Produced by David Widger





THE PAPERS AND WRITINGS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN

VOLUME SIX

CONSTITUTIONAL EDITION

By Abraham Lincoln


Edited by Arthur Brooks Lapsley





THE WRITINGS OF A. LINCOLN, Volume Six, 1862-1863




1862




RECOMMENDATION OF NAVAL OFFICERS

MESSAGE TO CONGRESS.

WASHINGTON, D.C., May 14, 1862.

TO SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:

The third section of the "Act further to promote the efficiency of the
Navy," approved 21st of December, 1861, provides:

"That the President of the United States by and with the advice and
consent of the Senate, shall have the authority to detail from the retired
list of the navy for the command of squadrons and single ships such
officers as he may believe that the good of the service requires to be
thus placed in command; and such officers may, if upon the recommendation
of the President of the United States they shall receive a vote of thanks
of Congress for their services and gallantry in action against an enemy,
be restored to the active list, and not otherwise."

In conformity with this law, Captain David G. Farragut was nominated to
the Senate for continuance as the flag-officer in command of the squadron
which recently rendered such important service to the Union by his
successful operations on the lower Mississippi and capture of New Orleans.

Believing that no occasion could arise which would more fully correspond
with the intention of the law or be more pregnant with happy influence as
an example, I cordially recommend that Captain D. G. Farragut receive a
vote of thanks of Congress for his services and gallantry displayed in the
capture since 21st December, 1861, of Forts Jackson and St. Philip, city
of New Orleans, and the destruction of various rebel gunboats, rams,
etc.....




TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:

I submit herewith a list of naval officers who commanded vessels
engaged in the recent brilliant operations of the squadron commanded by
Flag-officer Farragut which led to the capture of Forts Jackson and St.
Philip, city of New Orleans, and the destruction of rebel gunboats, rams,
etc., in April 1862. For their services and gallantry on those occasions I
cordially recommend that they should, by name, receive a vote of thanks of
Congress:

LIST:

     Captain Theodorus Bailey.
     Captain Henry W. Morris.
     Captain Thomas T. Craven.
     Commander Henry H. Bell.
     Commander Samuel Phillips Lee.
     Commander Samuel Swartwout.
     Commander Melancton Smith.
     Commander Charles Stewart Boggs
     Commander John De Camp
     Commander James Alden.
     Commander David D. Porter.
     Commander Richard Wainwright.
     Commander William B. Renshaw.
     Lieutenant Commanding Abram D. Harrell.
     Lieutenant Commanding Edward Donaldson.
     Lieutenant Commanding George H. Preble.
     Lieutenant Commanding Edward T. Nichols.
     Lieutenant Commanding Jonathan M. Wainwright.
     Lieutenant Commanding John Guest.
     Lieutenant Commanding Charles H. B. Caldwell.
     Lieutenant Commanding Napoleon B. Harrison.
     Lieutenant Commanding Albert N. Smith.
     Lieutenant Commanding Pierce Crosby.
     Lieutenant Commanding George M. Ransom.
     Lieutenant Commanding Watson Smith.
     Lieutenant Commanding John H. Russell.
     Lieutenant Commanding Walter W. Queen.
     Lieutenant Commanding K. Randolph Breese.
     Acting Lieutenant Commanding Sellin E. Woolworth.
     Acting Lieutenant Commanding Charles H. Baldwin.


A. LINCOLN.

WASHINGTON, D.C., May 14, 1862




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.

WASHINGTON CITY, May 15, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN, Cumberland, Virginia:

Your long despatch of yesterday is just received. I will answer more fully
soon. Will say now that all your despatches to the Secretary of War have
been promptly shown to me. Have done and shall do all I could and can to
sustain you. Hoped that the opening of James River and putting Wool and
Burnside in communication, with an open road to Richmond, or to you, had
effected something in that direction. I am still unwilling to take all our
force off the direct line between Richmond and here.


A. LINCOLN.




SPEECH TO THE 12TH INDIANA REGIMENT, MAY [15?] 1862

SOLDIERS, OF THE TWELFTH INDIANA REGIMENT:

It has not been customary heretofore, nor will it be hereafter, for me
to say something to every regiment passing in review. It occurs too
frequently for me to have speeches ready on all occasions. As you have
paid such a mark of respect to the chief magistrate, it appears that I
should say a word or two in reply. Your colonel has thought fit, on his
own account and in your name, to say that you are satisfied with the
manner in which I have performed my part in the difficulties which have
surrounded the nation. For your kind expressions I am extremely grateful,
but on the other hand I assure you that the nation is more indebted to
you, and such as you, than to me. It is upon the brave hearts and strong
arms of the people of the country that our reliance has been placed in
support of free government and free institutions.

For the part which you and the brave army of which you are a part have,
under Providence, performed in this great struggle, I tender more thanks
especially to this regiment, which has been the subject of good report.
The thanks of the nation will follow you, and may God's blessing rest upon
you now and forever. I hope that upon your return to your homes you will
find your friends and loved ones well and happy. I bid you farewell.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL I. McDOWELL.

WASHINGTON, May 16, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL McDOWELL:

What is the strength of your force now actually with you?


A. LINCOLN.




MEMORANDUM OF PROPOSED ADDITIONS TO INSTRUCTIONS OF ABOVE DATE

TO GENERAL McDOWELL, AND GENERAL MEIGS'S INDORSEMENT THEREON.

May 17, 1862. You will retain the separate command of the forces taken
with you; but while co-operating with General McClellan you will obey his
orders, except that you are to judge, and are not to allow your force to
be disposed otherwise than so as to give the greatest protection to this
capital which may be possible from that distance.

[Indorsement.]

TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR:

The President having shown this to me, I suggested that it is dangerous to
direct a subordinate not to obey the orders of his superior in any case,
and that to give instructions to General McClellan to this same end and
furnish General McDowell with a copy thereof would effect the object
desired by the President. He desired me to say that the sketch of
instructions to General McClellan herewith he thought made this addition
unnecessary.

Respectfully, M. C. M.




MILITARY EMANCIPATION

INDORSEMENT RELATING TO GENERAL DAVID HUNTER'S ORDER OF MILITARY
EMANCIPATION,

MAY 17, 1862

No commanding general shall do such a thing upon my responsibility without
consulting me.


A. LINCOLN.




FROM SECRETARY STANTON TO GENERAL McCLELLAN.

WASHINGTON, May 18, 1862.

GENERAL: Your despatch to the President, asking reinforcements, has been
received and carefully considered.

The President is not willing to uncover the capital entirely; and it is
believed that, even if this were prudent, it would require more time to
effect a junction between your army and that of the Rappahannock by
the way of the Potomac and York rivers than by a land march. In order,
therefore, to increase the strength of the attack upon Richmond at the
earliest moment, General McDowell has been ordered to march upon that city
by the shortest route. He is ordered, keeping himself always in position
to save the capital from all possible attack, so to operate as to put his
left wing in communication with your right wing, and you are instructed
to co-operate so as to establish this communication as soon as possible by
extending your right-wing to the north of Richmond.

It is believed that this communication can be safely established either
north or south of the Pamunkey River.

In any event, you will be able to prevent the main body of the enemy's
forces from leaving Richmond and falling in overwhelming force upon
General McDowell. He will move with between thirty-five and forty thousand
men.

A copy of the instructions to General McDowell are with this. The specific
task assigned to his command has been to provide against any danger to the
capital of the nation.

At your earnest call for reinforcements, he is sent forward to co-operate
in the reduction of Richmond, but charged, in attempting this, not to
uncover the city of Washington; and you will give no order, either before
or after your junction, which can put him out of position to cover
this city. You and he will communicate with each other by telegraph or
otherwise as frequently as may be necessary for efficient cooperation.
When General McDowell is in position on your right, his supplies must be
drawn from West Point, and you will instruct your staff-officers to be
prepared to supply him by that route.

The President desires that General McDowell retain the command of the
Department of the Rappahannock and of the forces with which he moves
forward.

By order of the President:  EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War.

MAJOR-GENERAL GEORGE B. McCLELLAN, Commanding Army of the Potomac, before
Richmond.




PROCLAMATION REVOKING GENERAL HUNTER'S ORDER OF MILITARY EMANCIPATION,

MAY 19, 1862.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A Proclamation

Whereas there appears in the public prints what purports to be a
proclamation of Major general Hunter, in the words and figures following,
to wit:

(General Orders No. 11) HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE SOUTH, HILTON HEAD,
PORT ROYAL, S. C., May 9, 1862.

"The three States of Georgia, Florida, and South Carolina, comprising the
military department of the South, having deliberately declared themselves
no longer under the protection of the United States of America, and
having taken up arms against the said United States, it became a military
necessity to declare martial law. This was accordingly done on the
25th day of April, 1862. Slavery and martial law in a free country are
altogether incompatible. The persons in these three States: Georgia
Florida, and South Carolina--heretofore held as slaves are therefore
declared forever free.

"By command of Major-General D. Hunter: "(Official.)ED. W. SMITH, "Acting
Assistant Adjutant-General."

And whereas the same is producing some excitement and misunderstanding:
therefore,

I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, proclaim and declare
that the Government of the United States, had no knowledge, information,
or belief of an intention on the part of General Hunter to issue such a
proclamation; nor has it yet any authentic information that the document
is genuine. And further, that neither General Hunter nor any other
commander or person has been authorized by the Government of the United
States to make a proclamation declaring the slaves of any State free; and
that the supposed proclamation now in question, whether genuine or false,
is altogether void so far as respects such a declaration.

I further make known that whether it be competent for me, as
commander-in-chief of the army and navy, to declare the slaves of any
State or States free, and whether, at any time, in any case, it shall have
become a necessity indispensable to the maintenance of the government to
exercise such supposed power, are questions which under my responsibility
I reserve to myself, and which I cannot feel justified in leaving to the
decision of commanders in the field.

These are totally different questions from those of police regulations in
armies and camps.

On the sixth day of March last, by special message, I recommended to
Congress the adoption of a joint resolution, to be substantially as
follows:

Resolved, That the United States ought to co-operate with any State which
may adopt gradual abolishment of slavery, giving to such State pecuniary
aid, to be used by such State, in its discretion, to compensate for the
inconvenience, public and private, produced by such change of system.

The resolution in the language above quoted was adopted by large
majorities in both branches of Congress, and now stands an authentic,
definite, and solemn proposal of the nation to the States and people
most immediately interested in the subject-matter. To the people of those
States I now earnestly appeal. I do not argue--I beseech you to make
arguments for yourselves. You cannot, if you would, be blind to the signs
of the times. I beg of you a calm and enlarged consideration of them,
ranging, if it may be, far above personal and partisan politics. This
proposal makes common cause for a common object, casting no reproaches
upon any. It acts not the Pharisee. The change it contemplates would come
gently as the dews of heaven, not rending or wrecking anything. Will you
not embrace it? So much good has not been done, by one effort, in all past
time, as in the providence of God it is now your high privilege to do. May
the vast future not have to lament that you have neglected it.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the
United States to be affixed.

Done at the city of Washington, this nineteenth day of May, in the year of
our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, and of the independence
of the United States the eighty-sixth.


A. LINCOLN.

By the President:  WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. E. McCLELLAN.

WASHINGTON, May 21, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN:

I have just been waited on by a large committee who present a petition
signed by twenty-three senators and eighty-four representatives asking me
to restore General Hamilton to his division. I wish to do this, and yet I
do not wish to be understood as rebuking you. Please answer at once.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.

WASHINGTON CITY, May 22, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN:

Your long despatch of yesterday just received. You will have just such
control of General McDowell and his forces as you therein indicate.
McDowell can reach you by land sooner than he could get aboard of boats,
if the boats were ready at Fredericksburg, unless his march shall be
resisted, in which case the force resisting him will certainly not be
confronting you at Richmond. By land he can reach you in five days after
starting, whereas by water he would not reach you in two weeks, judging by
past experience. Franklin's single division did not reach you in ten days
after I ordered it.


A. LINCOLN,

President United States.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL McCLELLAN.

WASHINGTON, May 24, 1862. 4 PM.

MAJOR-GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN:

In consequence of General Banks's critical position, I have been compelled
to suspend General McDowell's movements to join you. The enemy are making
a desperate push upon Harper's Ferry, and we are trying to throw General
Fremont's force and part of General McDowell's in their rear.


A. LINCOLN, President.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL McCLELLAN

WASHINGTON May 24, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL GEORGE B. McCLELLAN:

I left General McDowell's camp at dark last evening. Shields's command is
there, but it is so worn that he cannot move before Monday morning, the
26th. We have so thinned our line to get troops for other places that it
was broken yesterday at Front Royal, with a probable loss to us of one
regiment infantry, two Companies cavalry, putting General Banks in some
peril.

The enemy's forces under General Anderson now opposing General McDowell's
advance have as their line of supply and retreat the road to Richmond.

If, in conjunction with McDowell's movement against Anderson, you
could send a force from your right to cut off the enemy's supplies from
Richmond, preserve the railroad bridges across the two forks of the
Pamunkey, and intercept the enemy's retreat, you will prevent the army
now opposed to you from receiving an accession of numbers of nearly 15,000
men; and if you succeed in saving the bridges you will secure a line of
railroad for supplies in addition to the one you now have. Can you not
do this almost as well as not while you are building the Chickahominy
bridges? McDowell and Shields both say they can, and positively will, move
Monday morning. I wish you to move cautiously and safely.

You will have command of McDowell, after he joins you, precisely as you
indicated in your long despatch to us of the 21st.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL RUFUS SAXTON.

WAR DEPARTMENT, May, 24 1862. 2 P.M.

GENERAL SAXTON:

Geary reports Jackson with 20,000 moving from Ashby's Gap by the Little
River turnpike, through Aldie, toward Centreville. This he says is
reliable. He is also informed of large forces south of him. We know
a force of some 15,000 broke up Saturday night from in front of
Fredericksburg and went we know not where. Please inform us, if possible,
what has become of the force which pursued Banks yesterday; also any other
information you have.


A. LINCOLN




TELEGRAM TO COLONEL D. S. MILES.

WAR DEPARTMENT, May 24, 1862. 1.30 P.M.

COLONEL MILES, Harper's Ferry, Virginia

Could you not send scouts from Winchester who would tell whether enemy are
north of Banks, moving on Winchester? What is the latest you have?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL J. C. FREMONT.

WAR DEPARTMENT, May 24, 1862. 4 P.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL FREMONT, Franklin:

You are authorized to purchase the 400 horses, or take them wherever or
however you can get them. The exposed condition of General Banks makes
his immediate relief a point of paramount importance. You are therefore
directed by the President to move against Jackson at Harrisonburg and
operate against the enemy in such way as to relieve Banks. This movement
must be made immediately. You will acknowledge the receipt of this order,
and specify the hour it is received by you.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL J. C. FREMONT.

WAR DEPARTMENT, May 24, 1862. 7.15 P.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL FREMONT, Franklin, Virginia:

Many thanks for the promptness with which you have answered that you will
execute the order. Much--perhaps all--depends upon the celerity with which
you can execute it. Put the utmost speed into it. Do not lose a minute.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK.

WAR DEPARTMENT, May 24, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, near Corinth, Mississippi:

Several despatches from Assistant Secretary Scott and one from Governor
Morton asking reinforcements for you have been received. I beg you to be
assured we do the best we can. I mean to cast no blame where I tell you
each of our commanders along our line from Richmond to Corinth supposes
himself to be confronted by numbers superior to his own. Under this
pressure We thinned the line on the upper Potomac, until yesterday it was
broken with heavy loss to us, and General Banks put in great peril, out of
which he is not yet extricated, and may be actually captured. We need men
to repair this breach, and have them not at hand. My dear General, I feel
justified to rely very much on you. I believe you and the brave officers
and men with you can and will get the victory at Corinth.


A. LINCOLN.



TELEGRAM TO GENERAL I. McDOWELL

WAR DEPARTMENT, May 24, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL McDOWELL, Fredricksburg:

General Fremont has been ordered by telegraph to move from Franklin on
Harrisonburg to relieve General Banks, and capture or destroy Jackson's
and Ewell's forces. You are instructed, laying aside for the present
the movement on Richmond, to put 20,000 men in motion at once for the
Shenandoah, moving on the line or in advance of the line of the Manassas
Gap railroad. Your object will be to capture the forces of Jackson and
Ewell, either in co-operation with General Fremont, or, in case want
of supplies or of transportation, interferes with his movements, it is
believed that the force which you move will be sufficient to accomplish
this object alone. The information thus far received here makes it
probable that if the enemy operate actively against General Banks, you
will not be able to count upon much assistance from him, but may even have
to release him. Reports received this moment are that Banks is fighting
with Ewell eight miles from Winchester.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL McDOWELL.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, D.C., May 24, 1862

MAJOR-GENERAL I. McDOWELL:

I am highly gratified by your alacrity in obeying my order. The change was
as painful to me as it can possibly be to you or to any one. Everything
now depends upon the celerity and vigor of your movement.


A. LINCOLN




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL J. W. GEARY.

WAR DEPARTMENT, May 25, 1862 1.45 P.M.

GENERAL GEARY, White Plains:

Please give us your best present impression as to the number of the
enemy's forces north of Strasburg and Front Royal. Are the forces still
moving north through the gap at Front Royal and between you and there?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.

WASHINGTON, May 25, 1862. 2 P.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN:

The enemy is moving north in sufficient force to drive General Banks
before him--precisely in what force we cannot tell. He is also threatening
Leesburg and Geary, on the Manassas Gap railroad, from both north and
south--in precisely what force we cannot tell. I think the movement is a
general and concerted one, such as would not be if he was acting upon the
purpose of a very desperate defense of Richmond. I think the time is near
when you must either attack Richmond or give up the job and come to the
defense of Washington. Let me hear from you instantly.


A. LINCOLN, President.




ORDER TAKING MILITARY POSSESSION OF RAILROADS.

WAR DEPARTMENT, May 25, 1862.

Ordered: By virtue of the authority vested by act of Congress, the
President takes military possession of all the railroads in the United
States from and after this date until further order, and directs that the
respective railroad companies, their officers and servants, shall
hold themselves in readiness for the transportation of such troops and
munitions of war as may be ordered by the military authorities, to the
exclusion of all other business.

By order of the Secretary of War.

M. C. MEIGS




TELEGRAM TO SECRETARY CHASE.

WAR DEPARTMENT, May 25, 1862.

SECRETARY CHASE, Fredericksburg, Virginia:

It now appears that Banks got safely into Winchester last night, and is
this morning retreating on Harper's Ferry. This justifies the inference
that he is pressed by numbers superior to his own. I think it not
improbable that Ewell, Jackson, and Johnson are pouring through the gap
they made day before yesterday at Front Royal, making a dash northward. It
will be a very valuable and very honorable service for General McDowell
to cut them off. I hope he will put all possible energy and speed into the
effort.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL R. SAXTON.

WAR DEPARTMENT, May 25, 1862.

GENERAL SAXTON, Harper's Ferry:

If Banks reaches Martinsburg, is he any the better for it? Will not the
enemy cut him from thence to Harper's Ferry? Have you sent anything to
meet him and assist him at Martinsburg? This is an inquiry, not an order.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL R. SAXTON.

WAR DEPARTMENT, May 25, 1862. 6.30 P.M.

GENERAL SAXTON, Harper's Ferry:

One good six-gun battery, complete in its men and appointments, is now on
its way to you from Baltimore. Eleven other guns, of different sorts,
are on their way to you from here. Hope they will all reach you before
morning. As you have but 2500 men at Harper's Ferry, where are the rest
which were in that vicinity and which we have sent forward? Have any of
them been cut off?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL R. SAXTON.

WAR DEPARTMENT, May 25, 1862.

GENERAL SAXTON, Harper's Ferry:

I fear you have mistaken me. I did not mean to question the correctness of
your conduct; on the contrary! I approve what you have done. As the 2500
reported by you seemed small to me, I feared some had got to Banks and
been cut off with him. Please tell me the exact number you now have in
hand.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.

[Sent in cipher.]

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, D. C., May 25,1862. 8.30 P.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN:

Your despatch received. General Banks was at Strasburg, with about 6,000
men, Shields having been taken from him to swell a column for McDowell
to aid you at Richmond, and the rest of his force scattered at various
places. On the 23d a rebel force of 7000 to 10,000 fell upon one regiment
and two companies guarding the bridge at Front Royal, destroying it
entirely; crossed the Shenandoah, and on the 24th (yesterday) pushed to
get north of Banks, on the road to Winchester. Banks ran a race with them,
beating them into Winchester yesterday evening. This morning a battle
ensued between the two forces, in which Banks was beaten back into full
retreat toward Martinsburg, and probably is broken up into a total rout.
Geary, on the Manassas Gap railroad, just now reports that Jackson is
now near Front Royal, With 10,000, following up and supporting, as I
understand, the forces now pursuing Banks, also that another force of
10,000 is near Orleans, following on in the same direction. Stripped here,
as we are here, it will be all we can do to prevent them crossing the
Potomac at Harper's Ferry or above. We have about 20,000 of McDowell's
force moving back to the vicinity of Front Royal, and General Fremont, who
was at Franklin, is moving to Harrisonburg; both these movements intended
to get in the enemy's rear.

One more of McDowell's brigades is ordered through here to Harper's Ferry;
the rest of his force remains for the present at Fredericksburg. We are
sending such regiments and dribs from here and Baltimore as we can spare
to Harper's Ferry, supplying their places in some sort by calling in
militia from the adjacent States. We also have eighteen cannon on the
road to Harper's Ferry, of which arm there is not a single one yet at that
point. This is now our situation.

If McDowell's force was now beyond our reach, we should be utterly
helpless. Apprehension of something like this, and no unwillingness to
sustain you, has always been my reason for withholding McDowell's force
from you. Please understand this, and do the best you can with the force
you have.


A. LINCOLN.




HISTORY OF CONSPIRACY OF REBELLION

MESSAGE TO CONGRESS.

MAY 16, 1862

TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:

The insurrection which is yet existing in the United States and aims at
the overthrow of the Federal Constitution and the Union, was clandestinely
prepared during the Winter of 1860 and 1861, and assumed an open
organization in the form of a treasonable provisional government at
Montgomery, in Alabama on the 18th day of February, 1861. On the 12th day
of April, 1861, the insurgents committed the flagrant act of civil war by
the bombardment and the capture of Fort Sumter, Which cut off the hope of
immediate conciliation. Immediately afterward all the roads and avenues to
this city were obstructed, and the capital was put into the condition of
a siege. The mails in every direction were stopped and the lines of
telegraph cut off by the insurgents, and military and naval forces which
had been called out by the government for the defense of Washington were
prevented from reaching the city by organized and combined treasonable
resistance in the State of Maryland. There was no adequate and effective
organization for the public defense. Congress had indefinitely adjourned.
There was no time to convene them. It became necessary for me to choose
whether, using only the existing means, agencies, and processes which
Congress had provided, I should let the government fall at once into
ruin or whether, availing myself of the broader powers conferred by the
Constitution in cases of insurrection, I would make an effort to save it,
with all its blessings, for the present age and for posterity.

I thereupon summoned my constitutional advisers, the heads of all the
departments, to meet on Sunday, the 20th day of April, 1861, at the
office of the Navy Department, and then and there, with their unanimous
concurrence, I directed that an armed revenue cutter should proceed to
sea to afford protection to the commercial marine, and especially the
California treasure ships then on their way to this coast. I also directed
the commandant of the navy-yard at Boston to purchase or charter and arm
as quickly as possible five steamships for purposes of public defense. I
directed the commandant of the navy-yard at Philadelphia to purchase
or charter and arm an equal number for the same purpose. I directed the
commandant at New York to purchase or charter and arm an equal number. I
directed Commander Gillis to purchase or charter and arm and put to sea
two other vessels. Similar directions were given to Commodore Dupont,
with a view to the opening of passages by water to and from the capital.
I directed the several officers to take the advice and obtain the aid and
efficient services, in the matter, of his Excellency Edwin D. Morgan,
the Governor of New York, or in his absence George D. Morgan, William M.
Evarts, R. M. Blatchford, and Moses H. Grinnell, who were by my directions
especially empowered by the Secretary of the Navy to act for his
department in that crisis in matters pertaining to the forwarding of
troops and supplies for the public defense.

The several departments of the government at that time contained so large
a number of disloyal persons that it would have been impossible to provide
safely through official agents only for the performance of the duties
thus confided to citizens favorably known for their ability, loyalty, and
patriotism.

The several orders issued upon these occurrences were transmitted by
private messengers, who pursued a circuitous way to the seaboard cities,
inland across the States of Pennsylvania and Ohio and the northern lakes.
I believe by these and other similar measures taken in that crisis, some
of which were without any authority of law, the government was saved from
overthrow. I am not aware that a dollar of the public funds thus confided
without authority of law to unofficial persons was either lost or wasted,
although apprehensions of such misdirection occurred to me as objections
to those extraordinary proceedings, and were necessarily overruled.

I recall these transactions now because my attention has been directed to
a resolution which was passed by the House of Representatives on the 30th
day of last month, which is in these words:

"Resolved, That Simon Cameron, late Secretary of War by investing
Alexander Cummings with the control of large sums of the public money
and authority to purchase military supplies without restriction, without
requiring from him any guaranty for the faithful performance of his
duties, when the services of competent public officers were available, and
by involving the government in a vast number of contracts with persons not
legitimately engaged in the business pertaining to the subject-matter of
such contracts, especially in the purchase of arms for future delivery,
has adopted a policy highly injurious to the public service, and deserves
the censure of the House."

Congress will see that I should be wanting equally in candor and in
justice if I should leave the censure expressed in this resolution to rest
exclusively or chiefly upon Mr. Cameron. The same sentiment is unanimously
entertained by the heads of department who participated in the proceedings
which the House of Representatives have censured. It is due to Mr. Cameron
to say that although he fully approved the proceedings they were not moved
nor suggested by himself, and that not only the President, but all the
other heads of departments, were at least equally responsible with him for
whatever error, wrong, or fault was committed in the premises.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.

WASHINGTON, May 26, 1862. 12.40

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN:

We have General Banks's official report. He has saved his army and
baggage, and has made a safe retreat to the river, and is probably safe at
Williamsport. He reports the attacking force at 15,000.


A. LINCOLN, President.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL I. McDOWELL.

WAR DEPARTMENT, May 26, 1862. 1 P.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL McDOWELL, Falmouth, Virginia:

Despatches from Geary just received have been sent you. Should not
the remainder of your forces, except sufficient to hold the point at
Fredericksburg, move this way--to Manassas Junction or Alexandria?
As commander of this department, should you not be here? I ask these
questions.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL McCLELLAN.

WASHINGTON, May 26, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL GEORGE B. McCLELLAN:

Can you not cut the Alula Creek railroad? Also, what impression have you
as to intrenched works for you to contend with in front of Richmond? Can
you get near enough to throw shells into the city?


A. LINCOLN, President.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL J. C. FREMONT.

May 27.1862. 9.58 P.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL FREMONT:

I see that you are at Moorefield. You were expressly ordered to march to
Harrisonburg. What does this mean?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM FROM SECRETARY STANTON TO GOVERNOR ANDREW.

WASHINGTON, May 27, 1862.

GOVERNOR ANDREW, Boston:

The President directs that the militia be relieved, and the enlistments
made for three years, or during the war. This, I think, will practically
not be longer than for a year. The latest intelligence from General Banks
states that he has saved nearly his whole command with small loss.

Concentrations of our force have been made, which it is hoped will capture
the enemy.

EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War.




TELEGRAM FROM SECRETARY STANTON TO GENERAL J. C. FREMONT,

WASHINGTON, May 28, 1862

MAJOR-GENERAL FREMONT, Moorefield

The President directs you to halt at Moorefield and await orders, unless
you hear of the enemy being in the general direction of Rodney, in which
case you will move upon him. Acknowledge the receipt of this order, and
the hour it is received.

EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL I. McDOWELL.

WASHINGTON, May 28, 1862.

GENERAL McDOWELL, Manassas Junction:

General McClellan at 6.30 P.M. yesterday telegraphed that Fitz-John
Porter's division had fought and driven 13,000 of the enemy, under General
Branch, from Hanover Court-House, and was driving them from a stand they
had made on the railroad at the time the messenger left. Two hours later
he telegraphed that Stoneman had captured an engine and six cars on
the Virginia Central, which he at once sent to communicate with Porter.
Nothing further from McClellan.

If Porter effects a lodgment on both railroads near Hanover Court-House,
consider whether your forces in front of Fredericksburg should not push
through and join him.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.

WASHINGTON, May 28, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN:

What of F.J. Porter's expedition? Please answer.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL I. McDOWELL.

WASHINGTON. May 28, 1862. 4 P.M.

GENERAL McDOWELL, Manassas Junction:

You say General Geary's scouts report that they find no enemy this side of
the Blue Ridge. Neither do I. Have they been to the Blue Ridge looking for
them.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL I. McDOWELL.

WASHINGTON, May 28, 1862. 5.40 P.M.

GENERAL McDOWELL, Manassas Junction:

I think the evidence now preponderates that Ewell and Jackson are still
about Winchester. Assuming this, it is for you a question of legs. Put in
all the speed you can. I have told Fremont as much, and directed him to
drive at them as fast as possible. By the way, I suppose you know Fremont
has got up to Moorefield, instead of going into Harrisonburg.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN

WASHINGTON May 28, 1862. 8.40 P.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN:

I am very glad of General F. J. Porter's victory. Still, if it was a
total rout of the enemy, I am puzzled to know why the Richmond and
Fredericksburg railroad was not seized again, as you say you have all the
railroads but the Richmond and Fredericksburg. I am puzzled to see how,
lacking that, you can have any, except the scrap from Richmond to
West Point. The scrap of the Virginia Central from Richmond to Hanover
Junction, without more, is simply nothing. That the whole of the enemy is
concentrating on Richmond, I think cannot be certainly known to you or
me. Saxton, at Harper's Ferry informs us that large forces, supposed to be
Jackson's and Ewells, forced his advance from Charlestown today. General
King telegraphs us from Fredericksburg that contrabands give certain
information that 15,000 left Hanover Junction Monday morning to reinforce
Jackson. I am painfully impressed with the importance of the struggle
before you, and shall aid you all I can consistently with my view of due
regard to all points.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM FROM SECRETARY STANTON TO GENERAL FREMONT.

WASHINGTON, May 28, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN C. FREMONT, Moorefield:

The order to remain at Moorefield was based on the supposition that it
would find you there.

Upon subsequent information that the enemy were still operating in the
vicinity of Winchester and Martinsburg, you were directed to move against
the enemy.

The President now again directs you to move against the enemy without
delay. Please acknowledge the receipt of this, and the time received.

EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL MARCY.

WASHINGTON, May 29, 1862. 10 A.M.

GENERAL R. B. MARCY, McClellan's Headquarters:

Yours just received. I think it cannot be certainly known whether the
force which fought General Porter is the same which recently confronted
McDowell. Another item of evidence bearing on it is that General Branch
commanded against Porter, while it was General Anderson who was in front
of McDowell. He and McDowell were in correspondence about prisoners.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, D. C., May 29, 1862. 10.30 A.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN:

I think we shall be able within three days to tell you certainly whether
any considerable force of the enemy--Jackson or any one else--is moving
on to Harper's Ferry or vicinity. Take this expected development into your
calculations.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL N. P. BANKS.

WASHINGTON, May 29, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL BANKS, Williamsport, Maryland:

General McDowell's advance should, and probably will, be at or near
Front Royal at twelve (noon) tomorrow. General Fremont will be at or near
Strasburg as soon. Please watch the enemy closely, and follow and harass
and detain him if he attempts to retire. I mean this for General Saxton's
force as well as that immediately with you.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL FREMONT

WASHINGTON, May 29, 1862. 12 M.

MAJOR-GENERAL FREMONT, Moorefield, Virginia:

General McDowell's advance, if not checked by the enemy, should, and
probably will, be at Front Royal by twelve (noon) to-morrow. His force,
when up, will be about 20,000. Please have your force at Strasburg, or, if
the route you are moving on does not lead to that point, as near Strasburg
as the enemy may be by the same time. Your despatch No.30 received and
satisfactory.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL I. McDOWELL.

WASHINGTON, May 29, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL McDOWELL, Manassas Junction:

General Fremont's force should, and probably will, be at or near Strasburg
by twelve (noon) tomorrow. Try to have your force, or the advance of it,
at Front Royal as soon.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL MARCY.

WASHINGTON, May 29, 1862. 1.20 P.M.

GENERAL R. B. MARCY:

Your despatch as to the South Anna and Ashland being seized by our forces
this morning is received. Understanding these points to be on the Richmond
and Fredericksburg railroad, I heartily congratulate the country, and
thank General McClellan and his army for their seizure.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL I. McDOWELL.

WASHINGTON, May 30, 1862. 10 A.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL McDOWELL, Manassas Junction:

I somewhat apprehend that Fremont's force, in its present condition, may
not be quite strong enough in case it comes in collision with the enemy.
For this additional reason I wish you to push forward your column as
rapidly as possible. Tell me what number your force reaching Front Royal
will amount to.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL N. P. BANKS.

WASHINGTON, May 30, 1862. 10.15 A.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL BANKS,

Williamsport, Maryland, via Harper's Ferry:

If the enemy in force is in or about Martinsburg, Charlestown, and
Winchester, Or any or all of them, he may come in collision with Fremont,
in which case I am anxious that your force, with you and at Harper's
Ferry, should so operate as to assist Fremont if possible; the same if
the enemy should engage McDowell. This was the meaning of my despatch
yesterday.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL I. McDOWELL.

WASHINGTON, May 30, 1862. 12.40.

MAJOR-GENERAL McDOWELL, Rectortown:

Your despatch of to-day received and is satisfactory. Fremont has
nominally 22,000, really about 17,000. Blenker's division is part of it. I
have a despatch from Fremont this morning, not telling me where he is; but
he says:

"Scouts and men from Winchester represent Jackson's force variously at
30,000 to 60,000. With him Generals Ewell and Longstreet."

The high figures erroneous, of course. Do you know where Longstreet is?
Corinth is evacuated and occupied by us.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL FREMONT.

WASHINGTON, May 30, 1862. 2.30 P.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL FREMONT, Moorefield, Virginia:

Yours, saying you will reach Strasburg or vicinity at 5 P.M. Saturday, has
been received and sent to General McDowell, and he directed to act in view
of it. You must be up to the time you promised, if possible.

Corinth was evacuated last night, and is occupied by our troops to-day;
the enemy gone south to Okolotia, on the railroad to Mobile.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL I. McDOWELL.

WAR DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON CITY, May 30, 1862.9.30 P.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL McDOWELL, Rectortown, Va.:

I send you a despatch just received from Saxton at Harper's Ferry: "The
rebels are in line of battle in front of our lines. They have nine pieces
of artillery, and in position, and cavalry. I shelled the woods in which
they were, and they in return threw a large number of shells into the
lines and tents from which I moved last night to take up a stronger
position. I expect a great deal from the battery on the mountain, having
three 9 inch Dahlgren bearing directly on the enemy's approaches. The
enemy appeared this morning and then retired, with the intention of
drawing us on. I shall act on the defensive, as my position is a strong
one. In a skirmish which took place this afternoon I lost one horse, The
enemy lost two men killed and seven wounded.

"R. SAXTON, Brigadier General."

It seems the game is before you. Have sent a copy to General Fremont.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.

WASHINGTON, May 31, 1862. 10.20 PM.

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN:

A circle whose circumference shall pass through Harper's Ferry, Front
Royal, and Strasburg, and whose center shall be a little northeast of
Winchester, almost certainly has within it this morning the forces of
Jackson, Ewell, and Edward Johnson. Quite certainly they were within it
two days ago. Some part of their forces attacked Harper's Ferry at
dark last evening, and are still in sight this morning. Shields, with
McDowell's advance, retook Front Royal at 11 A.M. yesterday, with a
dozen of our own prisoners taken there a week ago, 150 of the enemy, two
locomotives, and eleven cars, some other property and stores, and saved
the bridge.

General Fremont, from the direction of Moorefield, promises to be at or
near Strasburg at 5 P.M. to-day. General Banks at Williamsport, with his
old force and his new force at Harper's Ferry, is directed to co-operate.
Shields at Front Royal reports a rumor of still an additional force of the
enemy, supposed to be Anderson's, having entered the valley of Virginia.
This last may or may not be true. Corinth is certainly in the hands of
General Halleck.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM FROM SECRETARY STANTON

TO GENERAL G. A. McCALL, WASHINGTON, May 31, 1562.

GENERAL McCALL:

The President directs me to say to you that there can be nothing to
justify a panic at Fredericksburg. He expects you to maintain your
position there as becomes a soldier and a general.

EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.

WASHINGTON CITY, D.C., June 1, 1862. 9.30.

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN:

You are probably engaged with the enemy. I suppose he made the attack.
Stand well on your guard, hold all your ground, or yield any only inch by
inch and in good order. This morning we merge General Wool's department
into yours, giving you command of the whole, and sending General Dix to
Port Monroe and General Wool to Fort McHenry. We also send General Sigel
to report to you for duty.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.

WASHINGTON, June 3, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN:

With these continuous rains I am very anxious about the Chickahominy so
close in your rear and crossing your line of communication. Please look to
it.


A. LINCOLN, President.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL I. McDOWELL.

WASHINGTON, June 3, 1862. 6.15 P.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL McDOWELL, Front Royal, Virginia:

Anxious to know whether Shields can head or flank Jackson. Please tell
about where Shields and Jackson, respectively, are at the time this
reaches you.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK.

WASHINGTON, June 4, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, Corinth:

Your despatch of to-day to Secretary of War received. Thanks for the good
news it brings.

Have you anything from Memphis or other parts of the Mississippi River?
Please answer.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR JOHNSON.

[cipher.]

WASHINGTON, June 4, 1862.

HON. ANDREW JOHNSON, Nashville, Tennessee:

Do you really wish to have control of the question of releasing rebel
prisoners so far as they may be Tennesseeans? If you do, please tell us
so. Your answer not to be made public.


