And as it is to so go at all
events, may we not agree that the sooner the better? It is not claimed
that the election has imposed a duty on members to change their views or
their votes any further than, as an additional element to be considered,
their judgment may be affected by it. It is the voice of the people now
for the first time heard upon the question. In a great national crisis
like ours, unanimity of action among those seeking a common end is very
desirable, almost indispensable. And yet no approach to such unanimity is
attainable unless some deference shall be paid to the will of the majority
simply because it is the will of the majority. In this case the common end
is the maintenance of the Union, and among the means to secure that end
such will, through the election, is most clearly declared in favor of such
Constitutional amendment.

The most reliable indication of public purpose in this country is derived
through our popular elections. Judging by the recent canvass and its
result, the purpose of the people within the loyal States to maintain the
integrity of the Union was never more firm nor more nearly unanimous than
now. The extraordinary calmness and good order with which the millions
of voters met and mingled at the polls give strong assurance of this.
Not only all those who supported the Union ticket, so called, but a great
majority of the opposing party also may be fairly claimed to entertain and
to be actuated by the same purpose. It is an unanswerable argument to
this effect that no candidate for any office whatever, high or low, has
ventured to seek votes on the avowal that he was for giving up the Union.
There have been much impugning of motives and much heated controversy as
to the proper means and best mode of advancing the Union cause, but on
the distinct issue of Union or no Union the politicians have shown their
instinctive knowledge that there is no diversity among the people. In
affording the people the fair opportunity of showing one to another and to
the world this firmness and unanimity of purpose, the election has been of
vast value to the national cause.

The election has exhibited another fact not less valuable to be known--the
fact that we do not approach exhaustion in the most important branch of
national resources, that of living men. While it is melancholy to reflect
that the war has filled so many graves and carried mourning to so many
hearts, it is some relief to know that, compared with the surviving,
the fallen have been so few. While corps and divisions and brigades and
regiments have formed and fought and dwindled and gone out of existence, a
great majority of the men who composed them are still living. The same is
true of the naval service. The election returns prove this. So many voters
could not else be found. The States regularly holding elections, both now
and four years ago, to wit, California, Connecticut, Delaware, Illinois,
Indiana, Iowa, Kentucky, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan,
Minnesota, Missouri, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, Ohio, Oregon,
Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Vermont, West Virginia, and Wisconsin, cast
3,982,011 votes now, against 3,870,222 cast then, showing an aggregate now
of 3,982,011. To this is to be added 33,762 cast now in the new States of
Kansas and Nevada, which States did not vote in 1860, thus swelling the
aggregate to 4,015,773 and the net increase during the three years and a
half of war to 145,551. A table is appended showing particulars. To
this again should be added the number of all soldiers in the field from
Massachusetts, Rhode Island, New Jersey, Delaware, Indiana, Illinois, and
California, who by the laws of those States could not vote away from their
homes, and which number can not be less than 90,000. Nor yet is this all.
The number in organized Territories is triple now what it was four years
ago--while thousands, white and black, join us as the national arms press
back the insurgent lines. So much is shown, affirmatively and negatively,
by the election. It is not material to inquire how the increase has been
produced or to show that it would have been greater but for the war, which
is probably true. The important fact remains demonstrated that we have
more men now than we had when the war began; that we are not exhausted nor
in process of exhaustion; that we are gaining strength and may if need be
maintain the contest indefinitely. [This sentence recognizes the concern
of a guerilla war after the main war finished.]This as to men. Material
resources are now more complete and abundant than ever.

The national resources, then, are unexhausted, and, as we believe,
inexhaustible. The public purpose to re-establish and maintain the
national authority is unchanged, and, as we believe, unchangeable.
The manner of continuing the effort remains to choose. On careful
consideration of all the evidence accessible it seems to me that no
attempt at negotiation with the insurgent leader could result in any good.
He would accept nothing short of severance of the Union, precisely what
we will not and can not give. His declarations to this effect are explicit
and oft repeated. He does not attempt to deceive us. He affords us no
excuse to deceive ourselves. He can not voluntarily reaccept the Union;
we can not voluntarily yield it. Between him and us the issue is distinct,
simple, and inflexible. It is an issue which can only be tried by war and
decided by victory. If we yield, we are beaten; if the Southern people
fail him, he is beaten. Either way it would be the victory and defeat
following war. What is true, however, of him who heads the insurgent cause
is not necessarily true of those who follow. Although he can not reaccept
the Union, they can. Some of them, we know, already desire peace and
reunion. The number of such may increase. They can at any moment have
peace simply by laying down their arms and submitting to the national
authority under the Constitution. After so much the Government could not,
if it would, maintain war against them. The loyal people would not sustain
or allow it. If questions should remain, we would adjust them by the
peaceful means of legislation, conference, courts, and votes, operating
only in Constitutional and lawful channels. Some certain, and other
possible, questions are and would be beyond the Executive power to adjust;
as, for instance, the admission of members into Congress and whatever
might require the appropriation of money. The Executive power itself
would be greatly diminished by the cessation of actual war. Pardons
and remissions of forfeitures, however, would still be within Executive
control. In what spirit and temper this control would be exercised can be
fairly judged of by the past.

A year ago general pardon and amnesty, upon specified terms, were offered
to all except certain designated classes, and it was at the same time made
known that the excepted classes were still within contemplation of
special clemency. During the year many availed themselves of the general
provision, and many more would, only that the signs of bad faith in some
led to such precautionary measures as rendered the practical process less
easy and certain. During the same time also special pardons have
been granted to individuals of the excepted classes, and no voluntary
application has been denied. Thus practically the door has been for a full
year open to all except such as were not in condition to make free choice;
that is, such as were in custody or under constraint. It is still so open
to all. But the time may come, probably will come, when public duty shall
demand that it be closed and that in lieu more rigorous measures than
heretofore shall be adopted.

In presenting the abandonment of armed resistance to the national
authority on the part of the insurgents as the only indispensable
condition to ending the war on the part of the Government, I retract
nothing heretofore said as to slavery. I repeat the declaration made a
year ago, that "while I remain in my present position I shall not attempt
to retract or modify the emancipation proclamation, nor shall I return to
slavery any person who is free by the terms of that proclamation or by any
of the acts of Congress." If the people should, by whatever mode or means,
make it an Executive duty to re-enslave such persons, another, and not I,
must be their instrument to perform it.

In stating a single condition of peace I mean simply to say that the war
will cease on the part of the Government whenever it shall have ceased on
the part of those who began it.


A. LINCOLN.




RESPONSE TO A SERENADE, DECEMBER 6, 1864.

FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS:--I believe I shall never be old enough to
speak without embarrassment when I have nothing to talk about. I have no
good news to tell you, and yet I have no bad news to tell. We have talked
of elections until there is nothing more to say about them. The most
interesting news now we have is from Sherman. We all know where he went
in at, but I can't tell where he will come out at. I will now close by
proposing three cheers for General Sherman and his army.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR HALL.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 7, 1864.

GOVERNOR HALL, Jefferson City, Mo.:

Complaint is made to me of the doings of a man at Hannibal, Mo., by the
name of Haywood, who, as I am told, has charge of some militia force, and
is not in the United States service. Please inquire into the matter and
correct anything you may find amiss if in your power.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO COLONEL FASLEIGH.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., December 8, 1864.

COLONEL FASLEIGH, Louisville, Ky.:

I am appealed to in behalf of a man by the name of Frank Fairbairns, said
to have been for a long time and still in prison, without any definite
ground stated. How is it?


A. LINCOLN.




ORDER APPOINTING COMMISSIONERS

TO INVESTIGATE THE MILITARY DIVISION WEST OF THE MISSISSIPPI.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, December 10, 1864.

ORDERED, First, that Major-General William P. Smith and the Hon. Henry
Stanbery be, and they are hereby, appointed special commissioners to
investigate and report, for the information of the President; upon the
civil and military administration in the military division bordering upon
and west of the Mississippi, under such instructions as shall be issued by
authority of the President and the War Department.

Second, said commissioners shall have power to examine witnesses
upon oath, and to take such proofs orally or in writing, upon the
subject-matters of investigation as they may deem expedient, and return
the same together with their report.

Third, all officers and persons in the military, naval and revenue
services, or in any branch of the public service under the authority
of the United States Government, are required, upon subpoena issued by
direction of the said commissioners, to appear before them at such time
and place as may be designated in said subpoena and to give testimony on
oath touching such matters as may be inquired of by the commissioners,
and to produce such books, papers, writings, and documents as they may
be notified or required to produce by the commissioners, and as may be in
their possession.

Fourth, said special commissioners shall also investigate and report upon
any other matters that may hereafter be directed by the Secretary of War,
and shall with all convenient dispatch make report to him in writing of
their investigation, and shall also from time to time make special reports
to the Secretary of War upon such matters as they may deem of importance
to the public interests.

Fifth, the Secretary of War shall assign to the said commissioners such
aid and assistance as may be required for the performance of their duties,
and make such just and reasonable allowances and compensation for the said
commissioners and for the persons employed by them as he may deem proper.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G, H. THOMAS. WASHINGTON, D.C., December 16, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL THOMAS, Nashville, Tennessee:

Please accept for yourself, officers, and men, the nation's thanks for
your good work of yesterday. You made a magnificent beginning; a grand
consummation is within your easy reach. Do not let it slip.


A. LINCOLN,




ORIGIN OF THE "GREENBACK" CURRENCY

TO COLONEL B. D. TAYLOR

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December [16?], 1864.

DEAR COLONEL DICK:--I have long determined to make public the origin of
the greenback and tell the world that it is Dick Taylor's creation. You
had always been friendly to me, and when troublous times fell on us, and
my shoulders, though broad and willing, were weak, and myself surrounded
by such circumstances and such people that I knew not whom to trust, then
I said in my extremity: "I will send for Colonel Taylor; he will know what
to do." I think it was in January, 1862, on or about the 16th, that I did
so. You came, and I said to you:

"What can we do?" Said you, "Why, issue Treasury notes bearing no
interest, printed on the best banking paper. Issue enough to pay off the
Army expenses and declare it legal tender."

Chase thought it a hazardous thing, but we finally accomplished it,
and gave the people of this Republic the greatest blessing they ever
had--their own paper to pay their own debts.

It is due to you, the father of the present greenback, that the people
should know it, and I take great pleasure in making it known. How many
times have I laughed at you telling me plainly that I was too lazy to be
anything but a lawyer.

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO OFFICER IN COMMAND AT CHATTANOOGA. EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, December 16, 1864

OFFICER IN COMMAND at Chattanooga, Tenn.:

It is said that Harry Walters, a private in the Anderson cavalry, is now
and for a long time has been in prison at Chattanooga. Please report to me
what is his condition, and for what he is imprisoned.


A. LINCOLN.




CALL FOR 300,000 VOLUNTEERS, DECEMBER 19, 1864.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES:

A Proclamation

Whereas, by the act approved July 4, 1864, entitled "An act further
to regulate and provide for the enrolling and calling out the national
forces, and for other purposes," it is provided that the President of the
United States may, "at his discretion, at any time hereafter, call for
any number of men, as volunteers for the respective terms of one, two, and
three years for military service," and "that in case the quota or any
part thereof of any town, township, ward of a city, precinct, or election
district, or of any country not so subdivided, shall not be filled
within the space of fifty days after such call, then the President shall
immediately order a draft for one year to fill such quota or any part
thereof which may be unfilled;" and

Whereas, by the credits allowed in accordance with the act of Congress
on the call for 500,000 men, made July 18, 1864, the number of men to be
obtained under that call was reduced to 280,000; and

Whereas, the operations of the enemy in certain States have rendered it
impracticable to procure from them their full quotas of troops under said
call; and

Whereas, from the foregoing causes but 240,000 men have been put into the
Army, Navy, and Marine Corps under the said call of July 18, 1864, leaving
a deficiency on that call of two hundred and sixty thousand (260,000):

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States of
America, in order to supply the aforesaid deficiency and to provide for
casualties in the military and naval service of the United States, do
issue this my call for three hundred thousand (300,000) volunteers to
serve for one, two, or three years. The quotas of the States, districts,
and subdistricts under this call will be assigned by the War Department
through the bureau of the Provost-Marshal General of the United States,
and "in case the quota or any part thereof of any town, township, ward
of a city, precinct, or election district, or of any county not so
subdivided, shall not be filled" before the fifteenth of February, 1865,
then a draft shall be made to fill such quota or any part thereof under
this call which may be unfilled on said fifteenth day of February, 1865.

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed..........


A. LINCOLN.

By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.




SHERMAN'S MARCH TO THE SEA

TO GENERAL W. T. SHERMAN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 26, 1864

MY DEAR GENERAL SHERMAN:--Many, many thanks for your Christmas gift, the
capture of Savannah.

When you were about leaving Atlanta for the Atlantic coast, I was
anxious, if not fearful; but feeling that you were the better judge, and
remembering that "nothing risked, nothing gained," I did not interfere.
Now, the undertaking being a success, the honor is all yours; for I
believe none of us went further than to acquiesce.

And taking the work of General Thomas into the count, as it should be
taken, it is indeed a great success. Not only does it afford the obvious
and immediate military advantages; but in showing to the world that your
army could be divided, putting the stronger part to an important new
service, and yet leaving enough to vanquish the old opposing force of the
whole,--Hood's army,--it brings those who sat in darkness to see a great
light. But what next?

I suppose it will be safe if I leave General Grant and yourself to decide.

Please make my grateful acknowledgments to your whole army of officers and
men.

Yours very truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO OFFICER IN COMMAND AT LEXINGTON.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 27, 1864.

OFFICER IN COMMAND at Lexington, Ky.:

If within your power send me the particulars of the causes for which
Lieutenant-Governor Jacob was arrested and sent away.


A. LINCOLN.




TO J. MACLEAN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 27, 1864.


Dr. JOHN MACLEAN:

MY DEAR SIR:--I have the honor to acknowledge the reception of your note
of the twentieth of December, conveying the announcement that the Trustees
of the College of New Jersey had conferred upon me the degree of Doctor of
Laws.

The assurance conveyed by this high compliment, that the course of the
Government which I represent, has received the approval of a body of
gentlemen of such character and intelligence, in this time of public
trial, is most grateful to me.

Thoughtful men must feel that the fate of civilization upon this continent
is involved in the issue of our contest. Among the most gratifying proofs
of this conviction is the hearty devotion everywhere exhibited by our
schools and colleges to the national cause.

I am most thankful if my labors have seemed to conduct to the preservation
of those institutions, under which alone we can expect good government and
in its train sound learning, and the progress of the liberal arts.

I am, sir, very truly, your obedient servant,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO OFFICER IN COMMAND AT NASHVILLE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 28, 1864.

OFFICER IN COMMAND at Nashville, Tenn.:

Suspend execution of James R. Mallory, for six weeks from Friday the
thirtieth of this month, which time I have given his friends to make
proof, if they can, upon certain points.


A. LINCOLN,




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL U. S. GRANT.

WASHINGTON, D. C., December 28, 1864. 5.30 p.m.

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, City Point, Va.:

If there be no objection, please tell me what you now understand of the
Wilmington expedition, present and prospective.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BUTLER.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 29, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL BUTLER:

There is a man in Company I, Eleventh Connecticut Volunteers, First
Brigade, Third Division, Twenty-fourth Army Corps, at Chapin's Farm, Va.;
under the assumed name of William Stanley, but whose real name is Frank
R. Judd, and who is under arrest, and probably about to be tried for
desertion. He is the son of our present minister to Prussia, who is a
close personal friend of Senator Trumbull and myself. We are not willing
for the boy to be shot, but we think it as well that his trial go
regularly on, suspending execution until further order from me and
reporting to me.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO COLONEL WARNER.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 30, 1864.

COLONEL WARNER, Indianapolis, Ind.:

It is said that you were on the court-martial that tried John Lennon,
and that you are disposed to advise his being pardoned and sent to his
regiment. If this be true, telegraph me to that effect at once.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO J. WILLIAMS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 4, 1865.

JOHN WILLIAMS, Springfield, Ill.:

Let Trumbo's substitute be regularly mustered in, send me the evidence
that it is done and I will then discharge Trumbo.


A. LINCOLN.




MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

WASHINGTON, January 5, 1865.

TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES:

I herewith return to your honorable body, in which it originated, a "joint
resolution to correct certain clerical errors in the internal revenue
act," without my approval.

My reason for so doing is that I am informed that this joint resolution
was prepared during the last moments of the last session of Congress for
the purpose of correcting certain errors of reference in the internal
revenue act, which were discovered on an examination of an official
copy procured from the State Department a few hours only before the
adjournment. It passed the House and went to the Senate, where a vote was
taken upon it, but by some accident it was not presented to the President
of the Senate for his signature.

Since the adjournment of the last session of Congress, other errors of a
kind similar to those which this resolution was designed to correct,
have been discovered in the law, and it is now thought most expedient to
include all the necessary corrections in one act or resolution.

The attention of the proper committee of the House has, I am informed,
been already directed to the preparation of a bill for this purpose.


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL U. S. GRANT.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 5, 1865.

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, City Point, Va.:

Richard T. Jacob, Lieutenant-Governor of Kentucky, is at the Spotswood
House, in Richmond, under an order of General Burbridge not to return to
Kentucky. Please communicate leave to him to pass our lines, and come to
me here at Washington.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL GRANT.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,

WASHINGTON, January 6, 1865, LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, City Point:

If there is a man at City Point by the name of Waterman Thornton who is in
trouble about desertion, please have his case briefly stated to me and do
not let him be executed meantime.


A. LINCOLN.




MESSAGE TO CONGRESS,

WASHINGTON, January 9, 1865.

TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: I transmit to Congress a
copy of two treaties between the United States and Belgium, for the
extinguishment of the Scheldt dues, etc., concluded on the twentieth of
May, 1863, and twentieth of July, 1863, respectively, the ratifications of
which were exchanged at Brussels on the twenty-fourth of June last; and
I recommend an appropriation to carry into effect the provisions thereof
relative to the payment of the proportion of the United States toward the
capitalization of the said dues.


A. LINCOLN.




TO SCHUYLER COLFAX.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 9, 1865.

HON. SCHUYLER COLFAX, Speaker of the House of Representatives.

SIR:--I transmit herewith the letter of the Secretary of War, with
accompanying report of the Adjutant-General, in reply to the resolution
of the House of Representatives, dated December 7, 1864, requesting me
"to communicate to the House the report made by Col. Thomas M. Key of an
interview between himself and General Howell Cobb on the fourteenth [15th]
day of June, 1862, on the banks of the Chickahominy, on the subject of the
exchange of prisoners of war."

I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,


A. LINCOLN.




PROCLAMATION CONCERNING COMMERCE, JANUARY 10, 1865.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A Proclamation.

Whereas the act of Congress of the twenty-eighth of September, 1850,
entitled "An act to create additional collection districts in the State
of California, and to change the existing districts therein, and to
modify the existing collection districts in the United States," extends to
merchandise warehoused under bond the privilege of being exported to
the British North American provinces adjoining the United States, in the
manner prescribed in the act of Congress of the third of March, 1845,
which designates certain frontier ports through which merchandise may
be exported, and further provides "that such other ports situated on
the frontiers of the United States, adjoining the British North American
provinces, as may hereafter be found expedient, may have extended to
them the like privileges on the recommendation of the Secretary of the
Treasury, and proclamation duly made by the President of the United
States, specially designating the ports to which the aforesaid privileges
are to be extended;"

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States of
America, in accordance with the recommendation of the Secretary of the
Treasury, do hereby declare and proclaim that the port of St. Albans, in
the State of Vermont, is, and shall be, entitled to all the privileges
in regard to the exportation of merchandise in bond to the British North
American provinces adjoining the United States, which are extended to
the ports enumerated in the seventh section of the act of Congress of
the third of March, 1845, aforesaid, from and after the date of this
proclamation.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed.

Done at the city of Washington, this tenth day of January, in the year
of our Lord one thousand eight hundred-and sixty-five, and of the
independence of the United States of America the eighty-ninth.


A. LINCOLN.

By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL B. F. BUTLER.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 10, 1865.

MAJOR-GENERAL BUTLER, Fort Monroe, Va.:

No principal report of yours on the Wilmington expedition has ever reached
the War Department, as I am informed there. A preliminary report did reach
here, but was returned to General Grant at his request. Of course, leave
to publish cannot be given without inspection of the paper, and not then
if it should be deemed to be detrimental to the public service.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL B. F. BUTLER.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 13, 1865.

MAJOR-GENERAL BUTLER, Fort Monroe, Va.:

Yours asking leave to come to Washington is received. You have been
summoned by the Committee on the Conduct of the War to attend here, which,
of course, you will do.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR JOHNSON.

WASHINGTON, D. C., January 15, 1865.

GOVERNOR JOHNSON, Nashville, Tennessee:

Yours announcing ordinance of emancipation received. Thanks to the
convention and to you. When do you expect to be here? Would be glad to
have your suggestion as to supplying your place of military governor.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. M. DODGE. EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January
15, 1865.

MAJOR-GENERAL DODGE, St. Louis, Missouri:

It is represented to me that there is so much irregular violence in
northern Missouri as to be driving away the people and almost depopulating
it. Please gather information, and consider whether an appeal to the
people there to go to their homes and let one another alone recognizing as
a full right of protection for each that he lets others alone, and banning
only him who refuses to let others alone may not enable you to withdraw
the troops, their presence itself [being] a cause of irritation and
constant apprehension, and thus restore peace and quiet, and returning
prosperity. Please consider this and telegraph or write me.


A. LINCOLN.




FIRST OVERTURES FOR SURRENDER FROM DAVIS

TO P. P. BLAIR, SR.

WASHINGTON, January 18, 1865.

F. P. BLAIR, ESQ.

SIR:-You having shown me Mr. Davis's letter to you of the twelfth
instant, you may say to him that I have constantly been, am now, and shall
continue, ready to receive any agent whom he or any other influential
person now resisting the national authority may informally send to me with
the view of securing peace to the people of our one common country.

Yours, etc.,


A. LINCOLN.




EXECUTIVE MANSION,

WASHINGTON, January 19, 1865.

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT:

Please read and answer this letter as though I was not President, but
only a friend. My son, now in his twenty-second year, having graduated at
Harvard, wishes to see something of the war before it ends. I do not wish
to put him in the ranks, nor yet to give him a commission, to which those
who have already served long are better entitled and better qualified to
hold. Could he, without embarrassment to you, or detriment to the service,
go into your military family with some nominal rank, I, and not the
public, furnishing his necessary means? If no, say so without the least
hesitation, because I am as anxious and as deeply interested that you
shall not be encumbered as you can be yourself.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL DODGE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 19, 1865.

MAJOR-GENERAL DODGE, Saint Louis, Mo.:

If Mrs. Beattie, alias Mrs. Wolff, shall be sentenced to death, notify me,
and postpone the execution till further order.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL ORD.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 19, 1864

MAJOR-GENERAL ORD:

You have a man in arrest for desertion passing by the name of Stanley.
William Stanley, I think, but whose real name is different. He is the son
of so close a friend of mine that I must not let him be executed. Please
let me know what is his present and prospective condition.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. M. DODGE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 24, 1865.

MAJOR-GENERAL DODGE, St. Louis, Mo.:

It is said an old lady in Clay County, Missouri, by name Mrs. Winifred
B. Price, is about being sent South. If she is not misbehaving let her
remain.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR JOHNSON.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 24, 1865.

HON. ANDREW JOHNSON, Nashville, Tennessee:

Several members of the Cabinet, with myself, considered the question,
to-day, as to the time of your coming on here. While we fully appreciate
your wish to remain in Tennessee until her State government shall be
completely reinaugurated, it is our unanimous conclusion that it is unsafe
for you to not be here on the 4th of March. Be sure to reach here by that
time.


A. LINCOLN.




REPLY TO A COMMITTEE, JANUARY 24, 1865.

REVEREND SIR, AND LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:

I accept with emotions of profoundest gratitude, the beautiful gift you
have been pleased to present to me. You will, of course, expect that I
acknowledge it. So much has been said about Gettysburg and so well, that
for me to attempt to say more may perhaps only serve to weaken the force
of that which has already been said. A most graceful and eloquent tribute
was paid to the patriotism and self-denying labors of the American
ladies, on the occasion of the consecration of the National Cemetery at
Gettysburg, by our illustrious friend, Edward Everett, now, alas! departed
from earth. His life was a truly great one, and I think the greatest part
of it was that which crowned its closing years, I wish you to read, if you
have not already done so, the eloquent and truthful words which he then
spoke of the women of America. Truly, the services they have rendered to
the defenders of our country in this perilous time, and are yet rendering,
can never be estimated as they ought to be. For your kind wishes to me
personally, I beg leave to render you likewise my sincerest thanks. I
assure you they are reciprocated. And now, gentlemen and ladies, may God
bless you all.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL GRANT.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 25, 1865.

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, City Point

If Newell W. Root, of First Connecticut Heavy Artillery, is under sentence
of death, please telegraph me briefly the circumstances.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL GRANT.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., January 25, 1865.

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, City Point, Va.:

Having received the report in the case of Newell W. Root, I do not
interfere further in the case.


A. LINCOLN.




EARLY CONSULTATIONS WITH REBELS

INSTRUCTIONS TO MAJOR ECKERT.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 30, 1865.

MAJOR T. T. ECKERT.

SIR:-You will proceed with the documents placed in your hands, and on
reaching General Ord will deliver him the letter addressed to him by the
Secretary of War. Then, by General Ord's assistance procure an interview
with Messrs. Stephens, Hunter, and Campbell, or any of them, deliver to
him or them the paper on which your own letter is written. Note on the
copy which you retain the time of delivery and to whom delivered. Receive
their answer in writing, waiting a reasonable time for it, and which, if
it contain their decision to come through without further condition, will
be your warrant to ask General Ord to pass them through as directed in the
letter of the Secretary of War to him. If by their answer they decline
to come, or propose other terms, do not have them pass through. And this
being your whole duty, return and report to me.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM FROM SECRETARY OF WAR TO GENERAL ORD.

(Cipher.)

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., January 30, 1865.

MAJOR-GENERAL ORD, Headquarters Army of the James:

By direction of the President you are instructed to inform the three
gentlemen, Messrs. Stephens, Hunter, and Campbell, that a messenger will
be dispatched to them at or near where they now are, without unnecessary
delay.

EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War.




INDORSEMENT ON A LETTER FROM J. M. ASHLEY.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, January 31, 1865.

DEAR SIR:--The report is in circulation in the House that Peace
Commissioners are on their way or in the city, and is being used against
us. If it is true, I fear we shall lose the bill. Please authorize me to
contradict it, if it is not true.

Respectfully, J. M. ASHLEY.

To the President.


(Indorsement.)

So far as I know there are no Peace Commissioners in the city or likely to
be in it.


A. LINCOLN. January 31, 1865




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL U.S. GRANT.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 31, 1865

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, City Point, Va.:

A messenger is coming to you on the business contained in your despatch.
Detain the gentlemen in comfortable quarters until he arrives, and then
act upon the message he brings, as far as applicable, it having been
made up to pass through General Ord's hands, and when the gentlemen were
supposed to be beyond our lines.