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.

[Cipher.]

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D.C., June 7, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN:

Your despatch about Chattanooga and Dalton was duly received and sent to
General Halleck. I have just received the following answer from him:

We have Fort Pillow, Randolph, and Memphis.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK.

WASHINGTON, June 8, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, Corinth, Mississippi:

We are changing one of the departmental lines, so as to give you all
of Kentucky and Tennessee. In your movement upon Chattanooga I think it
probable that you include some combination of the force near Cumberland
Gap under General Morgan.

Do you?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL N. P. BANKS.

WASHINGTON, June 9, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL BANKS, Winchester:

We are arranging a general plan for the valley of the Shenandoah, and in
accordance with this you will move your main force to the Shenandoah at or
opposite Front Royal as soon as possible.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL J. C. FREMONT.

WASHINGTON, June 9, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL FREMONT:

Halt at Harrisonburg, pursuing Jackson no farther. Get your force well in
hand and stand on the defensive, guarding against a movement of the enemy
either back toward Strasburg or toward Franklin, and await further orders,
which will soon be sent you.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR JOHNSON.

[Cipher.]

WASHINGTON, June 9, 1862.

HON. ANDREW JOHNSON, Nashville, 'Tennessee:

Your despatch about seizing seventy rebels to exchange for a like
number of Union men was duly received. I certainly do not disapprove the
proposition.


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL J. C. FREMONT. WASHINGTON, June 12, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL FREMONT:

Accounts, which we do not credit, represent that Jackson is largely
reinforced and turning upon you. Get your forces well in hand and keep us
well and frequently advised; and if you find yourself really pressed by a
superior force of the enemy, fall back cautiously toward or to Winchester,
and we will have in due time Banks in position to sustain you. Do not
fall back upon Harrisonburg unless upon tolerably clear necessity. We
understand Jackson is on the other side of the Shenandoah from you, and
hence cannot in any event press you into any necessity of a precipitate
withdrawal.


A. LINCOLN.

P.S.--Yours, preferring Mount Jackson to Harrisonburg, is just received.
On this point use your discretion, remembering that our object is to give
such protection as you can to western Virginia. Many thanks to yourself,
officers, and men for the gallant battle of last Sunday. A. L.




MESSAGE TO CONGRESS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,

June 13, 1862.

FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: I herewith
transmit a memorial addressed and presented to me in behalf of the State
of New York in favor of enlarging the locks of the Erie and Oswego Canal.
While I have not given nor have leisure to give the subject a careful
examination, its great importance is obvious and unquestionable. The large
amount of valuable statistical information which is collated and presented
in the memorial will greatly facilitate the mature consideration of the
subject, which I respectfully ask for it at your hands.


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL J. C. FREMONT.

WASHINGTON; June 13. 1862

MAJOR-GENERAL FREMONT:

We cannot afford to keep your force and Banks's and McDowell's engaged
in keeping Jackson south of Strasburg and Front Royal. You fought Jackson
alone and worsted him. He can have no substantial reinforcements so long
as a battle is pending at Richmond. Surely you and Banks in supporting
distance are capable of keeping him from returning to Winchester. But if
Sigel be sent forward to you, and McDowell (as he must) be put to other
work, Jackson will break through at Front Royal again. He is already on
the right side of the Shenandoah to do it, and on the wrong side of it to
attack you. The orders already sent you and Banks place you and him in the
proper positions for the work assigned you. Jackson cannot move his whole
force on either of you before the other can learn of it and go to his
assistance. He cannot divide his force, sending part against each of you,
because he will be too weak for either. Please do as I directed in the
order of the 8th and my despatch of yesterday, the 12th, and neither you
nor Banks will be overwhelmed by Jackson. By proper scout lookouts, and
beacons of smoke by day and fires by night you can always have timely
notice of the enemy's approach. I know not as to you, but by some this has
been too much neglected.


A. LINCOLN.



TO GENERAL J. C. FREMONT

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, D. C., June 15, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL FREMONT:

MY DEAR SIR:--Your letter of the 12th by Colonel Zagonyi is just received.
In answer to the principal part of it, I repeat the substance of an order
of the 8th and one or two telegraphic despatches sent you since.

We have no definite power of sending reinforcements; so that we are
compelled rather to consider the proper disposal of the forces we have
than of those we could wish to have. We may be able to send you some dribs
by degrees, but I do not believe we can do more. As you alone beat Jackson
last Sunday, I argue that you are stronger than he is to-day, unless he
has been reinforced; and that he cannot have been materially reinforced,
because such reinforcement could only have come from Richmond, and he
is much more likely to go to Richmond than Richmond is to come to him.
Neither is very likely. I think Jackson's game--his assigned work--now is
to magnify the accounts of his numbers and reports of his movements, and
thus by constant alarms keep three or four times as many of our troops
away from Richmond as his own force amounts to. Thus he helps his friends
at Richmond three or four times as much as if he were there. Our game is
not to allow this. Accordingly, by the order of the 8th, I directed you
to halt at Harrisonburg, rest your force, and get it well in hand, the
objects being to guard against Jackson's returning by the same route to
the upper Potomac over which you have just driven him out, and at the same
time give some protection against a raid into West Virginia.

Already I have given you discretion to occupy Mount Jackson instead,
if, on full consideration, you think best. I do not believe Jackson will
attack you, but certainly he cannot attack you by surprise; and if he
comes upon you in superior force, you have but to notify us, fall back
cautiously, and Banks will join you in due time. But while we know not
whether Jackson will move at all, or by what route, we cannot safely put
you and Banks both on the Strasburg line, and leave no force on the Front
Royal line--the very line upon which he prosecuted his late raid. The true
policy is to place one of you on one line and the other on the other in
such positions that you can unite once you actually find Jackson moving
upon it. And this is precisely what we are doing. This protects that
part of our frontier, so to speak, and liberates McDowell to go to the
assistance of McClellan. I have arranged this, and am very unwilling to
have it deranged. While you have only asked for Sigel, I have spoken only
of Banks, and this because Sigel's force is now the principal part of
Bank's force.

About transferring General Schenck's commands, the purchase of supplies,
and the promotion and appointment of officers, mentioned in your letter, I
will consult with the Secretary of War to-morrow.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL J. C. FREMONT.

WASHINGTON, June 16, 1862

MAJOR-GENERAL FREMONT, Mount Jackson, Virginia:

Your despatch of yesterday, reminding me of a supposed understanding
that I would furnish you a corps of 35,000 men, and asking of me the
"fulfilment of this understanding," is received. I am ready to come to a
fair settlement of accounts with you on the fulfilment of understandings.

Early in March last, when I assigned you to the command of the Mountain
Department, I did tell you I would give you all the force I could, and
that I hoped to make it reach 35,000. You at the same time told me that
within a reasonable time you would seize the railroad at or east of
Knoxville, Tenn., if you could. There was then in the department a force
supposed to be 25,000, the exact number as well known to you as to me.
After looking about two or three days, you called and distinctly told
me that if I would add the Blenker division to the force already in the
department, you would undertake the job. The Blenker division contained
10,000, and at the expense of great dissatisfaction to General McClellan
I took it from his army and gave it to you. My promise was literally
fulfilled. I have given you all I could, and I have given you very nearly,
if not quite, 35,000.

Now for yours. On the 23d of May, largely over two months afterward, you
were at Franklin, Va., not within 300 miles of Knoxville, nor within 80
miles of any part of the railroad east of it, and not moving forward, but
telegraphing here that you could not move for lack of everything. Now,
do not misunderstand me. I do not say you have not done all you could. I
presume you met unexpected difficulties; and I beg you to believe that as
surely as you have done your best, so have I. I have not the power now to
fill up your Corps to 35,000. I am not demanding of you to do the work of
35,000. I am only asking of you to stand cautiously on the defensive, get
your force in order, and give such protection as you can to the valley of
the Shenandoah and to western Virginia.

Have you received the orders, and will you act upon them?


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL C. SCHURZ.

WASHINGTON, June 16, 1862

BRIGADIER-GENERAL SCHURZ, Mount Jackson, Virginia:

Your long letter is received. The information you give is valuable. You
say it is fortunate that Fremont did not intercept Jackson; that Jackson
had the superior force, and would have overwhelmed him. If this is so, how
happened it that Fremont fairly fought and routed him on the 8th? Or is
the account that he did fight and rout him false and fabricated? Both
General Fremont and you speak of Jackson having beaten Shields. By our
accounts he did not beat Shields. He had no engagement with Shields. He
did meet and drive back with disaster about 2000 of Shields's advance till
they were met by an additional brigade of Shields's, when Jackson himself
turned and retreated. Shields himself and more than half his force were
not nearer than twenty miles to any of it.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK.

WASHINGTON, June 18, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, Corinth, Mississippi:

It would be of both interest and value to us here to know how the
expedition toward East Tennessee is progressing, if in your judgment you
can give us the information with safety.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., June 18, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN:

Yours of to-day, making it probable that Jackson has been reinforced by
about 10,000 from Richmond, is corroborated by a despatch from General
King at Fredericksburg, saying a Frenchman, just arrived from Richmond by
way of Gordonsville, met 10,000 to 15,000 passing through the latter place
to join Jackson.

If this is true, it is as good as a reinforcement to you of an equal
force. I could better dispose of things if I could know about what day you
can attack Richmond, and would be glad to be informed, if you think you
can inform me with safety.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.

WASHINGTON, JUNE 19, 1862

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN:

Yours of last night just received, and for which I thank you.

If large reinforcements are going from Richmond to Jackson, it proves one
of two things: either they are very strong at Richmond, or do not mean to
defend the place desperately.

On reflection, I do not see how reinforcements from Richmond to Jackson
could be in Gordonsville, as reported by the Frenchman and your deserters.
Have not all been sent to deceive?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, June 20, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN:

In regard to the contemplated execution of Captains Spriggs and Triplett
the government has no information whatever, but will inquire and advise
you.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.

WASHINGTON CITY, June 20, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN:

We have this morning sent you a despatch of General Sigel corroborative of
the proposition that Jackson is being reinforced from Richmond. This
may be reality, and yet may only be contrivance for deception, and to
determine which is perplexing. If we knew it was not true, we could send
you some more force; but as the case stands we do not think we safely can.
Still, we will watch the signs and do so if possible.

In regard to a contemplated execution of Captains Spriggs and Triplett the
government has no information whatever, but will inquire and advise you.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.

WASHINGTON, June 21 1862 6 PM.

MAJOR-GENERAL GEORGE B. McCLELLAN:

Your despatch of yesterday (2 P. M.) was received this morning. If it
would not divert too much of your time and attention from the army under
your immediate command, I would be glad to have your views as to the
present state of military affairs throughout the whole country, as you say
you would be glad to give them. I would rather it should be by letter than
by telegraph, because of the better chance of secrecy. As to the numbers
and positions of the troops not under your command in Virginia and
elsewhere, even if I could do it with accuracy, which I cannot, I would
rather not transmit either by telegraph or by letter, because of the
chances of its reaching the enemy. I would be very glad to talk with you,
but you cannot leave your camp, and I cannot well leave here.


A. LINCOLN, President




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL N. P. BANKS.

WAR DEPARTMENT, June 22, 1862

MAJOR-GENERAL BANKS, Middletown:

I am very glad you are looking well to the west for a movement of the
enemy in that direction. You know my anxiety on that point.

All was quiet at General McClellan's headquarters at two o'clock to-day.


A. LINCOLN.




TREATY WITH MEXICO

MESSAGE TO THE SENATE.

WASHINGTON, June 23, 1862.

TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES:

On the 7th day of December, 1861, I submitted to the Senate the project of
a treaty between the United States and Mexico which had been proposed to
me by Mr. Corwin, our minister to Mexico, and respectfully requested the
advice of the Senate thereupon.

On the 25th day of February last a resolution was adopted by the Senate to
the effect:

"That it is not advisable to negotiate a treaty that will require the
United States to assume any portion of the principal or interest of the
debt of Mexico, or that will require the concurrence of European powers."

This resolution having been duly communicated to me, notice thereof was
immediately given by the Secretary of State to Mr. Corwin, and he was
informed that he was to consider his instructions upon the subject
referred to modified by this resolution and would govern his course
accordingly. That despatch failed to reach Mr. Corwin, by reason of the
disturbed condition of Mexico, until a very recent date, Mr. Corwin being
without instructions, or thus practically left without instructions, to
negotiate further with Mexico.

In view of the very important events Occurring there, he has thought that
the interests of the United States would be promoted by the conclusion
of two treaties which should provide for a loan to that republic. He has
therefore signed such treaties, and they having been duly ratified by the
Government of Mexico, he has transmitted them to me for my consideration.
The action of the Senate is of course conclusive against an acceptance
of the treaties On my part. I have, nevertheless, thought it just to our
excellent minister in Mexico and respectful to the Government of that
republic to lay the treaties before the Senate, together with the
correspondence which has occurred in relation to them. In performing this
duty I have only to add that the importance of the subject thus submitted
to the Senate, can not be over estimated, and I shall cheerfully receive
and consider with the highest respect any further advice the Senate may
think proper to give upon the subject.


A. LINCOLN.




VETO OF A CURRENCY BILL

MESSAGE TO THE SENATE, JUNE 23, 1862.

TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES:

The bill which has passed the House of Representatives and the Senate,
entitled "An act to repeal that part of an act of Congress which prohibits
the circulation of bank-notes of a less denomination than five dollars in
the District of Columbia," has received my attentive consideration, and
I now return it to the Senate, in which it originated, with the following
objections:

1. The bill proposes to repeal the existing legislation prohibiting the
circulation of bank-notes of a less denomination than five dollars within
the District of Columbia, without permitting the issuing of such bills by
banks not now legally authorized to issue them. In my judgment, it will
be found impracticable, in the present condition of the currency, to make
such a discrimination. The banks have generally suspended specie payments,
and a legal sanction given to the circulation of the irredeemable notes
of one class of them will almost certainly be so extended, in practical
operation, as to include those of all classes, whether authorized or
unauthorized. If this view be correct, the currency of the District,
should this act become a law, will certainly and greatly deteriorate, to
the serious injury of honest trade and honest labor.

2. This bill seems to contemplate no end which cannot be otherwise
more certainly and beneficially attained. During the existing war it is
peculiarly the duty of the National Government to secure to the people
a sound circulating medium. This duty has been, under existing
circumstances, satisfactorily performed, in part at least, by authorizing
the issue of United States notes, receivable for all government dues
except customs, and made a legal tender for all debts, public and private,
except interest on public debt. The object of the bill submitted to
me--namely, that of providing a small note currency during the present
suspension--can be fully accomplished by authorizing the issue, as part
of any new emission of United States notes made necessary by the
circumstances of the country, of notes of a similar character, but of
less denomination than five dollars. Such an issue would answer all the
beneficial purposes of the bill, would save a considerable amount to the
treasury in interest, would greatly facilitate payments to soldiers and
other creditors of small sums, and would furnish; to the people a currency
as safe as their own government.

Entertaining these objections to the bill, I feel myself constrained to
withhold from it my approval and return it for the further consideration
and action of Congress.


A. LINCOLN




SPEECH AT JERSEY CITY, JUNE 24, 1862.

When birds and animals are looked at through a fog, they are seen to
disadvantage, and so it might be with you if I were to attempt to tell
you why I went to see General Scott. I can only say that my visit to West
Point did not have the importance which has been attached to it; but it
concerned matters that you understand quite as well as if I were to tell
you all about them. Now, I can only remark that it had nothing whatever
to do with making or unmaking any general in the country. The Secretary of
War, you know, holds a pretty tight rein on the press, so that they shall
not tell more than they ought to; and I 'm afraid that if I blab too much,
he might draw a tight rein on me.




TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.

WASHINGTON, June 26, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN:

Your three despatches of yesterday in relation to the affair, ending with
the statement that you completely succeeded in making your point, are very
gratifying.

The later one of 6.15 P.M., suggesting the probability of your
being overwhelmed by two hundred thousand, and talking of where the
responsibility will belong, pains me very much. I give you all I can, and
act on the presumption that you will do the best you can with what you
have, while you continue, ungenerously I think, to assume that I could
give you more if I would. I have omitted, and shall omit, no opportunity
to send you reinforcements whenever I possibly can.


A. LINCOLN.

P. S. General Pope thinks if you fall back it would be much better towards
York River than towards the James. As Pope now has charge of the capital,
please confer with him through the telegraph.




ORDER CONSTITUTING THE ARMY OF VIRGINIA.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., June 26, 1862.

Ordered: 1st. The forces under Major-Generals Fremont, Banks, and
McDowell, including the troops now under Brigadier-General Sturgis at
Washington, shall be consolidated and form one army, to be called the Army
of Virginia.

2d. The command of the Army of Virginia is specially assigned to
Major-General John Pope, as commanding general. The troops of the Mountain
Department, heretofore under command of General Fremont, shall constitute
the First Army Corps, under the command of General Fremont; the troops of
the Shenandoah Department, now under General Banks, shall constitute the
Second Army Corps, and be commanded by him; the troops under the command
of General McDowell, except those within the fortifications and city of
Washington, shall form the Third Army Corps, and be under his command.

3d. The Army of Virginia shall operate in such manner as, while protecting
western Virginia and the national capital from danger or insult, it shall
in the speediest manner attack and overcome the rebel forces under Jackson
and Ewell, threaten the enemy in the direction of Charlottesville, and
render the most effective aid to relieve General McClellan and capture
Richmond.

4th. When the Army of the Potomac and the Army of Virginia shall be in
position to communicate and directly co-operate at or before Richmond, the
chief command, while so operating together, shall be governed, as in like
cases, by the Rules and Articles of War.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM FROM SECRETARY STANTON TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK.

WAR DEPARTMENT, June 28, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK:

The enemy have concentrated in such force at Richmond as to render it
absolutely necessary, in the opinion of the President, for you immediately
to detach 25,000 of your force and forward it by the nearest and quickest
route by way of Baltimore and Washington to Richmond. It is believed
that the quickest route would be by way of Columbus, Ky., and up the Ohio
River. But in detaching your force the President directs that it be done
in such a way as to enable you to hold your ground and not interfere with
the movement against Chattanooga and East Tennessee. This condition being
observed, the forces to be detached and the routes they are to be sent are
left to your own judgment.

The direction to send these forces immediately is rendered imperative by
a serious reverse suffered by General McClellan before Richmond yesterday,
the full extent of which is not yet known.

You will acknowledge the receipt of this despatch, stating the day and
hour it is received, and inform me what your action will be, so that we
may take measures to aid in river and railroad transportation.

EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War.




TELEGRAMS TO GENERAL A. E. BURNSIDE.

WASHINGTON, June 28, 1862.

GENERAL BURNSIDE:

I think you had better go, with any reinforcements you can spare, to
General McClellan.


A. LINCOLN.




WAR DEPARTMENT, June, 28, 1862

MAJOR-GENERAL BURNSIDE, Newbern:

We have intelligence that General McClellan has been attacked in large
force and compelled to fall back toward the James River. We are not
advised of his exact condition, but the President directs that you shall
send him all the reinforcements from your command to the James River that
you can safely do without abandoning your own position. Let it be infantry
entirely, as he said yesterday that he had cavalry enough.

EDWIN M. STANTON,

Secretary of War.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, June 28, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN:

Save your army, at all events. Will send reinforcements as fast as we can.
Of course they cannot reach you to-day, to-morrow, or next day. I have not
said you were ungenerous for saying you needed reinforcements. I thought
you were ungenerous in assuming that I did not send them as fast as I
could. I feel any misfortune to you and your army quite as keenly as you
feel it yourself. If you have had a drawn battle, or a repulse, it is
the price we pay for the enemy not being in Washington. We protected
Washington, and the enemy concentrated on you. Had we stripped Washington,
he would have been upon us before the troops could have gotten to you.
Less than a week ago you notified us that reinforcements were leaving
Richmond to come in front of us. It is the nature of the case, and neither
you nor the government is to blame. Please tell at once the present
condition and aspect of things.


A. LINCOLN




TO SECRETARY SEWARD.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, June 28, 1862

HON. W. H. SEWARD.

MY DEAR SIR:--My view of the present condition of the war is about as
follows:

The evacuation of Corinth and our delay by the flood in the Chickahominy
have enabled the enemy to concentrate too much force in Richmond
for McClellan to successfully attack. In fact there soon will be no
substantial rebel force anywhere else. But if we send all the force from
here to McClellan, the enemy will, before we can know of it, send a force
from Richmond and take Washington. Or if a large part of the western army
be brought here to McClellan, they will let us have Richmond, and retake
Tennessee, Kentucky, Missouri, etc. What should be done is to hold what
we have in the West, open the Mississippi, and take Chattanooga and East
Tennessee without more. A reasonable force should in every event be
kept about Washington for its protection. Then let the country give us a
hundred thousand new troops in the shortest possible time, which, added to
McClellan directly or indirectly, will take Richmond without endangering
any other place which we now hold, and will substantially end the war.
I expect to maintain this contest until successful, or till I die, or am
conquered, or my term expires, or Congress or the country forsake me; and
I would publicly appeal to the country for this new force were it not that
I fear a general panic and stampede would follow, so hard it is to have a
thing understood as it really is. I think the new force should be all, or
nearly all, infantry, principally because such can be raised most cheaply
and quickly.

Yours very truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL J. A. DIX.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D.C., June 28,1862.

GENERAL DIX:

Communication with McClellan by White House is cut off. Strain every nerve
to open communication with him by James River, or any other way you can.
Report to me.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO FLAG-OFFICER L. M. GOLDSBOROUGH.

WASHINGTON, D.C., June 28, 1862.

FLAG-OFFICER GOLDS BOROUGH, Fort Monroe:

Enemy has cut McClellan's communication with White House, and is driving
Stoneman back on that point. Do what you can for him with gunboats at or
near that place. McClellan's main force is between the Chickahominy and
the James. Also do what you can to communicate with him and support him
there.


A. LINCOLN




To GOVERNOR MORTON.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D.C. June 28, 1862.


GOVERNOR O. P. MORTON, Indianapolis, Ind:

Your despatch of to-day is just received. I have no recollection of either
John R. Cravens or Cyrus M. Allen having been named to me for appointment
under the tax law. The latter particularly has been my friend, and I am
sorry to learn that he is not yours. No appointment has been or will be
made by me for the purpose of stabbing you.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO SECRETARY SEWARD.

WAR DEPARTMENT, June 29, 1862.6 P.M.

HON. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Astor House, New York:

Not much more than when you left. Fulton of Baltimore American is now with
us. He left White House at 11 A.M. yesterday. He conversed fully with a
paymaster who was with Porter's force during the fight of Friday and fell
back to nearer McClellan's quarters just a little sooner than Porter did,
seeing the whole of it; stayed on the Richmond side of the Chickahominy
over night, and left for White House at 5 A.M. Saturday. He says Porter
retired in perfect order under protection of the guns arranged for the
purpose, under orders and not from necessity; and with all other of our
forces, except what was left on purpose to go to White House, was safely
in pontoons over the Chickahominy before morning, and that there was heavy
firing on the Richmond side, begun at 5 and ceased at 7 A.M. Saturday. On
the whole, I think we have had the better of it up to that point of time.
What has happened since we still know not, as we have no communication
with General McClellan. A despatch from Colonel Ingalls shows that he
thinks McClellan is fighting with the enemy at Richmond to-day, and will
be to-morrow. We have no means of knowing upon what Colonel Ingalls founds
his opinion. Confirmed about saving all property. Not a single unwounded
straggler came back to White House from the field, and the number of
wounded reaching there up to 11 A.M. Saturday was not large.


A. LINCOLN.


To what the President has above stated I will only add one or two points
that may be satisfactory for you to know.

First. All the sick and wounded were safely removed

Second. A despatch from Burnside shows that he is from White House; not a
man left behind in condition to afford efficient support, and is probably
doing so.

Third. The despatch from Colonel Ingalls impresses me with the conviction
that the movement was made by General McClellan to concentrate on
Richmond, and was successful to the latest point of which we have any
information.

Fourth. Mr. Fulton says that on Friday night, between twelve and one
o'clock, General McClellan telegraphed Commodore Goldsborough that the
result of the movement was satisfactory to him.

Fifth. From these and the facts stated by the President, my inference is
that General McClellan will probably be in Richmond within two days.

EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War.

[Unfortunately McClellan did not do any of the things he was ordered, and
that it was very likely possible to do. It is still some mystery what he
was doing all these days other than hiding in the woods and staying out of
communication so he would not receive any more uncomfortable orders. This
was another place where the North was close to wining the war and did not.
D.W.]




TELEGRAM TO SECRETARY SEWARD. WAR DEPARTMENT, June 30, 1862.

HON. WM. H. SEWARD, New York:

We are yet without communication with General McClellan, and this absence
of news is our point of anxiety. Up to the latest point to which we are
posted he effected everything in such exact accordance with his plan,
contingently announced to us before the battle began, that we feel
justified to hope that he has not failed since. He had a severe engagement
in getting the part of his army on this side of the Chickahominy over to
the other side, in which the enemy lost certainly as much as we did. We
are not dissatisfied with this, only that the loss of enemies does not
compensate for the loss of friends. The enemy cannot come below White
House; certainly is not there now, and probably has abandoned the whole
line. Dix's pickets are at New Kent Court-House.


A. LINCOLN.




CALL FOR TROOPS. NEW YORK, June 30, 1862.

TO THE GOVERNORS OF THE SEVERAL STATES:

The capture of New Orleans, Norfolk, and Corinth by the national forces
has enabled the insurgents to concentrate a large force at and about
Richmond, which place we must take with the least possible delay; in fact,
there will soon be no formidable insurgent force except at Richmond.
With so large an army there, the enemy can threaten us on the Potomac and
elsewhere. Until we have re-established the national authority, all these
places must be held, and we must keep a respectable force in front of
WASHINGTON. But this, from the diminished strength of our army by sickness
and casualties, renders an addition to it necessary in order to close the
struggle which has been prosecuted for the last three months with energy
and success. Rather than hazard the misapprehension of our military
condition and of groundless alarm by a call for troops by proclamation, I
have deemed it best to address you in this form. To accomplish the object
stated we require without delay 150,000 men, including those recently
called for by the Secretary of War. Thus reinforced our gallant army will
be enabled to realize the hopes and expectations of the government and the
people.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL J. A. DIX.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, June 30, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL Dix, Fort Monroe:

Is it not probable that the enemy has abandoned the line between White
House and McClellan's rear? He could have but little object to maintain
it, and nothing to subsist upon. Would not Stoneman better move up and
see about it? I think a telegraphic communication can at once be opened to
White House from Williamsburg. The wires must be up still.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAMS TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK.

WAR DEPARTMENT, JUNE 30, 1862. 3 P. M.

MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, Corinth:

Your telegram of this date just received. The Chattanooga expedition
must not on any account be given up. The President regards that and the
movement against East Tennessee as one of the most important movements
of the war, and its occupation nearly as important as the capture of
Richmond. He is not pleased with the tardiness of the movement toward
Chattanooga, and directs that no force be sent here if you cannot do it
without breaking up the operations against that point and East Tennessee.
Infantry only are needed; our cavalry and artillery are strong enough.
The first reports from Richmond were more discouraging than the truth
warranted. If the advantage is not on our side, it is balanced. General
McClellan has moved his whole force on the line of the James River, and
is supported there by our gunboats; but he must be largely strengthened
before advancing, and hence the call on you, which I am glad you answered
so promptly. Let me know to what point on the river you will send your
forces, so as to provide immediately for transportation.

EDWIN M. STANTON,

Secretary of War.




WASHINGTON, D.C., June 30, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, Corinth, Mississippi:

Would be very glad of 25,000 infantry; no artillery or cavalry; but please
do not send a man if it endangers any place you deem important to hold,
or if it forces you to give up or weaken or delay the expedition against
Chattanooga. To take and hold the railroad at or east of Cleveland, in
East Tennessee, I think fully as important as the taking and holding of
Richmond.


A. LINCOLN.




CALL FOR 300,000 VOLUNTEERS, JULY 1, 1862.

June 28, 1861.

The undersigned, governors of States of the Union, impressed with the
belief that the citizens of the States which they respectively represent
are of one accord in the hearty desire that the recent successes of the
Federal arms may be followed up by measures which must insure the speedy
restoration of the Union, and believing that, in view of the present
state of the important military movements now in progress, and the reduced
condition of our effective forces in the field, resulting from the usual
and unavoidable casualties in the service, the time has arrived for prompt
and vigorous measures to be adopted by the people in support of the great
interests committed to your charge, respectfully request, if it meets with
your entire approval, that you at once call upon the several States
for such number of men as may be required to fill up all military
organizations now in the field, and add to the armies heretofore organized
such additional number of men as may, in your judgment, be necessary to
garrison and hold all the numerous cities and military positions that
have been captured by our armies, and to speedily crush the rebellion that
still exists in several of the Southern States, thus practically restoring
to the civilized world our great and good government. All believe that the
decisive moment is near at hand, and to that end the people of the United
States are desirous to aid promptly in furnishing all reinforcements that
you may deem needful to sustain our government.

     ISRAEL WASHBURN, JR., Governor of Maine.
     H. S. BERRY, Governor of New Hampshire.
     FREDERICK HOLBROOK, Governor of Vermont.
     WILLIAM A. BUCKINGHAM, Governor of Connecticut.
     E. D. MORGAN, Governor of New York.
     CHARLES S. OLDEN, Governor of New Jersey.
     A. G. CURTIN, Governor of Pennsylvania.
     A. W. BRADFORD, Governor of Maryland.
     F. H. PIERPOINT, Governor of Virginia.
     AUSTIN BLAIR, Governor of Michigan.
     J. B. TEMPLE, President Military Board of Kentucky.
     ANDREW JOHNSON, Governor of Tennessee.
     H. R. GAMBLE, Governor of Missouri.
     O. P. MORTON, Governor of Indiana.
     DAVID TODD, Governor of Ohio.
     ALEXANDER RAMSEY, Governor of Minnesota.
     RICHARD YATES, Governor of Illinois.
     EDWARD SALOMON, Governor of Wisconsin.

THE PRESIDENT




EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, July 1, 1862

GENTLEMEN:--Fully concurring in the wisdom of the views expressed to me
in so patriotic a manner by you, in the communication of the twenty-eighth
day of June, I have decided to call into the service an additional force
of 300,000 men. I suggest and recommend that the troops should be chiefly
of infantry. The quota of your State would be ------. I trust that
they may be enrolled without delay, so as to bring this unnecessary and
injurious civil war to a speedy and satisfactory conclusion. An order
fixing the quotas of the respective States will be issued by the War
Department to-morrow.


A. LINCOLN.




PROCLAMATION CONCERNING TAXES IN REBELLIOUS STATES, JULY 1, 1862.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A Proclamation.

Whereas in and by the second section of an act of Congress passed on the
7th day of June, A. D. 1862, entitled "An act for the collection of direct
taxes in insurrectionary districts within the United States, and for other
purposes," it is made the duty of the President to declare, on or before
the first day of July then next following, by his proclamation, in what
States and parts of States insurrection exists:

Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the
United States of America, do hereby declare and proclaim that the
States of South Carolina, Florida, Georgia, Alabama, Louisiana, Texas,
Mississippi, Arkansas, Tennessee, North Carolina, and the State of
Virginia except the following counties-Hancock, Brooke, Ohio, Marshall,
Wetzel, Marion, Monongalia, Preston, Taylor, Pleasants, Tyler, Ritchie,
Doddridge, Harrison, Wood, Jackson, Wirt, Roane, Calhoun, Gilmer, Barbour,
Tucker, Lewis, Braxton, Upsbur, Randolph, Mason, Putnam, Kanawha, Clay,
Nicholas, Cabell, Wayne, Boone, Logan, Wyoming, Webster, Fayette, and
Raleigh-are now in insurrection and rebellion, and by reason thereof the
civil authority of the United States is obstructed so that the provisions
of the "Act to provide increased revenue from imports, to pay the interest
on the public debt, and for other purposes," approved August 5, 1861, can
not be peaceably executed; and that the taxes legally chargeable upon real
estate under the act last aforesaid lying within the States and parts
of States as aforesaid, together with a penalty of 50 per centum of said
taxes, shall be a lien upon the tracts or lots of the same, severally
charged, till paid.

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the
United States to be affixed..............


A. LINCOLN.

By the President:  F. W. SEWARD, Acting Secretary of State.




MESSAGE TO CONGRESS, JULY 1, 1862.

TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

I most cordially recommend that Captain Andrew H. Foote, of the United
States Navy, receive a vote of thanks of Congress for his eminent services
in Organizing the flotilla on the western Waters, and for his gallantry at
Fort Henry, Fort Donelson, Island Number Ten, and at various other places,
whilst in command of the naval forces, embracing a period of nearly ten
months.


A. LINCOLN.

WASHINGTON, D. C. July 1, 1862




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL McCLELLAN.

WASHINGTON, JULY 1,1862. 3.30 P.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL GEORGE B. McCLELLAN:

It is impossible to reinforce you for your present emergency. If we had a
million of men, We could not get them to you in time. We have not the men
to send. If you are not strong enough to face the enemy, you must find a
place of security, and wait, rest, and repair. Maintain your ground if
you can, but save the army at all events, even if you fall back to Fort
Monroe. We still have strength enough in the country, and will bring it
out.


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D.C., July 2, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN:

Your despatch of Tuesday morning induces me to hope your army is having
some rest. In this hope allow me to reason with you a moment. When you ask
for 50,000 men to be promptly sent you, you surely labor under some gross
mistake of fact. Recently you sent papers showing your disposal of forces
made last spring for the defense of WASHINGTON, and advising a return to
that plan. I find it included in and about WASHINGTON 75,000 men. Now,
please be assured I have not men enough to fill that very plan by 15,000.
All of Fremont's in the valley, all of Banks's, all of McDowell's not with
you, and all in WASHINGTON, taken together, do not exceed, if they reach,
60,000. With Wool and Dix added to those mentioned, I have not, outside of
your army, 75,000 men east of the mountains. Thus the idea of sending you
50,000, or any other considerable force, promptly, is simply absurd. If,
in your frequent mention of responsibility, you have the impression that
I blame you for not doing more than you can, please be relieved of
such impression. I only beg that in like manner you will not ask
impossibilities of me. If you think you are not strong enough to take
Richmond just now, I do not ask you to try just now. Save the army,
material and personal, and I will strengthen it for the offensive again
as fast as I can. The governors of eighteen States offer me a new levy of
300,000, which I accept.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK.

WASHINGTON, D.C. July 2, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, Corinth, Mississippi:

Your several despatches of yesterday to Secretary of War and myself
received. I did say, and now repeat, I would be exceedingly glad for some
reinforcements from you. Still do not send a man if in your judgment it
will endanger any point you deem important to hold, or will force you to
give up or weaken or delay the Chattanooga expedition.

Please tell me could you not make me a flying visit for consultation
without endangering the Service in your department.


A. LINCOLN.




MESSAGE TO THE SENATE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, July 2, 1862.

TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES:

I herewith return to your honorable body, in which it originated, an
act entitled "An act to provide for additional medical officers of the
volunteer service," without my approval.

My reason for so doing is that I have approved an act of the same title
passed by Congress after the passage of the one first mentioned for the
express purpose of correcting errors in and superseding the same, as I am
informed.


A. LINCOLN.




CIRCULAR LETTER TO THE GOVERNORS.

(Private and Confidential.)

WAR DEPARTMENT, July 3, 1862.10.30 A.M.

GOVERNOR WASHBURN, Maine [and other governors] I should not want the half
of 300,000 new troops if I could have them now. If I had 50,000 additional
troops here now, I believe I could substantially close the war in two
weeks. But time is everything, and if I get 50,000 new men in a month, I
shall have lost 20,000 old ones during the same month, having gained only
30,000, with the difference between old and new troops still against me.
The quicker you send, the fewer you will have to send. Time is everything.
Please act in view of this. The enemy having given up Corinth, it is not
wonderful that he is thereby enabled to check us for a time at Richmond.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.

WAR DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON, D.C., JULY 3, 1862

MAJOR-GENERAL GEORGE B. McCLELLAN:

Yours of 5.30 yesterday is just received. I am satisfied that yourself,
officers, and men have done the best you could. All accounts say better
fighting was never done. Ten thousand thanks for it.

On the 28th we sent General Burnside an order to send all the force he
could spare to you. We then learned that you had requested him to go to
Goldsborough; upon which we said to him our order was intended for your
benefit, and we did not wish to be in conflict with your views.

We hope you will have help from him soon. Today we have ordered General
Hunter to send you all he can spare. At last advices General Halleck
thinks he cannot send reinforcements without endangering all he has
gained.


A. LINCOLN, President




TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, D.C., July 4, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN:

I understand your position as stated in your letter and by General Marcy.
To reinforce you so as to enable you to resume the offensive within a
month, or even six weeks, is impossible. In addition to that arrived and
now arriving from the Potomac (about 10,000 men, I suppose), and about
10,000 I hope you will have from Burnside very soon, and about 5000 from
Hunter a little later, I do not see how I can send you another man within
a month. Under these circumstances the defensive for the present must be
your only care. Save the army first, where you are, if you can; secondly,
by removal, if you must. You, on the ground, must be the judge as to which
you will attempt, and of the means for effecting it. I but give it as my
opinion that with the aid of the gunboats and the reinforcements mentioned
above you can hold your present position--provided, and so long as,
you can keep the James River open below you. If you are not tolerably
confident you can keep the James River open, you had better remove as soon
as possible. I do not remember that you have expressed any apprehension as
to the danger of having your communication cut on the river below you, yet
I do not suppose it can have escaped your attention.

Yours very truly,


A. LINCOLN.

P.S.--If at any time you feel able to take the offensive, you are not
restrained from doing so. A.L.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK.

WAR DEPARTMENT, July 4, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, Corinth, Mississippi:

You do not know how much you would oblige us if, without abandoning any of
your positions or plans, you could promptly send us even 10,000 infantry.
Can you not? Some part of the Corinth army is certainly fighting McClellan
in front of Richmond. Prisoners are in our hands from the late Corinth
army.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL J. A. DIX.

WASHINGTON CITY, July 4,1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL Dix, Fort Monroe:

Send forward the despatch to Colonel Hawkins and this also. Our order and
General McClellan's to General Burnside being the same, of course we wish
it executed as promptly as possible.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.

WASHINGTON, July 5, 1862. 9 A.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL GEORGE B. McCLELLAN:

A thousand thanks for the relief your two despatches of 12 and 1 P.M.
yesterday gave me. Be assured the heroism and skill of yourself and
officers and men is, and forever will be, appreciated.

If you can hold your present position, we shall have the enemy yet.


A. LINCOLN




TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, D.C., July 6, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, Corinth, Mississippi.

MY DEAR SIR:--This introduces Governor William Sprague, of Rhode Island.
He is now Governor for the third time, and senator-elect of the United
States.

I know the object of his visit to you. He has my cheerful consent to go,
but not my direction. He wishes to get you and part of your force, one or
both, to come here. You already know I should be exceedingly glad of
this if, in your judgment, it could be without endangering positions and
operations in the southwest; and I now repeat what I have more than once
said by telegraph: "Do not come or send a man if, in your judgment, it
will endanger any point you deem important to hold, or endangers or delays
the Chattanooga expedition."

Still, please give my friend, Governor Sprague, a full and fair hearing.

Yours very truly,


A. LINCOLN.




MEMORANDUM OF AN INTERVIEW BETWEEN THE PRESIDENT AND GENERAL McCLELLAN

AND OTHER OFFICERS DURING A VISIT TO THE ARMY OF THE POTOMAC AT HARRISON'S
LANDING, VIRGINIA.

July 9, 1862.

THE PRESIDENT: What amount of force have you now?


GENERAL McCLELLAN: About 80,000, can't vary much, certainly 75,000.

THE PRESIDENT:[to the corps commanders] What is the whole amount of your
corps with you now.

     GENERAL SUMNER: About 15,000.
     GENERAL HEINTZELMAN: 15,000 for duty.
     GENERAL KEYES: About 12,500.
     GENERAL PORTER: About 23,000--fully 20,000 fit for duty.
     GENERAL FRANKLIN: About 15,000.

THE PRESIDENT: What is likely to be your condition as to health in this
camp?

GENERAL McCLELLAN: Better than in any encampment since landing at Fortress
Monroe.

PRESIDENT LINCOLN:[to the corps commanders] In your present encampment
what is the present and prospective condition as to health?

GENERAL SUMNER: As good as any part of Western Virginia.

GENERAL HEINTZELMAN: Excellent for health, and present health improving.

GENERAL KEYES: A little improved, but think camp is getting worse.

GENERAL PORTER: Very good.

GENERAL FRANKLIN: Not good.

THE PRESIDENT: Where is the enemy now?

GENERAL McCLELLAN: From four to five miles from us on all the roads--I
think nearly the whole army--both Hills, Longstreet, Jackson, Magruder,
Huger.

THE PRESIDENT: [to the corps commanders] Where and in what condition do
you believe the enemy to be now?

GENERAL SUMNER: I think they have retired from our front; were very
much damaged, especially in their best troops, in the late actions, from
superiority of arms.

GENERAL HEINTZELMAN: Don't think they are in force in our vicinity.

GENERAL KEYES: Think he has withdrawn, and think preparing to go to
WASHINGTON.

GENERAL PORTER: Believe he is mainly near Richmond. He feels he dare not
attack us here.

GENERAL FRANKLIN: I learn he has withdrawn from our front and think that
is probable.

THE PRESIDENT: [to the corps commanders] What is the aggregate of your
killed, wounded, and missing from the attack on the 26th ultimo till now?

     GENERAL SUMNER:   1175.
     GENERAL HEINTZELMAN: Not large 745.
     GENERAL KEYES: Less than 500.
     GENERAL PORTER:    Over 5000.
     GENERAL FRANKLIN: Not over 3000.

THE PRESIDENT: If you desired could you remove the army safely?

GENERAL McCLELLAN: It would be a delicate and very difficult matter.

THE PRESIDENT: [to the corps commanders] If it were desired to get the
army away, could it be safely effected?

GENERAL SUMNER: I think we could, but I think we give up the cause if we
do.

GENERAL HEINTZELMAN: Perhaps we could, but I think it would be ruinous to
the country.

GENERAL KEYES: I think it could if done quickly.

GENERAL PORTER: Impossible--move the army and ruin the country.

GENERAL FRANKLIN: I think we could, and that we had better--think
Rappahannock the true line.

THE PRESIDENT: [to the corps commanders] Is the army secure in its present
position?

    GENERAL SUMNER: Perfectly so, in my judgment.
    GENERAL HEINTZELMAN: I think it is safe.
    GENERAL KEYES: With help of General B. [Burnside] can hold position.
    GENERAL PORTER: Perfectly so. Not only, but we are ready to begin
                    moving forward.
    GENERAL FRANKLIN: Unless river can be closed it is.




ORDER MAKING HALLECK GENERAL-IN-CHIEF.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, July 11,1862.

Ordered, That Major-General Henry W. Halleck be assigned to command the
whole land forces of the United States, as general-in-chief, and that he
repair to this capital so soon as he can with safety to the positions and
operations within the department now under his charge.


A. LINCOLN




ORDER CONCERNING THE SOUTHWEST BRANCH OF THE PACIFIC RAILROAD.

Whereas, in the judgment of the President, the public safety does require
that the railroad line called and known as the Southwest Branch of the
Pacific Railroad in the State of Missouri be repaired, extended, and
completed from Rolla to Lebanon, in the direction to Springfield, in the
said State, the same being necessary to the successful and economical
conduct of the war and to the maintenance of the authority of the
government in the Southwest:

Therefore, under and in virtue of the act of Congress entitled "An act
to authorize the President of the United States in certain cases to take
possession of railroad and telegraph lines, and for other purposes,"
approved January 31, 1862, it is ordered, That the portion of the said
railroad line which reaches from Rolla to Lebanon be repaired, extended,
and completed, so as to be made available for the military uses of the
government, as speedily as may be. And, inasmuch as upon the part of the
said line from Rolla to the stream called Little Piney a considerable
portion of the necessary work has already been done by the railroad
company, and the road to this extent may be completed at comparatively
small cost, it is ordered that the said line from Rolla to and across
Little Piney be first completed, and as soon as possible.

The Secretary of War is charged with the execution of this order. And
to facilitate the speedy execution of the work, he is directed, at his
discretion, to take possession and control of the whole or such part of
the said railroad line, and the whole or such part of the rolling stock,
offices, shops, buildings, and all their appendages and appurtenances, as
he may judge necessary or convenient for the early completion of the road
from Rolla to Lebanon.

Done at the city of WASHINGTON, July 11, 1862.


A. LINCOLN.




MESSAGE TO CONGRESS.

WASHINGTON, D C., July 11, 1862

TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:

I recommend that the thanks of Congress be given to the following officers
of the United States Navy:

Captain James L. Lardner, for meritorious conduct at the battle of Port
Royal and distinguished services on the coast of the United States against
the enemy.

Captain Charles Henry Davis, for distinguished services in conflict with
the enemy at Fort Pillow, at Memphis, and for successful operations at
other points in the waters of the Mississippi River.

Commander John A. Dahlgren, for distinguished services in the line of his
profession, improvements in ordnance, and zealous and efficient labors in
the ordnance branch of the service.

Commander Stephen C. Rowan, for distinguished services in the waters of
North Carolina, and particularly in the capture of Newbern, being in chief
command of the naval forces.

Commander David D. Porter, for distinguished services in the conception
and preparation of the means used for the capture of the forts below
New Orleans, and for highly meritorious conduct in the management of the
mortar flotilla during the bombardment of Forts Jackson and St. Philip.

Captain Silas H. Stringharn, now on the retired list, for distinguished
services in the capture of Forts Hatteras and Clark.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR JOHNSON. WAR DEPARTMENT, July 11, 1862.

HON. ANDREW JOHNSON.

MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of yesterday is received. Do you not, my good friend,
perceive that what you ask is simply to put you in command in the West?
I do not suppose you desire this. You only wish to control in your own
localities; but this you must know may derange all other posts. Can
you not, and will you not, have a full conference with General Halleck?
Telegraph him, and meet him at such place as he and you can agree upon. I
telegraph him to meet you and confer fully with you.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK. WAR DEPARTMENT, July 11, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, Corinth:

Governor Johnson, at Nashville, is in great trouble and anxiety about a
raid into Kentucky. The governor is a true and valuable man--indispensable
to us in Tennessee. Will you please get in communication with him,
and have a full conference with him before you leave for here? I have
telegraphed him on the subject.


A. LINCOLN.




APPEAL TO BORDER-STATES IN FAVOR OF COMPENSATED EMANCIPATION.

July 12, 1862.

GENTLEMEN:--After the adjournment of Congress now very near, I shall have
no opportunity of seeing you for several months. Believing that you of
the border States hold more power for good than any other equal number of
members, I feel it a duty which I cannot justifiably waive to make this
appeal to you. I intend no reproach or complaint when I assure you
that, in my opinion, if you all had voted for the resolution in the
gradual-emancipation message of last March, the war would now be
substantially ended. And the plan therein proposed is yet one of the most
potent and swift means of ending it. Let the States which are in rebellion
see definitely and certainly that in no event will the States you
represent ever join their proposed confederacy, and they cannot much
longer maintain the contest. But you cannot divest them of their hope
to ultimately have you with them so long as you show a determination to
perpetuate the institution within your own States. Beat them at elections,
as you have overwhelmingly done, and, nothing daunted, they still claim
you as their own. You and I know what the lever of their power is. Break
that lever before their faces, and they can shake you no more forever.
Most of you have treated me with kindness and consideration and I trust
you will not now think I improperly touch what is exclusively your own,
when, for the sake of the whole country, I ask, Can you, for your States,
do better than to take the course I urge? Discarding punctilio and maxims
adapted to more manageable times, and looking only to the unprecedentedly
stern facts of our case, can you do better in any possible event? You
prefer that the constitutional relation of the States to the nation shall
be practically restored without disturbance of the institution; and if
this were done, my whole duty in this respect, under the Constitution
and my oath of office, would be performed. But it is not done, and we
are trying to accomplish it by war. The incidents of the war cannot be
avoided. If the war continues long, as it must if the object be not sooner
attained, the institution in your States will be extinguished by mere
friction and abrasion--by the mere incidents of the war. It will be gone,
and you will have nothing valuable in lieu of it. Much of its value is
gone already. How much better for you and for your people to take the step
which at once shortens the war and secures substantial compensation for
that which is sure to be wholly lost in any other event! How much better
to thus save the money which else we sink forever in war! How much better
to do it while we can, lest the war ere long render us pecuniarily unable
to do it! How much better for you as seller, and the nation as buyer, to
sell out and buy out that without which the war could never have been,
than to sink both the thing to be sold and the price of it in cutting
one another's throats! I do not speak of emancipation at once, but of
a decision at once to emancipate gradually. Room in South America for
colonization can be obtained cheaply and in abundance, and when numbers
shall be large enough to be company and encouragement for one another, the
freed people will not be so reluctant to go.

I am pressed with a difficulty not yet mentioned--one which threatens
division among those who, united, are none too strong. An instance of it
is known to you. General Hunter is an honest man. He was, and I hope still
is, my friend. I valued him none the less for his agreeing with me in the
general wish that all men everywhere could be free. He proclaimed all men
free within certain States, and I repudiated the proclamation. He expected
more good and less harm from the measure than I could believe would
follow. Yet, in repudiating it, I gave dissatisfaction, if not offence, to
many whose support the country cannot afford to lose. And this is not
the end of it. The pressure in this direction is still upon me, and is
increasing. By conceding what I now ask you can relieve me, and, much
more, can relieve the country in this important point.

Upon these considerations, I have again begged your attention to the
message of March last. Before leaving the Capital, consider and discuss it
among yourselves. You are patriots and statesmen, and as such I pray
you consider this proposition; and, at the least, commend it to the
consideration of your States and people. As you would perpetuate popular
government for the best people in the world, I beseech you that you do
in nowise omit this. Our common country is in great peril, demanding the
loftiest views and boldest action to bring a speedy relief. Once relieved,
its form of government is saved to the world; its beloved history and
cherished memories are vindicated, and its happy future fully assured
and rendered inconceivably grand. To you, more than to any others, the
privilege is given to assure that happiness and swell that grandeur, and
to link your own names therewith forever.




TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, July 13, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN:

MY DEAR SIR:--I am told that over 160,000 men have gone into your army
on the Peninsula. When I was with you the other day we made out 86,500
remaining, leaving 73,500 to be accounted for. I believe 23,500 will cover
all the killed, wounded, and missing in all your battles and skirmishes,
leaving 50,000 who have left otherwise. No more than 5000 of these have
died, leaving 45,000 of your army still alive and not with it. I believe
half or two-thirds of them are fit for duty to-day. Have you any more
perfect knowledge of this than I have? If I am right, and you had these
men with you, you could go into Richmond in the next three days. How can
they be got to you, and how can they be prevented from getting away in
such numbers for the future?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK.

WAR DEPARTMENT, July 13, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, Corinth, Mississippi:

They are having a stampede in Kentucky. Please look to it.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL J. T. BOYLE.

WASHINGTON, July 13, 1862.

GENERAL J. T. BOYLE, Louisville, Kentucky:

Your several despatches received. You should call on General Halleck.
Telegraph him at once. I have telegraphed him that you are in trouble.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL J. T. BOYLE.

WAR DEPARTMENT, July 13, 1862.

GENERAL J. T. BOYLE, Louisville, Kentucky:

We cannot venture to order troops from General Buell. We know not what
condition he is in. He maybe attacked himself. You must call on General
Halleck, who commands, and whose business it is to understand and care for
the whole field If you cannot telegraph to him, send a messenger to him. A
dispatch has this moment come from Halleck at Tuscombia, Alabama.


A. LINCOLN.




ACT OF COMPENSATED EMANCIPATION

MESSAGE TO CONGRESS.

July 4, 1862.

FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:

Herewith is the draft of the bill to compensate any State which may
abolish slavery within its limits, the passage of which, substantially as
presented, I respectfully and earnestly recommend.


A. LINCOLN.


Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
States of America in Congress assembled:--That whenever the President of
the United States shall be satisfied that any State shall have lawfully
abolished slavery within and through-out such State, either immediately
or gradually, it shall be the duty of the President, assisted by the
Secretary of the Treasury, to prepare and deliver to each State an amount
of six per cent. interest-bearing bonds of the United States equal to the
aggregate value at ------ dollars per head of all the slaves within such
State, as reported by the census of 1860; the whole amount for any one
State to be delivered at once if the abolishment be immediate, or in equal
annual instalments if it be gradual, interest to begin running on each
bond at the time of delivery, and not before.

And be it further enacted, That if any State, having so received any such
bonds, shall at any time afterwards by law reintroduce or tolerate slavery
within its limits, contrary to the act of abolishment upon which such
bonds shall have been received, said bonds so received by said State shall
at once be null and void, in whosesoever hands they may be, and such State
shall refund to the United States all interest which may have been paid on
such bonds.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK.

WAR DEPARTMENT, July 14, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, Corinth, Mississippi:

I am very anxious--almost impatient--to have you here. Have due regard to
what you leave behind. When can you reach here?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, July 14, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN:

General Burnside's force is at Newport News, ready to move, on short
notice, one way or the other, when ordered.


A. LINCOLN.




TO SOLOMON FOOT.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, July 15, 1862.

HON. SOLOMON FOOT, President pro tempore of the Senate.

SIR:--Please inform the Senate that I shall be obliged if they will
postpone the adjournment at least one day beyond the time which I
understand to be now fixed for it.

Your obedient servant,


A. LINCOLN.

[The same message was addressed to Hon. Galusha A. Grow Speaker of the
House of Representatives.]




MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. July 17, 1862.

FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:

I have inadvertently omitted so long to inform you that in March last Mr.
Cornelius Vanderbilt, of New York, gratuitously presented to the United
States the ocean steamer Vanderbilt, by many esteemed the finest merchant
ship in the world. She has ever since been and still is doing valuable
service to the government. For the patriotic act of making this
magnificent and valuable present to the country I recommend that some
suitable acknowledgment be made.


A. LINCOLN.




MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. July 17, 1862.

FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:

Considering the bill for "An act to suppress insurrection, to punish
treason and rebellion, to seize and confiscate the property of rebels, and
for other purposes," and the joint resolution explanatory of said act as
being substantially one, I have approved and signed both.

Before I was informed of the passage of the resolution I had prepared the
draft of a message stating objections to the bill becoming a law, a copy
of which draft is herewith transmitted.


A. LINCOLN.




FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:

I herewith return to your honorable body, in which it originated, the bill
for an act entitled "An act to suppress treason and rebellion, to seize
and confiscate the property of rebels, and for other purposes," together
with my objections to its becoming a law.

There is much in the bill to which I perceive no objection. It is wholly
prospective, and touches neither person nor property of any loyal citizen,
in which particulars it is just and proper. The first and second sections
provide for the conviction and punishment of persons Who shall be guilty
of treason and persons who shall "incite, set on foot, assist, or engage
in any rebellion or insurrection against the authority of the United
States or the laws thereof, or shall give aid and comfort thereto, or
shall engage in or give aid and comfort to any such existing rebellion or
insurrection." By fair construction persons within these sections are not
to be punished without regular trials in duly constituted courts,
under the forms and all the substantial provisions of law and of the
Constitution applicable to their several cases. To this I perceive
no objection, especially as such persons would be within the general
pardoning power and also the special provision for pardon and amnesty
contained in this act.

It is also provided that the slaves of persons convicted under these
sections shall be free. I think there is an unfortunate form of expression
rather than a substantial objection in this. It is startling to say that
Congress can free a slave within a State, and yet if it were said the
ownership of the slave had first been transferred to the nation and that
Congress had then liberated him the difficulty would at once vanish. And
this is the real case. The traitor against the General Government forfeits
his slave at least as justly as he does any other property, and he
forfeits both to the government against which be offends. The government,
so far as there can be ownership, thus owns the forfeited slaves, and the
question for Congress in regard to them is, "Shall they be made free or
be sold to new masters?" I perceive no objection to Congress deciding in
advance that they shall be free. To the high honor of Kentucky, as I am
informed, she is the owner of some slaves by escheat, and has sold none,
but liberated all. I hope the same is true of some other States. Indeed,
I do not believe it will be physically possible for the General Government
to return persons so circumstanced to actual slavery. I believe there
would be physical resistance to it which could neither be turned aside
by argument nor driven away by force. In this view I have no objection to
this feature of the bill. Another matter involved in these two sections,
and running through other parts of the act, will be noticed hereafter.

I perceive no objection to the third or fourth sections.

So far as I wish to notice the fifth and sixth sections, they may be
considered together. That the enforcement of these sections would do no
injustice to the persons embraced within them, is clear. That those who
make a causeless war should be compelled to pay the cost of it, is too
obviously just to be called in question. To give governmental protection
to the property of persons who have abandoned it, and gone on a crusade to
overthrow the same government, is absurd, if considered in the mere light
of justice. The severest justice may not always be the best policy.
The principle of seizing and appropriating the property of the persons
embraced within these sections is certainly not very objectionable, but a
justly discriminating application of it would be very difficult and, to
a great extent, impossible. And would it not be wise to place a power of
remission somewhere, so that these persons may know they have something to
lose by persisting and something to gain by desisting?

[A man without hope is a most dangerous man--he has nothing to lose!]

I am not sure whether such power of remission is or is not in section
thirteen. Without any special act of Congress, I think our military
commanders, when--in military phrase, "they are within the enemy's
country," should, in an orderly manner, seize and use whatever of real or
personal property may be necessary or convenient for their commands; at
the same time preserving, in some way, the evidence of what they do.

What I have said in regard to slaves, while commenting on the first and
second sections, is applicable to the ninth, with the difference that no
provision is made in the whole act for determining whether a particular
individual slave does or does not fall within the classes defined in
that section. He is to be free upon certain conditions but whether
those conditions do or do not pertain to him no mode of ascertaining is
provided. This could be easily supplied.

To the tenth section I make no objection. The oath therein required seems
to be proper, and the remainder of the section is substantially identical
with a law already existing.

The eleventh section simply assumes to confer discretionary power upon
the executive. Without the law, I have no hesitation to go as far in the
direction indicated as I may at any time deem expedient. And I am ready
to say now--I think it is proper for our military commanders to employ, as
laborers, as many persons of African descent as can be used to advantage.

The twelfth and thirteenth sections are something better than
unobjectionable; and the fourteenth is entirely proper, if all other parts
of the act shall stand.

That to which I chiefly object pervades most parts of the act, but more
distinctly appears in the first, second, seventh, and eighth sections.
It is the sum of those provisions which results in the divesting of title
forever.

For the causes of treason and ingredients of treason, not amounting to
the full crime, it declares forfeiture extending beyond the lives of the
guilty parties; whereas the Constitution of the United States declares
that "no attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood or forfeiture
except during the life of the person attainted." True, there is to be
no formal attainder in this case; still, I think the greater punishment
cannot be constitutionally inflicted, in a different form, for the same
offence.

With great respect I am constrained to say I think this feature of the act
is unconstitutional. It would not be difficult to modify it.

I may remark that the provision of the Constitution, put in language
borrowed from Great Britain, applies only in this country, as I
understand, to real or landed estate.

Again, this act in rem forfeits property for the ingredients of treason
without a conviction of the supposed criminal, or a personal hearing given
him in any proceeding. That we may not touch property lying within our
reach, because we cannot give personal notice to an owner who is absent
endeavoring to destroy the government, is certainly not satisfactory.
Still, the owner may not be thus engaged; and I think a reasonable time
should be provided for such parties to appear and have personal hearings.
Similar provisions are not uncommon in connection with proceedings in rem.

For the reasons stated, I return the bill to the House in which it
originated.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, D.C., July 21, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN:

This is Monday. I hope to be able to tell you on Thursday what is to be
done with Burnside.


A. LINCOLN.




ORDER IN REGARD TO BEHAVIOR OF ALIENS

WAR DEPARTMENT, ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE,

WASHINGTON, July 21, 1862.

The following order has been received from the President of the United
States:

Representations have been made to the President by the ministers of
various foreign powers in amity with the United States that subjects of
such powers have during the present insurrection been obliged or required
by military authorities to take an oath of general or qualified allegiance
to this government. It is the duty of all aliens residing in the United
States to submit to and obey the laws and respect the authority of
the government. For any proceeding or conduct inconsistent with this
obligation and subversive of that authority they may rightfully be
subjected to military restraints when this may be necessary. But they
cannot be required to take an oath of allegiance to this government,
because it conflicts with the duty they owe to their own sovereigns. All
such obligations heretofore taken are therefore remitted and annulled.
Military commanders will abstain from imposing similar obligations in
future, and will in lieu thereof adopt such other restraints of the
character indicated as they shall find necessary, convenient, and
effectual for the public safety. It is further directed that whenever any
order shall be made affecting the personal liberty of an alien reports of
the same and of the causes thereof shall be made to the War Department for
the consideration of the Department of State.

By order of the Secretary of War:

L. THOMAS, Adjutant-General.




ORDER AUTHORIZING EMPLOYMENT OF "CONTRABANDS."

WAR DEPARTMENT, July 22, 1862.

Ordered:

1. That military commanders within the States of Virginia, South Carolina,
Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas, and Arkansas in
an orderly manner seize and use any property, real or personal, which may
be necessary or convenient for their several commands as supplies or for
other military purposes; and that while property may be destroyed for
proper military objects, none shall be destroyed in wantonness or malice.

2. That military and naval commanders shall employ as laborers within
and from said States so many persons of African descent as can be
advantageously used for military or naval purposes, giving them reasonable
wages for their labor.

3. That as to both property and persons of African descent accounts shall
be kept sufficiently accurate and in detail to show quantities and amounts
and from whom both property and such persons shall have come, as a basis
upon which compensation can be made in proper cases; and the several
departments of this government shall attend to and perform their
appropriate parts toward the execution of these orders.

By order of the President: EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War.




WARNING TO REBEL SYMPATHIZERS

PROCLAMATION, JULY 25, 1862.

THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A Proclamation.

In pursuance of the sixth section of the act of Congress entitled "An act
to suppress insurrection and to punish treason and rebellion, to seize and
confiscate property of rebels, and for other purposes," approved July
17, 1862, and which act and the joint resolution explanatory thereof are
herewith published, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do
hereby proclaim to and warn all persons within the contemplation of
said sixth section to cease participating in, aiding, countenancing, or
abetting the existing rebellion or any rebellion against the Government of
the United States and to return to their proper allegiance to the United
States, on pain of the forfeitures and seizures as within and by said
sixth section provided.

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed.

Done at the city of Washington, this twenty-fifth day of July, A.D. 1862,
and of the independence of the United States the eighty-seventh.


A. LINCOLN.

By the President:  WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.




HOLD MY HAND WHILST THE ENEMY STABS ME

TO REVERDY JOHNSON.

(Private.)

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, July 26, 1862.

HON. REVERDY JOHNSON.

MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 16th is received...........

You are ready to say I apply to friends what is due only to enemies. I
distrust the wisdom if not the sincerity of friends who would hold my
hands while my enemies stab me. This appeal of professed friends has
paralyzed me more in this struggle than any other one thing. You remember
telling me, the day after the Baltimore mob in April, 1861, that it would
crush all Union feeling in Maryland for me to attempt bringing troops over
Maryland soil to Washington. I brought the troops notwithstanding, and
yet there was Union feeling enough left to elect a Legislature the
next autumn, which in turn elected a very excellent Union United States
senator! I am a patient man--always willing to forgive on the Christian
terms of repentance, and also to give ample time for repentance. Still,
I must save this government, if possible. What I cannot do, of course, I
will not do; but it may as well be understood, once for all, that I shall
not surrender this game leaving any available card unplayed.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TO CUTHBERT BULLITT.

(Private.)

WASHINGTON, D. C., July 28, 1862.


CUTHBERT BULLITT, Esq., New Orleans, Louisiana.

SIR:--The copy of a letter addressed to yourself by Mr. Thomas J. Durant
has been shown to me. The writer appears to be an able, a dispassionate,
and an entirely sincere man. The first part of the letter is devoted to
an effort to show that the secession ordinance of Louisiana was adopted
against the will of a majority of the people. This is probably true,
and in that fact may be found some instruction. Why did they allow the
ordinance to go into effect? Why did they not assert themselves? Why stand
passive and allow themselves to be trodden down by minority? Why did they
not hold popular meetings and have a convention of their own to express
and enforce the true sentiment of the State? If preorganization was
against them then, why not do this now that the United States army is
present to protect them? The paralysis--the dead palsy--of the government
in this whole struggle is that this class of men will do nothing for the
government, nothing for themselves, except demanding that the government
shall not strike its open enemies, lest they be struck by accident!

Mr. Durant complains that in various ways the relation of master and slave
is disturbed by the presence of our army, and he considers it particularly
vexatious that this, in part, is done under cover of an act of Congress,
while constitutional guaranties are suspended on the plea of military
necessity. The truth is, that what is done and omitted about slaves
is done and omitted on the same military necessity. It is a military
necessity to have men and money; and we can get neither in sufficient
numbers or amounts if we keep from or drive from our lines slaves coming
to them. Mr. Durant cannot be ignorant of the pressure in this direction,
nor of my efforts to hold it within bounds till he and such as he shall
have time to help themselves.

I am not posted to speak understandingly on all the police regulations
of which Mr. Durant complains. If experience shows any one of them to be
wrong, let them be set right. I think I can perceive in the freedom
of trade which Mr. Durant urges that he would relieve both friends and
enemies from the pressure of the blockade. By this he would serve the
enemy more effectively than the enemy is able to serve himself. I do not
say or believe that to serve the enemy is the purpose, of Mr. Durant,
or that he is conscious of any purpose other than national and patriotic
ones. Still, if there were a class of men who, having no choice of sides
in the contest, were anxious only to have quiet and comfort for themselves
while it rages, and to fall in with the victorious side at the end of it
without loss to themselves, their advice as to the mode of conducting
the contest would be precisely such as his is. He speaks of no
duty--apparently thinks of none--resting upon Union men. He even thinks it
injurious to the Union cause that they should be restrained in trade and
passage without taking sides. They are to touch neither a sail nor a pump,
but to be merely passengers--deadheads at that--to be carried snug and dry
throughout the storm, and safely landed right side up. Nay, more: even
a mutineer is to go untouched, lest these sacred passengers receive an
accidental wound. Of course the rebellion will never be suppressed in
Louisiana if the professed Union men there will neither help to do it nor
permit the government to do it without their help. Now, I think the true
remedy is very different from what is suggested by Mr. Durant. It does not
lie in rounding the rough angles of the war, but in removing the necessity
for the war. The people of Louisiana who wish protection to person and
property have but to reach forth their hands and take it. Let them in good
faith reinaugurate the national authority, and set up a State government
conforming thereto under the Constitution. They know how to do it and can
have the protection of the army while doing it. The army will be withdrawn
so soon as such State government can dispense with its presence; and the
people of the State can then, upon the old constitutional terms, govern
themselves to their own liking. This is very simple and easy.

If they will not do this--if they prefer to hazard all for the sake
of destroying the government--it is for them to consider whether it is
probable I will surrender the government to save them from losing all. If
they decline what I suggest, you scarcely need to ask what I will do. What
would you do in my position? Would you drop the war where it is? Or would
you prosecute it in future with elder-stalk squirts charged with rose
water? Would you deal lighter blows rather than heavier ones? Would you
give up the contest, leaving any available means unapplied? I am in no
boastful mood. I shall not do more than I can, and I shall do all I can,
to save the government, which is my sworn duty as well as my personal
inclination. I shall do nothing in malice. What I deal with is too vast
for malicious dealing.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TO LOYAL GOVERNORS.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D.C.,

July 28, 1862.

GOVERNORS OF ALL LOYAL STATES:

It would be of great service here for us to know, as fully as you can
tell, what progress is made and making in recruiting for old regiments
in your State. Also about what day the first regiments can move with you,
what the second, what the third, and so on. This information is important
to us in making calculations. Please give it as promptly and accurately as
you call.


A. LINCOLN.




BROKEN EGGS CANNOT BE MENDED

EXTRACT FROM LETTER TO AUGUST BELMONT.

July 31, 1862.

Broken eggs cannot be mended; but Louisiana has nothing to do now but to
take her place in the Union as it was, barring the already broken eggs.
The sooner she does so, the smaller will be the amount of that which will
be past mending. This government cannot much longer play a game in
which it stakes all, and its enemies stake nothing. Those enemies must
understand that they cannot experiment for ten years trying to destroy the
government, and if they fail, still come back into the Union unhurt. If
they expect in any contingency to ever have the Union as it was, I join
with the writer in saying, "Now is the time."

How much better it would have been for the writer to have gone at this,
under the protection of the army at New Orleans, than to have sat down in
a closet writing complaining letters northward!

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.




TO COUNT GASPARIN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,

August 4, 1863.

TO COUNT A. DE GASPARIN.

DEAR SIR--Your very acceptable letter, dated Orbe, Canton de Vaud,
Switzerland, 18th of July, 1862, is received. The moral effect was the
worst of the affair before Richmond, and that has run its course downward.
We are now at a stand, and shall soon be rising again, as we hope. I
believe it is true that, in men and material, the enemy suffered more than
we in that series of conflicts, while it is certain that he is less able
to bear it.

With us every soldier is a man of character, and must be treated with
more consideration than is customary in Europe. Hence our great army, for
slighter causes than could have prevailed there, has dwindled rapidly,
bringing the necessity for a new call earlier than was anticipated. We
shall easily obtain the new levy, however. Be not alarmed if you shall
learn that we shall have resorted to a draft for part of this. It seems
strange even to me, but it is true, that the government is now pressed
to this course by a popular demand. Thousands who wish not to personally
enter the service are nevertheless anxious to pay and send substitutes,
provided they can have assurance that unwilling persons, similarly
situated, will be compelled to do likewise. Besides this, volunteers
mostly choose to enter newly forming regiments, while drafted men can be
sent to fill up the old ones, wherein man for man they are quite doubly as
valuable.

You ask, "Why is it that the North with her great armies so often is found
with inferiority of numbers face to face with the armies of the South?"
While I painfully know the fact, a military man, which I am not, would
better answer the question. The fact I know has not been overlooked, and
I suppose the cause of its continuance lies mainly in the other facts
that the enemy holds the interior and we the exterior lines, and that
we operate where the people convey information to the enemy, while he
operates where they convey none to us.

I have received the volume and letter which you did me the honor of
addressing to me, and for which please accept my sincere thanks. You are
much admired in America for the ability of your writings, and much
loved for your generosity to us and your devotion to liberal principles
generally.

You are quite right as to the importance to us, for its bearing upon
Europe, that we should achieve military successes, and the same is true
for us at home as well as abroad. Yet it seems unreasonable that a series
of successes, extending through half a year, and clearing more than
100,000 square miles of country, should help us so little, while a single
half-defeat should hurt us so much. But let us be patient.

I am very happy to know that my course has not conflicted with your
judgment of propriety and policy I can only say that I have acted upon my
best convictions, without selfishness or malice, and that by the help of
God I shall continue to do so.

Please be assured of my highest respect and esteem.


A. LINCOLN.




SPEECH AT A WAR MEETING, WASHINGTON, AUGUST 6, 1862

FELLOW CITIZENS: I believe there is no precedent for my appearing before
you on this occasion, but it is also true that there is no precedent for
your being here yourselves, and I offer in justification of myself and
of you that, upon examination, I have found nothing in the Constitution
against it. I, however, have an impression that; there are younger
gentlemen who will entertain you better and better address your
understanding than I will or could, and therefore I propose but to detain
you a moment longer. I am very little inclined on any occasion to say
anything unless I hope to produce some good by it. The only thing I think
of just now not likely to be better said by some one else is a matter in
which we have heard some other persons blamed for what I did myself There
has been a very widespread attempt to have a quarrel between General
McClellan and the Secretary of War Now, I occupy a position that enables
me to believe that these two gentlemen are not nearly so deep in the
quarrel as some presuming to be their friends. General McClellan's
attitude is such that in the very selfishness of his nature he cannot but
wish to be successful--and I hope he will--and the Secretary of War is
precisely in the same situation. If the military commanders in the field
cannot be successful, not only the Secretary of War, but myself, for the
time being the master of both, cannot but be failures. I know General
McClellan wishes to be successful, and I know he does not wish it any more
than the Secretary of War for him, and both of them together no more
than I wish it. Sometimes we have a dispute about how many men General
McClellan has had, and those who would disparage him say he has had a very
large number, and those who would disparage the Secretary of War insist
that General McClellan has had a very small number. The basis for this is,
there is always a wide difference, and on this occasion perhaps a wider
one, between the grand total on McClellan's rolls and the men actually
fit for duty; and those who would disparage him talk of the grand total on
paper, and those who would disparage the Secretary of War talk of those
at present fit for duty. General McClellan has sometimes asked for things
that the Secretary of War did not give him. General McClellan is not to
blame for asking for what he wanted and needed, and the Secretary of War
is not to blame for not giving when he had none to give. And I say here,
so far as I know, the Secretary of War has withheld no one thing at any
time in my power to give him. I have no accusation against him. I believe
he is a brave and able man, and I stand here, as justice requires me to
do, to take upon myself what has been charged on the Secretary of War as
withholding from him. I have talked longer than I expected to do, and now
I avail myself of my privilege of saying no more.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR ANDREW. August 12, 1862.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, D.C.

GOVERNOR ANDREW, Boston, Mass.:

Your despatch saying "I can't get those regiments off because I can't
get quick work out of the V. S. disbursing officer and the paymaster" is
received. Please say to these gentlemen that if they do not work quickly I
will make quick work with them. In the name of all that is reasonable, how
long does it take to pay a couple of regiments? We were never more in need
of the arrival of regiments than now--even to-day.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR CURTIN. August 12, 1862.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D.C.

GOVERNOR CURTIN, Harrisburg, Penn.:

It is very important for some regiments to arrive here at once. What lack
you from us? What can we do to expedite matters? Answer.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL S. R. CURTIS. August 12, 1862.

WASHINGTON, D. C.

MAJOR-GENERAL CURTIS, St. Louis, Missouri:

Would the completion of the railroad some distance farther in the
direction of Springfield, Mo., be of any military advantage to you? Please
answer.


A. LINCOLN.




ADDRESS ON COLONIZATION TO A DEPUTATION OF COLORED MEN.

WASHINGTON, Thursday, August 14, 1862.

This afternoon the President of the United States gave an audience to a
committee of colored men at the White House. They were introduced by
Rev. J. Mitchell, Commissioner of Emigration, E. M. Thomas, the chairman,
remarked that they were there by invitation to hear what the Executive had
to say to them.

Having all been seated, the President, after a few preliminary
observations, informed them that a sum of money had been appropriated by
Congress, and placed at his disposition, for the purpose of aiding the
colonization, in some country, of the people, or a portion of them, of
African descent, thereby making it his duty, as it had for a long time
been his inclination, to favor that cause. And why, he asked, should the
people of your race be colonized, and where? Why should they leave this
country? This is, perhaps, the first question for proper consideration.
You and we are different races. We have between us a broader difference
than exists between almost any other two races. Whether it is right
or wrong I need not discuss; but this physical difference is a great
disadvantage to us both, as I think. Your race suffer very greatly, many
of them, by living among us, while ours suffer from your presence. In a
word, we suffer on each side. If this is admitted, it affords a reason, at
least, why we should be separated. You here are free men, I suppose.

[A voice--"Yes, sir!"]