A. LINCOLN.




INSTRUCTIONS TO SECRETARY SEWARD.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 31, 1865.

HON. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State

You will proceed to Fortress Monroe, Virginia, there to meet and
informally confer with Messrs. Stephens, Hunter, and Campbell, on the
basis of my letter to F. P. Blair, Esq., of January 18, 1865, a copy
of which you have. You will make known to them that three things are
indispensable to wit:

1. The restoration of the national authority throughout all the States.

2. No receding by the Executive of the United States on the slavery
question from the position assumed thereon in the late annual message to
Congress, and in preceding documents.

3. No cessation of hostilities short of an end of the war and the
disbanding of all forces hostile to the Government.

You will inform them that all propositions of theirs, not inconsistent
with the above, will be considered and passed upon in a spirit of sincere
liberality. You will hear all they may choose to say and report it to me.
You will not assume to definitely consummate anything.

Yours, etc.,


A. LINCOLN.




CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT FOR THE ABOLISHING OF SLAVERY

PASSAGE THROUGH CONGRESS OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT FOR THE
ABOLISHING OF SLAVERY

RESPONSE TO A SERENADE, JANUARY 31, 1865.

He supposed the passage through Congress of the Constitutional amendment
for the abolishing of slavery throughout the United States was the
occasion to which he was indebted for the honor of this call.

The occasion was one of congratulation to the country, and to the whole
world. But there is a task yet before us--to go forward and consummate by
the votes of the States that which Congress so nobly began yesterday. He
had the honor to inform those present that Illinois had already done the
work. Maryland was about half through, but he felt proud that Illinois was
a little ahead.

He thought this measure was a very fitting if not an indispensable adjunct
to the winding up of the great difficulty. He wished the reunion of
all the States perfected, and so effected as to remove all causes of
disturbance in the future; and, to attain this end, it was necessary
that the original disturbing cause should, if possible, be rooted out. He
thought all would bear him witness that he had never shirked from doing
all that he could to eradicate slavery, by issuing an Emancipation
Proclamation. But that proclamation falls short of what the amendment
will be when fully consummated. A question might be raised whether the
proclamation was legally valid. It might be added, that it only aided
those who came into our lines, and that it was inoperative as to those
who did not give themselves up; or that it would have no effect upon the
children of the slaves born hereafter; in fact, it would be urged that it
did not meet the evil. But this amendment is a king's cure for all evils.
It winds the whole thing up. He would repeat, that it was the fitting if
not the indispensable adjunct to the consummation of the great game we are
playing. He could not but congratulate all present--himself, the country,
and the whole world upon this great moral victory.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL U. S. GRANT. WASHINGTON, February 1, 1865

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, City Point:

Let nothing which is transpiring change, hinder, or delay your military
movements or plans.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO MAJOR ECKERT. WASHINGTON, D. C., February 1, 1865.

MAJOR T. T. ECKERT, Care of General Grant, City Point, Va.:

Call at Fortress Monroe, and put yourself under direction of Mr. Seward,
whom you will find there.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL U. S. GRANT. WASHINGTON, D. C., February 2, 1865

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, City Point, Va.:

Say to the gentlemen I will meet them personally at Fortress Monroe as
soon as I can get there.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO SECRETARY SEWARD, WASHINGTON, D. C., February 2, 1865.

HON. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Fortress Monroe, Va.

Induced by a despatch of General Grant, I join you at Fort Monroe, as soon
as I can come.


A. LINCOLN.




ORDER TO MAKE CORRECTIONS IN THE DRAFT.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON CITY, February 6, 1865

Whereas complaints are made in some localities respecting the assignments
of quotas and credits allowed for the pending call of troops to fill
up the armies: Now, in order to determine all controversies in respect
thereto, and to avoid any delay in filling up the armies, it is ordered,

1. That the Attorney-General, Brigadier-General Richard Delafield, and
Colonel C. W. Foster, be, and they are hereby constituted, a board to
examine into the proper quotas and credits of the respective States and
districts under the call of December 19, 1864, with directions, if any
errors be found therein, to make such corrections as the law and facts may
require, and report their determination to the Provost-Marshal-General.
The determination of said board to be final and conclusive, and the draft
to be made in conformity therewith.

2. The Provost-Marshal-General is ordered to make the draft in the
respective districts as speedily as the same can be done after the
fifteenth of this month.


A. LINCOLN.




TO PROVOST-MARSHAL-GENERAL.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February 6, 1865.

PROVOST-MARSHAL-GENERAL:

These gentlemen distinctly say to me this morning that what they want is
the means from your office of showing their people that the quota assigned
to them is right. They think it will take but little time--two hours, they
say. Please give there double the time and every facility you can.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.



February 6, 1865.

The Provost-Marshal brings this letter back to me and says he cannot give
the facility required without detriment to the service, and thereupon he
is excused from doing it.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO LIEUTENANT-COLONEL GLENN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February 7, 1865.

LIEUTENANT-COLONEL GLENN, Commanding Post at Henderson, Ky.:

Complaint is made to me that you are forcing negroes into the military
service, and even torturing them--riding them on rails and the like to
extort their consent. I hope this may be a mistake. The like must not be
done by you, or any one under you. You must not force negroes any more
than white men. Answer me on this.


A. LINCOLN.




TO GOVERNOR SMITH.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February 8, 1865.

HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR SMITH, of Vermont:

Complaint is made to me, by Vermont, that the assignment of her quota for
the draft on the pending call is intrinsically unjust, and also in
bad faith of the Government's promise to fairly allow credits for men
previously furnished. To illustrate, a supposed case is stated as follows:

Vermont and New Hampshire must between them furnish six thousand men on
the pending call; and being equal, each must furnish as many as the other
in the long run. But the Government finds that on former calls Vermont
furnished a surplus of five hundred, and New Hampshire a surplus, of
fifteen hundred. These two surpluses making two thousand and added to the
six thousand, making eight thousand to be furnished by the two States, or
four thousand each less, by fair credits. Then subtract Vermont's surplus
of five hundred from her four thousand, leaves three thousand five hundred
as her quota on the pending call; and likewise subtract New Hampshire's
surplus of fifteen hundred from her four thousand, leaves two thousand
five hundred as her quota on the pending call. These three thousand five
hundred and two thousand five hundred make precisely six thousand, which
the supposed case requires from the two States, and it is just equal for
Vermont to furnish one thousand more now than New Hampshire, because New
Hampshire has heretofore furnished one thousand more than Vermont, which
equalizes the burdens of the two in the long run. And this result, so far
from being bad faith to Vermont, is indispensable to keeping good faith
with New Hampshire. By no other result can the six thousand men be
obtained from the two States, and, at the same time deal justly and
keep faith with both, and we do but confuse ourselves in questioning the
process by which the right result is reached. The supposed case is perfect
as an illustration.

The pending call is not for three hundred thousand men subject to fair
credits, but is for three hundred thousand remaining after all fair
credits have been deducted, and it is impossible to concede what Vermont
asks without coming out short of three hundred thousand men, or making
other localities pay for the partiality shown her.

This upon the case stated. If there be different reasons for making an
allowance to Vermont, let them be presented and considered.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




MESSAGE TO CONGRESS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, February 8, 1865.

TO THE HONORABLE THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:

The joint resolution entitled "Joint resolution declaring certain States
not entitled to representation in the electoral college" has been signed
by the Executive in deference to the view of Congress implied in its
passage and presentation to him. In his own view, however, the two Houses
of Congress, convened under the twelfth article of the Constitution, have
complete power to exclude from counting all electoral votes deemed by
them to be illegal, and it is not competent for the Executive to defeat or
obstruct that power by a veto, as would be the case if his action were at
all essential in the matter. He disclaims all right of the Executive to
interfere in any way in the matter of canvassing or counting electoral
votes, and he also disclaims that by signing said resolution he has
expressed any opinion on the recitals of the preamble or any judgment of
his own upon the subject of the resolution.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL U. S. GRANT. EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February
8, 1865

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, City Point. Va.:

I am called on by the House of Representatives to give an account of my
interview with Messrs. Stephens, Hunter, and Campbell, and it is very
desirable to me to put your despatch of February 1, to the Secretary of
War, in which, among other things, you say: "I fear now their going
back without any expression from any one in authority will have a bad
influence." I think the despatch does you credit, while I do not see that
it can embarrass you. May I use it?


A. LINCOLN.




RESULT OF THE ELECTORAL COUNT

REPLY TO A COMMITTEE OF CONGRESS, REPORTING THE RESULT OF THE ELECTORAL
COUNT,

FEBRUARY 9, 1865.

With deep gratitude to my countrymen for this mark of their confidence;
with a distrust of my own ability to perform the duty required under
the most favorable circumstances, and now rendered doubly difficult by
existing national perils; yet with a firm reliance on the strength of
our free government, and the eventual loyalty of the people to the just
principles upon which it is founded, and above all with an unshaken
faith in the Supreme Ruler of nations, I accept this trust. Be pleased to
signify this to the respective Houses of Congress.




CHRONOLOGIC REVIEW OF PEACE PROPOSALS

MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, February 10, 1865

TO THE HONORABLE THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:

In response to your resolution of the eighth instant, requesting
information in relation to a conference recently held in Hampton Roads,
I have the honor to state that on the day of the date I gave Francis P.
Blair, Sr., a card, written on as follows, to wit:

December 28, 1864.

Allow the bearer, F. P. Blair, Sr., to pass our lines, go South, and
return.


A. LINCOLN.


That at the time I was informed that Mr. Blair sought the card as a means
of getting to Richmond, Va., but he was given no authority to speak or act
for the Government, nor was I informed of anything he would say or do on
his own account or otherwise. Afterwards Mr. Blair told me that he had
been to Richmond and had seen Mr. Jefferson Davis; and he (Mr. B.) at the
same time left with me a manuscript letter, as follows, to wit:

RICHMOND, VA., January 12, 1865. F. P. BLAIR, ESQ.

SIR: I have deemed it proper, and probably desirable to you, to give you
in this for in the substance of remarks made by me, to be repeated by you
to President Lincoln, etc., etc.

I have no disposition to find obstacles in forms, and am willing, now as
heretofore, to enter into negotiations for the restoration of peace, and
am ready to send a commission whenever I have reason to suppose it will be
received, or to receive a commission if the United States Government
shall choose to send one. That notwithstanding the rejection of our former
offers, I would, if you could promise that a commissioner, minister, or
other agent would be received, appoint one immediately, and renew the
effort to enter into conference with a view to secure peace to the two
countries.

Yours, etc., JEFFERSON DAVIS.


Afterwards, and with the view that it should be shown to Mr. Davis, I
wrote and delivered to Mr. Blair a letter, as follows, to wit:


WASHINGTON, January 18, 1865.

P. P. BLAIR, ESQ.

SIR:--Your having shown me Mr. Davis's letter to you of the twelfth
instant, you may say to him that I have constantly been, am now, and
shall continue ready to receive any agent whom he or any other influential
person now resisting the national authority may informally send to me with
the view of securing peace to the people of our one common country.

Yours, etc.,


A. LINCOLN.




Afterwards Mr. Blair dictated for and authorized me to make an entry on
the back of my retained copy of the letter last above recited, which entry
is as follows:

January 28, 1865

To-day Mr. Blair tells me that on the twenty-first instant he delivered
to Mr. Davis the original of which the within is a copy, and left it with
him; that at the time of delivering it Mr. Davis read it over twice in Mr.
Blair's presence, at the close of which he (Mr. Blair) remarked that the
part about "our one common country" related to the part of Mr. Davis'
letter about "the two countries," to which Mr. Davis replied that he so
understood it.


A. LINCOLN.




Afterwards the Secretary of War placed in my hands the following telegram,
indorsed by him, as appears:

OFFICE UNITED STATES MILITARY TELEGRAPH WAR DEPARTMENT. The following
telegram received at Washington January 29, 1865, from headquarters Army
of James,

6.30 P.M., January 29, 1865:

"HON. EDWIN M. STANTON," Secretary of War:

"The following despatch just received from Major-General Parke, who refers
it to me for my action. I refer it to you in Lieutenant-General Grant's
absence:

  "E. O. C. ORD, Major-General, Commanding.
  HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF POTOMAC,
  January 29, 1863. 4 P.M."

  'MAJOR-GENERAL E. O. C. ORD,
  'Headquarters Army of James:
  'The following despatch is forwarded to you for your action. Since I
  have no knowledge of General Grant's having had any understanding of
  this kind, I refer the matter to you as the ranking officer present
  in the two armies.
  'JNO. G. PARKE, Major-General, Commanding.'


  "'FROM HEADQUARTERS NINTH ARMY Cos, 29th.
  'MAJOR-GENERAL JNO. G. PARKE, 'Headquarters Army of Potomac:
  'Alexander H. Stephens, R. M. T. Hunter, and J. A. Campbell desire to
  cross my lines, in accordance with an understanding claimed to exist
  with Lieutenant-General Grant, on their way to Washington as peace
  commissioners. Shall they be admitted? They desire an early answer,
  to come through immediately. Would like to reach City Point tonight
  if they can. If they can not do this, they would like to come
  through at 10 A.M. to-morrow morning.
  'O. B. WILCOX,
  'Major-General, Commanding Ninth Corps.'


  "January 29, 8.30 P.M.
  "Respectfully referred to the President for such instructions as he
  may be pleased to give.
  "EDWIN M. STANTON, "Secretary of War."


It appears that about the time of placing the foregoing telegram in my
hands the Secretary of War dispatched General Ord as follows, to wit:

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, January 29, 1865. 10 P.M. (Sent at 2
A.M., 30th.) MAJOR-GENERAL ORD.