Perhaps you have long been free, or all your lives. Your race are
suffering, in my judgment, the greatest wrong inflicted on any people.
But even when you cease to be slaves, you are yet far removed from being
placed on an equality with the white race. You are cut off from many of
the advantages which the other race enjoys. The aspiration of men is to
enjoy equality with the best when free, but on this broad continent not
a single man of your race is made the equal of a single man of ours. Go
where you are treated the best, and the ban is still upon you. I do not
propose to discuss this, but to present it as a fact, with which we have
to deal. I cannot alter it if I would. It is a fact about which we all
think and feel alike, I and you. We look to our condition. Owing to the
existence of the two races on this continent, I need not recount to you
the effects upon white men, growing out of the institution of slavery.

I believe in its general evil effects on the white race. See our present
condition--the country engaged in war--white men cutting one another's
throats--none knowing how far it will extend--and then consider what we
know to be the truth: But for your race among us there could not be war,
although many men engaged on either side do not care for you one way or
the other. Nevertheless I repeat, without the institution of slavery and
the colored race as a basis, the war could not have an existence. It is
better for us both, therefore, to be separated. I know that there are free
men among you, who, even if they could better their condition, are not as
much inclined to go out of the country as those who, being slaves, could
obtain their freedom on this condition. I suppose one of the principal
difficulties in the way of colonization is that the free colored man
cannot see that his comfort would be advanced by it. You may believe
that you can live in WASHINGTON, or elsewhere in the United States, the
remainder of your life, as easily, perhaps more so, than you can in any
foreign Country; and hence you may come to the conclusion that you have
nothing to do with the idea of going to a foreign country.

This is (I speak in no unkind sense) an extremely selfish view of the
case. You ought to do something to help those who are not so fortunate as
yourselves. There is an unwillingness on the part of our people, harsh
as it may be, for you free colored people to remain with us. Now, if you
could give a start to the white people, you would open a wide door for
many to be made free. If we deal with those who are not free at the
beginning, and whose intellects are clouded by slavery, we have very poor
material to start with. If intelligent colored men, such as are before me,
would move in this matter, much might be accomplished.

It is exceedingly important that we have men at the beginning capable
of thinking as white men, and not those who have been systematically
oppressed. There is much to encourage you. For the sake of your race you
should sacrifice something of your present comfort for the purpose of
being as grand in that respect as the white people. It is a cheering
thought throughout life that something can be done to ameliorate the
condition of those who have been subject to the hard usages of the world.
It is difficult to make a man miserable while he feels he is worthy of
himself and claims kindred to the great God who made him. In the American
Revolutionary war sacrifices were made by men engaged in it, but they were
cheered by the future. General WASHINGTON himself endured greater physical
hardships than if he had remained a British subject, yet he was a happy
man because he had engaged in benefiting his race, in doing something for
the children of his neighbors, having none of his own.

The colony of Liberia has been in existence a long time. In a certain
sense it is a success. The old President of Liberia, Roberts, has just
been with me--the first time I ever saw him. He says they have within the
bounds of that colony between three and four hundred thousand people, or
more than in some of our old States, such as Rhode Island or Delaware,
or in some of our newer States, and less than in some of our larger ones.
They are not all American colonists or their descendants. Something less
than 12,000 have been sent thither from this country. Many of the original
settlers have died; yet, like people else-where, their offspring outnumber
those deceased. The question is, if the colored people are persuaded to go
anywhere, why not there?

One reason for unwillingness to do so is that some of you would rather
remain within reach of the country of your nativity. I do not know how
much attachment you may have toward our race. It does not strike me that
you have the greatest reason to love them. But still you are attached to
them, at all events.

The place I am thinking about for a colony is in Central America. It is
nearer to us than Liberia not much more than one fourth as far as Liberia,
and within seven days' run by steamers. Unlike Liberia, it is a great line
of travel--it is a highway. The country is a very excellent one for any
people, and with great natural resources and advantages, and especially
because of the similarity of climate with your native soil, thus being
suited to your physical condition. The particular place I have in view is
to be a great highway from the Atlantic or Caribbean Sea to the Pacific
Ocean, and this particular place has all the advantages for a colony. On
both sides there are harbors--among the finest in the world. Again, there
is evidence of very rich coal-mines. A certain amount of coal is valuable
in any country. Why I attach so much importance to coal is, it will afford
an opportunity to the inhabitants for immediate employment till they get
ready to settle permanently in their homes. If you take colonists where
there is no good landing, there is a bad show; and so where there is
nothing to cultivate and of which to make a farm. But if something is
started so that you can get your daily bread as soon as reach you there,
it is a great advantage. Coal land is the best thing I know of with which
to commence an enterprise. To return--you have been talked to upon this
subject, and told that a speculation is intended by gentlemen who have an
interest in the country, including the coal-mines. We have been mistaken
all our lives if we do not know whites, as well as blacks, look to their
self-interest. Unless among those deficient of intellect, everybody
you trade with makes something. You meet with these things here and
everywhere. If such persons have what will be an advantage to them,
the question is whether it cannot be made of advantage to you. You are
intelligent, and know that success does not so much depend on external
help as on self-reliance. Much, therefore, depends upon yourselves. As to
the coal-mines, I think I see the means available for your self-reliance.
I shall, if I get a sufficient number of you engaged, have provision made
that you shall not be wronged. If you will engage in the enterprise,
I will spend some of the money intrusted to me. I am not sure you will
succeed. The government may lose the money; but we cannot succeed unless
we try, and we think with care we can succeed. The political affairs in
Central America are not in quite as satisfactory a condition as I wish.
There are contending factions in that quarter, but it is true all the
factions are agreed alike on the subject of colonization, and want it, and
are more generous than we are here.

To your colored race they have no objection I would endeavor to have
you made the equals, and have the best assurance that you should be the
equals, of the best.

The practical thing I want to ascertain is whether I can get a number of
able-bodied men, with their wives and children, who are willing to go when
I present evidence of encouragement and protection. Could I get a hundred
tolerably intelligent men, with their wives and children, and able to
"cut their own fodder," so to speak? Can I have fifty? If I could find
twenty-five able-bodied men, with a mixture of women and children--good
things in the family relation, I think,--I could make a successful
commencement. I want you to let me know whether this can be done or not.
This is the practical part of my wish to see you. These are subjects of
very great importance, worthy of a month's study, instead of a speech
delivered in an hour. I ask you, then, to consider seriously, not
pertaining to yourselves merely, nor for your race and ours for the
present time, but as one of the things, if successfully managed, the good
of mankind--not confined to the present generation, but as

  "From age to age descends the lay
   To millions yet to be,
   Till far its echoes roll away
   Into eternity."

The above is merely given as the substance of the President's remarks.

The chairman of the delegation briefly replied that they would hold a
consultation, and in a short time give an answer.

The President said: Take your full time-no hurry at all.

The delegation then withdrew.




TELEGRAM TO OFFICER AT CAMP CHASE, OHIO.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., August 14, 1862.

OFFICER in charge of Confederate prisoners at Camp Chase, Ohio:

It is believed that a Dr. J. J. Williams is a prisoner in your charge, and
if so tell him his wife is here and allow him to telegraph to her.


A. LINCOLN.




TO HIRAM BARNEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, August 16, 1862.

HON. HIRAM BARNEY, New York:

Mrs. L. has $1000 for the benefit of the hospitals and she will be
obliged, and send the pay, if you will be so good as to select and send
her $200 worth of good lemons and $100 worth of good oranges.


A. LINCOLN.




NOTE OF INTRODUCTION.

The Secretary of the Treasury and the Commissioner of Internal Revenue
will please see Mr. Talcott, one of the best men there is, and, if any
difference, one they would like better than they do me.

August 18, 1862


A. LINCOLN



TELEGRAM TO S. B. MOODY

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON August 18, 1862

S. B. MOODY, Springfield, Ill.:

Which do you prefer--commissary or quartermaster? If appointed it must be
without conditions.


A. LINCOLN.

Operator please send above for President. JOHN HAY




TO Mrs. PRESTON.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., August 21, 1862.

Mrs. MARGARET PRESTON, Lexington, Ky.:

Your despatch to Mrs. L. received yesterday. She is not well. Owing to
her early and strong friendship for you, I would gladly oblige you, but I
cannot absolutely do it. If General Boyle and Hon. James Guthrie, one
or both, in their discretion see fit to give you the passes, this is my
authority to them for doing so.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BURNSIDE OR GENERAL PARKE.

WASHINGTON, August 21.

TO GENERAL BURNSIDE OR GENERAL PARKE:

What news about arrival of troops?


A. LINCOLN.




TO G. P. WATSON.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., August 21, 1862.

GILLET F. WATSON, Williamsburg, Va.:

Your telegram in regard to the lunatic asylum has been received. It
is certainly a case of difficulty, but if you cannot remain, I cannot
conceive who under my authority can. Remain as long as you safely can and
provide as well as you can for the poor inmates of the institution.


A. LINCOLN.




TO HORACE GREELEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, August 22, 1862.

HON. HORACE GREELEY.

DEAR SIR:--I have just read yours of the 19th, addressed to myself through
the New York Tribune. If there be in it any statements or assumptions of
fact which I may know to be erroneous, I do not now and here controvert
them. If there be in it any inferences which I may believe to be falsely
drawn, I do not now and here argue against them. If there be perceptible
in it an impatient and dictatorial tone, I waive it in deference to an old
friend, whose heart I have always supposed to be right.

As to the policy I "seem to be pursuing," as you say, I have not meant to
leave any one in doubt.

I would save the Union. I would save it the shortest way under the
Constitution. The sooner the national authority can be restored, the
nearer the Union will be, "the Union as it was." If there be those who
would not save the Union unless they could at the same time save slavery,
I do not agree with them. If there be those who would not save the Union
unless they could at the same time destroy slavery, I do not agree with
them. My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and is
not either to save or destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without
freeing any slave, I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing
all the slaves, I would do it; and if I could do it by freeing some and
leaving others alone, I would also do that. What I do about slavery and
the colored race, I do because I believe it helps to save this Union; and
what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help to save
the Union. I shall do less whenever I shall believe what I am doing hurts
the cause, and I shall do more whenever I shall believe doing more will
help the cause. I shall try to correct errors when shown to be errors; and
I shall adopt new views so fast as they shall appear to be true views. I
have here stated my purpose according to my view of official duty, and
I intend no modification of my oft expressed personal wish that all men,
everywhere, could be free.

Yours,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR YATES.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D.C., August 13.1862. 8 A.M.

HON. R. YATES, Springfield, Ill.:

I am pained to hear that you reject the service of an officer we sent
to assist in organizing and getting off troops. Pennsylvania and Indiana
accepted such officers kindly, and they now have more than twice as many
new troops in the field as all the other States together. If Illinois
had got forward as many troops as Indiana, Cumberland Gap would soon be
relieved from its present peril. Please do not ruin us on punctilio.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR RAMSEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, August 27, 1862

GOVERNOR RAMSEY, St. Paul, Minnesota:

Yours received. Attend to the Indians. If the draft cannot proceed, of
course it will not proceed. Necessity knows no law. The government cannot
extend the time.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.

WASHINGTON CITY, August 27, 1862 4 P.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN, Alexandria, Virginia:

What news from the front?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL A. E. BURNSIDE.

August 27, 1862 4.30 p.m.

MAJOR-GENERAL BURNSIDE, Falmouth, Virginia:

Do you hear anything from Pope?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL A. E. BURNSIDE.

August 28, 1862. 2.40 P. M.

MAJOR-GENERAL BURNSIDE, Falmouth, Virginia:

Any news from General Pope?


A. LINCOLN




TELEGRAM TO COLONEL HAUPT.

August 28, 1862. 2.40 p. m.

COLONEL HAUPT, Alexandria, Virginia:

Yours received. How do you learn that the rebel forces at Manassas are
large and commanded by several of their best generals?


A. LINCOLN,




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL A. E. BURNSIDE.

WASHINGTON, D. C., August 29, 1862. 2.30 P.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL BURNSIDE, Falmouth, Virginia:

Any further news? Does Colonel Devon mean that sound of firing was
heard in direction of Warrenton, as stated, or in direction of Warrenton
Junction?


A. LINCOLN




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.

WASHINGTON, August 29, 1862. 2.30 p.m.

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN

What news from direction of Manassas Junction? What generally?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.

WASHINGTON, August 29, 1862. 4.10 P.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN: Yours of to-day just received. I think your first
alternative--to wit, "to concentrate all our available forces to open
communication with Pope"--is the right one, but I wish not to control.
That I now leave to General Halleck, aided by your counsels.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO COLONEL HAUPT.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., August 30, 1862. 10.20 A.M.

COLONEL HAUPT Alexandria, Virginia:

What news?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO COLONEL HAUPT.

WAR DEPARTMENT, August 30, 1862. 3.50 P.M. COLONEL HAUPT, Alexandria,
Virginia

Please send me the latest news.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BANKS.

August 30, 1862. 8.35 P.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL BANKS, Manassas Junction, Virginia:

Please tell me what news.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL J. T. BOYLE.

WAR DEPARTMENT, August 31, 1862.

GENERAL BOYLE, Louisville, Kentucky:

What force, and what the numbers of it, which General Nelson had in the
engagement near Richmond yesterday?


A. LINCOLN.




ORDER TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK.

WASHINGTON, D. C., September 3, 1862.

Ordered, That the general-in-chief, Major-General Halleck, immediately
commence, and proceed with all possible despatch; to organize an army,
for active operations, from all the material within and coming within his
control, independent of the forces he may deem necessary for the defense
of Washington when such active army shall take the field.

By order of the President:

EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War.

[Indorsement.]

Copy delivered to Major-General Halleck, September 3, 1862, at 10 p.m.

E. D. TOWNSEND, Assistant-Adjutant General.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL H. G. WRIGHT.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., September 7, 1862.

GENERAL WRIGHT, Cincinnati, Ohio:

Do you know to any certainty where General Bragg is? May he not be in
Virginia?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL J. T. BOYLE.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., September 7, 1862.

GENERAL BOYLE, Louisville, Kentucky:

Where is General Bragg? What do you know on the subject?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL J. E. WOOL.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D.C.

September 7, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL Wool, Baltimore:

What about Harper's Ferry? Do you know anything about it? How certain is
your information about Bragg being in the valley of the Shenandoah?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B, McCLELLAN.

WASHINGTON, September 8, 1862. 5 P.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN, Rockville, Maryland:

How does it look now?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL D. C. BUELL.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, September 8, 1862. 7.20 P.M.

GENERAL BUELL:

What degree of certainty have you that Bragg, with his command, is not now
in the valley of the Shenandoah, Virginia?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO T. WEBSTER.

WASHINGTON, September 9, 1862.

THOMAS WEBSTER, Philadelphia:

Your despatch received, and referred to General Halleck, who must control
the questions presented. While I am not surprised at your anxiety, I do
not think you are in any danger. If half our troops were in Philadelphia,
the enemy could take it, because he would not fear to leave the other half
in his rear; but with the whole of them here, he dares not leave them in
his rear.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, September 10, 1862. 10.15 AM.

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN, Rockville, Maryland:

How does it look now?


A. LINCOLN.




TO GOVERNOR CURTIN. September 11, 1862.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D.C.,



HIS EXCELLENCY ANDREW G. CURTIN, Governor of Pennsylvania, Harrisburg,
Pennsylvania.

SIR:--The application made to me by your adjutant general for authority
to call out the militia of the State of Pennsylvania has received careful
consideration. It is my anxious desire to afford, as far as possible,
the means and power of the Federal Government to protect the State
of Pennsylvania from invasion by the rebel forces; and since, in your
judgment, the militia of the State are required, and have been called upon
by you, to organize for home defense and protection, I sanction the call
that you have made, and will receive them into the service and pay of
the United States to the extent they can be armed, equipped, and usefully
employed. The arms and equipments now belonging to the General Government
will be needed for the troops called out for the national armies, so that
arms can only be furnished for the quota of militia furnished by the draft
of nine months' men, heretofore ordered. But as arms may be supplied by
the militia under your call, these, with the 30,000 in your arsenal, will
probably be sufficient for the purpose contemplated by your call. You will
be authorized to provide such equipments as may be required, according
to the regulations of the United States service, which, upon being turned
over to the United States Quartermaster's Department, will be paid for
at regulation prices, or the rates allowed by the department for such
articles. Railroad transportation will also be paid for, as in other
cases. Such general officers will be supplied as the exigencies of the
service will permit.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR CURTIN.

WASHINGTON, September 11, 1862 12M

HON. ANDREW G. CURTIN:

Please tell me at once what is your latest news from or toward Hagerstown,
or of the enemy's movement in any direction.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL C. B. McCLELLAN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, SEPTEMBER 11, 1862. 6 PM

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN:

This is explanatory. If Porter, Heintzelman, and Sigel were sent you, it
would sweep everything from the other side of the river, because the new
troops have been distributed among them, as I understand. Porter reports
himself 21,000 strong, which can only be by the addition of new troops.
He is ordered tonight to join you as quickly as possible. I am for sending
you all that can be spared, and I hope others can follow Porter very soon,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.

WASHINGTON CITY, D.C., SEPTEMBER 12, 1862

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN, Clarksburg, Maryland:

How does it look now?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR CURTIN.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON D.C., SEPTEMBER 12, 1862 10.35 AM

HON. ANDREW G. CURTIN, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania:

Your despatch asking for 80,000 disciplined troops to be sent to
Pennsylvania is received. Please consider we have not to exceed 80,000
disciplined troops, properly so called, this side of the mountains; and
most of them, with many of the new regiments, are now close in the rear
of the enemy supposed to be invading Pennsylvania. Start half of them to
Harrisburg, and the enemy will turn upon and beat the remaining half, and
then reach Harrisburg before the part going there, and beat it too when
it comes. The best possible security for Pennsylvania is putting the
strongest force possible in rear of the enemy.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL H. G. WRIGHT.

MILITARY TELEGRAPH, WASHINGTON, September 12, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL WRIGHT, Cincinnati, Ohio:

I am being appealed to from Louisville against your withdrawing troops
from that place. While I cannot pretend to judge of the propriety of what
you are doing, you would much oblige me by furnishing me a rational answer
to make to the governor and others at Louisville.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL J. T. BOYLE.

WASHINGTON, September 12, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL BOYLE, Louisville, Kentucky:

Your despatch of last evening received. Where is the enemy which you dread
in Louisville? How near to you? What is General Gilbert's opinion? With
all possible respect for you, I must think General Wright's military
opinion is the better. He is as much responsible for Louisville as
for Cincinnati. General Halleck telegraphed him on this very subject
yesterday, and I telegraph him now; but for us here to control him
there on the ground would be a babel of confusion which would be utterly
ruinous. Where do you understand Buell to be, and what is he doing?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO A. HENRY.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C, September 12, 1862.

HON. ALEXANDER HENRY, Philadelphia:

Yours of to-day received. General Halleck has made the best provision he
can for generals in Pennsylvania. Please do not be offended when I assure
you that in my confident belief Philadelphia is in no danger. Governor
Curtin has just telegraphed me: "I have advices that Jackson is crossing
the Potomac at Williamsport, and probably the whole rebel army will be
drawn from Maryland." At all events, Philadelphia is more than 150 miles
from Hagerstown, and could not be reached by the rebel army in ten days,
if no hindrance was interposed.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.

WASHINGTON CITY, D.C., September 12, 1862. 5.45 PM

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN:

Governor Curtin telegraphs me:

"I have advices that Jackson is crossing the Potomac at Williamsport, and
probably the whole rebel army will be down from Maryland."

Receiving nothing from Harper's Ferry or Martinsburg to-day, and positive
information from Wheeling that the line is cut, corroborates the idea that
the enemy is crossing the Potomac. Please do not let him get off without
being hurt.


A. LINCOLN.

    [But he did! D.W.]




REPLY TO REQUEST THE PRESIDENT ISSUE A PROCLAMATION OF EMANCIPATION.

A COMMITTEE FROM THE RELIGIOUS DENOMINATIONS OF CHICAGO,



September 13,1862.

The subject presented in the memorial is one upon which I have thought
much for weeks past, and I may even say for months. I am approached with
the most opposite opinions and advice, and that by religious men, who are
equally certain that they represent the Divine will. I am sure that either
the one or the other class is mistaken in that belief, and perhaps in some
respects both. I hope it will not be irreverent for me to say that if
it is probable that God would reveal his will to others, on a point so
connected with my duty, it might be supposed he would reveal it directly
to me; for, unless I am more deceived in myself than I often am, it is my
earnest desire to know the will of Providence in this matter. And if I
can learn what it is I will do it! These are not, however, the days of
miracles, and I suppose it will be granted that I am not to expect a
direct revelation. I must study the plain physical facts of the case,
ascertain what is possible, and learn what appears to be wise and right.

The subject is difficult, and good men do not agree. For instance, the
other day, four gentlemen of standing and intelligence from New York
called as a delegation on business connected with the war; but
before leaving two of them earnestly besought me to proclaim general
emancipation, upon which the other two at once attacked them. You
know also that the last session of Congress had a decided majority of
antislavery men, yet they could not unite on this policy. And the same is
true of the religious people. Why, the rebel soldiers are praying with a
great deal more earnestness, I fear, than our own troops, and expecting
God to favor their side: for one of our soldiers who had been taken
prisoner told Senator Wilson a few days since that he met nothing so
discouraging as the evident sincerity of those he was among in their
prayers. But we will talk over the merits of the case.

What good would a proclamation of emancipation from me do, especially
as we are now situated? I do not want to issue a document that the whole
world will see must necessarily be inoperative, like the Pope's bull
against the comet! Would my word free the slaves, when I cannot even
enforce the Constitution in the rebel States? Is there a single court, or
magistrate or individual that would be influenced by it there? And what
reason is there to think it would have any greater effect upon the
slaves than the late law of Congress, which I approved, and which offers
protection and freedom to the slaves of rebel masters who come within our
lines? Yet I cannot learn that that law has caused a single slave to come
over to us. And suppose they could be induced by a proclamation of freedom
from me to throw themselves upon us, what should we do with them? How can
we feed and care for such a multitude? General Butler wrote me a few days
since that he was issuing more rations to the slaves who have rushed to
him than to all the white troops under his command. They eat, and that is
all; though it is true General Butler is feeding the whites also by the
thousand; for it nearly amounts to a famine there. If, now, the pressure
of the war should call off our forces from New Orleans to defend some
other point, what is to prevent the masters from reducing the blacks
to slavery again? for I am told that whenever the rebels take any black
prisoners, free or slave, they immediately auction them off. They did so
with those they took from a boat that was aground in the Tennessee River
a few days ago. And then I am very ungenerously attacked for it! For
instance, when, after the late battles at and near Bull Run, an expedition
went out from Washington under a flag of truce to bury the dead and bring
in the wounded, and the rebels seized the blacks who went along to help,
and sent them into slavery, Horace Greeley said in his paper that the
government would probably do nothing about it. What could I do?

Now, then, tell me, if you please, what possible result of good would
follow the issuing of such a proclamation as you desire? Understand, I
raise no objections against it on legal or constitutional grounds; for, as
commander-in-chief of the army and navy, in time of war I suppose I have
a right to take any measure which may best subdue the enemy; nor do I
urge objections of a moral nature, in view of possible consequences of
insurrection and massacre at the South. I view this matter as a practical
war measure, to be decided on according to the advantages or disadvantages
it may offer to the suppression of the rebellion.

I admit that slavery is the root of the rebellion, or at least its sine
qua non. The ambition of politicians may have instigated them to act, but
they would have been impotent without slavery as their instrument. I will
also concede that emancipation would help us in Europe, and convince them
that we are incited by something more than ambition. I grant, further,
that it would help somewhat at the North, though not so much, I fear, as
you and those you represent imagine. Still, some additional strength would
be added in that way to the war, and then, unquestionably, it would weaken
the rebels by drawing off their laborers, which is of great importance;
but I am not so sure we could do much with the blacks. If we were to arm
them, I fear that in a few weeks the arms would be in the hands of the
rebels; and, indeed, thus far we have not had arms enough to equip our
white troops. I will mention another thing, though it meet only your scorn
and contempt. There are fifty thousand bayonets in the Union armies from
the border slave States. It would be a serious matter if, in consequence
of a proclamation such as you desire, they should go over to the rebels. I
do not think they all would--not so many, indeed, as a year ago, or as
six months ago--not so many to-day as yesterday. Every day increases their
Union feeling. They are also getting their pride enlisted, and want to
beat the rebels. Let me say one thing more: I think you should admit that
we already have an important principle to rally and unite the people, in
the fact that constitutional government is at stake. This is a fundamental
idea going down about as deep as anything.

Do not misunderstand me because I have mentioned these objections. They
indicate the difficulties that have thus far prevented my action in some
such way as you desire. I have not decided against a proclamation of
liberty to the slaves, but hold the matter under advisement; and I can
assure you that the subject is on my mind, by day and night, more than any
other. Whatever shall appear to be God's will, I will do. I trust that
in the freedom with which I have canvassed your views I have not in any
respect injured your feelings.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL H. G. WRIGHT.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., September 14, 1862.

GENERAL WRIGHT, Cincinnati, Ohio:

Thanks for your despatch. Can you not pursue the retreating enemy, and
relieve Cumberland Gap?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON,

September 15, 1862. 2.45 P.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN:

Your despatch of to-day received. God bless you, and all with you. Destroy
the rebel army if possible.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO J. K. DUBOIS. WASHINGTON, D.C.,

September 15, 1862. 3 P.M.

HON. K. DUBOIS, Springfield, Illinois:

I now consider it safe to say that General McClellan has gained a great
victory over the great rebel army in Maryland, between Fredericktown and
Hagerstown. He is now pursuing the flying foe.


A. LINCOLN.

[But not very fast--and he did not catch them! D.W.]




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR CURTIN,

WASHINGTON, D. C., September 16, 1862. Noon.

GOVERNOR CURTIN, Harrisburg:

What do you hear from General McClellan's army? We have nothing from him
to-day.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR MORTON.

WASHINGTON, D.C., September 17, 1862.

GOVERNOR O. P. MORTON, Indianapolis, Indiana:

I have received your despatch in regard to recommendations of General
Wright. I have received no such despatch from him, at least not that I can
remember. I refer yours for General Halleck's consideration.

A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL KETCHUM.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, September 20, 1862.

GENERAL KETCHUM, Springfield, Illinois:

How many regiments are there in Illinois, ready for service but for want
of arms? How many arms have you there ready for distribution?


A. LINCOLN.




PRELIMINARY EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION, SEPTEMBER 22, 1862.

THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A Proclamation.

I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States of America and
Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy thereof, do hereby proclaim and
declare that hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted for the
object of practically restoring the constitutional relation between the
United States and each of the States and the people thereof in which
States that relation is or may be suspended or disturbed.

That it is my purpose, upon the next meeting of Congress, to again
recommend the adoption of a practical measure tendering pecuniary aid
to the free acceptance or rejection of all slave States, so called, the
people whereof may not then be in rebellion against the United States,
and which States may then have voluntarily adopted, or thereafter may
voluntarily adopt, immediate or gradual abolishment of slavery within
their respective limits; and that the effort to colonize persons of
African descent with their consent upon this continent or elsewhere, with
the previously obtained consent of the governments existing there, will be
continued.

That on the 1st day of January, A.D. 1863, all persons held as slaves
within any State or designated part of a State the people whereof
shall then be in rebellion against the United States shall be then,
thenceforward, and forever free; and the executive government of the
United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will
recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons and will do no act or
acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make
for their actual freedom.


That the Executive will on the 1st day of January aforesaid, by
proclamation, designate the States and parts of States, if any, in which
the people thereof, respectively, shall then be in rebellion against the
United States; and the fact that any State or the people thereof shall on
that day be in good faith represented in the Congress of the United States
by members chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the qualified
voters of such State shall have participated shall, in the absence of
strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such
State and the people thereof are not then in rebellion against the United
States.

That attention is hereby called to an act of Congress entitled "An act to
make an additional article of war," approved March 13, 1862, and which act
is in the words and figure following:

"Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
States of America in Congress assembled, That hereafter the following
shall be promulgated as an additional article of war for the government of
the Army of the United States and shall be obeyed and observed as such.

"ART. All officers or persons in the military or naval service of the
United States are prohibited from employing any of the forces under their
respective commands for the purpose of returning fugitives from service or
labor who may have escaped from any person, to whom such service or labor
is claimed to be due, and any officer who shall be found guilty by a
court-martial of violating this article shall be dismissed from the
service.

"SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That this act shall take effect from
and after its passage."

Also to the ninth and tenth sections of an act entitled "An act to
suppress insurrection, to punish treason and rebellion, to seize and
confiscate the property of rebels, and for other purposes," approved July
17, 1862, and which sections are in the words and figures following:


"SEC. 9. And be it further enacted, That all slaves of persons who shall
hereafter be engaged in rebellion against the Government of the United
States, or who shall in any way give aid or comfort thereto, escaping
from such persons and taking refuge within the lines of the army, and all
slaves captured from such persons or deserted by them and coming under
the control of the Government of the United States, and all slaves of such
persons found on (or) being within any place occupied by rebel forces and
afterwards occupied by the forces of the United States, shall be deemed
captives of war and shall be forever free of their servitude and not again
held as slaves.

"SEC. 9. And be it further enacted, That no slave escaping into any State,
Territory, or the District of Columbia from any other State shall be
delivered up or in any way impeded or hindered of his liberty, except for
crime, or some offence against the laws, unless the person claiming
said fugitive shall first make oath that the person to whom the labor or
service of such fugitive is alleged to be due is his lawful owner, and has
not borne arms against the United States in the present rebellion, nor
in any way given aid and comfort thereto; and no person engaged in the
military or naval service of the United States shall, under any pretense
whatever, assume to decide on the validity of the claim of any person to
the service or labor of any other person, or surrender up any such person
to the claimant, on pain of being dismissed from the service."

And I do hereby enjoin upon and order all persons engaged in the military
and naval service of the United States to observe, obey, and enforce,
within their respective spheres of service, the act and sections above
recited.

And the Executive will in due time recommend that all citizens of the
United States who shall have remained loyal thereto throughout the
rebellion shall (upon the restoration of the constitutional relation
between the United States and their respective States and people, if that
relation shall have been suspended or disturbed) be compensated for all
losses by acts of the United States, including the loss of slaves.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the
United States to be affixed.

Done at the City of Washington, this twenty-second day of September, in
the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, and of the
independence of the United States the eighty-seventh.


A. LINCOLN.

By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.




PROCLAMATION SUSPENDING THE WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS,

SEPTEMBER 24, 1862.

THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

A Proclamation

Whereas it has become necessary to call into service not only volunteers,
but also portions of the militia of the States by draft, in order to
suppress the insurrection existing in the United States, and disloyal
persons are not adequately restrained by the ordinary processes of law
from hindering this measure, and from giving aid and comfort in various
ways to the insurrection:

Now, therefore, be it ordered

First. That during the existing insurrection, and as a necessary measure
for suppressing the same, all rebels and insurgents, their aiders and
abettors within the United States, and all persons discouraging volunteer
enlistments, resisting militia drafts, or guilty of any disloyal practice
affording aid and comfort to rebels against the authority of the
United States, shall be subject to martial law, and liable to trial and
punishment by courts-martial or military commissions.

Second. That the writ of habeas corpus is suspended in respect to all
persons arrested, or who are now, or hereafter during the rebellion shall
be, imprisoned in any fort camp, arsenal, military prison or other
place of confinement by any military authority or by the sentence of any
court-martial or military commission.

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the
United States to be affixed.

Done at the city of WASHINGTON, this twenty-fourth day of September. A.D.
eighteen hundred and sixty-two, and of the independence of the United
States the eighty-seventh.


A. LINCOLN.

By the President:  WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.




REPLY TO SERENADE, SEPTEMBER 24, 1862.

I appear before you to do little more than acknowledge the courtesy you
pay me, and to thank you for it. I have not been distinctly informed
why it is that on this occasion you appear to do me this honor, though I
suppose it is because of the proclamation. What I did, I did after a
very full deliberation, and under a very heavy and solemn sense of
responsibility. I can only trust in God I have made no mistake. I shall
make no attempt on this occasion to sustain what I have done or said by
any comment. It is now for the country and the world to pass judgment and,
maybe, take action upon it.

I will say no more upon this subject. In my position I am environed with
difficulties. Yet they are scarcely so great as the difficulties of those
who upon the battle-field are endeavoring to purchase with their blood and
their lives the future happiness and prosperity of this country. Let us
never forget them. On the fourteenth and seventeenth days of this present
month there have been battles bravely, skillfully, and successfully
fought. We do not yet know the particulars. Let us be sure that, in giving
praise to certain individuals, we do no injustice to others. I only ask
you, at the conclusion of these few remarks, to give three hearty cheers
for all good and brave officers and men who fought those successful
battles.




RECORD EXPLAINING THE DISMISSAL OF MAJOR JOHN J. KEY

FROM THE MILITARY SERVICE OF THE UNITED STATES.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,

September 26, 1862.

MAJOR JOHN J. KEY:

I am informed that, in answer to the question, "Why was not the rebel army
bagged immediately after the battle near Sharpsburg?" propounded to you
by Major Levi C. Turner, Judge Advocate, etc., you said: "That is not the
game. The object is, that neither army shall get much advantage of the
other; that both shall be kept in the field till they are exhausted, when
we will make a compromise and save slavery."

I shall be very happy if you will, within twenty-four hours from the
receipt of this, prove to me by Major Turner that you did not, either
literally or in substance, make the answer stated.

[Above delivered to Major Key at 10.25 a.m. September 27th.]

At about 11 o'clock A.M., September 27, 1862, Major Key and Major Turner
appeared before me. Major Turner says:

"As I remember it, the conversation was: 'Why did we not bag them after
the battle of Sharpsburg?' Major Key's reply was: 'That was not the game;
that we should tire the rebels out and ourselves; that that was the
only way the Union could be preserved, we come together fraternally, and
slavery be saved.'"

On cross-examination, Major Turner says he has frequently heard Major Key
converse in regard to the present troubles, and never heard him utter
a sentiment unfavorable to the maintenance of the Union. He has never
uttered anything which he, Major T., would call disloyalty. The particular
conversation detailed was a private one.

           [Indorsement on the above.]

In my view, it is wholly inadmissible for any gentleman holding a military
commission from the United States to utter such sentiments as Major Key is
within proved to have done. Therefore, let Major John J. Key be forthwith
dismissed from the military service of the United States.


A. LINCOLN.




TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN.

(Strictly private.)

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,

September 28, 1862.

HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN.

MY DEAR SIR: Your kind letter of the 25th is just received. It is known to
some that, while I hope something from the proclamation, my expectations
are not as sanguine as are those of some friends. The time for its effect
southward has not come; but northward the effect should be instantaneous.
It is six days old, and, while commendation in newspapers and by
distinguished individuals is all that a vain man could wish, the stocks
have declined, and troops come forward more slowly than ever. This, looked
soberly in the face, is not very satisfactory. We have fewer troops in
the field at the end of the six days than we had at the beginning--the
attrition among the old outnumbering the addition by the new. The North
responds to the proclamation sufficiently in breath; but breath alone
kills no rebels.

I wish I could write more cheerfully; nor do I thank you the less for the
kindness of your letter.

Yours very truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL HALLECK.

McCLELLAN'S HEADQUARTERS, October 3, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK:

General Stuart, of the rebel army, has sent in a few of our prisoners
under a flag of truce, paroled with terms to prevent their fighting the
Indians, and evidently seeking to commit us to their right to parole
prisoners in that way. My inclination is to send the prisoners back with
a definite notice that we will recognize no paroles given to our prisoners
by the rebels as extending beyond a prohibition against fighting them,
though I wish your opinion upon it, based both upon the general law and
our cartel. I wish to avoid violations of the law and bad faith. Answer as
quickly as possible, as the thing, if done at all, should be done at once.


A. LINCOLN, President




REMARKS TO THE ARMY OF THE POTOMAC AT FREDERICK, MARYLAND,

OCTOBER, 4, 1862.

I am surrounded by soldiers and a little farther off by the citizens of
this good City of Frederick. Nevertheless I can only say, as I did five
minutes ago, it is not proper for me to make speeches in my present
position. I return thanks to our soldiers for the good services they have
rendered, the energy they have shown, the hardships they have endured, and
the blood they have shed for this Union of ours; and I also return thanks,
not only to the soldiers, but to the good citizens of Frederick, and to
the good men, women, and children in this land of ours, for their devotion
to this glorious cause; and I say this with no malice in my heart towards
those who have done otherwise. May our children and children's children,
for a thousand generations, continue to enjoy the benefits conferred upon
us by a united country, and have cause yet to rejoice under these glorious
institutions, bequeathed to us by WASHINGTON and his compeers. Now, my
friends, soldiers and citizens, I can only say once more-farewell.




TELEGRAM FROM GENERAL HALLECK

TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN., WASHINGTON, D. C., October 6, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN:

I am instructed to telegraph you as follows: The President directs that
you cross the Potomac and give battle to the enemy, or drive him south.
Your army must move now, while the roads are good. If you cross the river
between the enemy and Washington, and cover the latter by your operation,
you can be reinforced by thirty thousand men. If you move up the valley of
the Shenandoah, not more than twelve or fifteen thousand can be sent you.
The President advises the interior line between Washington and the enemy,
but does not order it. He is very desirous that your army move as soon as
possible. You will immediately report what line you adopt, and when you
intend to cross the river; also to what point the reinforcements are to
be sent. It is necessary that the plan of your operations be positively
determined on, before orders are given for building bridges and repairing
railroads. I am directed to add that the Secretary of War and the
General-in-chief fully concur with the President in these directions.

H. W. HALLECK, General-in-Chief.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL McCLELLAN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, October 7, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN, Hdqs. Army of the Potomac:

You wish to see your family and I wish to oblige you. It might be left
to your own discretion; certainly so, if Mrs. M. could meet you here at
Washington.