SIR:--This Department has no knowledge of any understanding by General
Grant to allow any person to come within his lines as commissioner of any
sort. You will therefore allow no one to come into your lines under such
character or profession until you receive the President's instructions, to
whom your telegraph will be submitted for his directions.

EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War.


Afterwards, by my direction, the Secretary of War telegraphed General Ord
as follows, to wit:

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D.C., January 30. 10.30 A.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL E. O. C. ORD, Headquarters Army of the James.

SIR:--By direction of the President, you are instructed to inform the
three gentlemen, Messrs. Stephens, Hunter and Campbell, that a messenger
will be dispatched to them at or near where they now are without
unnecessary delay.

EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War.


Afterwards I prepared and put into the hands of Major Thomas T. Eckert the
following instructions and message:

EXECUTIVE MANSION,

MAJOR T. T. ECKERT. WASHINGTON, January 30, 1865

SIR:--You will proceed with the documents placed in your hands, and on
reaching General Ord will deliver him the letter addressed to him by the
Secretary of War; then, by General Ord's assistance, procure an interview
with Messrs. Stephens, Hunter, and Campbell, or any of them. Deliver to
him or them the paper on which your own letter is written. Note on the
copy which you retain the time of delivery and to whom delivered. Receive
their answer in writing, waiting a reasonable time for it, and which, if
it contain their decision to come through without further condition, will
be your warrant to ask General Ord to pass them through, as directed in
the letter of the Secretary of War to him. If by their answer they decline
to come, or propose other terms, do not have them pass through. And this
being your whole duty, return and report to me.


A. LINCOLN.


CITY POINT, VA.. February 1, 1865.

MESSRS. ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS, J. A. CAMPBELL AND R. M. T. HUNTER.

GENTLEMEN:--I am instructed by the President of the United States to place
this paper in your hands, with the information that if you pass through
the United States military lines it will be understood that you do so for
the purpose of an informal conference on the basis of the letter a copy of
which is on the reverse side of this sheet, and that if you choose to pass
on such understanding, and so notify me in writing, I will procure the
commanding general to pass you through the lines and to Fortress Monroe
under such military precautions as he may deem prudent, and at which place
you will be met in due time by some person or persons for the purpose of
such informal conference; and, further, that you shall have protection,
safe conduct, and safe return in all events.

THOMAS T. ECKERT, Major and Aide-de-Camp.


WASHINGTON, January 18, 1865. F. P. BLAIR, ESQ.

SIR:--Your having shown me Mr. Davis's letter to you of the twelfth
instant, you may say to him that I have constantly been, am now, and
shall continue ready to receive any agent whom he or any other influential
person now resisting the national authority may informally send to me with
the view of securing peace to the people of our one common country.

Yours, etc.,


A. LINCOLN.


Afterwards, but before Major Eckert had departed, the following dispatch
was received from General Grant:

OFFICE UNITED STATES MILITARY TELEGRAPH, WAR DEPARTMENT.

The following telegram received at Washington January 30, 1865, from City
Point, Va., 10.30 A.M., January 30, 1865:

  "His EXCELLENCY
  A. LINCOLN,
  President of the United States:

  "The following communication was received here last evening:

  "'PETERSBURG, VA., January 30, 1865.
  'LIEUTENANT-GENERAL U.S. GRANT,
  Commanding Armies United States.
  'SIR: We desire to pass your lines under safe conduct, and to proceed
  to Washington to hold a conference with President Lincoln upon the
  subject of the existing war, and with a view of ascertaining upon
  what terms it may be terminated, in pursuance of the course indicated
  by him in his letter to Mr. Blair of January 18, 1865, of which we
  presume you have a copy; and if not, we wish to see you in person, if
  convenient, and to confer with you upon the subject.
  'Very respectfully, yours,
  'ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS.
  'J. A. CAMPBELL.
  'R. M. T. HUNTER.'"


"I have sent directions to receive these gentlemen, and expect to have
them at my quarters this evening, awaiting your instructions. U.S. GRANT,
Lieutenant-General, Commanding Armies United States."


This, it will be perceived, transferred General Ord's agency in the matter
to General Grant. I resolved, however, to send Major Eckert forward with
his message, and accordingly telegraphed General Grant as follows, to wit:

EXECUTIVE MANSION WASHINGTON, January 13, 1865 (Sent at 1.30 P.M.)

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, City Point, Va.:

A messenger is coming to you on the business contained in your despatch.
Detain the gentlemen in comfortable quarters until he arrives, and then
act upon the message he brings as far as applicable, it having been
made up to pass through General Ord's hands, and when the gentlemen were
supposed to be beyond our lines.


A. LINCOLN.


When Major Eckert departed, he bore with him a letter of the Secretary of
War to General Grant, as follows, to wit:

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., January 30, 1865.

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, Commanding, etc.

GENERAL:--The President desires that you will please procure for the
bearer, Major Thomas T. Eckert, an interview with Messrs. Stephens,
Hunter, and Campbell, and if on his return to you he requests it pass them
through our lines to Fortress Monroe by such route and under such
military precautions as you may deem prudent, giving them protection and
comfortable quarters while there, and that you let none of this have any
effect upon your movements or plans.

By order of the President: EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War.


Supposing the proper point to be then reached, I dispatched the Secretary
of State with the following instructions, Major Eckert, however, going
ahead of him:

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 31, 1865.

HON. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State:

You will proceed to Fortress Monroe, Va., there to meet and informally
confer with Messrs. Stephens, Hunter, and Campbell on the basis of my
letter to F. P. Blair, Esq., of January 18, 1865, a copy of which you
have.

You will make known to them that three things are indispensable, to Wit:

1. The restoration of the national authority throughout all the States.

2. No receding by the Executive of the United States on the slavery
question from the position assumed thereon in the late annual message to
Congress and in preceding documents.

3. No cessation of hostilities short of an end of the war and the
disbanding of all forces hostile to the Government.

You will inform them that all propositions of theirs not inconsistent
with the above will be considered and passed upon in a spirit of sincere
liberality. You will hear all they may choose to say and report it to me.

You will not assume to definitely consummate anything.

Yours, etc.,


A. LINCOLN.


On the day of its date the following telegram was sent to General Grant:

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., February 1,1865 (Sent at 9.30 A.M.)

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, City Point, Va.:

Let nothing which is transpiring change, hinder, or delay your military
movements or plans.


A. LINCOLN.


Afterwards the following despatch was received from General Grant:

OFFICE UNITED STATES MILITARY TELEGRAPH WAR DEPARTMENT. The following
telegram received at Washington, 2.30 P.M., February 1, 1865, from City
Point, Va., February 1, 12.30 PM., 1865:

"His EXCELLENCY A. LINCOLN, President United States:

"Your despatch received. There will be no armistice in consequence of the
presence of Mr. Stephens and others within our lines. The troops are kept
in readiness to move at the shortest notice if occasion should justify it.

"U.S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General."


To notify Major Eckert that the Secretary of State would be at Fortress
Monroe, and to put them in communication, the following despatch was sent:

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., February 1, 1865.

MAJOR T. T. ECKERT, Care of General Grant, City Point, Va.:

Call at Fortress Monroe and put yourself under direction of Mr. S., whom
you will find there.


A. LINCOLN.


On the morning of the 2d instant the following telegrams were received by
me respectively from the Secretary of State and Major Eckert:

FORT MONROE, VA., February 1,1865. 11.30 PM.

THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES:

Arrived at 10 this evening. Richmond party not here. I remain here.

WILLIAM H. SEWARD.


CITY POINT, VA., February 1, 1865. 10 P.M.

HIS EXCELLENCY A. LINCOLN, President of the United States: I have the
honor to report the delivery of your communication and my letter at
4.15 this afternoon, to which I received a reply at 6 P.M., but not
satisfactory.


At 8 P.M. the following note, addressed to General Grant, was received:

CITY POINT, VA., February 1, 1865

"LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT.

"SIR:--We desire to go to Washington City to confer informally with the
President personally in reference to the matters mentioned in his letter
to Mr. Blair of the 18th January ultimo, without any personal compromise
on any question in the letter. We have the permission to do so from the
authorities in Richmond.

Very respectfully yours,

ALEX. H. STEPHENS R. M. T. HUNTER. J. A. CAMPBELL."


At 9.30 P.M. I notified them that they could not proceed further unless
they complied with the terms expressed in my letter. The point of meeting
designated in the above note would not, in my opinion, be insisted
upon. Think Fort Monroe would be acceptable. Having complied with my
instructions, I will return to Washington to-morrow unless otherwise
ordered.

THOS. T. ECKERT, Major, etc.


On reading this despatch of Major Eckert I was about to recall him and the
Secretary of State, when the following telegram of General Grant to the
Secretary of War was shown me:

OFFICE UNITED STATES MILITARY TELEGRAPH, WAR DEPARTMENT.

The following telegram received at Washington 4.35 A.M., February 2, 1865,
from City Point, Va., February 1, 10.30 P.M., 1865:

"HON. EDWIN M. STANTON, "Secretary of War:

"Now that the interview between Major Eckert, under his written
instructions, and Mr. Stephens and party has ended, I will state
confidentially, but not officially to become a matter of record, that I
am convinced upon conversation with Messrs. Stephens and Hunter that their
intentions are good and their desire sincere to restore peace and union.
I have not felt myself at liberty to express even views of my own or to
account for my reticency. This has placed me in an awkward position, which
I could have avoided by not seeing them in the first instance. I fear now
their going back without any expression from anyone in authority will have
a bad influence. At the same time, I recognize the difficulties in the way
of receiving these informal commissioners at this time, and do not know
what to recommend. I am sorry, however, that Mr. Lincoln can not have an
interview with the two named in this despatch, if not all three now within
our lines. Their letter to me was all that the President's instructions
contemplated to secure their safe conduct if they had used the same
language to Major Eckert.

"U.S. GRANT "Lieutenant-General."


This despatch of General Grant changed my purpose, and accordingly I
telegraphed him and the Secretary of State, respectively, as follows:

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., February 2, 1865. (Sent at 9 A.M.)

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, City Point, Va.:

Say to the gentlemen I will meet them personally at Fortress Monroe as
soon as I can get there.


A. LINCOLN.


WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., February 2, 1865. (Sent at 9 A.M.)

HON. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Fortress Monroe, Va.:

Induced by a despatch from General Grant, I join you at Fort Monroe as
soon as I can come.


A. LINCOLN.


Before starting, the following despatch was shown me. I proceeded,
nevertheless:

OFFICE UNITED STATES MILITARY TELEGRAPH, WAR DEPARTMENT.

The following telegram received at Washington, February 2, 1865, from City
Point, Va., 9 A.M., February 2, 1865:

"HON. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, Fort Monroe:

"The gentlemen here have accepted the proposed terms, and will leave for
Fort Monroe at 9.30 A.M.

"U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General."

(Copy to HON. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War, Washington.)


On the night of the 2nd I reached Hampton Roads, found the Secretary of
State and Major Eckert on a steamer anchored offshore, and learned of
them that the Richmond gentlemen were on another steamer also anchored
offshore, in the Roads, and that the Secretary of State had not yet seen
or communicated with them. I ascertained that Major Eckert had literally
complied with his instructions, and I saw for the first time the answer of
the Richmond gentlemen to him, which in his despatch to me of the 1st he
characterizes as "not satisfactory." That answer is as follows, to wit:

CITY POINT, VA., February 1, 1865. THOMAS T. ECKERT, Major and
Aid-de-Camp. MAJOR:-Your note, delivered by yourself this day, has been
considered. In reply we have to say that we were furnished with a copy of
the letter of President Lincoln to Francis P. Blair, Esq., of the 18th
of January ultimo, another copy of which is appended to your note. Our
instructions are contained in a letter of which the following is a copy:

"RICHMOND, January 28, 1865. "In conformity with the letter of Mr.
Lincoln, of which the foregoing is a copy, you are to proceed to
Washington City for informal conference with him upon the issues involved
in the existing war, and for the purpose of securing peace to the two
countries. "With great respect, your obedient servant, "JEFFERSON DAVIS."


The substantial object to be obtained by the informal conference is to
ascertain upon what terms the existing war can be terminated honorably.

Our instructions contemplate a personal interview between President
Lincoln and ourselves at Washington City, but with this explanation we are
ready to meet any person or persons that President Lincoln may appoint at
such place as he may designate.

Our earnest desire is that a just and honorable peace may be agreed
upon, and we are prepared to receive or to submit propositions which may
possibly lead to the attainment of that end.

Very respectfully, yours,

     ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS.
     R. M. T. HUNTER.
     JOHN A. CAMPBELL.


A note of these gentlemen, subsequently addressed to General Grant, has
already been given in Major Eckert's despatch of the 1st instant.

I also here saw, for the first time, the following note, addressed by the
Richmond gentlemen to Major Eckert:

CITY POINT, VA., February 2, 1865. THOMAS T. ECKERT, Major and
Aid-de-Camp. MAJOR:--In reply to your verbal statement that your
instructions did not allow you to alter the conditions upon which a
passport could be given to us, we say that we are willing to proceed to
Fortress Monroe and there to have an informal conference with any person
or persons that President Lincoln may appoint on the basis of his letter
to Francis P. Blair of the 18th of January ultimo, or upon any other terms
or conditions that he may hereafter propose not inconsistent with the
essential principles of self-government and popular rights, upon which our
institutions are founded.

It is our earnest wish to ascertain, after a free interchange of ideas and
information, upon what principles and terms, if any, a just and honorable
peace can be established without the further effusion of blood, and to
contribute our utmost efforts to accomplish such a result.

We think it better to add that in accepting your passport we are not to
be understood as committing ourselves to anything but to carry to this
informal conference the views and feelings above expressed.

Very respectfully, yours, etc.,

ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS, J. A. CAMPBELL, R. M. T. HUNTER.


Note.-The above communication was delivered to me at Fort Monroe at 4.30
P.M. February 2 by Lieutenant-Colonel Babcock, of General Grant's staff.

THOMAS T. ECKERT Major and Aid-de-Camp.


On the morning of the third the three gentlemen, Messrs. Stephens, Hunter,
and Campbell, came aboard of our steamer and had an interview with the
Secretary of State and myself of several hours' duration. No question
of preliminaries to the meeting was then and there made or mentioned; no
other person was present; no papers were exchanged or produced; and it
was in advance agreed that the conversation was to be informal and
verbal merely. On our part the whole substance of the instructions to the
Secretary of State hereinbefore recited was stated and insisted upon, and
nothing was said inconsistent therewith; while by the other party it was
not said that in any event or on any condition they ever would consent
to reunion, and yet they equally omitted to declare that they never would
consent. They seemed to desire a postponement of that question and the
adoption of some other course first, which, as some of them seemed to
argue, might or might not lead to reunion, but which course we thought
would amount to an indefinite postponement. The conference ended without
result.

The foregoing, containing, as is believed, all the information sought is
respectfully submitted.


A. LINCOLN.




MESSAGE TO THE SENATE. WASHINGTON, February 10, 1865

To THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES:

In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the eighth instant,
requesting information concerning recent conversations or communications
with insurgents, under executive sanction, I transmit a report from the
Secretary of State, to whom the resolution was referred.


A. LINCOLN.


TO THE PRESIDENT:

The Secretary of State, to whom was referred a resolution of the Senate
of the 8th instant, requesting "the President of the United States, if, in
his opinion, not incompatible with the public interests, to furnish to the
Senate any information in his possession concerning recent conversations
or communications with certain rebels, said to have taken place under
executive sanction, including communications with the rebel Jefferson
Davis, and any correspondence relating thereto," has the honor to report
that the Senate may properly be referred to a special message of the
President bearing upon the subject of the resolution, and transmitted to
the House this day. Appended to this report is a copy of an instruction
which has been addressed to Charles Francis Adams, Esq., envoy
extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United States at London,
and which is the only correspondence found in this department touching the
subject referred to in the resolution.

Respectfully submitted,

WILLIAM H. SEWARD.

DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON, February 10, 1865.




MR. SEWARD TO MR. ADAMS.

(Extract.) No. 1258.

DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON, February 7,1865

On the morning of the 3d, the President, attended by the Secretary,
received Messrs. Stephens, Hunter, and Campbell on board the United
States steam transport River Queen in Hampton Roads. The conference was
altogether informal. There was no attendance of secretaries, clerks, or
other witnesses. Nothing was written or read. The conversation, although
earnest and free, was calm, and courteous, and kind on both sides. The
Richmond party approached the discussion rather indirectly, and at no time
did they either make categorical demands, or tender formal stipulations or
absolute refusals. Nevertheless, during the conference, which lasted
four hours, the several points at issue between the Government and the
insurgents were distinctly raised, and discussed fully, intelligently, and
in an amicable spirit. What the insurgent party seemed chiefly to favor
was a postponement of the question of separation, upon which the war is
waged, and a mutual direction of efforts of the Government, as well as
those of the insurgents, to some extrinsic policy or scheme for a season
during which passions might be expected to subside, and the armies be
reduced, and trade and intercourse between the people of both sections
resumed. It was suggested by them that through such postponement we
might now have immediate peace, with some not very certain prospect of
an ultimate satisfactory adjustment of political relations between this
Government and the States, section, or people now engaged in conflict with
it.

This suggestion, though deliberately considered, was nevertheless regarded
by the President as one of armistice or truce, and he announced that we
can agree to no cessation or suspension of hostilities, except on the
basis of the disbandment of the insurgent forces, and the restoration
of the national authority throughout all the States in the Union.
Collaterally, and in subordination to the proposition which was thus
announced, the antislavery policy of the United States was reviewed in all
its bearings, and the President announced that he must not be expected to
depart from the positions he had heretofore assumed in his proclamation
of emancipation and other documents, as these positions were reiterated in
his last annual message. It was further declared by the President that
the complete restoration of the national authority was an indispensable
condition of any assent on our part to whatever form of peace might be
proposed. The President assured the other party that, while he must adhere
to these positions, he would be prepared, so far as power is lodged with
the Executive, to exercise liberality. His power, however, is limited by
the Constitution; and when peace should be made, Congress must necessarily
act in regard to appropriations of money and to the admission of
representatives from the insurrectionary States. The Richmond party
were then informed that Congress had, on the 31st ultimo, adopted by
a constitutional majority a joint resolution submitting to the several
States the proposition to abolish slavery throughout the Union, and that
there is every reason to expect that it will be soon accepted by three
fourths of the States, so as to become a part of the national organic law.

The conference came to an end by mutual acquiescence, without producing
an agreement of views upon the several matters discussed, or any of them.
Nevertheless, it is perhaps of some importance that we have been able to
submit our opinions and views directly to prominent insurgents, and to
hear them in answer in a courteous and not unfriendly manner.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,

WILLIAM H. SEWARD.




TO ADMIRAL DAVID D. PORTER.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, February 10, 1865

REAR-ADMIRAL DAVID D. PORTER, Commanding North Atlantic Squadron, Hampton
Roads, Va.

SIR:--It is made my agreeable duty to enclose herewith the joint
resolution approved 24th January, 1865, tendering the thanks of Congress
to yourself, the officers and men under your command for their gallantry
and good conduct in the capture of Fort Fisher, and through you to all who
participated in that brilliant and decisive victory under your command.

Very respectfully,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL S. POPE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February 12, 1865

MAJOR-GENERAL POPE, St. Louis, Missouri:

I understand that provost-marshals in different parts of Missouri are
assuming to decide that the conditions of bonds are forfeited, and
therefore are seizing and selling property to pay damages. This, if true,
is both outrageous and ridiculous. Do not allow it. The courts, and
not provost-marshals, are to decide such questions unless when military
necessity makes an exception. Also excuse John Eaton, of Clay County, and
Wesley Martin, of Platte, from being sent South, and let them go East if
anywhere.


A. LINCOLN




TO THE COMMANDING OFFICERS IN WEST TENNESSEE

WASHINGTON, February 13, 1865.

TO THE MILITARY OFFICERS COMMANDING IN WEST TENNESSEE:

While I cannot order as within requested, allow me to say that it is my
wish for you to relieve the people from all burdens, harassments, and
oppressions, so far as is possible consistently with your military
necessities; that the object of the war being to restore and maintain
the blessings of peace and good government, I desire you to help, and not
hinder, every advance in that direction.

Of your military necessities you must judge and execute, but please do so
in the spirit and with the purpose above indicated.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL J. POPE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February 14, 1865.

MAJOR-GENERAL POPE, St. Louis, Missouri:

Yours of yesterday about provost-marshal system received. As part of
the same subject, let me say I am now pressed in regard to a pending
assessment in St. Louis County. Please examine and satisfy yourself
whether this assessment should proceed or be abandoned; and if you
decide that it is to proceed, please examine as to the propriety of its
application to a gentleman by the name of Charles McLaran.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL POPE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON February 15, 1865.

MAJOR-GENERAL POPE, St. Louis, Missouri:

Please ascertain whether General Fisk's administration is as good as it
might be, and answer me.


A. LINCOLN.




PROCLAMATION CONVENING THE SENATE IN EXTRA SESSION,

FEBRUARY 17, 1865.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A Proclamation

Whereas objects of interest to the United States require that the Senate
should be convened at twelve o'clock on the fourth of March next to
receive and act upon such communications as may be made to it on the part
of the Executive;

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, have
considered it to be my duty to issue this, my proclamation, declaring
that an extraordinary occasion requires the Senate of the United States
to convene for the transaction of business at the Capitol, in the city of
Washington, on the fourth day of March next, at twelve o'clock at noon
on that day, of which all who shall at that time be entitled to act as
members of that body are hereby required to take notice.

Given under my hand and the seal of the United States, at
Washington...............


A. LINCOLN. By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.




TELEGRAM TO OFFICER IN COMMAND AT HARPER'S FERRY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February 17, 1865

OFFICER IN COMMAND AT HARPER'S FERRY:

Chaplain Fitzgibbon yesterday sent me a despatch invoking Clemency for
Jackson, Stewart, and Randall, who are to be shot to-day. The despatch is
so vague that there is no means here of ascertaining whether or not the
execution of sentence of one or more of them may not already have been
ordered. If not suspend execution of sentence m their cases until further
orders and forward records of trials for examination.


A. LINCOLN

MAJOR ECKERT: Please send above telegram JNO. G. NICOLAY.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL U.S. GRANT.

WASHINGTON, D. C., February 24, 1865

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, City Point, Virginia:

I am in a little perplexity. I was induced to authorize a gentleman to
bring Roger A. Pryor here with a view of effecting an exchange of him;
but since then I have seen a despatch of yours showing that you specially
object to his exchange. Meantime he has reached here and reported to
me. It is an ungracious thing for me to send him back to prison, and yet
inadmissible for him to remain here long. Cannot you help me out with it?
I can conceive that there may be difference to you in days, and I can keep
him a few days to accommodate on that point. I have not heard of my son's
reaching you.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL POPE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February 24, 1865

MAJOR-GENERAL POPE, Saint Louis, Mo.:

Please inquire and report to me whether there is any propriety of longer
keeping in Gratiott Street Prison a man said to be there by the name of
Riley Whiting.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL U. S. GRANT. WASHINGTON, February 25, 1865

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, City Point, Virginia:

General Sheridan's despatch to you, of to-day, in which he says he "will
be off on Monday," and that he "will leave behind about two thousand men,"
causes the Secretary of War and myself considerable anxiety. Have you
well considered whether you do not again leave open the Shenandoah Valley
entrance to Maryland and Pennsylvania, or, at least, to the Baltimore and
Ohio Railroad?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL U. S. GRANT. WASHINGTON, D. C., February 27, 1865.

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, City Point, Virginia:

Subsequent reflection, conference with General Halleck, your despatch, and
one from General Sheridan, have relieved my anxiety; and so I beg that you
will dismiss any concern you may have on my account, in the matter of my
last despatch.


A. LINCOLN.




TO T. W. CONWAY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., March 1, 1865.

MR. THOMAS W. CONWAY, General Superintendent Freedmen, Department of the
Gulf.

SIR:--Your statement to Major-General Hurlbut of the condition of the
freedmen of your department, and of your success in the work of their
moral and physical elevation, has reached me and given me much pleasure.

That we shall be entirely successful in our efforts I firmly believe.

The blessing of God and the efforts of good and faithful men will bring us
an earlier and happier consummation than the most sanguine friends of the
freedmen could reasonably expect.

Yours,


A. LINCOLN,




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL U.S. GRANT. WASHINGTON, D. C., March 2, 1865.

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, City Point, Va.:

You have not sent contents of Richmond papers for Tuesday or Wednesday.
Did you not receive them? If not, does it indicate anything?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM FROM SECRETARY STANTON TO GENERAL GRANT.

WASHINGTON, March 3, 1865. 12 PM.

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT:

The President directs me to say to you that he wishes you to have no
conference with General Lee unless it be for the capitulation of General
Lee's army, or on some minor and purely military matter. He instructs me
to say that you are not to decide, discuss, or confer upon any political
question. Such questions the President holds in his own hands, and will
submit them to no military conferences or conventions. Meantime you are to
press to the utmost your military advantages.

EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War.




SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS, MARCH 4, 1865.


FELLOW-COUNTRYMEN:--At this second appearing to take the oath of the
presidential office there is less occasion for an extended address than
there was at the first. Then a statement somewhat in detail of a course
to be pursued seemed fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration of four
years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth
on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the
attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new
could be presented. The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly
depends, is as well known to the public as to myself, and it is, I trust,
reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With high hope for the
future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured.

On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago all thoughts were
anxiously directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded it, all sought
to avert it. While the inaugural address was being delivered from this
place, devoted altogether to saving the Union without war, insurgent
agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war seeking to
dissolve the Union and divide effects by negotiation. Both parties
deprecated war, but one of them would make war rather than let the nation
survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish, and the
war came.

One eighth of the whole population was colored slaves, not distributed
generally over the Union, but localized in the southern part of it. These
slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this
interest was somehow the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and
extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend
the Union even by war, while the Government claimed no right to do more
than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. Neither party expected
for the war the magnitude or the duration which it has already attained.
Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with or
even before the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier
triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the
same Bible and pray to the same God, and each invokes His aid against the
other. It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God's
assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces,
but let us judge not, that we be not judged. The prayers of both could not
be answered. That of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has His
own purposes. "Woe unto the world because of offenses; for it must needs
be that offenses come, but woe to that man by whom the offense cometh." If
we shall suppose that American slavery is one of those offenses which,
in the providence of God, must needs come, but which, having continued
through His appointed time, He now wills to remove, and that He gives to
both North and South this terrible war as the woe due to those by whom
the offense came, shall we discern therein any departure from those divine
attributes which the believers in a living God always ascribe to Him?
Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty scourge of war
may speedily pass away. Yet, if God wills that it continue until all the
wealth piled by the bondsman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited
toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash
shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand
years ago, so still it must be said, "The judgments of the Lord are true
and righteous altogether."

With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right
as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we
are in, to bind up the nation's wounds, to care for him who shall have
borne the battle and for his widow and his orphan, to do all which may
achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all
nations.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL JOHN POPE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, March 7, 1865

MAJOR-GENERAL POPE, St. Louis, Missouri:

Please state briefly, by telegraph, what you concluded about the
assessments in St. Louis County. Early in the war one Samuel B. Churchill
was sent from St. Louis to Louisville, where I have quite satisfactory
evidence that he has not misbehaved. Still I am told his property at St.
Louis is subjected to the assessment, which I think it ought not to be.
Still I wish to know what you think.