A. LINCOLN.




TO T. H. CLAY.

WAR DEPARTMENT, October 8, 1862.

THOMAS H. CLAY, Cincinnati, Ohio:

You cannot have reflected seriously when you ask that I shall order
General Morgan's command to Kentucky as a favor because they have marched
from Cumberland Gap. The precedent established by it would evidently break
up the whole army. Buell's old troops, now in pursuit of Bragg, have done
more hard marching recently; and, in fact, if you include marching and
fighting, there are scarcely any old troops east or west of the mountains
that have not done as hard service. I sincerely wish war was an easier
and pleasanter business than it is; but it does not admit of holidays.
On Morgan's command, where it is now sent, as I understand, depends the
question whether the enemy will get to the Ohio River in another place.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL U. S. GRANT.

WASHINGTON, D.C., October 8, 1862

MAJOR-GENERAL GRANT:

I congratulate you and all concerned in your recent battles and victories.
How does it all sum up? I especially regret the death of General
Hackleman, and am very anxious to know the condition of General Oglesby,
who is an intimate personal friend.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL J. T. BOYLE.

WAR DEPARTMENT, October 11,1862. 4 P.M.

GENERAL BOYLE, Louisville, Kentucky:

Please send any news you have from General Buell to-day.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL J. T. BOYLE.

WAR DEPARTMENT, October 12, 1862. 4.10 P.M.

GENERAL BOYLE, Louisville, Kentucky:

We are anxious to hear from General Buell's army. We have heard nothing
since day before yesterday. Have you anything?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL CURTIS.

WASHINGTON, D. C., October 12, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL CURTIS, Saint Louis, Missouri:

Would the completion of the railroad some distance further in the
direction of Springfield, Mo., be of any military advantage to you? Please
answer.


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, October 13, 1862.

MY DEAR SIR--You remember my speaking to you of what I called your
over-cautiousness. Are you not over-cautious when you assume that you
cannot do what the enemy is constantly doing? Should you not claim to be
at least his equal in prowess, and act upon the claim?

As I understand, you telegraphed General Halleck that you cannot subsist
your army at Winchester unless the railroad from Harper's Ferry to that
point be put in working order. But the enemy does now subsist his army
at Winchester, at a distance nearly twice as great from railroad
transportation as you would have to do, without the railroad last named.
He now wagons from Culpepper Court-House, which is just about twice as far
as you would have to do from Harper's Ferry. He is certainly not more
than half as well provided with wagons as you are. I certainly should be
pleased for you to have the advantage of the railroad from Harper's Perry
to Winchester; but it wastes an the remainder of autumn to give it to you,
and, in fact, ignores the question of time, which cannot and must not be
ignored.

Again, one of the standard maxims of war, as you know, is "to operate
upon the enemy's communications as much as possible, without exposing your
own." You seem to act as if this applies against you, but cannot apply in
your favor. Change positions with the enemy, and think you not he would
break your communication with Richmond within the next twenty-four hours?
You dread his going into Pennsylvania. But if he does so in full force, he
gives up his communications to you absolutely, and you have nothing to do
but to follow and ruin him; if he does so with less than full force, fall
upon and beat what is left behind all the easier.

Exclusive of the water line, you are now nearer to Richmond than the enemy
is, by the route that you can and he must take. Why can you not reach
there before him, unless you admit that he is more than your equal on a
march? His route is the arc of a circle, while yours is the chord. The
roads are as good on yours as on his.

You know I desired, but did not order, you to cross the Potomac below
instead of above the Shenandoah and Blue Ridge. My idea was, that this
would at once menace the enemy's communications, which I would seize if
he would permit. If he should move northward, I would follow him
closely, holding his communications. If he should prevent our seizing his
communications, and move toward Richmond, I would press closely to him,
fight him if a favorable opportunity should present, and at least try to
beat him to Richmond on the inside track. I say "try;" if we never try,
we shall never succeed. If he makes a stand at Winchester, moving neither
north or south, I would fight him there, on the idea that if we cannot
beat him when he bears the wastage of coming to us, we never can when we
bear the wastage of going to him. This proposition is a simple truth,
and is too important to be lost sight of for a moment. In coming to us
he tenders us an advantage which we should not waive. We should not so
operate as to merely drive him away. As we must beat him somewhere or fail
finally, we can do it, if at all, easier near to us than far away. If we
cannot beat the enemy where he now is, we never can, he again being within
the entrenchments of Richmond.

[And, indeed, the enemy was let back into Richmond and it took another two
years and thousands of dead for McClelland cowardice--if that was all that
it was. I still suspect, and I think the evidence is overwhelming that he
was, either secretly a supporter of the South, or, what is more likely,
a politician readying for a different campaign: that of the Presidency of
the United States.]

Recurring to the idea of going to Richmond on the inside track, the
facility of supplying from the side away from the enemy is remarkable, as
it were, by the different spokes of a wheel extending from the hub toward
the rim, and this whether you move directly by the chord or on the inside
arc, hugging the Blue Ridge more closely. The chord line, as you see,
carries you by Aldie, Hay Market, and Fredericksburg; and you see how
turnpikes, railroads, and finally the Potomac, by Aquia Creek, meet you at
all points from WASHINGTON; the same, only the lines lengthened a little,
if you press closer to the Blue Ridge part of the way.

The gaps through the Blue Ridge I understand to be about the following
distances from Harper's Ferry, to wit: Vestal's, 5 miles; Gregory's, 13;
Snicker's, 18; Ashby's, 28; Manassas, 38; Chester, 45; and Thornton's,
53. I should think it preferable to take the route nearest the enemy,
disabling him to make an important move without your knowledge, and
compelling him to keep his forces together for dread of you. The gaps
would enable you to attack if you should wish. For a great part of the
way you would be practically between the enemy and both WASHINGTON and
Richmond, enabling us to spare you the greatest number of troops from
here. When at length running for Richmond ahead of him enables him to
move this way, if he does so, turn and attack him in rear. But I think he
should be engaged long before such a point is reached. It is all easy
if our troops march as well as the enemy, and it is unmanly to say they
cannot do it. This letter is in no sense an order.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR PIERPOINT.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, D. C., October 16, 1862.

GOVERNOR PIERPOINT, Wheeling, Virginia:

Your despatch of to-day received. I am very sorry to have offended you. I
appointed the collector, as I thought, on your written recommendation, and
the assessor also with your testimony of worthiness, although I know you
preferred a different man. I will examine to-morrow whether I am mistaken
in this.


A. LINCOLN.




EXECUTIVE ORDER ESTABLISHING A PROVISIONAL COURT IN LOUISIANA.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON CITY,

October 20, 1862.

The insurrection which has for some time prevailed in several of the
States of this Union, including Louisiana, having temporarily subverted
and swept away the civil institutions of that State, including the
judiciary and the judicial authorities of the Union, so that it has
become necessary to hold the State in military Occupation, and it being
indispensably necessary that there shall be some judicial tribunal
existing there capable of administering justice, I have therefore thought
it proper to appoint, and I do hereby constitute, a provisional court,
which shall be a court of record, for the State of Louisiana; and I do
hereby appoint Charles A Peabody, of New York, to be a provisional judge
to hold said court, with authority to hear, try, and determine all
causes, civil and criminal, including causes in law, equity, revenue, and
admiralty, and particularly all such powers and jurisdiction as belong
to the district and circuit courts of the United States, conforming his
proceedings so far as possible to the course of proceedings and practice
which has been customary in the courts of the United States and Louisiana,
his judgment to be final and conclusive. And I do hereby authorize and
empower the said judge to make and establish such rules and regulations
as may be necessary for the exercise of his jurisdiction, and empower the
said judge to appoint a prosecuting attorney, marshal, and clerk of the
said court, who shall perform the functions of attorney, marshal, and
clerk according to such proceedings and practice as before mentioned and
such rules and regulations as may be made and established by said judge.
These appointments are to continue during the pleasure of the President,
not extending beyond the military occupation of the city of New Orleans
or the restoration of the civil authority in that city and in the State of
Louisiana. These officers shall be paid, out of the contingent fund of the
War Department, compensation as follows:

The judge at the rate of $3500 per annum; the prosecuting attorney,
including the fees, at the rate of $3000 per annum; the marshal, including
the fees, at the rate of $3000 per annum; and the clerk, including the
fees, at the rate of $2500 per annum; such compensations to be certified
by the Secretary of War. A copy of this order, certified by the Secretary
of War and delivered to such judge, shall be deemed and held to be a
sufficient commission.


A. LINCOLN,

President of the United States.




TO GENERAL U.S. GRANT.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,

October 21, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL U. S. GRANT:

The bearer of this, Thomas R. Smith, a citizen of Tennessee, goes to that
State seeking to have such of the people thereof as desire to avoid the
unsatisfactory prospect before them, and to have peace again upon the
old terms, under the Constitution of the United States, to manifest
such desire by elections of members to the Congress of the United States
particularly, and perhaps a Legislature, State officers, and a United
States senator friendly to their object.

I shall be glad for you and each of you to aid him, and all others acting
for this object, as much as possible. In all available ways give the
people a show to express their wishes at these elections.

Follow law, and forms of law, as far as convenient, but at all events get
the expression of the largest number of the people possible. All see how
such action will connect with and affect the proclamation of September
22. Of course the men elected should be gentlemen of character, willing
to swear support to the Constitution as of old, and known to be above
reasonable suspicion of duplicity.

Yours very respectfully,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL JAMESON.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, October 21, 1862.

GENERAL JAMESON, Upper Stillwater, Me.:

How is your health now? Do you or not wish Lieut. R. P. Crawford to be
restored to his office?


A. LINCOLN.




GENERAL McCLELLAN'S TIRED HORSES

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, October 24 [25?], 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN:

I have just read your despatch about sore-tongued and fatigued horses.
Will you pardon me for asking what the horses of your army have done since
the battle of Antietam that fatigues anything?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION WASHINGTON, October 26, 1862. 11.30am

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN:

Yours, in reply to mine about horses, received. Of course you know the
facts better than I; still two considerations remain: Stuart's cavalry
outmarched ours, having certainly done more marked service on the
Peninsula and everywhere since. Secondly, will not a movement of our army
be a relief to the cavalry, compelling the enemy to concentrate instead
of foraging in squads everywhere? But I am so rejoiced to learn from
your despatch to General Halleck that you begin crossing the river this
morning.


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL DIX.

(Private and confidential.)

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON October 26, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL Dix, Fort Monroe, Virginia:

Your despatch to Mr. Stanton, of which the enclosed is a copy, has been
handed me by him. It would be dangerous for me now to begin construing and
making specific applications of the proclamation.

It is obvious to all that I therein intended to give time and opportunity.
Also, it is seen I left myself at liberty to exempt parts of States.
Without saying more, I shall be very glad if any Congressional district
will, in good faith, do as your despatch contemplates.

Could you give me the facts which prompted you to telegraph?

Yours very truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, October 27, 1862, 12.10

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN:

Yours of yesterday received. Most certainly I intend no injustice to any,
and if I have done any I deeply regret it. To be told, after more than
five weeks' total inaction of the army, and during which period we have
sent to the army every fresh horse we possibly could, amounting in the
whole to 7918, that the cavalry horses were too much fatigued to move,
presents a very cheerless, almost hopeless, prospect for the future,
and it may have forced something of impatience in my despatch. If not
recruited and rested then, when could they ever be? I suppose the river is
rising, and I am glad to believe you are crossing.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, October 27, 1862. 3.25pm

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN:

Your despatch of 3 P.M. to-day, in regard to filling up old regiments with
drafted men, is received, and the request therein shall be complied with
as far as practicable.

And now I ask a distinct answer to the question, Is it your purpose not
to go into action again until the men now being drafted in the States are
incorporated into the old regiments?


A. LINCOLN




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, October 29, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN:

Your despatches of night before last, yesterday, and last night all
received. I am much pleased with the movement of the army. When you get
entirely across the river let me know. What do you know of the enemy?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR CURTIN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, October 30, 1862.

GOVERNOR CURTIN, Harrisburg:

By some means I have not seen your despatch of the 27th about order No.154
until this moment. I now learn, what I knew nothing of before, that the
history of the order is as follows:

When General McClellan telegraphed asking General Halleck to have the
order made, General Halleck went to the Secretary of War with it, stating
his approval of the plan. The Secretary assented and General Halleck wrote
the order. It was a military question, which the Secretary supposed the
General understood better than he.

I wish I could see Governor Curtin.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR JOHNSON.

WAR DEPARTMENT, October 31, 1862.

GOV. ANDREW JOHNSON, Nashville, Tenn., via Louisville, Ky.:

Yours of the 29th received. I shall take it to General Halleck, but I
already know it will be inconvenient to take General Morgan's command from
where it now is. I am glad to hear you speak hopefully of Tennessee. I
sincerely hope Rosecrans may find it possible to do something for her.
David Nelson, son of the M. C. of your State, regrets his father's final
defection, and asks me for a situation. Do you know him? Could he be of
service to you or to Tennessee in any capacity in which I could send him?


A. LINCOLN.




MEMORANDUM.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,

November 1, 1862.

TO WHOM IT MAY CONCERN: Captain Derrickson, with his company, has been for
some time keeping guard at my residence, now at the Soldiers' Retreat. He
and his company are very agreeable to me, and while it is deemed proper
for any guard to remain, none would be more satisfactory than Captain
Derrickson and his company.


A. LINCOLN.




ORDER RELIEVING GENERAL G. B. McCLELLAN

AND MAKING OTHER CHANGES.

EXECUTIVE MANSION WASHINGTON, November 5, 1862.

By direction of the President, it is ordered that Major-General McClellan
be relieved from the command of the Army of the Potomac, and that
Major-General Burnside take the command of that army. Also that
Major-General Hunter take command of the corps in said army which is now
commanded by General Burnside. That Major-General Fitz. John Porter be
relieved from command of the corps he now commands in said army, and that
Major-General Hooker take command of said corps.

The general-in-chief is authorized, in [his] discretion, to issue an order
substantially as the above forthwith, or so soon as he may deem proper.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO M. F. ODELL.

EXECUTIVE MANSION WASHINGTON, November 5, 1862.

HON. M. F. ODELL, Brooklyn, New York:

You are re-elected. I wish to see you at once will you come? Please
answer.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO COLONEL LOWE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, November 7,1862.

COL. W. W. LOWE, Fort Henry, Tennessee:

Yours of yesterday received. Governor Johnson, Mr. Ethridge, and others
are looking after the very thing you telegraphed about.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL J. POPE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, November 10, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL POPE, St. Paul, Minnesota:

Your despatch giving the names of 300 Indians condemned to death is
received. Please forward as soon as possible the full and complete record
of their convictions; and if the record does not fully indicate the more
guilty and influential of the culprits, please have a careful statement
made on these points and forwarded to me. Send all by mail.


A. LINCOLN.




TO COMMODORE FARRAGUT.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, November 11, 1862.

COMMODORE FARRAGUT:

DEAR SIR:--This will introduce Major-General Banks. He is in command of
a considerable land force for operating in the South, and I shall be glad
for you to co-Operate with him and give him such assistance as you can
consistently with your orders from the Navy Department.

Your obedient servant,


A. LINCOLN.




ORDER CONCERNING BLOCKADE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, November 12, 1862.

Ordered, First: that clearances issued by the Treasury Department for
vessels or merchandise bound for the port of Norfolk, for the military
necessities of the department, certified by the military commandant at
Fort Monroe, shall be allowed to enter said port.

Second: that vessels and domestic produce from Norfolk, permitted by
the military commandant at Fort Monroe for the military purposes of his
command, shall on his permit be allowed to pass from said port to their
destination in any port not blockaded by the United States.


A. LINCOLN




ORDER CONCERNING THE CONFISCATION ACT.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, November 13, 1862.

Ordered, by the President of the United States, That the Attorney-General
be charged with the superintendence and direction of all proceedings to be
had under the act of Congress of the 17th of July, 1862, entitled "An act
to suppress insurrection, to punish treason and rebellion, to seize and
confiscate the property of rebels, and for other purposes," in so far
as may concern the seizure, prosecution, and condemnation of the estate,
property, and effects of rebels and traitors, as mentioned and provided
for in the fifth, sixth, and seventh sections of the said act of Congress.
And the Attorney-General is authorized and required to give to the
attorneys and marshals of the United States such instructions and
directions as he may find needful and convenient touching all such
seizures, prosecutions, and condemnations, and, moreover, to authorize all
such attorneys and marshals, whenever there may be reasonable ground to
fear any forcible resistance to them in the discharge of their respective
duties in this behalf, to call upon any military officer in command of
the forces of the United States to give to them such aid, protection,
and support as may be necessary to enable them safely and efficiently to
discharge their respective duties; and all such commanding officers are
required promptly to obey such call, and to render the necessary service
as far as may be in their power consistently with their other duties.


A. LINCOLN.

By the President:  EDWARD BATES, Attorney-General




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR JOHNSON.

WAR DEPARTMENT, November 14, 1862.

GOV. ANDREW JOHNSON, Nashville, Tennessee:

Your despatch of the 4th, about returning troops from western Virginia to
Tennessee, is just received, and I have been to General Halleck with it.
He says an order has already been made by which those troops have already
moved, or soon will move, to Tennessee.


A. LINCOLN.




GENERAL ORDER RESPECTING THE OBSERVANCE OF THE SABBATH DAY

IN THE ARMY AND NAVY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, November 15, 1862.


The President, Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, desires and
enjoins the orderly observance of the Sabbath by the officers and men in
the military and naval service. The importance for man and beast of
the prescribed weekly rest, the sacred rights of Christian soldiers and
sailors, a becoming deference to the best sentiment of a Christian people,
and a due regard for the divine will demand that Sunday labor in the army
and navy be reduced to the measure of strict necessity.

The discipline and character of the national forces should not suffer nor
the cause they defend be imperilled by the profanation of the day or name
of the Most High. "At this time of public distress," adopting the words of
Washington in 1776, "men may find enough to do in the service of God and
their country without abandoning themselves to vice and immorality."
The first general order issued by the Father of his Country after the
Declaration of Independence indicates the spirit in which our institutions
were founded and should ever be defended:

"The General hopes and trusts that every officer and man will endeavor to
live and act as becomes a Christian soldier defending the dearest rights
and liberties of his country."


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BLAIR

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, November 17,1862.

HON. F. P. BLAIR:

Your brother says you are solicitous to be ordered to join General
McLernand. I suppose you are ordered to Helena; this means that you are
to form part of McLernand's expedition as it moves down the river; and
General McLernand is so informed. I will see General Halleck as to whether
the additional force you mention can go with you.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL J. A. DIX.

WASHINGTON, D. C., November 18, 1861.

MAJOR-GENERAL Dix, Fort Monroe:

Please give me your best opinion as to the number of the enemy now at
Richmond and also at Petersburg.


A. LINCOLN.




TO GOVERNOR SHEPLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, November 21, 1862.

HON. G. F. SHEPLEY.

DEAR SIR:--Dr. Kennedy, bearer of this, has some apprehension that
Federal officers not citizens of Louisiana may be set up as candidates for
Congress in that State. In my view there could be no possible object in
such an election. We do not particularly need members of Congress from
there to enable us to get along with legislation here. What we do want is
the conclusive evidence that respectable citizens of Louisiana are willing
to be members of Congress and to swear support to the Constitution, and
that other respectable citizens there are willing to vote for them and
send them. To send a parcel of Northern men here as representatives,
elected, as would be understood (and perhaps really so), at the point of
the bayonet, would be disgusting and outrageous; and were I a member of
Congress here, I would vote against admitting any such man to a seat.

Yours very truly,


A. LINCOLN,




ORDER PROHIBITING THE EXPORT OF ARMS AND MUNITIONS OF WAR.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,

November 21, 1862.

Ordered, That no arms, ammunition, or munitions of war be cleared or
allowed to be exported from the United States until further orders. That
any clearance for arms, ammunition, or munitions of war issued heretofore
by the Treasury Department be vacated, if the articles have not passed
without the United States, and the articles stopped. That the Secretary
of War hold possession of the arms, etc., recently seized by his order at
Rouse's Point, bound for Canada.


A. LINCOLN.




DELAYING TACTICS OF GENERALS

TO GENERAL N. P. BANKS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, November 22, 1862.

MY DEAR GENERAL BANKS:--Early last week you left me in high hope with your
assurance that you would be off with your expedition at the end of that
week, or early in this. It is now the end of this, and I have just been
overwhelmed and confounded with the sight of a requisition made by you
which, I am assured, cannot be filled and got off within an hour short of
two months. I enclose you a copy of the requisition, in some hope that
it is not genuine--that you have never seen it. My dear General, this
expanding and piling up of impedimenta has been, so far, almost our ruin,
and will be our final ruin if it is not abandoned. If you had the articles
of this requisition upon the wharf, with the necessary animals to make
them of any use, and forage for the animals, you could not get vessels
together in two weeks to carry the whole, to say nothing of your twenty
thousand men; and, having the vessels, you could not put the cargoes
aboard in two weeks more. And, after all, where you are going you have no
use for them. When you parted with me you had no such ideas in your mind.
I know you had not, or you could not have expected to be off so soon as
you said. You must get back to something like the plan you had then, or
your expedition is a failure before you start. You must be off before
Congress meets. You would be better off anywhere, and especially where
you are going, for not having a thousand wagons doing nothing but hauling
forage to feed the animals that draw them, and taking at least two
thousand men to care for the wagons and animals, who otherwise might be
two thousand good soldiers. Now, dear General, do not think this is an
ill-natured letter; it is the very reverse. The simple publication of this
requisition would ruin you.

Very truly your friend,


A. LINCOLN.




TO CARL SCHURZ.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, November 24, 1862.

GENERAL CARL SCHURZ.

MY DEAR SIR--I have just received and read your letter of the 20th. The
purport of it is that we lost the late elections and the administration
is failing because the war is unsuccessful, and that I must not flatter
myself that I am not justly to blame for it. I certainly know that if
the war fails the administration fails, and that I will be blamed for
it, whether I deserve it or not. And I ought to be blamed if I could do
better. You think I could do better; therefore you blame me already.
I think I could not do better; therefore I blame you for blaming me. I
understand you now to be willing to accept the help of men who are not
Republicans, provided they have "heart in it." Agreed. I want no others.
But who is to be the judge of hearts, or of "heart in it"? If I must
discard my own judgment and take yours, I must also take that of others
and by the time I should reject all I should be advised to reject, I
should have none left, Republicans or others not even yourself. For be
assured, my dear sir, there are men who have "heart in it" that think you
are performing your part as poorly as you think I am performing mine. I
certainly have been dissatisfied with the slowness of Buell and McClellan;
but before I relieved them I had great fears I should not find successors
to them who would do better; and I am sorry to add that I have seen little
since to relieve those fears.

I do not see clearly the prospect of any more rapid movements. I fear we
shall at last find out that the difficulty is in our case rather than in
particular generals. I wish to disparage no one certainly not those
who sympathize with me; but I must say I need success more than I need
sympathy, and that I have not seen the so much greater evidence of getting
success from my sympathizers than from those who are denounced as the
contrary. It does seem to me that in the field the two classes have been
very much alike in what they have done and what they have failed to do.
In sealing their faith with their blood, Baker and Lyon and Bohien and
Richardson, Republicans, did all that men could do; but did they any
more than Kearny and Stevens and Reno and Mansfield, none of whom were
Republicans, and some at least of whom have been bitterly and repeatedly
denounced to me as secession sympathizers? I will not perform the
ungrateful task of comparing cases of failure.

In answer to your question, "Has it not been publicly stated in the
newspapers, and apparently proved as a fact, that from the commencement of
the war the enemy was continually supplied with information by some of the
confidential subordinates of as important an officer as Adjutant-General
Thomas?" I must say "No," as far as my knowledge extends. And I add that
if you can give any tangible evidence upon the subject, I will thank you
to come to this city and do so.

Very truly your friend,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL A. E. BURNSIDE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, November 25, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL BURNSIDE, Falmouth, Virginia:

If I should be in boat off Aquia Creek at dark tomorrow (Wednesday)
evening, could you, without inconvenience, meet me and pass an hour or two
with me?


A. LINCOLN.




TO ATTORNEY-GENERAL BATES.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,

November 29, 1862.

HON. ATTORNEY-GENERAL.

MY DEAR SIR:--Few things perplex me more than this question between
Governor Gamble and the War Department, as to whether the peculiar force
organized by the former in Missouri are State troops or United States
troops. Now, this is either an immaterial or a mischievous question.
First, if no more is desired than to have it settled what name the force
is to be called by, it is immaterial. Secondly, if it is desired for more
than the fixing a name, it can only be to get a position from which to
draw practical inferences; then it is mischievous. Instead of settling one
dispute by deciding the question, I should merely furnish a nest-full of
eggs for hatching new disputes. I believe the force is not strictly either
"State troops" or "United States troops." It is of mixed character. I
therefore think it is safer, when a practical question arises, to
decide that question directly, and not indirectly by deciding a general
abstraction supposed to include it, and also including a great deal more.
Without dispute Governor Gamble appoints the officers of this force, and
fills vacancies when they occur. The question now practically in dispute
is: Can Governor Gamble make a vacancy by removing an officer or accepting
a resignation? Now, while it is proper that this question shall be
settled, I do not perceive why either Governor Gamble or the government
here should care which way it is settled. I am perplexed with it only
because there seems to be pertinacity about it. It seems to me that it
might be either way without injury to the service; or that the offer of
the Secretary of War to let Governor Gamble make vacancies, and he (the
Secretary) to ratify the making of them, ought to be satisfactory.

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL CURTIS.

[Cipher.]

WASHINGTON, November 30, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL CURTIS, Saint Louis, Missouri:

Frank Blair wants Manter's Thirty-second, Curly's Twenty seventh, Boyd's
Twenty-fourth and the Ninth and Tenth Cavalry to go with him down the
river. I understand it is with you to decide whether he shall have them
and if so, and if also it is consistent with the public service, you will
oblige me a good deal by letting him have them.


A. LINCOLN.




ON EXECUTING 300 INDIANS

LETTER TO JUDGE-ADVOCATE-GENERAL.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 1, 1862.

JUDGE-ADVOCATE-GENERAL.

SIR:--Three hundred Indians have been sentenced to death in Minnesota by
a military commission, and execution only awaits my action. I wish your
legal opinion whether if I should conclude to execute only a part of them,
I must myself designate which, or could I leave the designation to some
officer on the ground?

Yours very truly,


A. LINCOLN.




ANNUAL MESSAGE TO CONGRESS, DECEMBER 1, 1862.

FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES--Since your
last annual assembling another year of health and bountiful harvests
has passed; and while it has not pleased the Almighty to bless us with a
return of peace, we can but press on, guided by the best light he gives
us, trusting that in his own good time and wise way all will yet be well.

The correspondence touching foreign affairs which has taken place during
the last year is herewith submitted, in virtual compliance with a request
to that effect, made by the House of Representatives near the close of the
last session of Congress.

If the condition of our relations with other nations is less gratifying
than it has usually been at former periods, it is certainly more
satisfactory than a nation so unhappily distracted as we are might
reasonably have apprehended. In the month of June last there were some
grounds to expect that the maritime powers which, at the beginning of
our domestic difficulties, so unwisely and unnecessarily, as we think,
recognized the insurgents as a belligerent, would soon recede from that
position, which has proved only less injurious to themselves than to
our own country. But the temporary reverses which afterward befell the
national arms, and which were exaggerated by our own disloyal citizens
abroad, have hitherto delayed that act of simple justice.

The civil war, which has so radically changed, for the moment, the
occupations and habits of the American people, has necessarily disturbed
the social condition, and affected very deeply the prosperity, of the
nations with which we have carried on a commerce that has been steadily
increasing throughout a period of half a century. It has, at the same
time, excited political ambitions and apprehensions which have produced
a profound agitation throughout the civilized world. In this unusual
agitation we have forborne from taking part in any controversy between
foreign states, and between parties or factions in such states. We have
attempted no propagandism and acknowledged no revolution, but we have left
to every nation the exclusive conduct and management of its own affairs.
Our struggle has been, of course, contemplated by foreign nations
with reference less to its own merits than to its supposed and often
exaggerated effects and consequences resulting to those nations
themselves, nevertheless, complaint on the part of this government, even
if it were just, would certainly be unwise.

The treaty with Great Britain for the suppression of the slave trade has
been put into operation with a good prospect of complete success. It is
an occasion of special pleasure to acknowledge that the execution of it
on the part of her Majesty's government has been marked with a jealous
respect for the authority of the United States and the rights of their
moral and loyal citizens.

The convention with Hanover for the abolition of the state dues has been
carried into full effect under the act of Congress for that purpose.

A blockade of 3000 miles of seacoast could not be established and
vigorously enforced in a season of great commercial activity like
the present without committing occasional mistakes and inflicting
unintentional injuries upon foreign nations and their subjects.

A civil war occurring in a country where foreigners reside and carry on
trade under treaty stipulations is necessarily fruitful of complaints
of the violation of neutral rights. All such collisions tend to excite
misapprehensions, and possibly to produce mutual reclamations between
nations which have a common interest in preserving peace and friendship.
In clear cases of these kinds I have so far as possible heard and
redressed complaints which have been presented by friendly powers. There
is still, however, a large and an augmenting number of doubtful cases
upon which the government is unable to agree with the governments whose
protection is demanded by the claimants. There are, moreover, many cases
in which the United States or their citizens suffer wrongs from the naval
or military authorities of foreign nations which the governments of those
states are not at once prepared to redress. I have proposed to some of the
foreign states thus interested mutual conventions to examine and adjust
such complaints. This proposition has been made especially to Great
Britain, to France, to Spain, and to Prussia. In each case it has been
kindly received, but has not yet been formally adopted.

I deem it my duty to recommend an appropriation in behalf of the owners of
the Norwegian bark Admiral P. Tordenskiold, which vessel was in May, 1861,
prevented by the commander of the blockading force off Charleston from
leaving that port with cargo, notwithstanding a similar privilege had
shortly before been granted to an English vessel. I have directed the
Secretary of State to cause the papers in the case to be communicated to
the proper committees.

Applications have been made to me by many free Americans of African
descent to favor their emigration, with a view to such colonization as
was contemplated in recent acts of Congress, Other parties, at home
and abroad--some from interested motives, others upon patriotic
considerations, and still others influenced by philanthropic
sentiments--have suggested similar measures, while, on the other hand,
several of the Spanish American republics have protested against the
sending of such colonies to their respective territories. Under these
circumstances I have declined to move any such colony to any state without
first obtaining the consent of its government, with an agreement on its
part to receive and protect such emigrants in all the rights of freemen;
and I have at the same time offered to the several states situated within
the Tropics, or having colonies there, to negotiate with them, subject to
the advice and consent of the Senate, to favor the voluntary emigration
of persons of that class to their respective territories, upon conditions
which shall be equal, just, and humane. Liberia and Haiti are as yet the
only countries to which colonists of African descent from here could go
with certainty of being received and adopted as citizens; and I regret
to say such persons contemplating colonization do not seem so willing to
migrate to those countries as to some others, nor so willing as I think
their interest demands. I believe, however, opinion among them in this
respect is improving, and that ere long there will be an augmented and
considerable migration to both these countries from the United States.

The new commercial treaty between the United States and the Sultan of
Turkey has been carried into execution.

A commercial and consular treaty has been negotiated, subject to the
Senate's consent, with Liberia, and a similar negotiation is now pending
with the Republic of Haiti. A considerable improvement of the national
commerce is expected to result from these measures.

Our relations with Great Britain, France, Spain, Portugal, Russia,
Prussia, Denmark, Sweden, Austria, the Netherlands, Italy, Rome, and the
other European states remain undisturbed. Very favorable relations also
continue to be maintained with Turkey, Morocco, China, and Japan.

During the last year there has not only been no change of our previous
relations with the independent states of our own continent, but more
friendly sentiments than have heretofore existed are believed to
be entertained by these neighbors, whose safety and progress are so
intimately connected with our own. This statement especially applies to
Mexico, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Honduras, Peru, and Chile.

The commission under the convention with the Republic of New Granada
closed its session without having audited and passed upon all the claims
which were submitted to it. A proposition is pending to revive the
convention, that it may be able to do more complete justice. The joint
commission between the United States and the Republic of Costa Rica has
completed its labors and submitted its report.

I have favored the project for connecting the United States with Europe by
an Atlantic telegraph, and a similar project to extend the telegraph from
San Francisco to connect by a Pacific telegraph with the line which is
being extended across the Russian Empire.

The Territories of the United States, with unimportant exceptions, have
remained undisturbed by the civil war; and they are exhibiting such
evidence of prosperity as justifies an expectation that some of them will
soon be in a condition to be organized as States and be constitutionally
admitted into the Federal Union.

The immense mineral resources of some of those Territories ought to be
developed as rapidly as possible. Every step in that direction would have
a tendency to improve the revenues of the government and diminish the
burdens of the people. It is worthy of your serious consideration whether
some extraordinary measures to promote that end cannot be adopted. The
means which suggests itself as most likely to be effective is a scientific
exploration of the mineral regions in those Territories with a view to the
publication of its results at home and in foreign countries--results which
cannot fail to be auspicious.

The condition of the finances win claim your most diligent consideration.
The vast expenditures incident to the military and naval operations
required for the suppression of the rebellion have hitherto been met with
a promptitude and certainty unusual in similar circumstances, and the
public credit has been fully maintained. The continuance of the war,
however, and the increased disbursements made necessary by the augmented
forces now in the field demand your best reflections as to the best modes
of providing the necessary revenue without injury to business and with the
least possible burdens upon labor.

The suspension of specie payments by the banks soon after the commencement
of your last session made large issues of United States notes unavoidable.
In no other way could the payment of troops and the satisfaction of other
just demands be so economically or so well provided for. The judicious
legislation of Congress, securing the receivability of these notes for
loans and internal duties and making them a legal tender for other debts,
has made them an universal currency, and has satisfied, partially at
least, and for the time, the long-felt want of an uniform circulating
medium, saving thereby to the people immense sums in discounts and
exchanges.

A return to specie payments, however, at the earliest period compatible
with due regard to all interests concerned should ever be kept in view.
Fluctuations in the value of currency are always injurious, and to reduce
these fluctuations to the lowest possible point will always be a
leading purpose in wise legislation. Convertibility, prompt and certain
convertibility, into coin is generally acknowledged to be the best and
surest safeguard against them; and it is extremely doubtful whether a
circulation of United States notes payable in coin and sufficiently large
for the wants of the people can be permanently, usefully, and safely
maintained.

Is there, then, any other mode in which the necessary provision for the
public wants can be made and the great advantages of a safe and uniform
currency secured?

I know of none which promises so certain results and is at the same time
so unobjectionable as the organization of banking associations, under
a general act of Congress, well guarded in its provisions. To such
associations the government might furnish circulating notes, on the
security of United States bonds deposited in the treasury. These notes,
prepared under the supervision of proper officers, being uniform in
appearance and security and convertible always into coin, would at once
protect labor against the evils of a vicious currency and facilitate
commerce by cheap and safe exchanges.

A moderate reservation from the interest on the bonds would compensate
the United States for the preparation and distribution of the notes and
a general supervision of the system, and would lighten the burden of
that part of the public debt employed as securities. The public credit,
moreover, would be greatly improved and the negotiation of new loans
greatly facilitated by the steady market demand for government bonds which
the adoption of the proposed system would create.

It is an additional recommendation of the measure, of considerable weight,
in my judgment, that it would reconcile as far as possible all existing
interests by the opportunity offered to existing institutions to
reorganize under the act, substituting only the secured uniform national
circulation for the local and various circulation, secured and unsecured,
now issued by them.

The receipts into the treasury from all sources, including loans and
balance from the preceding year, for the fiscal year ending on the 30th
June, 1862, were $583,885,247.06, of which sum $49,056,397.62 were derived
from customs; $1,795,331.73 from the direct tax; from public lands,
$152,203.77; from miscellaneous sources, $931,787.64; from loans in all
forms, $529,692,460.50. The remainder, $2,257,065.80, was the balance from
last year.

The disbursements during the same period were: For congressional,
executive, and judicial purposes, $5,939,009.29; for foreign intercourse,
$1,339,710.35; for miscellaneous expenses, including the mints, loans,
post-office deficiencies, collection of revenue, and other like charges,
$14,129,771.50; for expenses under the Interior Department, $3,102,985.52;
under the War Department, $394,368,407.36; under the Navy Department,
$42,674,569.69; for interest on public debt, $13,190,324.45; and for
payment of public debt, including reimbursement of temporary loan and
redemptions, $96,096,922.09; making an aggregate of $570,841,700.25,
and leaving a balance in the treasury on the 1st day of July, 1862, of
$13,043,546.81.

It should be observed that the sum of $96,096,922.09, expended for
reimbursements and redemption of public debt, being included also in the
loans made, may be properly deducted both from receipts and expenditures,
leaving the actual receipts for the year $487,788,324.97, and the
expenditures $474,744,778.16.

Other information on the subject of the finances will be found in the
report of the Secretary of the Treasury, to whose statements and views I
invite your most candid and considerate attention.

The reports of the Secretaries of War and of the Navy are herewith
transmitted. These reports, though lengthy, are scarcely more than brief
abstracts of the very numerous and extensive transactions and operations
conducted through those departments. Nor could I give a summary of them
here upon any principle which would admit of its being much shorter than
the reports themselves. I therefore content myself with laying the reports
before you and asking your attention to them.