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL U.S. GRANT. WASHINGTON, D. C., March 8, 1865.

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, City Point, Va:

Your two despatches to the Secretary of War, one relating to supplies for
the enemy going by the Blackwater, and the other to General Singleton and
Judge Hughes, have been laid before me by him. As to Singleton and Hughes,
I think they are not in Richmond by any authority, unless it be from you.
I remember nothing from me which could aid them in getting there, except a
letter to you, as follows, to wit:

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON CITY, February 7, 1865. LIEUTENANT-GENERAL
GRANT, City Point, Va.: General Singleton, who bears you this, claims that
he already has arrangements made, if you consent, to bring a large amount
of Southern produce through your lines. For its bearing on our finances,
I would be glad for this to be done, if it can be, without injuriously
disturbing your military operations, or supplying the enemy. I wish you
to be judge and master on these points. Please see and hear him fully,
and decide whether anything, and, if anything, what, can be done in the
premises. Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.

I believe I gave Hughes a card putting him with Singleton on the same
letter. However this may be, I now authorize you to get Singleton and
Hughes away from Richmond, if you choose, and can. I also authorize you,
by an order, or in what form you choose, to suspend all operations on the
Treasury trade permits, in all places southeastward of the Alleghenies.
If you make such order, notify me of it, giving a copy, so that I can give
corresponding direction to the Navy.


A. LINCOLN.




PROCLAMATION OFFERING PARDON TO DESERTERS,

MARCH 11, 1865

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

A Proclamation

Whereas, the twenty-first section of the act of Congress, approved on the
3d instant, entitled "An Act to amend the several acts heretofore passed
to provide for the enrolling and calling out the national forces and for
other purposes," requires that in addition to the other lawful penalties
of the crime of desertion from the military or naval service, all persons
who have deserted the military or naval service of the United States who
shall not return to said service or report themselves to a provost-marshal
within sixty days after the proclamation hereinafter mentioned, shall
be deemed and taken to have voluntarily relinquished and forfeited their
citizenship and their right to become citizens, and such deserters shall
be forever incapable of holding any office of trust or profit under the
United States, or of exercising any rights of citizens thereof; and all
persons who shall hereafter desert the military or naval service, and all
persons who, being duly enrolled, shall depart the jurisdiction of the
district in which they are enrolled, or go beyond the limits of the United
States with intent to avoid any draft into the military or naval service
duly ordered, shall be liable to the penalties of this section; and the
President is hereby authorized and required forthwith, on the passage of
this act, to issue his proclamation setting forth the provisions of this
section, in which proclamation the President is requested to notify all
deserters returning within sixty days as aforesaid that they shall be
pardoned on condition of returning to their regiments and companies, or to
such other organizations as they may be assigned to, until they shall have
served for a period of time equal to their original term of enlistment:

Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the
United States, do issue this my proclamation as required by said act,
ordering and requiring all deserters to return to their proper posts; and
I do hereby notify them that all deserters who shall within sixty days
from the date of this proclamation, viz., on or before the 10th day of
May, 1865, return to service or report themselves to a provost-marshal,
shall be pardoned on condition that they return to their regiments or
companies or to such other organization as they may be assigned to, and
serve the remainder of their original terms of enlistment, and in addition
thereto a period equal to the time lost by desertion.

In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed...............


A. LINCOLN.

By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State




TELEGRAM TO H. T. BLOW.

WASHINGTON, March 13, 1865.

HON. HENRY T. BLOW, Saint Louis, Mo.:

A Miss E. Snodgrass, who was banished from Saint Louis in May,1863, wishes
to take the oath and return home. What say you?


A. LINCOLN.




LETTER TO THURLOW WEED,

MARCH 15, 1865.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C.

DEAR Mr. WEED:

Every one likes a compliment. Thank you for yours on my little
notification speech and on the recent inaugural address. I expect the
latter to wear as well as perhaps better than--anything I have produced;
but I believe it is not immediately popular. Men are not flattered by
being shown that there has been a difference of purpose between the
Almighty and them. To deny it, however, in this case, is to deny that
there is a God governing the world. It is a truth which I thought needed
to be told, and, as whatever of humiliation there is in it falls most
directly on myself, I thought others might afford for me to tell it.

Truly yours,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO COLONEL ROUGH AND OTHERS.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., March 17, 1865.

COL. R. M. ROUGH AND OTHERS, Chicago, Ill.:

Yours received. The best I can do with it is, to refer it to the
War Department. The Rock Island case referred to, was my individual
enterprise; and it caused so much difficulty in so many ways that I
promised to never undertake another.


A. LINCOLN.




ADDRESS TO AN INDIANA REGIMENT,

MARCH 17, 1865.

FELLOW-CITIZENS:--It will be but a very few words that I shall undertake
to say. I was born in Kentucky, raised in Indiana, and lived in Illinois;
and now I am here, where it is my business to care equally for the good
people of all the States. I am glad to see an Indiana regiment on this
day able to present the captured flag to the Governor of Indiana. I am not
disposed, in saying this, to make a distinction between the States, for
all have done equally well.

There are but few views or aspects of this great war upon which I have
not said or written something whereby my own opinions might be known.
But there is one--the recent attempt of our erring brethren, as they are
sometimes called, to employ the negro to fight for them. I have neither
written nor made a speech on that subject, because that was their
business, not mine, and if I had a wish on the subject, I had not the
power to introduce it, or make it effective. The great question with them
was whether the negro, being put into the army, will fight for them. I do
not know, and therefore cannot decide. They ought to know better than me.
I have in my lifetime heard many arguments why the negroes ought to be
slaves; but if they fight for those who would keep them in slavery, it
will be a better argument than any I have yet heard. He who will fight for
that, ought to be a slave. They have concluded, at last, to take one out
of four of the slaves and put them in the army, and that one out of the
four who will fight to keep the others in slavery, ought to be a slave
himself, unless he is killed in a fight. While I have often said that all
men ought to be free, yet would I allow those colored persons to be slaves
who want to be, and next to them those white people who argue in favor of
making other people slaves. I am in favor of giving an appointment to such
white men to try it on for these slaves. I will say one thing in regard
to the negroes being employed to fight for them. I do know he cannot fight
and stay at home and make bread too. And as one is about as important as
the other to them, I don't care which they do. I am rather in favor of
having them try them as soldiers. They lack one vote of doing that, and I
wish I could send my vote over the river so that I might cast it in favor
of allowing the negro to fight. But they cannot fight and work both. We
must now see the bottom of the enemy's resources. They will stand out as
long as they can, and if the negro will fight for them they must allow him
to fight. They have drawn upon their last branch of resources, and we can
now see the bottom. I am glad to see the end so near at hand. I have said
now more than I intended, and will therefore bid you good-by.




PROCLAMATION CONCERNING INDIANS,

MARCH 17, 1865.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A Proclamation.

Whereas reliable information has been received that hostile Indians,
within the limits of the United States, have been furnished with arms and
munitions of war by persons dwelling in conterminous foreign territory,
and are thereby enabled to prosecute their savage warfare upon the exposed
and sparse settlements of the frontier;

Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the
United States of America, do hereby proclaim and direct that all persons
detected in that nefarious traffic shall be arrested and tried by
court-martial at the nearest military post, and if convicted, shall
receive the punishment due to their deserts.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed...................


A. LINCOLN.

By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.




ORDER ANNULLING THE SENTENCE

AGAINST BENJAMIN G. SMITH AND FRANKLIN W. SMITH,

MARCH 18, 1865.


I am unwilling for the sentence to stand, and be executed, to any extent
in this case. In the absence of a more adequate motive than the evidence
discloses, I am wholly unable to believe in the existence of criminal
or fraudulent intent on the part of men of such well established good
character. If the evidence went as far to establish a guilty profit of one
or two hundred thousand dollars, as it does of one or two hundred dollars,
the case would, on the question of guilt, bear a far different aspect.
That on this contract, involving some twelve hundred thousand dollars, the
contractors would plan, and attempt to execute a fraud which, at the most,
could profit them only one or two hundred, or even one thousand dollars,
is to my mind beyond the power of rational belief. That they did not, in
such a case, make far greater gains, proves that they did not, with
guilty or fraudulent intent, make at all. The judgment and sentence are
disapproved, and declared null, and the defendants are fully discharged.


A. LINCOLN March 18, 1865.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL J. POPE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, March 19, 1865.

MAJOR-GENERAL POPE, St. Louis, Missouri:

Understanding that the plan of action for Missouri contained in your
letter to the Governor of that State, and your other letter to me, is
concurred in by the Governor, it is approved by me, and you will be
sustained in proceeding upon it.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL ORD.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, May [March] 20, 1865.

MAJOR-GENERAL ORD, Army of the James

Is it true that George W. Lane is detained at Norfolk without any charge
against him? And if so why is it done?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO JUDGE SCATES.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,

WASHINGTON, March 21, 1865.

HON. WALTER B. SCATES, Centralia, Illinois:

If you choose to go to New Mexico and reside, I will appoint you chief
justice there. What say you? Please answer.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL W. S. HANCOCK.

WASHINGTON, D. C., March 22, 1865. MAJOR-GENERAL HANCOCK, Winchester, Va.:

Seeing your despatch about General Crook, and fearing that through
misapprehension something unpleasant may occur, I send you below two
despatches of General Grant, which I suppose will fully explain General
Crook's movements.


A. LINCOLN.




ANOTHER FEMALE SPY

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL DODGE. EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, March 23, 1865.

GENERAL DODGE, Commanding, &c, Saint Louis, Mo.:

Allow Mrs. R. S. Ewell the benefit of my amnesty proclamation on her
taking the oath.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO SECRETARY STANTON.

CITY POINT, VIRGINIA, March 25, 1865. 8.30 A.M.

HON. SECRETARY OF WAR, Washington, D. C.:

Arrived here all safe about 9 P.M. yesterday. No war news. General Grant
does not seem to know very much about Yeatman, but thinks very well of him
so far as he does know.

I like Mr. Whiting very much, and hence would wish him to remain or resign
as best suits himself. Hearing this much from me, do as you think best in
the matter. General Lee has sent the Russell letter back, concluding, as
I understand from Grant, that their dignity does not admit of their
receiving the document from us. Robert just now tells me there was a
little rumpus up the line this morning, ending about where it began.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO SECRETARY STANTON.

(Cipher.)

HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF THE POTOMAC, March 25, 1865. (Received 5 P.M.)

HON. EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War:

I am here within five miles of the scene of this morning's action. I have
nothing to add to what General Meade reports except that I have seen
the prisoners myself and they look like there might be the number he
states--1600.


A. LINCOLN




TELEGRAM TO SECRETARY STANTON.

CITY POINT, VA., March 26, 1865. (Received 11.30 A.M.)

HON. SECRETARY OF WAR:

I approve your Fort Sumter programme. Grant don't seem to know Yeatman
very well, but thinks very well of him so far as he knows. Thinks it
probable that Y. is here now, for the place. I told you this yesterday
as well as that you should do as you think best about Mr. Whiting's
resignation, but I suppose you did not receive the dispatch. I am on the
boat and have no later war news than went to you last night.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO SECRETARY STANTON.

CITY POINT, VIRGINIA, March 27, 1865.3.35 P.M.

HON. SECRETARY OF WAR, Washington, D.C.:

Yours inclosing Fort Sumter order received. I think of but one suggestion.
I feel quite confident that Sumter fell on the 13th, and not on the 14th
of April, as you have it. It fell on Saturday, the 13th; the first call
for troops on our part was got up on Sunday, the 14th, and given date and
issued on Monday, the 15th. Look up the old almanac and other data, and
see if I am not right.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO SECRETARY STANTON.

CITY POINT, VIRGINIA, March 28, 1865. 12 M.

HON. SECRETARY OF WAR, Washington, D.C.: After your explanation, I think
it is little or no difference whether the Fort Sumter ceremony takes place
on the 13th or 14th.

General Sherman tells me he is well acquainted with James Yeatman, and
that he thinks him almost the best man in the country for anything he will
undertake.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO SECRETARY STANTON.

CITY POINT, VA., March 30, 1865. 7.30 P.M. (Received 8.30 P.M.)

HON. SECRETARY OF WAR:

I begin to feel that I ought to be at home and yet I dislike to leave
without seeing nearer to the end of General Grant's present movement.
He has now been out since yesterday morning and although he has not been
diverted from his programme no considerable effort has yet been produced
so far as we know here. Last night at 10.15 P. M. when it was dark as a
rainy night without a moon could be, a furious cannonade soon joined in by
a heavy musketry fire opened near Petersburg and lasted about two hours.
The sound was very distinct here as also were the flashes of the guns
up the clouds. It seemed to me a great battle, but the older hands here
scarcely noticed it and sure enough this morning it was found that very
little had been done.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO SECRETARY STANTON.

CITY POINT, VIRGINIA, March 31, 1865. 3 P.M.

SECRETARY STANTON:

At 12.30 P.M. to-day General Grant telegraphed me as follows: "There has
been much hard fighting this morning. The enemy drove our left from near
Dabney's house back well toward the Boydton plank road. We are now about
to take the offensive at that point, and I hope will more than recover the
lost ground."

Later he telegraphed again as follows:

"Our troops, after being driven back to the Boydton plank road, turned and
drove the enemy in turn, and took the White Oak road, which we now have.
This gives us the ground occupied by the enemy this morning. I will send
you a rebel flag captured by our troops in driving the enemy back. There
have been four flags captured to-day."

Judging by the two points from which General Grant telegraphs, I infer
that he moved his headquarters about one mile since he sent the first of
the two despatches.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL U. S. GRANT.

CITY POINT, April 1, 1865.

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT:

Yours to Colonel Bowers about the Secretary of War is shown to me. He is
not here, nor have I any notice that he is coming. I presume the mistake
comes of the fact that the Secretary of State was here. He started back to
Washington this morning. I have your two despatches of this morning, and
am anxious to hear from Sheridan.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO SECRETARY STANTON.

CITY POINT, April 1, 1865. 12.50 P.M.

HON. SECRETARY OF WAR, Washington, D.C.:

I have had two despatches from General Grant since my last to you, but
they contain little additional, except that Sheridan also had pretty hot
work yesterday, that infantry was sent to his support during the night,
and that he (Grant) has not since heard from Sheridan.

Mrs. Lincoln has started home, and I will thank you to see that our
coachman is at the Arsenal wharf at eight o'clock to-morrow morning, there
to wait until she arrives.


A. LINCOLN.



TELEGRAM TO SECRETARY SEWARD.

CITY POINT, VA., April, 1865. 5.30?.M.

HON. W. H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, Fort Monroe:

Despatch just received, showing that Sheridan, aided by Warren, had, at 2
P.M., pushed the enemy back, so as to retake the Five Forks and bring his
own headquarters up to J. Boisseau's. The Five Forks were barricaded by
the enemy and carried by Devin's division of cavalry. This part of the
enemy seem to now be trying to work along the White Oak road, to join the
main force in front of Grant, while Sheridan and Warren are pressing them
as closely as possible.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL U.S. GRANT. CITY POINT, April 1, 1865.

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT:

Yours showing Sheridan's success of to-day is just received and highly
appreciated. Having no great deal to do here, I am still sending the
substance of your despatches to the Secretary of War.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO MRS. LINCOLN.

CITY POINT, VA., April 2, 1865. 8.30 A.M. (Received 9 A.M.)

MRS. A. LINCOLN, Executive Mansion:

Last night General Grant telegraphed that General Sheridan with his
cavalry and the Fifth Corps had captured three brigades of infantry, a
train of wagons, and several batteries, prisoners amounting to several
thousand. This morning General Grant having ordered an attack along the
whole line telegraphs as follows.

Robert yesterday wrote a little cheerful note to Captain Penrose, which is
all he has heard of him since you left.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAMS TO SECRETARY STANTON. CITY POINT, VIRGINIA, April 2, 1865. 8.30
A.M.

HON. E. M. STANTON, Secretary of War:

Last night General Grant telegraphed that General Sheridan, with his
cavalry and the Fifth Corps, had captured three brigades of infantry, a
train of wagons, and several batteries; the prisoners amounting to several
thousand.

This morning General Grant, having ordered an attack along the whole line,
telegraphs as follows:

"Both Wright and Parke got through the enemy's lines. The battle now
rages furiously. General Sheridan, with his cavalry, the Fifth corps, and
Miles's Division of the Second Corps, which was sent to him this morning,
is now sweeping down from the west.

"All now looks highly favorable. General Ord is engaged, but I have not
yet heard the result in his front."


A. LINCOLN.


CITY POINT, April 1. 11.00 A.M.

Despatches are frequently coming in. All is going on finely. Generals
Parke, Wright, and Ord's lines are extending from the Appomattox to
Hatcher's Run. They have all broken through the enemy's intrenched lines,
taking some forts, guns, and prisoners. Sheridan, with his own cavalry,
the Fifth Corps, and part of the Second, is coming in from the west on the
enemy's flank. Wright is already tearing up the Southside Railroad.


A. LINCOLN


CITY POINT, VIRGINIA, April 2. 2 P.M.

At 10.45 A.M. General Grant telegraphs as follows:

"Everything has been carried from the left of the Ninth Corps. The Sixth
Corps alone captured more than three thousand prisoners. The Second and
Twenty-fourth Corps captured forts, guns, and prisoners from the enemy,
but I cannot tell the numbers. We are now closing around the works of the
line immediately enveloping Petersburg. All looks remarkably well. I
have not yet heard from Sheridan. His headquarters have been moved up
to Banks's house, near the Boydton road, about three miles southwest of
Petersburg."


A. LINCOLN.


CITY POINT, VIRGINIA, April 2. 8.30 P.M.

At 4.30 P.M. to-day General Grant telegraphs as follows:

"We are now up and have a continuous line of troops, and in a few hours
will be intrenched from the Appomattox below Petersburg to the river
above. The whole captures since the army started out will not amount to
less than twelve thousand men, and probably fifty pieces of artillery. I
do not know the number of men and guns accurately, however. A portion of
Foster's Division, Twenty Fourth Corps, made a most gallant charge this
afternoon, and captured a very important fort from the enemy, with its
entire garrison. All seems well with us, and everything is quiet just
now."


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO MRS. LINCOLN. CITY POINT, VA., April 1, 1865.

MRS. LINCOLN:

At 4.30 P.M. to-day General Grant telegraphs that he has Petersburg
completely enveloped from river below to river above, and has captured,
since he started last Wednesday, about twelve thousand prisoners and fifty
guns. He suggests that I shall go out and see him in the morning, which I
think I will do. Tad and I are both well, and will be glad to see you and
your party here at the time you name.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL U. S. GRANT.

CITY POINT, April 2, 1865

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT:

Allow me to tender to you and all with you the nation's grateful thanks
for this additional and magnificent success. At your kind suggestion I
think I will meet you to-morrow.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO SECRETARY STANTON.

CITY POINT, VIRGINIA, April 3, 1865.8.30 A.M.

HON. E. M. STANTON, Secretary of War:

This morning Lieutenant-General Grant reports Petersburg evacuated, and he
is confident that Richmond also is. He is pushing forward to cut off, if
possible, the retreating rebel army.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO SECRETARY STANTON.

CITY POINT, VA., April 3, 1865. 5 P.M.

HON. EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War:

Yours received. Thanks for your caution, but I have already been to
Petersburg. Staid with General Grant an hour and a half and returned here.
It is certain now that Richmond is in our hands, and I think I will go
there to-morrow. I will take care of myself.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO SECRETARY STANTON.

CITY POINT, VA., April 4, 1865 (Received 8.45 A.M.)

HON. EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War:

General Weitzel telegraphs from Richmond that of railroad stock he found
there twenty-eight locomotives, forty-four passenger and baggage cars, and
one hundred and six freight cars. At 3.30 this evening General Grant,
from Sutherland's Station, ten miles from Petersburg toward Burkevllle,
telegraphs as follows:

"General Sheridan picked up twelve hundred prisoners to-day, and from
three hundred to five hundred more have been gathered by other troops. The
majority of the arms that were left in the hands of the remnant of Lee's
army are now scattered between Richmond and where his troops are. The
country is also full of stragglers; the line of retreat marked with
artillery, ammunition, burned or charred wagons, caissons, ambulances,
etc."


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO SECRETARY SEWARD.

CITY POINT, APRIL 5, 1865. (Received 11.55 PM.)

HON. SECRETARY OF STATE:

Yours of to-day received. I think there is no probability of my remaining
here more than two days longer. If that is too long come down. I passed
last night at Richmond and have just returned.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL U. S. GRANT.

HEADQUARTERS ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATES, CITY POINT, April 6, 1865.

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, in the Field:

Secretary Seward was thrown from his carriage yesterday and seriously
injured. This, with other matters, will take me to Washington soon. I was
at Richmond yesterday and the day before, when and where Judge Campbell,
who was with Messrs. Hunter and Stephens in February, called on me, and
made such representations as induced me to put in his hands an informal
paper, repeating the propositions in my letter of instructions to Mr.
Seward, which you remember, and adding that if the war be now further
persisted in by the rebels, confiscated property shall at the least bear
the additional cost, and that confiscation shall be remitted to the people
of any State which will now promptly and in good faith withdraw its troops
and other support from resistance to the Government.

Judge Campbell thought it not impossible that the rebel legislature of
Virginia would do the latter if permitted; and accordingly I addressed a
private letter to General Weitzel, with permission to Judge Campbell to
see it, telling him (General Weitzel) that if they attempt this, to permit
and protect them, unless they attempt something hostile to the United
States, in which case to give them notice and time to leave, and to arrest
any remaining after such time.

I do not think it very probable that anything win come of this, but I
have thought best to notify you so that if you should see signs you may
understand them.

From your recent despatches it seems that you are pretty effectually
withdrawing the Virginia troops from opposition to the Government. Nothing
that I have done, or probably shall do, is to delay, hinder, or interfere
with your work.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. WEITZEL.

HEADQUARTERS ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATES CITY POINT, April 6, 1865.

MAJOR-GENERAL WEITZEL, Richmond, Va.:

It has been intimated to me that the gentlemen who have acted as the
legislature of Virginia in support of the rebellion may now desire to
assemble at Richmond and take measures to withdraw the Virginia troops and
other support from resistance to the General Government. If they attempt
it, give them permission and protection, until, if at all, they attempt
some action hostile to the United States, in which case you will notify
them, give them reasonable time to leave, and at the end of which time
arrest any who remain. Allow Judge Campbell to see this, but do not make
it public.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO SECRETARY STANTON.

CITY POINT, VA., April 7, 1865 (Received 10.30 AM.)

HON. SECRETARY OF WAR:

At 11.15 P.M. yesterday at Burkesville Station, General Grant sends me the
following from General Sheridan:

"April 6, 11.15 P.M.

"LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT:

I have the honor to report that the enemy made a stand at the intersection
of the Burks Station road with the road upon which they were retreating.
I attacked them with two divisions of the Sixth Army Corps and routed them
handsomely, making a connection with the cavalry. I am still pressing on
with both cavalry and infantry. Up to the present time we have captured
Generals Ewell, Kershaw, Button, Corse, DeBare, and Custis Lee, several
thousand prisoners, fourteen pieces of artillery with caissons and a large
number of wagons. If the thing is pressed I think Lee will surrender.

"P. H. SHERIDAN,

"Major-General, Commanding."


A. LINCOLN.




LET THE THING BE PRESSED.

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL U. S. GRANT.

HEADQUARTERS ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATES,

CITY POINT, April 7, 11 A.M., 1865.

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT:

Gen. Sheridan says:

"If the thing is pressed I think that Lee will surrender."

Let the thing be pressed.


A. LINCOLN.




NOTE ON A CARD TO SECRETARY STANTON.

April 10, 1865.

Tad wants some flags--can he be accommodated?


A. LINCOLN.




RESPONSE TO A CALL,

APRIL 10, 1865

If the company had assembled by appointment, some mistake had crept in
their understanding. He had appeared before a larger audience than this
one to-day, and he would repeat what he then said, namely, he supposed
owing to the great, good news, there would be some demonstration. He would
prefer to-morrow evening, when he should be quite willing, and he hoped
ready, to say something. He desired to be particular, because every thing
he said got into print. Occupying the position he did, a mistake would
produce harm, and therefore he wanted to be careful not to make a mistake.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. H. GORDON.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 11, 1865.

BRIG. GEN. G. H. GORDON, Norfolk, Va.:

Send to me at once a full statement as to the cause or causes for which,
and by authority of what tribunal George W. Lane, Charles Whitlock, Ezra
Baler, J. M. Renshaw, and others are restrained of their liberty. Do this
promptly and fully.


A. LINCOLN.




PROCLAMATION CLOSING CERTAIN PORTS, APRIL 11, 1865.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A Proclamation.

Whereas by my proclamations of the 19th and 27th days of April, A.D. 1861,
the ports of the United States in the States of Virginia, North Carolina,
South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and
Texas were declared to be subject to blockade; but

Whereas the said blockade has, in consequence of actual military
occupation by this Government, since been conditionally set aside or
relaxed in respect to the ports of Norfolk and Alexandria, in the State
of Virginia; Beaufort, in the State of North Carolina; Port Royal, in
the State of South Carolina; Pensacola and Fernandina, in the State of
Florida; and New Orleans, in the State of Louisiana; and

Whereas by the fourth section of the act of Congress approved on the 13th
of July, 1861, entitled "An act further to provide for the collection of
duties on imports, and for other purposes," the President, for the reasons
therein set forth, is authorized to close certain ports of entry:

Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln. President of
the United States, do hereby proclaim that the ports of Richmond,
Tappahannock, Cherrystone, Yorktown, and Petersburg, in Virginia; of
Camden (Elizabeth City), Edenton, Plymouth, Washington, Newbern, Ocracoke,
and Wilmington in North Carolina; of Charleston, Georgetown, and Beaufort,
in South Carolina; of Savannah, St. Marys, and Brunswick (Darien), in
Georgia; of Mobile, in Alabama; of Pearl River (Shieldsboro), Natchez and
Vicksburg, in Mississippi; of St. Augustine, Key West, St. Marks (Port
Leon), St. Johns (Jacksonville), and Apalachicola, in Florida; of Teche
(Franklin), in Louisiana; of Galveston, La Salle, Brazos de Santiago
(Point Isabel), and Brownsville, in Texas, are hereby closed, and all
right of importation, warehousing, and other privileges shall, in respect
to the ports aforesaid, cease until they shall have again been opened by
order of the President; and if while said parts are so closed any ship
or vessel from beyond the United States or having on board any articles
subject to duties shall attempt to enter any such port, the same, together
with its tackle, apparel, furniture, and cargo, shall be forfeited to the
United States.

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the
United States to be affixed.

Done at the city of Washington, this eleventh day of April, A.D., 1865,
and of the independence of the United States of America, the eighty-ninth.


A. LINCOLN.

By the President WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.




PROCLAMATION OPENING THE PORT OF KEY WEST,

APRIL 11, 1865.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A Proclamation.