It gives me pleasure to report a decided improvement in the financial
condition of the Post-Office Department as compared with several preceding
years. The receipts for the fiscal year 1861 amounted to $8,349,296.40,
which embraced the revenue from all the States of the Union for three
quarters of that year. Notwithstanding the cessation of revenue from the
so-called seceded States during the last fiscal year, the increase of
the correspondence of the loyal States has been sufficient to produce a
revenue during the same year of $8,299,820.90, being only $50,000 less
than was derived from all the States of the Union during the previous
year. The expenditures show a still more favorable result. The amount
expended in 1861 was $13,606,759.11. For the last year the amount has been
reduced to $11,125,364.13, showing a decrease of about $2,481,000 in the
expenditures as compared with the preceding year, and about $3,750,000 as
compared with the fiscal year 1860. The deficiency in the department
for the previous year was $4,551,966.98. For the last fiscal year it was
reduced to $2,112,814.57. These favorable results are in part owing to the
cessation of mail service in the insurrectionary States and in part to a
careful review of all expenditures in that department in the interest of
economy. The efficiency of the postal service, it is believed, has
also been much improved. The Postmaster-General has also opened a
correspondence through the Department of State with foreign governments
proposing a convention of postal representatives for the purpose of
simplifying the rates of foreign postage and to expedite the foreign
mails. This proposition, equally important to our adopted citizens and to
the commercial interests of this country, has been favorably entertained
and agreed to by all the governments from whom replies have been received.

I ask the attention of Congress to the suggestions of the
Postmaster-General in his report respecting the further legislation
required, in his opinion, for the benefit of the postal service.

The Secretary of the Interior reports as follows in regard to the public
lands:

"The public lands have ceased to be a source of revenue. From the 1st
July, 1861, to the 30th September, 1862, the entire cash receipts from the
sale of lands were $137,476.2--a sum much less than the expenses of our
land system during the same period. The homestead law, which will take
effect on the 1st of January next, offers such inducements to settlers
that sales for cash cannot be expected to an extent sufficient to meet the
expenses of the General Land Office and the cost of surveying and bringing
the land into market."

The discrepancy between the sum here stated as arising from the sales of
the public lands and the sum derived from the same source as reported from
the Treasury Department arises, as I understand, from the fact that the
periods of time, though apparently were not really coincident at the
beginning point, the Treasury report including a considerable sum now
which had previously been reported from the Interior, sufficiently large
to greatly overreach the sum derived from the three months now reported
upon by the Interior and not by the Treasury.

The Indian tribes upon our frontiers have during the past year manifested
a spirit of insubordination, and at several points have engaged in open
hostilities against the white settlements in their vicinity. The tribes
occupying the Indian country south of Kansas renounced their allegiance to
the United States and entered into treaties with the insurgents. Those
who remained loyal to the United States were driven from the country. The
chief of the Cherokees has visited this city for the purpose of restoring
the former relations of the tribe with the United States. He alleges that
they were constrained by superior force to enter into treaties with the
insurgents, and that the United States neglected to furnish the protection
which their treaty stipulations required.

In the month of August last the Sioux Indians in Minnesota attacked
the settlements in their vicinity with extreme ferocity, killing
indiscriminately men, women, and children. This attack was wholly
unexpected, and therefore no means of defense had been provided. It is
estimated that not less than 800 persons were killed by the Indians, and
a large amount of property was destroyed. How this outbreak was induced is
not definitely known, and suspicions, which may be unjust, need not to
be stated. Information was received by the Indian Bureau from different
sources about the time hostilities were commenced that a simultaneous
attack was to be made upon white settlements by all the tribes between
the Mississippi River and the Rocky Mountains. The State of Minnesota
has suffered great injury from this Indian war. A large portion of her
territory has been depopulated, and a severe loss has been sustained
by the destruction of property. The people of that State manifest much
anxiety for the removal of the tribes beyond the limits of the State as
a guaranty against future hostilities. The Commissioner of Indian Affairs
will furnish full details. I submit for your especial consideration
whether our Indian system shall not be remodeled. Many wise and good men
have impressed me with the belief that this can be profitably done.

I submit a statement of the proceedings of commissioners, which shows the
progress that has been made in the enterprise of constructing the Pacific
Railroad. And this suggests the earliest completion of this road, and also
the favorable action of Congress upon the projects now pending before them
for enlarging the capacities of the great canals in New York and Illinois,
as being of vital and rapidly increasing importance to the whole nation,
and especially to the vast interior region hereinafter to be noticed at
some greater length. I purpose having prepared and laid before you at an
early day some interesting and valuable statistical information upon this
subject. The military and commercial importance of enlarging the Illinois
and Michigan Canal and improving the Illinois River is presented in the
report of Colonel Webster to the Secretary of War, and now transmitted to
Congress. I respectfully ask attention to it.

To carry out the provisions of the act of Congress of the 15th of May
last, I have caused the Department of Agriculture of the United States to
be organized.

The Commissioner informs me that within the period of a few months this
department has established an extensive system of correspondence and
exchanges, both at home and abroad, which promises to effect highly
beneficial results in the development of a correct knowledge of recent
improvements in agriculture, in the introduction of new products, and in
the collection of the agricultural statistics of the different States.

Also, that it will soon be prepared to distribute largely seeds, cereals,
plants, and cuttings, and has already published and liberally diffused
much valuable information in anticipation of a more elaborate report,
which will in due time be furnished, embracing some valuable tests in
chemical science now in progress in the laboratory.

The creation of this department was for the more immediate benefit of a
large class of our most valuable citizens, and I trust that the
liberal basis upon which it has been organized will not only meet your
approbation, but that it will realize at no distant day all the fondest
anticipations of its most sanguine friends and become the fruitful source
of advantage to all our people.

On the 22d day of September last a proclamation was issued by the
Executive, a copy of which is herewith submitted.

In accordance with the purpose expressed in the second paragraph of that
paper, I now respectfully recall your attention to what may be called
"compensated emancipation."

A nation may be said to consist of its territory, its people, and its
laws. The territory is the only part which is of certain durability.
"One generation passeth away and another generation cometh, but the earth
abideth forever." It is of the first importance to duly consider and
estimate this ever enduring part. That portion of the earth's surface
which is owned and inhabited by the people of the United States is well
adapted to be the home of one national family, and it is not well
adapted for two or more. Its vast extent and its variety of climate and
productions are of advantage in this age for one people, whatever they
might have been in former ages. Steam, telegraphs, and intelligence have
brought these to be an advantageous combination for one united people.

In the inaugural address I briefly pointed out the total inadequacy of
disunion as a remedy for the differences between the people of the
two sections. I did so in language which I cannot improve, and which,
therefore, I beg to repeat:

"One section of our country believes slavery is right and ought to
be extended, while the other believes it is wrong and ought not to be
extended. This is the only substantial dispute. The fugitive-slave clause
of the Constitution and the laws for the suppression of the foreign slave
trade are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be in a
community where the moral Sense of the people imperfectly supports the law
itself. The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation
in both cases, and a few break over in each. This, I think, cannot be
perfectly cured, and it would be worse in both cases after the separation
of the sections than before. The foreign slave trade, now imperfectly
suppressed, would be ultimately revived without restriction in one
section, while fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not
be surrendered at all by the other.

"Physically speaking, we can not separate. We can not remove our
respective sections from each other nor build an impassable wall between
them. A husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence and
beyond the reach of each other, but the different parts of our country
cannot do this. They cannot but remain face to face, and intercourse,
either amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible,
then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory
after separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends
can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens
than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight
always; and when, after much loss on both sides and no gain on either, you
cease fighting, the identical old questions, as to terms of intercourse,
are again upon you."

There is no line, straight or crooked, suitable for a national boundary
upon which to divide. Trace through, from east to west, upon the line
between the free and slave country, and we shall find a little more than
one third of its length are rivers, easy to be crossed, and populated,
or soon to be populated, thickly upon both sides; while nearly all its
remaining length are merely surveyors' lines, over which people may walk
back and forth without any consciousness of their presence. No part of
this line can be made any more difficult to pass by writing it down on
paper or parchment as a national boundary. The fact of separation, if it
comes, gives up on the part of the seceding section the fugitive-slave
clause along with all other constitutional obligations upon the section
seceded from, while I should expect no treaty stipulation would ever be
made to take its place.

But there is another difficulty. The great interior region bounded east
by the Alleghenies, north by the British dominions, west by the Rocky
Mountains, and south by the line along which the culture of corn and
cotton meets, and which includes part of Virginia, part of Tennessee,
all of Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Wisconsin, Illinois, Missouri,
Kansas, Iowa, Minnesota, and the Territories of Dakota, Nebraska, and part
of Colorado, already has above 10,000,000 people, and will have 50,000,000
within fifty years if not prevented by any political folly or mistake.
It contains more than one third of the country owned by the United
States--certainly more than 1,000,000 square miles. Once half as populous
as Massachusetts already is, it would have more than 75,000,000 people. A
glance at the map shows that, territorially speaking, it is the great
body of the Republic. The other parts are but marginal borders to it, the
magnificent region sloping west from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific
being the deepest and also the richest in undeveloped resources. In the
production of provisions, grains, grasses, and all which proceed from them
this great interior region is naturally one of the most important in the
world. Ascertain from statistics the small proportion of the region which
has yet been brought into cultivation, and also the large and rapidly
increasing amount of products, and we shall be overwhelmed with
the magnitude of the prospect presented. And yet this region has no
seacoast--touches no ocean anywhere. As part of one nation, its people
now find, and may forever find, their way to Europe by New York, to South
America and Africa by New Orleans, and to Asia by San Francisco; but
separate our common country into two nations, as designed by the present
rebellion, and every man of this great interior region is thereby cut off
from some one or more of these outlets, not perhaps by a physical barrier,
but by embarrassing and onerous trade regulations.

And this is true, wherever a dividing or boundary line may be fixed. Place
it between the now free and slave country, or place it south of Kentucky
or north of Ohio, and still the truth remains that none south of it can
trade to any port or place north of it, and none north of it can trade to
any port or place south of it, except upon terms dictated by a government
foreign to them. These outlets, east, west, and south, are indispensable
to the well-being of the people inhabiting and to inhabit this vast
interior region. Which of the three may be the best is no proper question.
All are better than either, and all of right belong to that people and to
their successors forever. True to themselves, they will not ask where a
line of separation shall be, but will vow rather that there shall be no
such line.

Nor are the marginal regions less interested in these communications to
and through them to the great outside world. They, too, and each of them,
must have access to this Egypt of the West without paying toll at the
crossing of any national boundary.

Our national strife springs not from our permanent part; not from the land
we inhabit; not from our national homestead. There is no possible severing
of this but would multiply and not mitigate evils among us. In all its
adaptations and aptitudes it demands union and abhors separation. In fact,
it would ere long force reunion, however much of blood and treasure the
separation might have cost.

Our strife pertains to ourselves--to the passing generations of men--and
it can without convulsion be hushed forever with the passing of one
generation.

In this view I recommend the adoption of the following resolution and
articles amendatory to the Constitution of the United States:

Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States
of America, in Congress assembled, (two thirds of both Houses concurring),
That the following articles be proposed to the Legislatures (or
conventions) of the several States as amendments to the Constitution of
the United States, all or any of which articles, when ratified by three
fourths of the said Legislatures (or conventions), to be valid as part or
parts of the said Constitution, viz.

ART.--Every State wherein slavery now exists which shall abolish the same
therein at any time or times before the 1st day of January, A.D. 1900,
shall receive compensation from the United States as follows, to wit:

The President of the United States shall deliver to every such State bonds
of the United States bearing interest at the rate of -- per cent. per
annum to an amount equal to the aggregate sum of ------ for each slave
shown to have been therein by the Eighth Census of the United States, said
bonds to be delivered to such State by instalments or in one parcel at
the completion of the abolishment, accordingly as the same shall have been
gradual or at one time within such State; and interest shall begin to run
upon any such bond only from the proper time of its delivery as aforesaid.
Any State having received bonds as aforesaid and afterwards reintroducing
or tolerating slavery therein shall refund to the United States the bonds
so received, or the value thereof, and all interest paid thereon.

ART.--All slaves who shall have enjoyed actual freedom by the chances of
the war at any time before the end of the rebellion shall be forever
free; but all owners of such who shall not have been disloyal shall be
compensated for them at the same rates as is provided for States adopting
abolishment of slavery, but in such way that no slave shall be twice
accounted for.

ART.--Congress may appropriate money and otherwise provide for colonizing
free colored persons with their own consent at any place or places without
the United States.

I beg indulgence to discuss these proposed articles at some length.
Without slavery the rebellion could never have existed; without slavery it
could not continue.

Among the friends of the Union there is great diversity of sentiment and
of policy in regard to slavery and the African race amongst us. Some
would perpetuate slavery; some would abolish it suddenly and without
compensation; some would abolish it gradually and with compensation; some
would remove the freed people from us, and some would retain them with us;
and there are yet other minor diversities. Because of these diversities we
waste much strength in struggles among ourselves. By mutual concession we
should harmonize and act together. This would be compromise, but it would
be compromise among the friends and not with the enemies of the Union.
These articles are intended to embody a plan of such mutual concessions.
If the plan shall be adopted, it is assumed that emancipation will follow,
at least in several of the States.

As to the first article, the main points are, first, the emancipation;
secondly, the length of time for consummating it (thirty-seven years);
and, thirdly, the compensation.

The emancipation will be unsatisfactory to the advocates of perpetual
slavery, but the length of time should greatly mitigate their
dissatisfaction. The time spares both races from the evils of sudden
derangement--in fact, from the necessity of any derangement--while most
of those whose habitual course of thought will be disturbed by the measure
will have passed away before its consummation. They will never see it.
Another class will hail the prospect of emancipation, but will deprecate
the length of time. They will feel that it gives too little to the now
living slaves. But it really gives them much. It saves them from the
vagrant destitution which must largely attend immediate emancipation in
localities where their numbers are very great, and it gives the inspiring
assurance that their posterity shall be free forever. The plan leaves to
each State choosing to act under it to abolish slavery now or at the end
of the century, or at any intermediate tune, or by degrees extending
over the whole or any part of the period, and it obliges no two States to
proceed alike. It also provides for compensation, and generally the
mode of making it. This, it would seem, must further mitigate the
dissatisfaction of those who favor perpetual slavery, and especially of
those who are to receive the compensation. Doubtless some of those who are
to pay and not to receive will object. Yet the measure is both just and
economical. In a certain sense the liberation of slaves is the destruction
of property--property acquired by descent or by purchase, the same as any
other property. It is no less true for having been often said that the
people of the South are not more responsible for the original introduction
of this property than are the people of the North; and when it is
remembered how unhesitatingly we all use cotton and sugar and share the
profits of dealing in them, it may not be quite safe to say that the South
has been more responsible than the North for its continuance. If, then,
for a common object this property is to be sacrificed, is it not just that
it be done at a common charge?

And if with less money, or money more easily paid, we can preserve the
benefits of the Union by this means than we can by the war alone, is it
not also economical to do it? Let us consider it, then. Let us ascertain
the sum we have expended in the war Since compensated emancipation
was proposed last March, and consider whether if that measure had been
promptly accepted by even some of the slave States the same sum would not
have done more to close the war than has been otherwise done. If so,
the measure would save money, and in that view would be a prudent and
economical measure. Certainly it is not so easy to pay something as it is
to pay nothing, but it is easier to pay a large sum than it is to pay a
larger one. And it is easier to pay any sum when we are able than it is to
pay it before we are able. The war requires large sums, and requires
them at once. The aggregate sum necessary for compensated emancipation of
course would be large. But it would require no ready cash, nor the bonds
even any faster than the emancipation progresses. This might not, and
probably would not, close before the end of the thirty-seven years. At
that time we shall probably have a hundred millions of people to share the
burden, instead of thirty-one millions as now. And not only so, but the
increase of our population may be expected to continue for a long time
after that period as rapidly as before, because our territory will not
have become full. I do not state this inconsiderately. At the same ratio
of increase which we have maintained, on an average, from our first
national census, in 1790, until that of 1860, we should in 1900 have a
population of 103,208,415. And why may we not continue that ratio far
beyond that period? Our abundant room, our broad national homestead,
is our ample resource. Were our territory as limited as are the British
Isles, very certainly our population could not expand as stated. Instead
of receiving the foreign born as now, we should be compelled to send part
of the native born away. But such is not our condition. We have 2,963,000
square miles. Europe has 3,800,000, with a population averaging 73 persons
to the square mile. Why may not our country at some time average as many?
Is it less fertile? Has it more waste surface by mountains, rivers,
lakes, deserts, or other causes? Is it inferior to Europe in any natural
advantage? If, then, we are at some time to be as populous as Europe, how
soon? As to when this may be, we can judge by the past and the present;
as to when it will be, if ever, depends much on whether we maintain the
Union...............

          [a page of tables of projected statistics]

These figures show that our country may be as populous as Europe now is
at some point between 1920 and 1930, say about 1925--our territory, at 73
persons to the square mile, being of capacity to contain 217,186,000.

And we will reach this, too, if we do not ourselves relinquish the chance
by the folly and evils of disunion or by long and exhausting war springing
from the only great element of national discord among us. While it cannot
be foreseen exactly how much one huge example of secession, breeding
lesser ones indefinitely, would retard population, civilization, and
prosperity, no one can doubt that the extent of it would be very great and
injurious.

The proposed emancipation would shorten the war, perpetuate peace,
insure this increase of population, and proportionately the wealth of
the country. With these we should pay all the emancipation would cost,
together with our other debt, easier than we should pay our other debt
without it. If we had allowed our old national debt to run at six per
cent. per annum, simple interest, from the end of our revolutionary
struggle until to-day, without paying anything on either principal or
interest, each man of us would owe less upon that debt now than each man
owed upon it then; and this because our increase of men through the
whole period has been greater than six per cent.--has run faster than the
interest upon the debt. Thus time alone relieves a debtor nation, so long
as its population increases faster than unpaid interest accumulates on its
debt.

This fact would be no excuse for delaying payment of what is justly due,
but it shows the great importance of time in this connection--the great
advantage of a policy by which we shall not have to pay until we number
100,000,000 what by a different policy we would have to pay now, when
we number but 31,000,000. In a word, it shows that a dollar will be much
harder to pay for the war than will be a dollar for emancipation on the
proposed plan. And then the latter will cost no blood, no precious life.
It will be a saving of both.

As to the second article, I think it would be impracticable to return
to bondage the class of persons therein contemplated. Some of them,
doubtless, in the property sense belong to loyal owners, and hence
Provision is made in this article for compensating such.

The third article relates to the future of the freed people. It does not
oblige, but merely authorizes Congress to aid in colonizing such as may
consent. This ought nut to be regarded as objectionable on the one hand or
on the other, insomuch as it comes to nothing unless by the mutual
consent of the people to be deported and the American voters through their
representatives in Congress.

I cannot make it better known than it already is that I strongly favor
colonization; and yet I wish to say there is an objection urged against
free colored persons remaining in the country which is largely imaginary,
if not sometimes malicious.

It is insisted that their presence would injure and displace white labor
and white laborers. If there ever could be a proper time for mere catch
arguments that time surely is not now. In times like the present men
should utter nothing for which they would not willingly be responsible
through time and in eternity. Is it true, then, that colored people can
displace any more white labor by being free than by remaining slaves?
If they stay in their old places, they jostle no white laborers; if they
leave their old places, they leave them open to white laborers. Logically,
there is neither more nor less of it. Emancipation, even without
deportation, would probably enhance the wages of white labor, and very
surely would not reduce them. Thus the customary amount of labor would
still have to be performed. The freed people would surely not do more than
their old proportion of it, and very probably for a time would do less,
leaving an increased part to white laborers, bringing their labor
into greater demand, and consequently enhancing the wages of it. With
deportation, even to a limited extent, enhanced wages to white labor
is mathematically certain. Labor is like any other commodity in the
market-increase the demand for it and you increase the price of it. Reduce
the supply of black labor by colonizing the black laborer out of the
country, and by precisely so much you increase the demand for and wages of
white labor.

But it is dreaded that the freed people will swarm forth and cover the
whole land. Are they not already in the land? Will liberation make them
any more numerous? Equally distributed among the whites of the whole
country, and there would be but one colored to seven whites. Could the
one in any way greatly disturb the seven? There are many communities now
having more than one free colored person to seven whites, and this without
any apparent consciousness of evil from it. The District of Columbia
and the States of Maryland and Delaware are all in this condition. The
District has more than one free colored to six whites, and yet in its
frequent petitions to Congress I believe it has never presented the
presence of free colored persons as one of its grievances. But why should
emancipation South send the free people North? People of any color seldom
run unless there be something to run from. Heretofore colored people to
some extent have fled North from bondage, and now, perhaps, from both
bondage and destitution. But if gradual emancipation and deportation be
adopted, they will have neither to flee from. Their old masters will give
them wages at least until new laborers can be procured, and the freedmen
in turn will gladly give their labor for the wages till new homes can be
found for them in congenial climes and with people of their own blood and
race. This proposition can be trusted on the mutual interests involved.
And in any event, cannot the North decide for itself whether to receive
them?

Again, as practice proves more than theory in any case, has there been
any irruption of colored people northward because of the abolishment of
slavery in this District last spring?

What I have said of the proportion of free colored persons to the whites
in the District is from the census of 1860, having no reference to
persons called contrabands nor to those made free by the act of Congress
abolishing slavery here.

The plan consisting of these articles is recommended, not but that a
restoration of the national authority would be accepted without its
adoption.

Nor will the war nor proceedings under the proclamation of September 22,
1862, be stayed because of the recommendation of this plan. Its timely
adoption, I doubt not, would bring restoration, and thereby stay both.

And notwithstanding this plan, the recommendation that Congress provide
by law for compensating any State which may adopt emancipation before this
plan shall have been acted upon is hereby earnestly renewed. Such would be
only an advance part of the plan, and the same arguments apply to both.

This plan is recommended as a means, not in exclusion of, but additional
to, all others for restoring and preserving the national authority
throughout the Union. The subject is presented exclusively in its
economical aspect. The plan would, I am confident, secure peace more
speedily and maintain it more permanently than can be done by force alone,
while all it would cost, considering amounts and manner of payment and
times of payment, would be easier paid than will be the additional cost of
the war if we rely solely upon force. It is much, very much, that it would
cost no blood at all.

The plan is proposed as permanent constitutional law. It cannot become
such without the concurrence of, first, two thirds of Congress, and
afterwards three fourths of the States. The requisite three fourths of
the States will necessarily include seven of the slave States. Their
concurrence, if obtained, will give assurance of their severally adopting
emancipation at no very distant day upon the new constitutional terms.
This assurance would end the struggle now and save the Union forever.

I do not forget the gravity which should characterize a paper addressed to
the Congress of the nation by the chief magistrate of the nation, nor do
I forget that some of you are my seniors, nor that many of you have more
experience than I in the conduct of public affairs. Yet I trust that in
view of the great responsibility resting upon me you will perceive no want
of respect to yourselves in any undue earnestness I may seem to display.

Is it doubted, then, that the plan I propose, if adopted, would shorten
the war, and thus lessen its expenditure of money and of blood? Is
it doubted that it would restore the national authority and national
prosperity and perpetuate both indefinitely? Is it doubted that we
here--Congress and executive--can secure its adoption? Will not the good
people respond to a united and earnest appeal from us? Can we, can they,
by any other means so certainly or so speedily assure these vital objects?
We can succeed only by concert. It is not "Can any of us imagine better?"
but "Can we all do better?" Object whatsoever is possible, still the
question recurs, "Can we do better?" The dogmas of the quiet past
are inadequate to the stormy present. The occasion is piled high with
difficulty, and we must rise with the occasion. As our case is new, so we
must think anew and act anew. We must disenthrall ourselves, and then we
shall save our country.

Fellow-citizens, we can not escape history. We of this Congress and this
administration will be remembered in spite of ourselves. No personal
significance or insignificance can spare one or another of us. The fiery
trial through which we pass will light us down in honor or dishonor to the
latest generation. We say we are for the Union. The world will not forget
that we say this. We know how to save the Union. The world knows we
do know how to save it. We, even we here, hold the power and bear the
responsibility. In giving freedom to the slave we assure freedom to the
free--honorable alike in what we give and what we preserve. We shall nobly
save or meanly lose the last, best hope of earth. Other means may succeed;
this could not fail. The way is plain, peaceful, generous, just--a way
which if followed the world will forever applaud and God must forever
bless.


A. LINCOLN.




MESSAGE TO CONGRESS.

WASHINGTON, December 3, 1862.

TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:

On the 3d of November, 1861, a collision took place off the coast of Cuba
between the United States war steamer San Jacinto and the French brig
Jules et Marie, resulting in serious damage to the latter. The obligation
of this Government to make amends therefor could not be questioned if the
injury resulted from any fault On the part of the San Jacinto. With a view
to ascertain this, the subject was referred to a commission of the United
States and French naval officers at New York, with a naval officer of
Italy as an arbiter. The conclusion arrived at was that the collision was
occasioned by the failure of the San Jacinto seasonably to reverse
her engine. It then became necessary to ascertain the amount of
indemnification due to the injured party. The United States consul-general
at Havana was consequently instructed to confer with the consul of France
on this point, and they have determined that the sum of $9,500 is an
equitable allowance under the circumstances.

I recommend an appropriation of this sum for the benefit of the owners of
the Jules et Marie.

A copy of the letter of Mr. Shufeldt, the consul-general of the United
States at Havana, to the Secretary of State on the subject is herewith
transmitted.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO H. J. RAYMOND.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,

December 7, 1862.

Hon. H. J. RAYMOND, Times Office, New York:

Yours of November 25 reached me only yesterday. Thank you for it. I shall
consider and remember your suggestions.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO B. G. BROWN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON December 7, 1862.

HON. B. GRATZ BROWN, Saint Louis, Missouri:

Yours of the 3d received yesterday. Have already done what I can in the
premises.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR JOHNSON.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 8, 1862. GOVERNOR ANDREW JOHNSON,
Nashville, Tenn.:

Jesse H. Strickland is here asking authority to raise a regiment of
Tennesseeans. Would you advise that the authority be given him?


A. LINCOLN.




MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. December 8, 1862.

WASHINGTON, D. C.

TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:

In conformity to the law of July 16, 1862, I most cordially recommend,
that Commander John L. Worden, United States Navy, receive a vote of
thanks of Congress for the eminent skill and gallantry exhibited by him
in the late remarkable battle between the United States ironclad steamer
Monitor, under his command, and the rebel ironclad steamer Merrimac, in
March last.

The thanks of Congress for his services on the occasion referred to were
tendered by a resolution approved July 11, 1862, but the recommendation is
now specially made in order to comply with the requirements of the ninth
section of the act of July 16, 1862, which is in the following words,
viz.:

"That any line officer of the navy or marine corps may be advanced one
grade if upon recommendation of the President by name he receives the
thanks of Congress for highly distinguished conduct in conflict with the
enemy or for extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession."


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL S. R. CURTIS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,

December 10, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL CURTIS, St. Louis, Missouri:

Please suspend, until further order, all proceeding on the order made by
General Schofield, on the twenty-eighth day of August last, for assessing
and collecting from secessionists and Southern sympathizers the sum of
five hundred thousand dollars, etc., and in the meantime make out and
send me a statement of facts pertinent to the question, together with your
opinion upon it.


A. LINCOLN.




TO J. K. DUBOIS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,

December 10, 1862.

Hon. J. K. DuBois.

MY DEAR SIR:--In the summer of 1859, when Mr. Freeman visited Springfield,
Illinois, in relation to the McCallister and Stebbins bonds I promised him
that, upon certain conditions, I would ask members of the Legislature to
give him a full and fair hearing of his case. I do not now remember, nor
have I time to recall, exactly what the conditions were, nor whether they
were completely performed; but there can be in no case any harm [in] his
having a full and fair hearing, and I sincerely wish it may be given him.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




MESSAGE TO THE SENATE.

December 11, 1862.

TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES:

In compliance with your resolution of December 5, 1862, requesting the
President "to furnish the Senate with all information in his possession
touching the late Indian barbarities in the State of Minnesota, and also
the evidence in his possession upon which some of the principal actors
and head men were tried and condemned to death," I have the honor to
state that on receipt of said resolution, I transmitted the same to the
Secretary of the Interior, accompanied by a note, a copy of which is
herewith inclosed, marked A, and in response to which I received, through
that department, a letter of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, a copy of
which is herewith inclosed, marked B.

I further state that on the eighth day of November last I received a long
telegraphic despatch from Major-General Pope, at St. Paul, Minnesota,
simply announcing the names of the persons sentenced to be hanged. I
immediately telegraphed to have transcripts of the records in all cases
forwarded to me, which transcripts, however, did not reach me until two
or three days before the present meeting of Congress. Meantime I received,
through telegraphic despatches and otherwise, appeals in behalf of the
condemned, appeals for their execution, and expressions of opinion as to
the proper policy in regard to them and to the Indians generally in that
vicinity, none of which, as I understand, falls within the scope of your
inquiry. After the arrival of the transcripts of records, but before I had
sufficient opportunity to examine them, I received a joint letter from
one of the senators and two of the representatives from Minnesota, which
contains some statements of fact not found in the records of the trials,
and for which reason I herewith transmit a copy, marked C. I also, for
the same reason, inclose a printed memorial of the citizens of St. Paul,
addressed to me, and forwarded with the letter aforesaid.

Anxious to not act with so much clemency as to encourage another outbreak
on the one hand, nor with so much severity as to be real cruelty on the
other, I caused a careful examination of the records of trials to be made,
in view of first ordering the execution of such as had been proved guilty
of violating females. Contrary to my expectation, only two of this class
were found. I then directed a further examination and a classification of
all who were proven to have participated in massacres, as distinguished
from participation in battles. This class numbered forty, and included
the two convicted of female violation. One of the number is strongly
recommended, by the commission which tried them, for commutation to ten
years imprisonment I have ordered the other thirty-nine to be executed on
Friday the 19th instant. The order was despatched from here on Monday, the
8th instant, by a messenger to General Sibley, and a copy of which order
is herewith transmitted, marked D.

An abstract of the evidence as to the forty is herewith inclosed, marked
E.

To avoid the immense amount of copying, I lay before the Senate the
original transcripts of the records of trials, as received by me.

This is as full and complete a response to the resolution as it is in my
power to make.


A. LINCOLN.




MESSAGE TO CONGRESS.

December 12, 1862.

FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:

I have in my possession three valuable swords, formerly the property of
General David E. Twiggs, which I now place at the disposal of Congress.
They are forwarded to me from New Orleans by Major-General Benjamin F.
Butler. If they or any of them shall be by Congress disposed of in reward
or compliment of military service, I think General Butler is entitled to
the first consideration. A copy of the General's letter to me accompanying
the swords is herewith transmitted.


A. LINCOLN.




TO FERNANDO WOOD.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON DECEMBER 12, 1862.

HON. FERNANDO WOOD.

MY DEAR SIR:--Your letter of the 8th, with the accompanying note of same
date, was received yesterday. The most important paragraph in the letter,
as I consider, is in these words:

"On the 25th of November last I was advised by an authority which I deemed
likely to be well informed, as well as reliable and truthful, that the
Southern States would send representatives to the next Congress, provided
that a full and general amnesty should permit them to do so. No guarantee
or terms were asked for other than the amnesty referred to."

I strongly suspect your information will prove to be groundless;
nevertheless, I thank you for communicating it to me. Understanding the
phrase in the paragraph just quoted--"the Southern States would send
representatives to the next Congress"--to be substantially the same as
that "the people of the Southern States would cease resistance, and would
reinaugurate, submit to, and maintain the national authority within the
limits of such States, under the Constitution of the United States," I say
that in such case the war would cease on the part of the United States;
and that if within a reasonable time "a full and general amnesty" were
necessary to such end, it would not be withheld.

I do not think it would be proper now to communicate this, formally or
informally, to the people of the Southern States. My belief is that they
already know it; and when they choose, if ever, they can communicate
with me unequivocally. Nor do I think it proper now to suspend military
operations to try any experiment of negotiation.

I should nevertheless receive with great pleasure the exact information
you now have, and also such other as you may in any way obtain. Such
information might be more valuable before the 1st of January than
afterwards.

While there is nothing in this letter which I shall dread to see in
history, it is, perhaps, better for the present that its existence should
not become public. I therefore have to request that you will regard it as
confidential.

Your obedient servant,

A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL CURTIS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 14, 1862

MAJOR-GENERAL CURTIS, St. Louis, Missouri:

If my friend Dr. William Fithian, of Danville, Ill., should call on YOU,
please give him such facilities as you consistently can about recovering
the remains of a step-son, and matters connected therewith.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL H. H. SIBLEY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 16, 1862.

BRIG. GEN. H. H. SIBLEY, Saint Paul, Minn.:

As you suggest, let the executions fixed for Friday the 19th instant be
postponed to, and be done on, Friday the 26th instant.


A. LINCOLN. (Private.) Operator please send this very carefully and
accurately. A. L.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL CURTIS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 16, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL CURTIS, Saint Louis, Missouri:

N. W. Watkins, of Jackson, Mo., (who is half brother to Henry Clay),
writes me that a colonel of ours has driven him from his home at Jackson.
Will you please look into the case and restore the old man to his home if
the public interest will admit?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BURNSIDE.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, D. C., December 16, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL BURNSIDE, Falmouth:

Your despatch about General Stahel is received. Please ascertain from
General Sigel and his old corps whether Stahel or Schurz is preferable
and telegraph the result, and I will act immediately. After all I shall be
governed by your preference.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL CURTIS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 17, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL CURTIS:

Could the civil authority be reintroduced into Missouri in lieu of the
military to any extent, with advantage and safety?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BURNSIDE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 17, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL BURNSIDE

George Patten says he was a classmate of yours and was in the same
regiment of artillery. Have you a place you would like to put him in? And
if so what is it?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR GAMBLE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 18, 1862.

GOVERNOR GAMBLE, Saint Louis, MO.:

It is represented to me that the enrolled militia alone would now maintain
law and order in all the counties of your State north of the Missouri
River. If so all other forces there might be removed south of the river,
or out of the State. Please post yourself and give me your opinion upon
the subject.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL CURTIS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,

December 19, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL CURTIS, Saint Louis, Mo.:

Hon. W. A. Hall, member of Congress here, tells me, and Governor Gamble
telegraphs me; that quiet can be maintained in all the counties north of
the Missouri River by the enrolled militia. Confer with Governor Gamble
and telegraph me.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL A. E. BURNSIDE.

WASHINGTON, December 19, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL BURNSIDE:

Come, of course, if in your own judgment it is safe to do so.


A. LINCOLN.




TO SECRETARIES SEWARD AND CHASE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,

December 20, 1862.

HON. WILLIAM H. SEWARD AND HON. SALMON P. CHASE.

GENTLEMEN:--You have respectively tendered me your resignations as
Secretary of State and Secretary of the Treasury of the United States. I
am apprised of the circumstances which may render this course personally
desirable to each of you; but after most anxious consideration my
deliberate judgment is that the public interest does not admit of it.
I therefore have to request that you will resume the duties of your
departments respectively.

Your obedient servant,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR ANDREW.

WASHINGTON, D. C., December 20, 1862.

GOVERNOR ANDREW, Boston, Mass.:

Neither the Secretary of War nor I know anything except what you tell us
about the "published official document" you mention.


A. LINCOLN.




TO T. J. HENDERSON.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 20, 1862.

HON. T. J. HENDERSON.

DEAR SIR:-Your letter of the 8th to Hon. William Kellogg has just been
shown me. You can scarcely overestimate the pleasure it would give me to
oblige you, but nothing is operating so ruinously upon us everywhere as
"absenteeism." It positively will not do for me to grant leaves of absence
in cases not sufficient to procure them under the regular rules.

It would astonish you to know the extent of the evil of "absenteeism." We
scarcely have more than half the men we are paying on the spot for service
anywhere.

Yours very truly,


A. LINCOLN.




CONGRATULATIONS TO THE ARMY OF THE POTOMAC

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,

December 22, 1862.

TO THE ARMY OF THE POTOMAC:

I have just read your general's report of the battle of Fredericksburg.
Although you were not successful, the attempt was not an error, nor the
failure other than accident. The courage with which you, in an open field,
maintained the contest against an intrenched foe, and the consummate skill
and success with which you crossed and recrossed the river in the face of
the enemy, show that you possess all the qualities of a great army,
which will yet give victory to the cause of the country and of popular
government.

Condoling with the mourners for the dead, and sympathizing with
the severely wounded, I congratulate you that the number of both is
comparatively so small.

I tender to you, officers and soldiers, the thanks of the nation.


A. LINCOLN.




LETTER OF CONDOLENCE

TO MISS FANNY McCULLOUGH.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December, 23, 1862.

DEAR FANNY:--It is with deep regret that I learn of the death of your kind
and brave father, and especially that it is affecting your young heart
beyond what is common in such cases. In this sad world of ours sorrow
comes to all, and to the young it comes with bittered agony because it
takes them unawares.

The older have learned ever to expect it. I am anxious to afford some
alleviation of your present distress, perfect relief is not possible,
except with time. You cannot now realize that you will ever feel better.
Is not this so? And yet it is a mistake. You are sure to be happy again.
To know this, which is certainly true, will make you some less miserable
now. I have had experience enough to know what I say, and you need only to
believe it to feel better at once. The memory of your dear father, instead
of an agony, will yet be a sad, sweet feeling in your heart, of a purer
and holier sort than you have known before.

Please present my kind regards to your afflicted mother.

Your sincere friend,


A. LINCOLN.




TO SECRETARY OF WAR.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 26, 1862

HONORABLE SECRETARY OF WAR.

Sir:--Two Ohio regiments and one Illinois regiment which were captured at
Hartsville have been paroled and are now at Columbus, Ohio. This brings
the Ohio regiments substantially to their homes. I am strongly impressed
with the belief that the Illinois regiment better be sent to Illinois,
where it will be recruited and put in good condition by the time they are
exchanged so as to re-enter the service. They did not misbehave, as I
am satisfied, so that they should receive no treatment nor have anything
withheld from them by way of punishment.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL CURTIS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 27, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL CURTIS, Saint Louis, Mo.:

Let the order in regard to Dr. McPheeters and family be suspended until
you hear from me.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR GAMBLE.

WAR DEPARTMENT, December 27, 1862.

HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR GAMBLE:

I do not wish to leave the country north of the Missouri to the care of
the enrolled militia except upon the concurrent judgment of yourself and
General Curtis. His I have not yet obtained. Confer with him, and I shall
be glad to act when you and he agree.


A. LINCOLN




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL A. E. BURNSIDE.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, D.C., December 30, 1862. 3.30 PM.

MAJOR-GENERAL BURNSIDE:

I have good reason for saying you must not make a general movement of the
army without letting me know.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL DIX.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 31, 1862.

MAJOR-GENERAL Dix, Fort Monroe, Va.:

I hear not a word about the Congressional election of which you and I
corresponded. Time clearly up.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO H. J. RAYMOND.

(Private.)

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 31, 1862.

HON. H. J. RAYMOND:

The proclamation cannot be telegraphed to you until during the day
to-morrow.

JNO. G. NICOLAY.

[Same to Horace Greeley]





1863




EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION, JANUARY 1, 1863.

THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A Proclamation.

Whereas on the 22d day of September, A.D. 1862, a proclamation was issued
by the President of the United States, containing, among other things, the
following, to wit:

"That on the 1st day of January, A.D., 1863, all persons held as slaves
within any State or designated part of a State the people whereof
shall then be in rebellion against the United States shall be then,
thenceforward, and forever free; and the executive government of the
United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will
recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons and will do no act or
acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make
for their actual freedom.

"That the executive will on the 1st day of January aforesaid, by
proclamation, designate the States and parts of States, if any, in which
the people thereof, respectively, shall then be in rebellion against the
United States; and the fact that any State or the people thereof shall on
that day be in good faith represented in the Congress of the United States
by members chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the qualified
voters of such States shall have participated shall, in the absence of
strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such
State and the people thereof are not then in rebellion against the United
States."

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, by
virtue of the power in me vested as Commander-in-Chief of the Army and
Navy of the United States in time of actual armed rebellion against the
authority and government of the United States, and as a fit and necessary
war measure for suppressing said rebellion, do, on this 1st day of
January, A. D. 1863, and in accordance with my purpose so to do, publicly
proclaimed for the full period of one hundred days from the first day
above mentioned, order and designate as the States and parts of States
wherein the people thereof, respectively, are this day in rebellion
against the United States the following, to wit:

Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana (except the parishes of St. Bernard,
Plaquemines, Jefferson, St. John, St. Charles, St. James, Ascension,
Assumption, Terre Bonne, Lafourche, St. Mary, St. Martin, and Orleans,
including the city of New Orleans), Mississippi, Alabama, Florida,
Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia (except the
forty-eight counties designated as West Virginia, and also the counties of
Berkeley, Accomac, Northampton, Elizabeth City, York, Princess Anne,
and Norfolk, including the cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth), and which
excepted parts are for the present left precisely as if this proclamation
were not issued.

And by virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid, I do order and
declare that all persons held as slaves within said designated States
and parts of States are, and henceforward shall be, free; and that the
Executive Government of the United States, including the military and
naval authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of said
persons.

And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be free to abstain from
all violence, unless in necessary self-defense; and I recommend to them
that, in all cases when allowed, they labor faithfully for reasonable
wages.

And I further declare and make known that such persons of suitable
condition will be received into the armed service of the United States to
garrison forts, positions, stations, and other places, and to man vessels
of all sorts in said service.

And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, warranted
by the Constitution upon military necessity, I invoke the considerate
judgment of mankind and the gracious favor of Almighty God.

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the
United States to be affixed.

Done at the city of Washington, this first day of January, A.D. 1863, and
of the independence of the United States of America the eighty-seventh.


A. LINCOLN.

By the President:  WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.




TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON January 1, 1863

MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK.

DEAR SIR:--General Burnside wishes to cross the Rappahannock with his
army, but his grand division commanders all oppose the movement. If in
such a difficulty as this you do not help, you fail me precisely in the
point for which I sought your assistance You know what General Burnside's
plan is, and it is my wish that you go with him to the ground, examine it
as far as practicable, confer with the officers, getting their judgment,
and ascertaining their temper--in a word, gather all the elements for
forming a judgment of your own, and then tell General Burnside that you
do approve or that you do not approve his plan. Your military skill is
useless to me if you will not do this.

Yours very truly,


A. LINCOLN

[Indorsement]

January 1, 1863 Withdrawn, because considered harsh by General Halleck.

A. LINCOLN.




MESSAGE TO CONGRESS

WASHINGTON, January 2, 1863

TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:

I submit to Congress the expediency of extending to other departments
of the government the authority conferred on the President by the eighth
section of the act of the 8th of May, 1792, to appoint a person to
temporarily discharge the duties of Secretary of State, Secretary of the
Treasury, and Secretary of War, in case of the death, absence from the
seat of government, or sickness of either of those officers.


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL S. R. CURTIS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON JANUARY 2, 1863

MAJOR-GENERAL CURTIS.

MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of December 29 by the hand of Mr. Strong is just
received. The day I telegraphed you suspending the order in relation to
Dr. McPheeters, he, with Mr. Bates, the Attorney-General, appeared before
me and left with me a copy of the order mentioned. The doctor also showed
me the Copy of an oath which he said he had taken, which is indeed very
strong and specific. He also verbally assured me that he had constantly
prayed in church for the President and government, as he had always done
before the present war. In looking over the recitals in your order, I do
not see that this matter of the prayer, as he states it, is negatived,
nor that any violation of his oath is charged nor, in fact, that anything
specific is alleged against him. The charges are all general: that he has
a rebel wife and rebel relations, that he sympathies with rebels, and
that he exercises rebel influence. Now, after talking with him, I tell
you frankly I believe he does sympathize with the rebels, but the question
remains whether such a man, of unquestioned good moral character, who has
taken such an oath as he has, and cannot even be charged with violating
it, and who can be charged with no other specific act or omission, can,
with safety to the government, be exiled upon the suspicion of his secret
sympathies. But I agree that this must be left to you, who are on the
spot; and if, after all, you think the public good requires his removal,
my suspension of the order is withdrawn, only with this qualification,
that the time during the suspension is not to be counted against him. I
have promised him this. But I must add that the United States Government
must not, as by this order, undertake to run the churches. When an
individual in a church or out of it becomes dangerous to the public
interest, he must be checked; but let the churches, as such, take care
of themselves. It will not do for the United States to appoint trustees,
supervisors, or other agents for the churches.

Yours very truly,


A. LINCOLN.

P. S.--The committee composed of Messrs. Yeatman and Filley (Mr. Broadhead
not attending) has presented your letter and the memorial of sundry
citizens. On the whole subject embraced exercise your best judgment,
with a sole view to the public interest, and I will not interfere without
hearing you.

A. LINCOLN., January 3, 1863.




TO SECRETARY WELLES.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 4, 1863.

HON. GIDEON WELLES, Secretary of the Navy.

DEAR SIR:--As many persons who come well recommended for loyalty and
service to the Union cause, and who are refugees from rebel oppression in
the State of Virginia, make application to me for authority and permission
to remove their families and property to protection within the Union
lines, by means of our armed gunboats on the Potomac River and Chesapeake
Bay, you are hereby requested to hear and consider all such applications,
and to grant such assistance to this class of persons as in your judgment
their merits may render proper, and as may in each case be consistent with
the perfect and complete efficiency of the naval service and with military
expediency.


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL S. L CURTIS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 5, 1863

MAJOR-GENERAL CURTIS.

MY DEAR SIR:--I am having a good deal of trouble with Missouri matters,
and I now sit down to write you particularly about it. One class of
friends believe in greater severity and another in greater leniency in
regard to arrests, banishments, and assessments. As usual in such cases,
each questions the other's motives. On the one hand, it is insisted that
Governor Gamble's unionism, at most, is not better than a secondary spring
of action; that hunkerism and a wish for political influence stand
before Unionism with him. On the other hand, it is urged that arrests,
banishments, and assessments are made more for private malice, revenge,
and pecuniary interest than for the public good. This morning I was told,
by a gentleman who I have no doubt believes what he says, that in one
case of assessments for $10,000 the different persons who paid compared
receipts, and found they had paid $30,000. If this be true, the inference
is that the collecting agents pocketed the odd $20,000. And true or not
in the instance, nothing but the sternest necessity can justify the
making and maintaining of a system so liable to such abuses. Doubtless the
necessity for the making of the system in Missouri did exist, and whether
it continues for the maintenance of it is now a practical and very
important question. Some days ago Governor Gamble telegraphed me, asking
that the assessments outside of St. Louis County might be suspended, as
they already have been within it, and this morning all the members of
Congress here from Missouri but one laid a paper before me asking the same
thing. Now, my belief is that Governor Gamble is an honest and true man,
not less so than yourself; that you and he could confer together on this
and other Missouri questions with great advantage to the public; that each
knows something which the other does not; and that acting together you
could about double your stock of pertinent information. May I not hope
that you and he will attempt this? I could at once safely do (or you could
safely do without me) whatever you and he agree upon. There is absolutely
no reason why you should not agree.

Yours as ever,


A. LINCOLN.

P. S.--I forgot to say that Hon. James S. Rollins, member of Congress
from one of the Missouri districts, wishes that, upon his personal
responsibility, Rev. John M. Robinson, of Columbia, Missouri; James L.
Matthews, of Boone County, Missouri; and James L. Stephens, also of Boone
County, Missouri, may be allowed to return to their respective homes.
Major Rollins leaves with me very strong papers from the neighbors of
these men, whom he says he knows to be true men. He also says he has many
constituents who he thinks are rightly exiled, but that he thinks these
three should be allowed to return. Please look into the case, and oblige
Major Rollins if you consistently can.

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.

[Copy sent to Governor Gamble.]




TO CALEB RUSSELL AND SALLIE A. FENTON.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 5, 1863.

MY GOOD FRIENDS: The Honorable Senator Harlan has just placed in my hands
your letter of the 27th of December, which I have read with pleasure and
gratitude.

It is most cheering and encouraging for me to know that in the efforts
which I have made and am making for the restoration of a righteous peace
to our country, I am upheld and sustained by the good wishes and prayers
of God's people. No one is more deeply than myself aware that without His
favor our highest wisdom is but as foolishness and that our most strenuous
efforts would avail nothing in the shadow of His displeasure.

I am conscious of no desire for my country's welfare that is not in
consonance with His will, and of no plan upon which we may not ask His
blessing. It seems to me that if there be one subject upon which all good
men may unitedly agree, it is imploring the gracious favor of the God of
Nations upon the struggles our people are making for the preservation of
their precious birthright of civil and religious liberty.

Very truly your friend;


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL ROSECRANS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 5. 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL W. S. ROSECRANS, Murfreesborough, Tenn.: Your despatch
announcing retreat of enemy has just reached here. God bless you and all
with you! Please tender to all, and accept for yourself, the nation's
gratitude for your and their skill, endurance, and dauntless courage.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL DIX.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D.C., January 7, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL DIX, Fort Monroe, Va.:

Do Richmond papers of 6th say nothing about Vicksburg, or if anything,
what?


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON January 7, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK.

MY DEAR SIR:--What think you of forming a reserve cavalry corps of, say,
6000 for the Army of the Potomac? Might not such a corps be constituted
from the cavalry of Sigel's and Slocum's corps, with scraps we could pick
up here and there?

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO B. G. BROWN.

WASHINGTON, D. C., January 7, 1863. 5.30 P.M.

HON. B. GRATZ BROWN, Jefferson City, Mo.:

Yours of to-day just received. The administration takes no part between
its friends in Missouri, of whom I, at least, consider you one; and I have
never before had an intimation that appointees there were interfering, or
were inclined to interfere.


A. LINCOLN.




CORRESPONDENCE WITH GENERAL A. E. BURNSIDE, JANUARY 8, 1863.


HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF THE POTOMAC January 5, 1863.

HIS EXCELLENCY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES:

Since my return to the army I have become more than ever convinced that
the general officers of this command are almost unanimously opposed to
another crossing of the river; but I am still of the opinion that the
crossing should be attempted, and I have accordingly issued orders to the
engineers and artillery to prepare for it. There is much hazard in it, as
there always is in the majority of military movements, and I cannot begin
the movement without giving you notice of it, particularly as I know so
little of the effect that it may have upon other movements of distant
armies.

The influence of your telegram the other day is still upon me, and has
impressed me with the idea that there are many parts of the problem which
influence you that are not known to me.

In order to relieve you from all embarrassment in my case, I inclose with
this my resignation of my commission as major-general of volunteers, which
you can have accepted if my movement is not in accordance with the views
of yourself and your military advisers.

I have taken the liberty to write to you personally upon this subject,
because it was necessary, as I learned from General Halleck, for you to
approve of my general plan, written at Warrenton, before I could commence
the movement; and I think it quite as necessary that you should know of
the important movement I am about to make, particularly as it will have to
be made in opposition to the views of nearly all my general officers, and
after the receipt of a despatch from you informing me of the opinion of
some of them who had visited you.

In conversation with you on New Year's morning I was led to express some
opinions which I afterward felt it my duty to place on paper, and to
express them verbally to the gentleman of whom we were speaking, which I
did in your presence, after handing you the letter. You were not disposed
then, as I saw, to retain the letter, and I took it back, but I now return
it to you for record if you wish it.

I beg leave to say that my resignation is not sent in in any spirit of
insubordination, but, as I before said, simply to relieve you from any
embarrassment in changing commanders where lack of confidence may have
rendered it necessary.

The bearer of this will bring me any answer, or I should be glad to hear
from you by telegraph in cipher.

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

A. E. BURNSIDE,

Major-General, Commanding Army of the Potomac.




HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY, WASHINGTON, January 7, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL BURNSIDE, Commanding, etc., Falmouth:

GENERAL:--Your communication of the 5th was delivered to me by your
aide-de-camp at 12 M. to-day.

In all my communications and interviews with you since you took command
of the Army of the Potomac I have advised a forward movement across the
Rappahannock. At our interview at Warrenton I urged that you should cross
by the fords above Fredericksburg rather than to fall down to that
place; and when I left you at Warrenton it was understood that at least
a considerable part of your army would cross by the fords, and I so
represented to the President. It was this modification of the plan
proposed by you that I telegraphed you had received his approval. When
the attempt at Fredericksburg was abandoned, I advised you to renew the
attempt at some other point, either in whole or in part, to turn the
enemy's works, or to threaten their wings or communications; in other
words, to keep the enemy occupied till a favorable opportunity offered to
strike a decisive blow. I particularly advised you to use your cavalry
and light artillery upon his communications, and attempt to cut off his
supplies and engage him at an advantage.

In all our interviews I have urged that our first object was, not
Richmond, but the defeat or scattering of Lee's army, which threatened
Washington and the line of the upper Potomac. I now recur to these things
simply to remind you of the general views which I have expressed, and
which I still hold.

The circumstances of the case, however, have somewhat changed since the
early part of November. The chances of an extended line of operations
are now, on account of the advanced season, much less than then. But
the chances are still in our favor to meet and defeat the enemy on the
Rappahannock, if we can effect a crossing in a position where we can meet
the enemy on favorable or even equal terms. I therefore still advise a
movement against him. The character of that movement, however, must depend
upon circumstances which may change any day and almost any hour. If the
enemy should concentrate his forces at the place you have selected for a
crossing, make it a feint and try another place. Again, the circumstances
at the time may be such as to render an attempt to cross the entire
army not advisable. In that case, theory suggests that, while the enemy
concentrates at that point, advantages can be gained by crossing smaller
forces at other points to cut off his lines, destroy his communication,
and capture his rear-guards, outposts, etc. The great object is to occupy
the enemy to prevent his making large detachments or distant raids, and to
injure him all you can with the least injury to yourself. If this can
be best accomplished by feints of a general crossing and detached real
crossings, take that course; if by an actual general crossing, with feints
on other points, adopt that course. There seem to me to be many reasons
why a crossing at some point should be attempted. It will not do to keep
your large army inactive. As you yourself admit, it devolves on you to
decide upon the time, place, and character of the crossing which you
may attempt. I can only advise that an attempt be made, and as early as
possible.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

H. W. HALLECK, General-in-Chief.


[Indorsement.]

January 8, 1863.

GENERAL BURNSIDE:

I understand General Halleck has sent you a letter of which this is a
copy. I approve this letter. I deplore the want of concurrence with you
in opinion by your general officers, but I do not see the remedy. Be
cautious, and do not understand that the government or country is driving
you. I do not yet see how I could profit by changing the command of the
Army of the Potomac; and if I did, I should not wish to do it by accepting
the resignation of your commission.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR JOHNSON.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 8, 1863.

GOVERNOR JOHNSON, Nashville Tenn.:

A dispatch of yesterday from Nashville says the body of Captain Todd, of
the Sixth Kentucky, was brought in to-day.

Please tell me what was his Christian name, and whether he was in our
service or that of the enemy. I shall also be glad to have your impression
as to the effect the late operations about Murfreesborough will have on
the prospects of Tennessee.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL S. R. CURTIS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 10, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL CURTIS, St. Louis, MO.:

I understand there is considerable trouble with the slaves in Missouri.
Please do your best to keep peace on the question for two or three weeks,
by which time we hope to do something here toward settling the question in
Missouri.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR JOHNSON.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 10, 1863

GOVERNOR JOHNSON, Nashville, Tenn.:

Yours received. I presume the remains of Captain Todd are in the hands of
his family and friends, and I wish to give no order on the subject; but
I do wish your opinion of the effects of the late battles about
Murfreesborough upon the prospects of Tennessee.


A. LINCOLN.




INSTRUCTION TO THE JUDGE-ADVOCATE-GENERAL.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, January 12, 1863.

The Judge-Advocate-General is instructed to revise the proceedings of the
court-martial in the case of Major-General Fitz-John Porter, and to report
fully upon any legal questions that may have arisen in them, and upon the
bearing of the testimony in reference to the charges and specifications
exhibited against the accused, and upon which he was tried.


A. LINCOLN.




MESSAGE TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. JANUARY 14, 1863.

TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: The Secretary of State has submitted to
me a resolution of the House of Representatives of the 5th instant, which
has been delivered to him, and which is in the following words:

"Resolved, That the Secretary of State be requested to communicate to this
House, if not, in his judgment, incompatible with the public interest,
why our Minister in New Granada has not presented his credentials to
the actual government of that country; also the reasons for which
Senor Murillo is not recognized by the United States as the diplomatic
representative of the Mosquera government of that country; also,
what negotiations have been had, if any, with General Herran as the
representative of Ospina's government in New Granada since it went into
existence."

On the 12th day of December, 1846, a treaty of amity, peace, and concord
was concluded between the United States of America and the Republic of
New Granada, which is still in force. On the 7th day of December, 1847,
General Pedro Alcantara Herran, who had been duly accredited, was received
here as the envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of that,
republic. On the 30th day of August, 1849, Senor Don Rafael Rivas was
received by this government as charge d'affaires of the same republic. On
the 5th day of December, 1851, a consular convention was concluded between
that republic and the United States, which treaty was signed on behalf of
the Republic of Granada by the same Senor Rivas. This treaty is still in
force. On the 27th of April, 1852, Senor Don Victoriano de Diego Paredes
was received as charge d'affaires of the Republic of New Granada. On the
20th of June, 1855, General Pedro Alcantara Herran was again received as
envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary, duly accredited by the
Republic of New Granada, and he has ever since remained, under the same
credentials, as the representative of that republic near the Government of
the United States. On the 10th of September, 1857, a claims convention
was concluded between the United States and the Republic of Granada. This
convention is still in force, and has in part been executed. In May, 1858,
the constitution of the republic was remodelled; and the nation assumed
the political title of "The Granadian Confederacy." This fact was
formally announced to this Government, but without any change in
their representative here. Previously to the 4th day of March, 1861, a
revolutionary war against the Republic of New Granada, which had thus
been recognized and treated with by the United States, broke out in New
Granada, assuming to set up a new government under the name of "United
States of Colombia." This war has had various vicissitudes, sometimes
favorable, sometimes adverse, to the revolutionary movements. The
revolutionary organization has hitherto been simply a military
provisionary power, and no definitive constitution of government has
yet been established in New Granada in place of that organized by the
constitution of 1858. The minister of the United States to the Granadian
Confederacy, who was appointed on the 29th day of May, 1861, was directed,
in view of the occupation of the capital by the revolutionary party and of
the uncertainty of the civil war, not to present his credentials to either
the government of the Granadian Confederacy or to the provisional military
government, but to conduct his affairs informally, as is customary in such
cases, and to report the progress of events and await the instructions of
this Government. The advices which have been received from him have not
hitherto, been sufficiently conclusive to determine me to recognize the
revolutionary government. General Herran being here, with full authority
from the Government of New Canada, which has been so long recognized
by the United States, I have not received any representative from the
revolutionary government, which has not yet been recognized, because such
a proceeding would be in itself an act of recognition.

Official communications have been had on various incidental and occasional
questions with General Herran as the minister plenipotentiary and envoy
extraordinary of the Granadian Confederacy, but in no other character. No
definitive measure or proceeding has resulted from these communications,
and a communication of them at present would not, in my judgment, be
compatible with the public interest.


A. LINCOLN.




TO SECRETARY OF WAR.

WASHINGTON, January 15, 1863.

SECRETARY OF WAR:

Please see Mr. Stafford, who wants to assist in raising colored troops in
Missouri.


A. LINCOLN.




PRINTING MONEY

MESSAGE TO CONGRESS.

January 17, 1863.

TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:

I have signed the joint resolution to provide for the immediate payment
of the army and navy of the United States, passed by the House of
Representatives on the 14th and by the Senate on the 15th instant.

The joint resolution is a simple authority, amounting, however, under
existing circumstances, to a direction, to the Secretary of the Treasury
to make an additional issue of $100,000,000 in United States notes, if so
much money is needed, for the payment of the army and navy.

My approval is given in order that every possible facility may be afforded
for the prompt discharge of all arrears of pay due to our soldiers and our
sailors.

While giving this approval, however, I think it my duty to express my
sincere regret that it has been found necessary to authorize so large an
additional issue of United States notes, when this circulation and that
of the suspended banks together have become already so redundant as to
increase prices beyond real values, thereby augmenting the cost of living
to the injury of labor, and the cost of supplies to the injury of the
whole country.

It seems very plain that continued issues of United States notes without
any check to the issues of suspended banks, and without adequate provision
for the raising of money by loans and for funding the issues so as to keep
them within due limits, must soon produce disastrous consequences; and
this matter appears to me so important that I feel bound to avail myself
of this occasion to ask the special attention of Congress to it.

That Congress has power to regulate the currency of the country can hardly
admit of doubt, and that a judicious measure to prevent the deterioration
of this currency, by a seasonable taxation of bank circulation or
otherwise, is needed seems equally clear. Independently of this general
consideration, it would be unjust to the people at large to exempt banks
enjoying the special privilege of circulation from their just proportion
of the public burdens.

In order to raise money by way of loans most easily and cheaply, it is
clearly necessary to give every possible support to the public credit. To
that end a uniform currency, in which taxes, subscriptions to loans, and
all other ordinary public dues as well as all private dues may be paid,
is almost if not quite indispensable. Such a currency can be furnished
by banking associations organized under a general act of Congress, as
suggested in my message at the beginning of the present session. The
securing of this circulation by the pledge of United States bonds, as
therein suggested, would still further facilitate loans, by increasing the
present and causing a future demand for such bonds.

In view of the actual financial embarrassments of the government, and of
the greater embarrassment sure to come if the necessary means of relief
be not afforded, I feel that I should not perform my duty by a simple
announcement of my approval of the joint resolution, which proposes relief
only by increased circulation, without expressing my earnest desire that
measures such in substance as those I have just referred to may receive
the early sanction of Congress. By such measures, in my opinion, will
payment be most certainly secured, not only to the army and navy, but to
all honest creditors of the government, and satisfactory provision made
for future demands on the treasury.


A. LINCOLN.




TO THE WORKING-MEN OF MANCHESTER, ENGLAND.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January, 1863.

TO THE WORKING-MEN OF MANCHESTER:

I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the address and resolutions
which you sent me on the eve of the new year. When I came, on the 4th of
March, 1861, through a free and constitutional election to fireside in
the Government of the United States, the country was found at the verge of
civil war. Whatever might have been the cause, or whosesoever the fault,
one duty, paramount to all others, was before me, namely, to maintain
and preserve at once the Constitution and the integrity of the Federal
Republic. A conscientious purpose to perform this duty is the key to
all the measures of administration which have been and to all which will
hereafter be pursued. Under our frame of government and my official oath,
I could not depart from this purpose if I would. It is not always in the
power of governments to enlarge or restrict the scope of moral results
which follow the policies that they may deem it necessary for the public
safety from time to time to adopt.

I have understood well that the duty of self-preservation rests solely
with the American people; but I have at the same time been aware that
favor or disfavor of foreign nations might have a material influence
in enlarging or prolonging the struggle with disloyal men in which the
country is engaged. A fair examination of history has served to authorize
a belief that the past actions and influences of the United States were
generally regarded as having been beneficial toward mankind. I have,
therefore, reckoned upon the forbearance of nations. Circumstances--to
some of which you kindly allude--induce me especially to expect that if
justice and good faith should be practised by the United States, they
would encounter no hostile influence on the part of Great Britain. It is
now a pleasant duty to acknowledge the demonstration you have given of
your desire that a spirit of amity and peace toward this country may
prevail in the councils of your Queen, who is respected and esteemed in
your own country only more than she is by the kindred nation which has its
home on this side of the Atlantic.

I know and deeply deplore the sufferings which the workingmen at
Manchester, and in all Europe, are called to endure in this crisis. It has
been often and studiously represented that the attempt to overthrow this
government, which was built upon the foundation of human rights, and to
substitute for it one which should rest exclusively on the basis of human
slavery, was likely to obtain the favor of Europe. Through the action of
our disloyal citizens, the working-men of Europe have been subjected to
severe trials, for the purpose of forcing their sanction to that attempt.
Under the circumstance, I cannot but regard your decisive utterances upon
the question as an instance of sublime Christian heroism which has not
been surpassed in any age or in any country. It is indeed an energetic and
inspiring assurance of the inherent power of truth and of the ultimate and
universal triumph of justice, humanity, and freedom. I do not doubt that
the sentiments, you have expressed will be sustained by your great nation;
and, on the other hand, I have no hesitation in assuring you that they
will excite admiration, esteem, and the most reciprocal feelings of
friendship among the American people.

I hail this interchange of sentiment, therefore, as an augury that
whatever else may happen, whatever misfortune may befall your country or
my own, the peace and friendship which now exist between the two nations
will be, as it shall be my desire to make them, perpetual.


A. LINCOLN.




MESSAGE TO CONGRESS.

WASHINGTON, January 21, 1863.

GENTLEMEN OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:

I submit herewith for your consideration the joint resolutions of the
corporate authorities of the city of Washington, adopted September a 7,
1862, and a memorial of the same under date of October 28, 1862, both
relating to and urging the construction of certain railroads concentrating
upon the city of Washington.

In presenting this memorial and the joint resolutions to you, I am not
prepared to say more than that the subject is one of great practical
importance, and that I hope it will receive the attention of Congress.


A. LINCOLN.




FITZ-JOHN PORTER COURT-MARTIAL.

INDORSEMENT ON THE PROCEEDINGS AND SENTENCE

HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY, WASHINGTON,

January 13, 1863.

In compliance with the Sixty-fifth Article of War, these whole proceedings
are transmitted to the Secretary of War, to be laid before the President
of the United States.

H. W. HALLECK,

General-in-Chief.

January 21, 1863.


The foregoing proceedings, findings, and sentence in the foregoing case
of Major-General Fitz-John Porter are approved and confirmed, and it is
ordered that the said Fitz-John Porter be, and he hereby is, cashiered
and dismissed from the service of the United States as a major-general
of volunteers, and as colonel and brevet brigadier-general in the regular
service of the United States, and forever disqualified from holding any
office of trust or profit under the Government of the United States.


A. LINCOLN.




FROM GENERAL HALLECK TO GENERAL U. S. GRANT.

HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY, WASHINGTON

January 21, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL GRANT, Memphis.

GENERAL:--The President has directed that so much of Arkansas as you may
desire to control be temporarily attached to your department. This will
give you control of both banks of the river.

In your operations down the Mississippi you must not rely too confidently
upon any direct co-operation of General Banks and the lower flotilla, as
it is possible that they may not be able to pass or reduce Port Hudson.
They, however, will do everything in their power to form a junction with
you at Vicksburg. If they should not be able to effect this, they will
at least occupy a portion of the enemy's forces, and prevent them from
reinforcing Vicksburg. I hope, however, that they will do still better and
be able to join you.

It may be proper to give you some explanation of the revocation of your
order expelling all Jews from your department. The President has no
objection to your expelling traitors and Jew peddlers, which, I suppose,
was the object of your order; but as it in terms proscribed an entire
religious class, some of whom are fighting in our ranks, the President
deemed it necessary to revoke it.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

H. W. HALLECK, General-in-Chief.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BURNSIDE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 23, 1863

GENERAL BURNSIDE:

Will see you any moment when you come.


A. LINCOLN.




ORDER RELIEVING GENERAL A. E. BURNSIDE AND MAKING OTHER CHANGES.

(General Orders No.20.)

WAR DEPARTMENT, ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE, WASHINGTON, D.C. JANUARY 25,
1863.

I. The President of the United States has directed:

1st. That Major-General A. E. Burnside, at his own request, be relieved
from the command of the Army of the Potomac.

2d. That Major-General E. V. Sumner, at his own request, be relieved from
duty in the Army of the Potomac.

3d. That Major-General W. B. Franklin be relieved from duty in the Army of
the Potomac.

4th. That Major-General J. Hooker be assigned to the command of the Army
of the Potomac.

II. The officers relieved as above will report in person to the
adjutant-general of the army.

By order of the Secretary of War: D. TOWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant-General




TO GENERAL J. HOOKER.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., January 26, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL HOOKER.

GENERAL:--I have placed you at the head of the Army of the Potomac. Of
course I have done this upon what appear to me to be sufficient reasons,
and yet I think it best for you to know that there are some things in
regard to which I am not quite satisfied with you. I believe you to be a
brave and skillful soldier, which of course I like. I also believe you do
not mix politics with your profession, in which you are right. You have
confidence in yourself, which is a valuable if not an indispensable
quality. You are ambitious, which within reasonable bounds does good
rather than harm; but I think that during General Burnside's command of
the army you have taken counsel of your ambition and thwarted him as much
as you could, in which you did a great wrong to the country and to a most
meritorious and honorable brother officer. I have heard, in such a way
as to believe it, of your recently saying that both the army and the
government needed a dictator. Of course it was not for this, but in spite
of it, that I have given you the command. Only those generals who gain
successes can set up dictators. What I now ask of you is military success,
and I will risk the dictatorship. The government will support you to the
utmost of its ability, which is neither more nor less than it has done
and will do for all commanders. I much fear that the spirit that you
have aided to infuse into the army, of criticizing their commander and
withholding confidence from him, will now turn upon you. I shall assist
you as far as I can to put it down. Neither you nor Napoleon, if he
were alive again, could get any good out of an army while such a spirit
prevails in it. And now beware of rashness. Beware of rashness, but with
energy and sleepless vigilance go forward and give us victories.

Yours very truly,


A. LINCOLN.




MESSAGE TO CONGRESS.

WASHINGTON CITY, January 28,1863,

TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:

In conformity to the law of July 16, 1862, I most cordially recommend
that Commander David D. Porter, United States Navy, acting rear-admiral,
commanding the Mississippi Squadron, receive a vote of thanks of Congress
for the bravery and skill displayed in the attack on the post of Arkansas,
which surrendered to the combined military and naval forces on the 10th
instant.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BUTLER

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 28, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL BUTLER, Lowell, Mass.:

Please come here immediately. Telegraph me about what time you will
arrive.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL DIX.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 29, 1863

MAJOR-GENERAL DIx, Fort Monroe, Va.:

Do Richmond papers have anything from Vicksburg?


A. LINCOLN.




TO THURLOW WEED.

WASHINGTON, January 29, 1863.

HON. THURLOW WEED.

DEAR SIR:--Your valedictory to the patrons of the Albany Evening journal
brings me a good deal of uneasiness. What does it mean?

Truly Yours,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL DIX.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY,

January 30, 1863. 5.45 P.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL Dix, Fort Monroe, Va.:

What iron-clads, if any, have gone out of Hampton Roads within the last
two days?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL DIX.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, D. C., January 31, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL Dix, Fort Monroe, Va.: Corcoran's and Pryor's battle
terminated. Have you any news through Richmond papers or otherwise?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL SCHENCK.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, D. C., January 31, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL SCHENCK, Baltimore, Md.:

I do not take jurisdiction of the pass question. Exercise your own
discretion as to whether Judge Pettis shall have a pass.


A. LINCOLN.




TO THE WORKING-MEN OF LONDON, ENGLAND.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, February 1, 1863.

TO THE WORKING-MEN OF LONDON:

I have received the New Year's address which you have sent me, with a
sincere appreciation of the exalted and humane sentiments by which it was
inspired.

As these sentiments are manifestly the enduring support of the free
institutions of England, so I am sure also that they constitute the only
reliable basis for free institutions throughout the world.

The resources, advantages, and powers of the American people are
very great, and they have consequently succeeded to equally great
responsibilities. It seems to have devolved upon them to test whether
a government established on the principles of human freedom can be
maintained against an effort to build one upon the exclusive foundation of
human bondage. They will rejoice with me in the new evidences which your
proceedings furnish that the magnanimity they are exhibiting is justly
estimated by the true friends of freedom and humanity in foreign
countries.

Accept my best wishes for your individual welfare, and for the welfare and
happiness of the whole British people.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL SCHENCK. [Cipher.] WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C.,

February 4, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL SCHENCK, Baltimore, Md.:

I hear of some difficulty in the streets of Baltimore yesterday. What is
the amount of it?


A. LINCOLN.




MESSAGE TO THE SENATE.

WASHINGTON, D. C., February 12, 1863.

TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES:

On the 4th of September, 1862, Commander George Henry Preble, United
States Navy, then senior officer in command of the naval force off the
harbor of Mobile, was guilty of inexcusable neglect in permitting the
armed steamer Oreto in open daylight to run the blockade. For his omission
to perform his whole duty on that occasion, and the injury thereby
inflicted on the service and the country, his name was stricken from the
list of naval officers and he was dismissed [from] the service.

Since his dismissal earnest application has been made for his restoration
to his former position by senators and naval officers, on the ground that
his fault was an error of judgment, and that the example in his case has
already had its effect in preventing a repetition of similar neglect.

I therefore on this application and representation, and in consideration
of his previous fair record, do hereby nominate George Henry Preble to
be a commander in the navy from the 16th July, 1862, to take rank on the
active list next after Commander Edward Donaldson, and to fill a vacancy
occasioned by the death of Commander J. M. Wainwright.


A. LINCOLN.




MESSAGE TO THE SENATE.

WASHINGTON, D. C., February 12, 1863.

TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES:

On the 24th August, 1861, Commander Roger Perry, United. States Navy,
was dismissed from the service under a misapprehension in regard to his
loyalty to the Government, from the circumstance that several oaths
were transmitted to him and the Navy Department failed to receive any
recognition of them. After his dismissal, and upon his assurance that
the oath failed to reach him and his readiness to execute it, he was
recommissioned to his original position on the 4th September following.
On the same day, 4th September, he was ordered to command the sloop of war
Vandalia; on the 22d this order was revoked and he was ordered to duty in
the Mississippi Squadron, and on the 23d January, 1862, was detached sick,
and has since remained unemployed. The advisory board under the act of
16th July, 1862, did not recommend him for further promotion.

This last commission, having been issued during the recess of the Senate,
expired at the end of the succeeding session, 17th July, 1862, from which
date, not having been nominated to the Senate, he ceased to be a commander
in the navy.

To correct the omission to nominate this officer to the Senate at its last
session, I now nominate Commander Roger Perry to be a commander in the
navy from the 14th September, 1855, to take his relative position on the
list of commanders not recommended for further promotion.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL W. S. ROSECRANS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February 12,1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL ROSECRANS, Murfreesborough, Tenn.:

Your despatch about "river patrolling" received. I have called the
Secretary of the Navy, Secretary of War, and General-in-Chief together,
and submitted it to them, who promise to do their very best in the case. I
cannot take it into my own hands without producing inextricable confusion.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO SIMON CAMERON.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February 13, 1863.

HON. SIMON CAMERON, Harrisburg, Pa.: General Clay is here and I suppose
the matter we spoke of will have to be definitely settled now. Please
answer.


A. LINCOLN.




TO ALEXANDER REED.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February 22, 1863.

REV. ALEXANDER REED. MY DEAR SIR:--Your note, by which you, as General
Superintendent of the United States Christian Commission, invite me to
preside at a meeting to be held this day at the hall of the House of
Representatives in this city, is received.

While, for reasons which I deem sufficient, I must decline to preside, I
cannot withhold my approval of the meeting and its worthy objects.

Whatever shall be, sincerely and in God's name, devised for the good of
the soldiers and seamen in their hard spheres of duty, can scarcely fail
to be blessed; and whatever shall tend to turn our thoughts from the
unreasoning and uncharitable passions, prejudices, and jealousies incident
to a great national trouble such as ours, and to fix them on the vast and
long enduring consequences, for weal or for woe, which are to result from
the struggle, and especially to strengthen our reliance on the Supreme
Being for the final triumph of the right, cannot but be well for us all.

The birthday of Washington and the Christian Sabbath coinciding this year,
and suggesting together the highest interests of this life and of that to
come, is most propitious for the meeting proposed.

Your obedient servant,


A. LINCOLN




TELEGRAM TO J. K. DUBOIS.

[Cipher]

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C. February 26,1863.