Whereas by my proclamation of this date the port of Key West, in the State
of Florida, was inadvertently included among those which are not open to
commerce:

Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the
United States, do hereby declare and make known that the said port of Key
West is and shall remain open to foreign and domestic commerce upon the
same conditions by which that commerce has there hitherto been governed.

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed.

Done at the city of Washington, this eleventh day of April, A.D. 1865, and
of the independence of the United States of America the eighty-ninth.


A. LINCOLN.

By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.




PROCLAMATION CLAIMING EQUALITY OF RIGHTS WITH ALL MARITIME NATIONS,

APRIL 11, 1865.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A Proclamation.

Whereas for some time past vessels of war of the United States have been
refused in certain foreign ports, privileges and immunities to which they
were entitled by treaty, public law, or the community of nations, at the
same time that vessels of war of the country wherein the said
privileges and immunities have been withheld have enjoyed them fully and
uninterruptedly in ports of the United States, which condition of things
has not always been forcibly resisted by the United States, although, on
the other hand, they have not at any time failed to protest against and
declare their dissatisfaction with the same. In the view of the United
States, no condition any longer exists which can be claimed to justify the
denial to them by any one of such nations of customary naval rights as has
heretofore been so unnecessarily persisted in.......

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do
hereby make known that if, after a reasonable time shall have elapsed for
intelligence of this proclamation to have reached any foreign country in
whose ports the said privileges and immunities shall have been refused as
aforesaid, they shall continue to be so refused, then and thenceforth the
same privileges and immunities shall be refused to the vessels of war of
that country in the ports of the United States, and this refusal shall
continue until war vessels of the United States shall have been placed
upon an entire equality in the foreign ports aforesaid with similar
vessels of other countries. The United States, whatever claim or pretense
may have existed heretofore, are now, at least, entitled to claim and
concede an entire and friendly equality of rights and hospitalities with
all maritime nations.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed..................


A. LINCOLN.

By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.




LAST PUBLIC ADDRESS,

APRIL 11, 1865

FELLOW-CITIZENS--We meet this evening not in sorrow, but in gladness of
heart. The evacuation of Petersburg and Richmond, and the surrender of the
principal insurgent army, give hope of a righteous and speedy peace, whose
joyous expression cannot be restrained. In the midst of this, however, He
from whom blessings flow must not be forgotten.

A call for a national thanksgiving is being prepared, and will be duly
promulgated. Nor must those whose harder part gives us the cause of
rejoicing be overlooked. Their honors must not be parceled out with
others. I myself was near the front, and had the pleasure of transmitting
much of the good news to you. But no part of the honor for plan or
execution is mine. To General Grant, his skillful officers, and brave men,
all belongs. The gallant navy stood ready, but was not in reach to take
active part. By these recent successes, the reinauguration of the national
authority--reconstruction which has had a large share of thought from the
first, is pressed much more closely upon our attention. It is fraught with
great difficulty. Unlike a case of war between independent nations, there
is no authorized organ for us to treat with--no one man has authority to
give up the rebellion for any other man. We simply must begin with
and mould from disorganized and discordant elements. Nor is it a small
additional embarrassment that we, the loyal people, differ among ourselves
as to the mode, manner, and measure of reconstruction. As a general rule,
I abstain from reading the reports of attacks upon myself, Wishing not to
be provoked by that to which I cannot properly offer an answer. In spite
of this precaution, however, it comes to my knowledge that I am much
censured for some supposed agency in setting up and seeking to sustain the
new State government of Louisiana. In this I have done just so much and no
more than the public knows. In the Annual Message of December, 1863, and
the accompanying proclamation, I presented a plan of reconstruction,
as the phrase goes, which I promised, if adopted by any State, would be
acceptable to and sustained by the Executive Government of the nation. I
distinctly stated that this was not the only plan that might possibly be
acceptable, and I also distinctly protested that the Executive claimed
no right to say when or whether members should be admitted to seats in
Congress from such States. This plan was in advance submitted to the then
Cabinet, and approved by every member of it. One of them suggested that I
should then and in that connection apply the Emancipation Proclamation to
the theretofore excepted parts of Virginia and Louisiana; that I should
drop the suggestion about apprenticeship for freed people, and that I
should omit the protest against my own power in regard to the admission
of members of Congress. But even he approved every part and parcel of the
plan which has since been employed or touched by the action of Louisiana.
The new constitution of Louisiana, declaring emancipation for the whole
State, practically applies the proclamation to the part previously
excepted. It does not adopt apprenticeship for freed people, and is
silent, as it could not well be otherwise, about the admission of members
to Congress. So that, as it applied to Louisiana, every member of the
Cabinet fully approved the plan. The message went to Congress, and I
received many commendations of the plan, written and verbal, and not
a single objection to it from any professed emancipationist came to my
knowledge until after the news reached Washington that the people of
Louisiana had begun to move in accordance with it. From about July, 1862,
I had corresponded with different persons supposed to be interested in
seeking a reconstruction of a State government for Louisiana. When the
message of 1863, with the plan before mentioned, reached New Orleans,
General Banks wrote me that he was confident that the people, with his
military co-operation, would reconstruct substantially on that plan. I
wrote to him and some of them to try it. They tried it, and the result
is known. Such has been my only agency in getting up the Louisiana
government. As to sustaining it my promise is out, as before stated. But,
as bad promises are better broken than kept, I shall treat this as a bad
promise and break it, whenever I shall be convinced that keeping it is
adverse to the public interest; but I have not yet been so convinced. I
have been shown a letter on this subject, supposed to be an able one,
in which the writer expresses regret that my mind has not seemed to be
definitely fixed upon the question whether the seceded States, so called,
are in the Union or out of it. It would perhaps add astonishment to
his regret were he to learn that since I have found professed Union men
endeavoring to answer that question, I have purposely forborne any public
expression upon it. As appears to me, that question has not been nor yet
is a practically material one, and that any discussion of it, while it
thus remains practically immaterial, could have no effect other than the
mischievous one of dividing our friends. As yet, whatever it may become,
that question is bad as the basis of a controversy, and good for nothing
at all--a merely pernicious abstraction. We all agree that the seceded
States, so called, are out of their proper practical relation with the
Union, and that the sole object of the Government, civil and military, in
regard to those States, is to again get them into their proper practical
relation. I believe that it is not only possible, but in fact easier, to
do this without deciding or even considering whether those States have
ever been out of the Union, than with it. Finding themselves safely at
home, it would be utterly immaterial whether they had been abroad. Let
us all join in doing the acts necessary to restore the proper practical
relations between these States and the Union, and each forever after
innocently indulge his own opinion whether, in doing the acts he
brought the States from without into the Union, or only gave them proper
assistance, they never having been out of it. The amount of constituency,
so to speak, on which the Louisiana government rests, would be more
satisfactory to all if it contained fifty thousand, or thirty thousand, or
even twenty thousand, instead of twelve thousand, as it does. It is also
unsatisfactory to some that the elective franchise is not given to the
colored man. I would myself prefer that it were now conferred on the very
intelligent, and on those who serve our cause as soldiers. Still, the
question is not whether the Louisiana government, as it stands, is quite
all that is desirable. The question is, Will it be wiser to take it as
it is and help to improve it, or to reject and disperse? Can Louisiana be
brought into proper practical relation with the Union sooner by sustaining
or by discarding her new State government? Some twelve thousand voters
in the heretofore Slave State of Louisiana have sworn allegiance to the
Union, assumed to be the rightful political power of the State,
held elections, organized a State government, adopted a Free State
constitution, giving the benefit of public schools equally to black and
white, and empowering the Legislature to confer the elective franchise
upon the colored man. This Legislature has already voted to ratify the
Constitutional Amendment recently passed by Congress, abolishing slavery
throughout the nation. These twelve thousand persons are thus fully
committed to the Union and to perpetuate freedom in the State--committed
to the very things, and nearly all things, the nation wants--and they ask
the nation's recognition and its assistance to make good this committal.
Now, if we reject and spurn them, we do our utmost to disorganize and
disperse them. We, in fact, say to the white man: You are worthless or
worse; we will neither help you nor be helped by you. To the blacks we
say: This cup of liberty which these, your old masters, held to your
lips, we will dash from you, and leave you to the chances of gathering the
spilled and scattered contents in some vague and undefined when, where,
and how. If this course, discouraging and paralyzing both white and black,
has any tendency to bring Louisiana into proper practical relations with
the Union, I have so far been unable to perceive it. If, on the contrary,
we recognize and sustain the new government of Louisiana, the converse
of all this is made true. We encourage the hearts and nerve the arms of
twelve thousand to adhere to their work, and argue for it, and proselyte
for it, and fight for it, and feed it, and grow it, and ripen it to a
complete success. The colored man, too, in seeing all united for him, is
inspired with vigilance, and energy, and daring to the same end. Grant
that he desires the elective franchise, will he not attain it sooner by
saving the already advanced steps towards it, than by running backward
over them? Concede that the new government of Louisiana is only to what
it should be as the egg is to the fowl, we shall sooner have the fowl by
hatching the egg than by smashing it. Again, if we reject Louisiana, we
also reject one vote in favor of the proposed amendment to the National
Constitution. To meet this proposition, it has been argued that no more
than three fourths of those States which have not attempted secession are
necessary to validly ratify the amendment. I do not commit myself against
this, further than to say that such a ratification would be questionable,
and sure to be persistently questioned, while a ratification by three
fourths of all the States would be unquestioned and unquestionable.
I repeat the question, Can Louisiana be brought into proper practical
relation with the Union sooner by sustaining or by discarding her new
State government? What has been said of Louisiana will apply to other
States. And yet so great peculiarities pertain to each State, and such
important and sudden changes occur in the same State, and withal so new
and unprecedented is the whole case, that no exclusive and inflexible plan
can safely be prescribed as to details and collaterals. Such exclusive
and inflexible plan would surely become a new entanglement. Important
principles may and must be inflexible. In the present situation as the
phrase goes, it may be my duty to make some new announcement to the people
of the South. I am considering, and shall not fail to act, when satisfied
that action will be proper.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. WEITZEL.

WASHINGTON, D. C., April 12, 1865. MAJOR-GENERAL WEITZEL, Richmond, Va.:

I have seen your despatch to Colonel Hardie about the matter of prayers.
I do not remember hearing prayers spoken of while I was in Richmond; but I
have no doubt you have acted in what appeared to you to be the spirit
and temper manifested by me while there. Is there any sign of the rebel
legislature coming together on the understanding of my letter to you? If
there is any such sign, inform me what it is; if there is no such sign,
you may withdraw the offer.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. WEITZEL. WASHINGTON, D.C., April 12, 1865.

MAJOR-GENERAL WEITZEL, Richmond, Va.:

I have just seen Judge Campbell's letter to you of the 7th. He assumes,
as appears to me, that I have called the insurgent legislature of
Virginia together, as the rightful legislature of the State, to settle all
differences with the United States. I have done no such thing. I spoke of
them, not as a legislature, but as "the gentlemen who have acted as
the legislature of Virginia in support of the rebellion." I did this
on purpose to exclude the assumption that I was recognizing them as a
rightful body. I deal with them as men having power de facto to do a
specific thing, to wit: "To withdraw the Virginia troops and other support
from resistance to the General Government," for which, in the paper handed
Judge Campbell, I promised a specific equivalent, to wit: a remission to
the people of the State, except in certain cases, of the confiscation of
their property. I meant this, and no more. Inasmuch, however, as Judge
Campbell misconstrues this, and is still pressing for an armistice,
contrary to the explicit statement of the paper I gave him, and
particularly as General Grant has since captured the Virginia troops, so
that giving a consideration for their withdrawal is no longer applicable,
let my letter to you and the paper to Judge Campbell both be withdrawn,
or countermanded, and he be notified of it. Do not now allow them to
assemble, but if any have come, allow them safe return to their homes.


A. LINCOLN.




INTERVIEW WITH SCHUYLER COLFAX ON THE MORNING OF APRIL 14, 1865.

Mr. Colfax, I want you to take a message from me to the miners whom you
visit. I have very large ideas of the mineral wealth of our nation. I
believe it practically inexhaustible. It abounds all over the Western
country, from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific, and its development
has scarcely commenced. During the war, when we were adding a couple of
millions of dollars every day to our national debt, I did not care about
encouraging the increase in the volume of our precious metals. We had the
country to save first. But now that the rebellion is overthrown, and we
know pretty nearly the amount of our national debt, the more gold and
silver we mine, we make the payment of that debt so much the easier.
"Now," said he, speaking with more emphasis, "I am going to encourage that
in every possible way. We shall have hundreds of thousands of disbanded
soldiers, and many have feared that their return home in such great
numbers might paralyze industry, by furnishing, suddenly, a greater supply
of labor than there will be demand for. I am going to try to attract them
to the hidden wealth of our mountain ranges, where there is room enough
for all. Immigration, which even the war has not stopped, will land upon
our shores hundreds of thousands more per year from overcrowded Europe.
I intend to point them to the gold and silver that wait for them in the
West. Tell the miners for me, that I shall promote their interests to the
utmost of my ability; because their prosperity is the prosperity of the
nation; and," said he, his eye kindling with enthusiasm, "we shall prove,
in a very few years, that we are indeed the treasury of the world."




TO GENERAL VAN ALLEN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 14, 1865

GENERAL VAN ALLEN:

I intend to adopt the advice of my friends and use due precaution....
I thank you for the assurance you give me that I shall be supported by
conservative men like yourself, in the efforts I may make to restore the
Union, so as to make it, to use your language, a Union of hearts and hands
as well as of States.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




LINCOLN'S LAST WRITTEN WORDS

Allow Mr. Ashmer and friend to come in at 9 A.M. to-morrow.


A. LINCOLN. April 14, 1865