HON. J. K. DuBois, Springfield, Ill.: General Rosecrans respectfully urges
the appointment of William P. Caslin as a brigadier-general, What say you?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL HOOKER

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, February 27,1863

MAJOR-GENERAL HOOKER:

If it will be no detriment to the service I will be obliged for Capt.
Henry A. Marchant, of Company I, Twenty-third Pennsylvania Volunteers, to
come here and remain four or five days.


A. LINCOLN.




PROCLAMATION CONVENING THE SENATE, FEBRUARY 28, 1863

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

A Proclamation.

Whereas objects of interest to the United States require that the Senate
should be convened at 12 o'clock on the 4th of March next to receive
and act upon such communications as may be made to it on the part of the
Executive:

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, have
considered it to be my duty to issue this my proclamation, declaring that
an extraordinary occasion requires the Senate of the United States to
convene for the transaction of business at the Capitol, in the city of
Washington, on the 4th day of March next, at 12 o'clock at noon on that
day, of which all who shall at that time be entitled to act as members of
that body are hereby required to take notice.

Given under my hand and the seal of the United States, at Washington, the
twenty eighth day of February A.D. 1863, and of the independence of the
United States of America, the eighty-seventh.


A. LINCOLN.

By the President WILLIAM H. SEWARD,
 Secretary o f State.




TO SECRETARY SEWARD.

WASHINGTON, March, 7,1863.

Mr. M. is now with me on the question of the Honolulu Commissioner. It
pains me some that this tilt for the place of Colonel Baker's friend
grows so fierce, now that the Colonel is no longer alive to defend him.
I presume, however, we shall have no rest from it. In self-defense I am
disposed to say, "Make a selection and send it to me."


A. LINCOLN




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR TOD,

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, March 9, 1863.

GOVERNOR DAVID TOD, Columbus, Ohio:

I think your advice with that of others would be valuable in the selection
of provost-marshals for Ohio.


A. LINCOLN.




PROCLAMATION RECALLING SOLDIERS TO THEIR REGIMENTS, MARCH 10, 1863

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES:

A Proclamation

In pursuance of the twenty-sixth section of the act of Congress entitled
"An act for enrolling and calling out the national forces, and for other
purposes," approved on the 3d day of March, 1863, I, Abraham Lincoln,
President and Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the United
States, do hereby order and command that all soldiers enlisted or drafted
in the service of the United States now absent from their regiments
without leave shall forthwith return to their respective regiments.

And I do hereby declare and proclaim that all soldiers now absent from
their respective regiments without leave who shall, on or before the first
day of April, 1863, report themselves at any rendezvous designated by
the general orders of the War Department No. 58, hereto annexed, may be
restored to their respective regiments without punishment, except the
forfeiture of pay and allowances during their absence; and all who do not
return within the time above specified shall be arrested as deserters and
punished as the law provides; and

Whereas evil-disposed and disloyal persons at sundry places have
enticed and procured soldiers to desert and absent themselves from their
regiments, thereby weakening the strength of the armies and prolonging the
war, giving aid and comfort to the enemy, and cruelly exposing the gallant
and faithful soldiers remaining in the ranks to increased hardships and
danger:

I do therefore call upon all patriotic and faithful citizens to oppose and
resist the aforementioned dangerous and treasonable crimes, and to aid
in restoring to their regiments all soldiers absent without leave, and to
assist in the execution of the act of Congress "for enrolling and calling
out the national forces, and for other purposes," and to support the
proper authorities in the prosecution and punishment of offenders against
said act and in suppressing the insurrection and rebellion.

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand. Done at the city of
Washington, this tenth day of March, A.D. 1863, and of the independence of
the United States the eighty-seventh.


A. LINCOLN.

By the President:  EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL HOOKER.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, March 13, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL HOOKER:

General Stahel wishes to be assigned to General Heintzelman and General
Heintzelman also desires it. I would like to oblige both if it would not
injure the service in your army, or incommode you. What say you?


A. LINCOLN.




TO SECRETARY SEWARD.

WASHINGTON, Match 15, 1863.

I am very glad of your note saying "recent despatches from him are able,
judicious, and loyal," and that if I agree; we will leave him there. I am
glad to agree, so long as the public interest does not seem to require his
removal.




TELEGRAM TO J. O. MORTON.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, March 16, 1863.

HON. J. O. MORTON, Joliet, Ill.: William Chumasero is proposed for
provost-marshal of your district. What think you of it? I understand he is
a good man.


A. LINCOLN.




GRANT'S EXCLUSION OF A NEWSPAPER REPORTER

REVOCATION OF SENTENCE OF T. W. KNOX.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, March 20, 1863.

WHOM IT MAY CONCERN:--Whereas, it appears to my satisfaction that Thomas
W. Knox, a correspondent of the New York Herald, has been by the sentence
of a court-martial excluded from the military department under command
of Major-General Grant, and also that General Thayer, president of the
court-martial which rendered the sentence, and Major-General McClernand,
in command of a corps of that department, and many other respectable
persons, are of opinion that Mr. Knox's offense was technical rather than
wilfully wrong, and that the sentence should be revoked: now, therefore,
said sentence is hereby so far revoked as to allow Mr. Knox to return to
General Grant's headquarters, and to remain if General Grant shall give
his express assent, and to again leave the department if General Grant
shall refuse such assent.


A. LINCOLN.




TO BENJAMIN GRATZ.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, March 25,1863.

Mr. BENJAMIN GRATZ, Lexington, Ky.:

Show this to whom it may concern as your authority for allowing Mrs. Selby
to remain at your house, so long as you choose to be responsible for what
she may do.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL ROSECRANS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, March 25, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL ROSECRANS, Murfreesborough, Tenn.:

Your dispatches about General Davis and General Mitchell are received.
General Davis' case is not particular, being simply one of a great many
recommended and not nominated because they would transcend the number
allowed by law. General Mitchell (was) nominated and rejected by the
Senate and I do not think it proper for me to renominate him without a
change of circumstances such as the performance of additional service, or
an expressed change of purpose on the part of at least some senators who
opposed him.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL S. A. HURLBUT.

WASHINGTON, March 25, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL HURLBUT, Memphis:

What news have you? What from Vicksburg? What from Yazoo Pass? What from
Lake Providence? What generally?


A. LINCOLN.




QUESTION OF RAISING NEGRO TROOPS

TO GOVERNOR JOHNSON.

(Private.)

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON March 26, 1863.

HON. ANDREW JOHNSON.

MY DEAR SIR:--I am told you have at least thought of raising a negro
military force. In my opinion the country now needs no specific thing so
much as some man of your ability and position to go to this work. When I
speak of your position, I mean that of an eminent citizen of a slave State
and himself a slaveholder. The colored population is the great available
and yet unavailed of force for restoring the Union. The bare sight of
fifty thousand armed and drilled black soldiers upon the banks of the
Mississippi would end the rebellion at once; and who doubts that we
can present that sight if we but take hold in earnest? If you have been
thinking of it, please do not dismiss the thought.

Yours very truly,


A. LINCOLN.




PROCLAMATION APPOINTING A NATIONAL FAST-DAY.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A Proclamation.

March 30, 1863.

Whereas the Senate of the United States, devoutly recognizing the supreme
authority and just government of Almighty God in all the affairs of men
and of nations, has by a resolution requested the President to designate
and set apart a day for national prayer and humiliation:

And whereas it is the duty of nations as well as men to own their
dependence upon the overruling power of God; to confess their sins and
transgressions in humble sorrow, yet with assured hope that genuine
repentance will lead to mercy and pardon; and to recognize the sublime
truth, announced in the Holy Scriptures and proven by all history, that
those nations only are blessed whose God is the Lord:

And insomuch as we know that by His divine law nations, like individuals,
are subjected to punishments and chastisements in this world, may we not
justly fear that the awful calamity of civil war which now desolates the
land may be but a punishment inflicted upon us for our presumptuous sins,
to the needful end of our national reformation as a whole people? We
have been the recipients of the choicest bounties of Heaven. We have been
preserved, these many years, in peace and prosperity. We have grown in
numbers, wealth, and power as no other nation has ever grown; but we have
forgotten God. We have forgotten the gracious hand which preserved us in
peace, and multiplied and enriched and strengthened us; and we have vainly
imagined, in the deceitfulness of our hearts, that all these blessings
were produced by some superior wisdom and virtue of our own. Intoxicated
with unbroken success, we have become too self-sufficient to feel the
necessity of redeeming and preserving grace, too proud to pray to the God
that made us:

It behooves us, then, to humble ourselves before the offended Power, to
confess our national sins, and to pray for clemency and forgiveness:

Now, therefore, in compliance with the request, and fully concurring in
the views, of the Senate, I do by this my proclamation designate and
set apart Thursday, the 30th day of April, 1863, as a day of national
humiliation, fasting, and prayer. And I do hereby request all the people
to abstain on that day from their ordinary secular pursuits, and to unite
at their several places of public worship and their respective homes in
keeping the day holy to the Lord, and devoted to the humble discharge of
the religious duties proper to that solemn occasion. All this being done
in sincerity and truth, let us then rest humbly in the hope, authorized by
the divine teachings, that the united cry of the nation will be heard on
high, and answered with blessings no less than the pardon of our national
sins, and the restoration of our now divided and suffering country to its
former happy condition of unity and peace.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed.

Done at the city of Washington, this thirtieth day of March, in the
year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and of the
independence of the United States the eighty-seventh.


A. LINCOLN.

By the President:  WILLIAM H. SEWARD,
  Secretary of State.




LICENSE OF COMMERCIAL INTERCOURSE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, March 31, 1863.

Whereas by the act of Congress approved July 13, 1861, entitled "An act to
provide for the collection of duties on imports, and for other purposes,"
all commercial intercourse between the inhabitants of such States as
should by proclamation be declared in insurrection against the United
States and the citizens of the rest of the United States was prohibited
so long as such condition of hostility should continue, except as the
same shall be licensed and permitted by the President to be conducted and
carried on only in pursuance of rules and regulations prescribed by the
Secretary of the Treasury; and:

Whereas it appears that a partial restoration of such intercourse between
the inhabitants of sundry places and sections heretofore declared in
insurrection in pursuance of said act and the citizens of the rest of the
United States will favorably affect the public interests:

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States,
exercising the authority and discretion confided to me by the said act of
Congress, do hereby license and permit such commercial intercourse between
the citizens of loyal States and the inhabitants of such insurrectionary
States in the cases and under the restrictions described and expressed in
the regulations prescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury bearing
even date with these presents, or in such other regulations as he may
hereafter, with my approval, prescribe.


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL D. HUNTER.

(Private.) EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C April 1, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL HUNTER.

MY DEAR SIR:--I am glad to see the accounts of your colored force at
Jacksonville, Florida. I see the enemy are driving at them fiercely, as is
to be expected. It is important to the enemy that such a force shall not
take shape and grow and thrive in the South, and in precisely the same
proportion it is important to us that it shall. Hence the utmost caution
and vigilance is necessary on our part. The enemy will make extra efforts
to destroy them, and we should do the same to preserve and increase them.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




PROCLAMATION ABOUT COMMERCIAL INTERCOURSE, APRIL 2, 1863

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A Proclamation.

Whereas, in pursuance of the act of Congress approved July 13, 1861, I
did, by proclamation dated August 16, 1861, declare that the inhabitants
of the States of Georgia, South Carolina, Virginia, North Carolina,
Tennessee, Alabama, Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, Mississippi, and Florida
(except the inhabitants of that part of Virginia lying west of the
Alleghany Mountains, and of such other parts of that State and the other
States hereinbefore named as might maintain a legal adhesion to the Union
and the Constitution or might be from time to time occupied and controlled
by forces of the United States engaged in the dispersion of said
insurgents) were in a state of insurrection against the United States,
and that all commercial intercourse between the same and the inhabitants
thereof, with the exceptions aforesaid, and the citizens of other States
and other parts of the United States was unlawful and would remain
unlawful until such insurrection should cease or be suppressed, and that
all goods and chattels, wares and merchandise, coming from any of said
States, with the exceptions aforesaid, into other parts of the United
States without the license and permission of the President, through the
Secretary of the Treasury, or proceeding to any of said States, with
the exceptions aforesaid, by land or water, together with the vessel or
vehicle conveying the same to or from said States, with the exceptions
aforesaid, would be forfeited to the United States, and:

Whereas experience has shown that the exceptions made in and by said
proclamation embarrass the due enforcement of said act of July 13, 1861,
and the proper regulation of the commercial intercourse authorized by said
act with the loyal citizens of said States:

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do
hereby revoke the said exceptions, and declare that the inhabitants of
the States of Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, Tennessee, Alabama,
Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, Mississippi, Florida, and Virginia (except the
forty-eight counties of Virginia designated as West Virginia, and except
also the ports of New Orleans, Key West; Port Royal, and Beaufort in North
Carolina) are in a state of insurrection against the United States, and
that all commercial intercourse not licensed and conducted as provided
in said act between the said States and the inhabitants thereof, with the
exceptions aforesaid, and the citizens of other States and other parts
of the United States is unlawful and will remain unlawful until such
insurrection shall cease or has been suppressed and notice thereof has
been duly given by proclamation; and all cotton, tobacco, and other
products, and all other goods and chattels, wares and merchandise, coming
from any of said States, with the exceptions aforesaid, into other parts
of the United States, or proceeding to any of said States, with the
exceptions aforesaid, without the license and permission of the President,
through the Secretary of the Treasury, will together with the vessel or
vehicle conveying the same, be forfeited to the United States.

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the
United States to be affixed.

Done at the city of Washington, this second day of April, A.D. 1863, and
of the independence of the United States of America the eighty-seventh.


A. LINCOLN.

By the President:   WILLIAM H. SEWARD,
   Secretary of State.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL HOOKER.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 3, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL HOOKER:

Our plan is to pass Saturday night on the boat, go over from Aquia Creek
to your camp Sunday morning, remain with you till Tuesday morning, and
then return. Our party will probably not exceed six persons of all sorts.


A. LINCOLN.




OPINION ON HARBOR DEFENSE.

April 4, 1863.

On this general subject I respectfully refer Mr.------__ to the
Secretaries of War and Navy for conference and consultation. I have a
single idea of my own about harbor defense. It is a steam ram, built so
as to sacrifice nearly all capacity for carrying to those of speed and
strength, so as to be able to split any vessel having hollow enough in her
to carry supplies for a voyage of any distance. Such ram, of course, could
not herself carry supplies for a voyage of considerable distance, and her
business would be to guard a particular harbor as a bulldog guards his
master's door.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY.

HEADQUARTERS ARMY POTOMAC, April 9, 1863.

HON. SECRETARY OF THE NAVY:

Richmond Whig of the 8th has no telegraphic despatches from Charleston,
but has the following as editorial:

"All thoughts are now centred upon Charleston. Official intelligence was
made public early yesterday morning that the enemy's iron-clad fleet
had attempted to cross the bar and failed, but later in the day it was
announced that the gunboats and transports had succeeded in crossing and
were at anchor. Our iron-clads lay between the forts quietly awaiting the
attack. Further intelligence is looked for with eager anxiety. The Yankees
have made no secret of this vast preparation for an attack on Charleston,
and we may well anticipate a desperate conflict. At last the hour of trial
has come for Charleston, the hour of deliverance or destruction, for no
one believes the other alternative, surrender, possible. The heart of the
whole country yearns toward the beleaguered city with intense solicitude,
yet with hopes amounting to confidence. Charleston knows what is expected
of her, and which is due to her fame, and to the relation she sustains to
the cause. The devoted, the heroic, the great-hearted Beauregard is there,
and he, too, knows what is expected of him and will not disappoint that
expectation. We predict a Saragossa defense, and that if Charleston is
taken it will be only a heap of ruins."

The rebel pickets are reported as calling over to our pickets today that
we had taken some rebel fort. This is not very intelligible, and I think
is entirely unreliable.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO OFFICER IN COMMAND AT NASHVILLE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 11,1863.

OFFICER IN COMMAND at Nashville, Tenn: Is there a soldier by the name
of John R. Minnick of Wynkoop's cavalry under sentence of death, by a
court-martial or military commission, in Nashville? And if so what was his
offense, and when is he to be executed?


A. LINCOLN.

If necessary let the execution be staid till I can be heard from again.

A. LINCOLN.

     [President Lincoln sent many telegrams similar in form to
     this one in order to avoid tiresome repetition the editor
     has omitted all those without especial interest.  Hardly a
     day went by that there were not people in the White House
     begging mercy for a sentenced soldier.  A mother one day,
     pleaded with Lincoln to remit the sentence of execution on
     her son. "Well, I don't think it will do him a bit of good"
     said Mr. Lincoln--"Pardoned." D.W.]




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL HOOKER.

WASHINGTON D.C., April 12, 1863

MAJOR-GENERAL HOOKER:

Your letter by the hand of General Butterfield is received, and will be
conformed to. The thing you dispense with would have been ready by mid-day
to-morrow.


A. LINCOLN




TELEGRAM TO ADMIRAL S. P. DUPONT.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 13, 1863

ADMIRAL DUPONT:

Hold your position inside the bar near Charleston; or, if you shall have
left it, return to it, and hold it until further orders. Do not allow the
enemy to erect new batteries or defenses on Morris Island. If he has begun
it, drive him out. I do not herein order you to renew the general attack.
That is to depend on your own discretion or a further order.


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL D. HUNTER AND ADMIRAL S. F. DUPONT.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 54, 1863.

GENERAL HUNTER AND ADMIRAL DUPONT:

This is intended to clear up an apparent inconsistency between the recent
order to continue operations before Charleston and the former one to
remove to another point in a certain contingency. No censure upon you, or
either of you, is intended. We still hope that by cordial and judicious
co-operation you can take the batteries on Morris Island and Sullivan's
Island and Fort Sumter. But whether you can or not, we wish the
demonstration kept up for a time, for a collateral and very important
object. We wish the attempt to be a real one, though not a desperate one,
if it affords any considerable chance of success. But if prosecuted as a
demonstration only, this must not become public, or the whole effect will
be lost. Once again before Charleston, do not leave until further orders
from here. Of course this is not intended to force you to leave unduly
exposed Hilton Head or other near points in your charge.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.

P. S.--Whoever receives this first, please send a copy to the other
immediately. A.L.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL S. HOOKER.

WASHINGTON, D. C., April 15, 1863. 10.15 P.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL HOOKER:

It is now 10.15 P.M. An hour ago I received your letter of this morning,
and a few moments later your despatch of this evening. The latter gives me
considerable uneasiness. The rain and mud of course were to be calculated
upon. General S. is not moving rapidly enough to make the expedition come
to anything. He has now been out three days, two of which were unusually
fair weather, and all three without hindrance from the enemy, and yet
he is not twenty-five miles from where he started. To reach his point he
still has sixty to go, another river (the Rapidan) to cross, and will be
hindered by the enemy. By arithmetic, how many days will it take him to
do it? I do not know that any better can be done, but I greatly fear it is
another failure already. Write me often. I am very anxious.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




ON COLONIZATION ARRANGEMENTS

REPUDIATION OF AN AGREEMENT WITH BERNARD KOCK

APRIL 16, 1863.


A. LINCOLN,


PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,

TO ALL TO WHOM THESE PRESENTS SHALL COME,

GREETING:

Know ye that, whereas a paper bearing date the 3rd day of December last,
purporting to be an agreement between the United States and one Bernard
Kock for immigration of persons of African extraction to a dependency
of the Republic of Haiti, was signed by me on behalf of the party of the
first part; but whereas the said instrument was and has since remained
incomplete in consequence of the seal of the United States not having been
thereunto affixed; and whereas I have been moved by considerations by me
deemed sufficient to withhold my authority for affixing the said seal:

Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the
United States, do hereby authorize the Secretary of State to cancel my
signature to the instrument aforesaid.

Done at Washington, this sixteenth day of April, A.D. 1863.


A. LINCOLN.

By the President:  WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.




STATEHOOD FOR WEST VIRGINIA, APRIL 20, 1863.

PROCLAMATION ADMITTING WEST VIRGINIA INTO THE UNION,

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A Proclamation.

Whereas by the act of Congress approved the 31st day of December last
the State of West Virginia was declared to be one of the United States
of America, and was admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the
original States in all respects whatever, upon the condition that certain
changes should be duly made in the proposed constitution for that State;
and

Whereas proof of a compliance with that condition, as required by the
second section of the act aforesaid, has been submitted to me:

Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the
United States, do hereby, in pursuance of the act of Congress aforesaid,
declare and proclaim that the said act shall take effect and be in force
from and after sixty days from the date hereof.

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the
United States to be affixed.

Done at the city of Washington, this twentieth day of April, A.D. 1863,
and of the independence of the United States the eighty-seventh.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL W. S. ROSECRANS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, APRIL 23, 1863 10.10am

MAJOR-GENERAL ROSECRANS, Murfreesborough, Tenn.:

Your despatch of the 21st received. I really cannot say that I have
heard any complaint of you. I have heard complaint of a police corps at
Nashville, but your name was not mentioned in connection with it, so far
as I remember. It may be that by inference you are connected with it, but
my attention has never been drawn to it in that light.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL J. HOOKER.

WASHINGTON, D.C., April 27, 1863. 3.30 P.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL HOOKER:

How does it look now?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR CURTIN.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, April 28, 1863.

HON. A. O. CURTIN, Harrisburg, Penn.:

I do not think the people of Pennsylvania should be uneasy about an
invasion. Doubtless a small force of the enemy is flourishing about in
the northern part of Virginia, on the "skewhorn" principle, on purpose to
divert us in another quarter. I believe it is nothing more. We think we
have adequate force close after them.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO W. A. NEWELL.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 29, 1863.

HON. W. A. NEWELL, Allentown, N.J.:

I have some trouble about provost-marshal in your first district.
Please procure HON. Mr. Starr to come with you and see me, or come to an
agreement with him and telegraph me the result.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR CURTIN,

EXECUTIVE MANSION, MAY 1, 1863

GOVERNOR CURTIN, Harrisburg, Penn.:

The whole disposable force at Baltimore and else where in reach have
already been sent after the enemy which alarms you. The worst thing the
enemy could do for himself would be to weaken himself before Hooker, and
therefore it is safe to believe he is not doing it; and the best thing
he could do for himself would be to get us so scared as to bring part
of Hooker's force away, and that is just what he is trying to do. I will
telegraph you in the morning about calling out the militia.


A. LINCOLN,




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR CURTIN

EXECUTIVE MANSION, MAY 2, 1863

GOVERNOR CURTIN, Harrisburg, Penn.:

General Halleck tells me he has a despatch from General Schenck this
morning, informing him that our forces have joined, and that the enemy
menacing Pennsylvania will have to fight or run today. I hope I am not
less anxious to do my duty to Pennsylvania than yourself, but I really
do not yet see the justification for incurring the trouble and expense of
calling out the militia. I shall keep watch, and try to do my duty.


A. LINCOLN P. S.--Our forces are exactly between the enemy and
Pennsylvania.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL D. BUTTERFIELD.

WASHINGTON, D. C., May 3, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL BUTTERFIELD, Chief of Staff:

The President thanks you for your telegrams, and hopes you will keep him
advised as rapidly as any information reaches you.

EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War.




GENERALS LOST

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL D. BUTTERFIELD.

WASHINGTON, D. C., May 3, 1863. 4.35 P.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL BUTTERFIELD:

Where is General Hooker? Where is Sedgwick Where is Stoneman?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL J. HOOKER.

WASHINGTON, D.C., May 4, 1863. 3.10 P M.

MAJOR-GENERAL HOOKER:

We have news here that the enemy has reoccupied heights above
Fredericksburg. Is that so?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BURNSIDE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, May 4, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL BURNSIDE, Cincinnati, O.:

Our friend General Sigel claims that you owe him a letter. If you so
remember please write him at once. He is here.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL HOOKER.

WASHINGTON, D.C., May 6, 1863. 2.25. P.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL HOOKER:

We have through General Dix the contents of Richmond papers of the 5th.
General Dix's despatch in full is going to you by Captain Fox of the navy.
The substance is General Lee's despatch of the 3d (Sunday), claiming
that he had beaten you and that you were then retreating across the
Rappahannock, distinctly stating that two of Longstreet's divisions fought
you on Saturday, and that General [E. F.] Paxton was killed, Stonewall
Jackson severely wounded, and Generals Heth and A. P. Hill slightly
wounded. The Richmond papers also stated, upon what authority not
mentioned, that our cavalry have been at Ashland, Hanover Court-House,
and other points, destroying several locomotives and a good deal of other
property, and all the railroad bridges to within five miles of Richmond.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL HOOKER

WASHINGTON, D.C., May 6, 1863. 12.30 P.M.

Just as I telegraphed you contents of Richmond papers showing that our
cavalry has not failed, I received General Butterfield's of 11 A.M.
yesterday. This, with the great rain of yesterday and last night securing
your right flank, I think puts a new face upon your case; but you must be
the judge.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO COLONEL R. INGALLS.

WASHINGTON, D. C., May 6, 1863 1.45 PM

COLONEL INGALLS:

News has gone to General Hooker which may change his plans. Act in view of
such contingency.


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL J. HOOKER.

HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF THE POTOMAC, May 7, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL HOOKER.

MY DEAR SIR:--The recent movement of your army is ended without effecting
its object, except, perhaps, some important breakings of the enemy's
communications. What next? If possible, I would be very glad of another
movement early enough to give us some benefit from the fact of the enemy's
communication being broken; but neither for this reason nor any other do
I wish anything done in desperation or rashness. An early movement would
also help to supersede the bad moral effect of there certain, which is
said to be considerably injurious. Have you already in your mind a plan
wholly or partially formed? If you have, prosecute it without interference
from me. If you have not, please inform me, so that I, incompetent as I
may be, can try and assist in the formation of some plan for the army.

Yours as ever,

A. LINCOLN.




DRAFTING OF ALIENS

PROCLAMATION CONCERNING ALIENS,

MAY 8, 1863.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A Proclamation

Whereas the Congress of the United States, at its last session, enacted a
law entitled "An act for enrolling and calling out the national forces and
for other purposes," which was approved on the 3d day of March last; and

Whereas it is recited in the said act that there now exists in the United
States an insurrection and rebellion against the authority thereof, and
it is, under the Constitution of the United States, the duty of the
government to suppress insurrection and rebellion, to guarantee to
each State a republican form of government, and to preserve the public
tranquillity; and

Whereas for these high purposes a military force is indispensable, to
raise and support which all persons Ought willingly to contribute; and

Whereas no service can be more praiseworthy and honorable than that which
is rendered for the maintenance of the Constitution and the Union, and the
consequent preservation of free government; and

Whereas, for the reasons thus recited, it was enacted by the said statute
that all able-bodied male citizens of the United States, and persons of
foreign birth who shall have declared on oath their intention to become
citizens under and in pursuance of the laws thereof, between the ages of
twenty and forty-five years (with certain exceptions not necessary to be
here mentioned), are declared to constitute the national forces, and shall
be liable to perform military duty in the service of the United States
when called out by the President for that purpose; and

Whereas it is claimed by and in behalf of persons of foreign birth within
the ages specified in said act, who have heretofore declared on oath their
intentions to become citizens under and in pursuance of the laws of the
United States, and who have not exercised the right of suffrage or any
other political franchise under the laws of the United States, or of any
of the States thereof, that they are not absolutely concluded by their
aforesaid declaration of intention from renouncing their purpose to become
citizens, and that, on the contrary, such persons under treaties or the
law of nations retain a right to renounce that purpose and to forego the
privileges of citizenship and residence within the United States under the
obligations imposed by the aforesaid act of Congress:

Now, therefore, to avoid all misapprehensions concerning the liability of
persons concerned to perform the service required by such enactment, and
to give it full effect, I do hereby order and proclaim that no plea
of alienage will be received or allowed to exempt from the obligations
imposed by the aforesaid act of Congress any person of foreign birth
who shall have declared on oath his intention to become a citizen of the
United States under the laws thereof, and who shall be found within
the United States at any time during the continuance of the present
insurrection and rebellion, at or after the expiration of the period of
sixty-five days from the date of this proclamation; nor shall any such
plea of alienage be allowed in favor of any such person who has so,
as aforesaid, declared his intention to become a citizen of the United
States, and shall have exercised at any time the right of suffrage, or
any other political franchise, within the United States, under the laws
thereof, or under the laws of any of the several States.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington, this
eighth day of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred
and sixty-three, and of the independence of the United States the
eighty-seventh.


A. LINCOLN.

By the President:  WILLIAM H. SEWARD




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL J. HOOKER.

WASHINGTON, D. C. May 8, 1863. 4 P.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL HOOKER:

The news is here of the capture by our forces of Grand Gulf--a large and
very important thing. General Willich, an exchanged prisoner just from
Richmond, has talked with me this morning. He was there when our cavalry
cut the roads in that vicinity. He says there was not a sound pair of legs
in Richmond, and that our men, had they known it, could have safely
gone in and burned everything and brought in Jeff Davis. We captured and
paroled 300 or 400 men. He says as he came to City Point there was an army
three miles long (Longstreet's, he thought) moving toward Richmond.

Muroy has captured a despatch of General Lee, in which he says his loss
was fearful in his last battle with you.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL J. A. DIX.

WAR DEPARTMENT, May 9,1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL DIX:

It is very important for Hooker to know exactly what damage is done to
the railroads at all points between Fredericksburg and Richmond. As yet we
have no word as to whether the crossings of the North and South Anna, or
any of them, have been touched. There are four of these Crossings;
that is, one on each road on each stream. You readily perceive why this
information is desired. I suppose Kilpatrick or Davis can tell. Please
ascertain fully what was done, and what is the present condition, as near
as you can, and advise me at once.


A. LINCOLN.




TO SECRETARY SEWARD.

WASHINGTON, May 9, 1863

I believe Mr. L. is a good man, but two things need to be remembered.

1st. Mr. R.'s rival was a relative of Mr. L.

2d. I hear of nobody calling Mr. R. a "Copperhead," but Mr. L. However,
let us watch.

A. L.




TO SECRETARY STANTON.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, MAY 11, 1863

HON. SECRETARY OF WAR.

DEAR SIR:--I have again concluded to relieve General Curtis. I see no
other way to avoid the worst consequences there. I think of General
Schofield as his successor, but I do not wish to take the matter of a
successor out of the hands of yourself and General Halleck.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL DIX.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, May 11, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL DIX:

Do the Richmond papers have anything about Grand Gulf or Vicksburg?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BUTTERFIELD.

[Cipher.]

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, May 11, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL BUTTERFIELD:

About what distance is it from the observatory we stopped at last Thursday
to the line of enemies' works you ranged the glass upon for me?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR SEYMOUR

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, May 12, 1863.

GOVERNOR SEYMOUR, Albany, N.Y.:

Dr. Swinburne and Mr. Gillett are here, having been refused, as they say,
by the War Department, permission to go to the Army of the Potomac. They
now appeal to me, saying you wish them to go. I suppose they have been
excluded by a rule which experience has induced the department to deem
proper; still they shall have leave to go, if you say you desire it.
Please answer.


A. LINCOLN




TELEGRAM TO A. G. HENRY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON May 13,1863.

Dr. A. G. HENRY, Metropolitan Hotel, New York:

Governor Chase's feelings were hurt by my action in his absence. Smith is
removed, but Governor Chase wishes to name his successor, and asks a day
or two to make the designation.


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL J. HOOKER.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D.C. May 14, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL HOOKER, Commanding.

MY DEAR SIR:--When I wrote on the 7th, I had an impression that possibly
by an early movement you could get some advantage from the supposed facts
that the enemy's communications were disturbed and that he was somewhat
deranged in position. That idea has now passed away, the enemy having
re-established his communications, regained his positions, and actually
received reinforcements. It does not now appear probable to me that
you can gain anything by an early renewal of the attempt to cross the
Rappahannock. I therefore shall not complain if you do no more for a time
than to keep the enemy at bay and out of other mischief by menaces and
occasional cavalry raids, if practicable, and to put your own army in good
condition again. Still, if in your own clear judgment you can renew the
attack successfully, I do not mean to restrain you. Bearing upon this last
point, I must tell you that I have some painful intimations that some
of your corps and division commanders are not giving you their entire
confidence. This would be ruinous, if true, and you should therefore,
first of all, ascertain the real facts beyond all possibility of doubt.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




FACTIONAL QUARRELS

TELEGRAM TO H. T. BLOW AND OTHERS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, May 15, 1863.

HON. H. T. BLOW, C. D. DRAKE, AND OTHERS, St. Louis, Mo.:

Your despatch of to-day is just received. It is very painful to me that
you in Missouri cannot or will not settle your factional quarrel among
yourselves. I have been tormented with it beyond endurance for months
by both sides. Neither side pays the least respect to my appeals to your
reason. I am now compelled to take hold of the case.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO JAMES GUTHRIE.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, May 16, 1863.

HON. JAMES GUTHRIE, Louisville, Ky.:

Your despatch of to-day is received. I personally know nothing of Colonel
Churchill, but months ago and more than once he has been represented to me
as exerting a mischievous influence at Saint Louis, for which reason I
am unwilling to force his continuance there against the judgment of our
friends on the ground; but if it will oblige you, he may come to and
remain at Louisville upon taking the oath of allegiance, and your pledge
for his good behavior.


A. LINCOLN.




TO SECRETARY OF WAR.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, May 16, 1863.

HON. SECRETARY OF WAR.

MY DEAR SIR:--The commander of the Department at St. Louis has ordered
several persons south of our military lines, which order is not
disapproved by me. Yet at the special request of the HON. James Guthrie
I have consented to one of the number, Samuel Churchill, remaining at
Louisville, Ky., upon condition of his taking the oath of allegiance and
Mr. Gutlirie's word of honor for his good behavior.

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.




ORDERS SENDING C. L. VALLANDIGHAM BEYOND MILITARY LINES.

[Cipher.]

UNITED STATES MILITARY TELEGRAPH, May 10, 1863. By telegraph from
Washington, 9.40 PM, 1863

TO MAJOR-GENERAL BURNSIDE, Commanding Department of Ohio.

SIR:--The President directs that without delay you send C. L. Vallandigham
under secure guard to the Headquarters of General Rosecrans, to be put by
him beyond our military lines; and in case of his return within our lines,
he be arrested and kept in close custody for the term specified in his
sentence.

By order of the President:  E. R. S. CANBY, Assistant Adjutant-General.




WAR DEPARTMENT, May 20, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL A. B. BURNSIDE, Commanding Department of Ohio, Cincinnati,
O.

Your despatch of three o'clock this afternoon to the Secretary of War has
been received and shown to the President. He thinks the best disposition
to be made of Vallandigham is to put him beyond the lines, as directed in
the order transmitted to you last evening, and directs that you execute
that order by sending him forward under secure guard without delay to
General Rosecrans.

By order of the President:  ED. R. S. CANBY, Brigadier-General




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL W. S. ROSECRANS.

WASHINGTON, May 20, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL ROSECRANS:

Yours of yesterday in regard to Colonel Haggard is received. I am anxious
that you shall not misunderstand me. In no case have I intended to censure
you or to question your ability. In Colonel Haggard's case I meant no more
than to suggest that possibly you might have been mistaken in a point that
could [be] corrected. I frequently make mistakes myself in the many things
I am compelled to do hastily.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL W. S. ROSECRANS.

WASHINGTON, May 21, 1863. 4.40 PM.

MAJOR-GENERAL ROSECRANS:

For certain reasons it is thought best for Rev. Dr. Jaquess not to come
here.

Present my respects to him, and ask him to write me fully on the subject
he has in contemplation.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL S. A. HURLBUT.

WASHINGTON, May 22, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL HURLBUT, Memphis, Tenn.:

We have news here in the Richmond newspapers of 20th and 21st, including
a despatch from General Joe Johnston himself, that on the 15th or 16th--a
little confusion as to the day--Grant beat Pemberton and [W. W.] Loring
near Edwards Station, at the end of a nine hours' fight, driving Pemberton
over the Big Black and cutting Loring off and driving him south to Crystal
Springs, twenty-five miles below Jackson. Joe Johnston telegraphed
all this, except about Loring, from his camp between Brownsville and
Lexington, on the 18th. Another despatch indicates that Grant was moving
against Johnston on the 18th.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO ANSON STAGER.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., May 24, 1863.10.40

ANSON STAGER, Cleveland, O.:

Late last night Fuller telegraphed you, as you say, that "the Stars and
Stripes float over Vicksburg and the victory is complete." Did he know
what he said, or did he say it without knowing it? Your despatch of this
afternoon throws doubt upon it.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO COLONEL HAGGARD.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON. May 25, 1863.

COLONEL HAGGARD, Nashville, Tenn.:

Your despatch to Green Adams has just been shown me. General Rosecrans
knows better than we can know here who should be in charge of the Fifth
Cavalry.


A. LINCOLN




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BURNSIDE.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., May 26, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL BURNSIDE, Cincinnati, O.:

Your despatch about Campbell, Lyle, and others received and postponement
ordered by you approved. I will consider and telegraph you again in a few
days.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL SCHENCK.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, May 27, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL SCHENCK, Baltimore, Md.:

Let the execution of William B. Compton be respited or suspended till
further order from me, holding him in safe custody meanwhile. On receiving
this notify me.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR BUCKINGHAM.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, May 27,1863.

GOVERNOR BUCKINGHAM, Hartford, Conn.:

The execution of Warren Whitemarch is hereby respited or suspended
until further order from me, he to be held in safe custody meanwhile. On
receiving this notify me.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL W. S. ROSECRANS.

WAR DEPARTMENT, May 27,1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL ROSECRANS, Murfreesborough, Tenn.:

Have you anything from Grant? Where is Forrest's headquarters?


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL SCHOFIELD.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON May 27, 1863.

GENERAL JOHN M. SCHOFIELD.

MY DEAR SIR:--Having relieved General Curtis and assigned you to the
command of the Department of the Missouri, I think it may be of some
advantage for me to state why I did it. I did not relieve General Curtis
because of any full conviction that he had done wrong by commission or
omission. I did it because of a conviction in my mind that the Union
men of Missouri, constituting, when united, a vast majority of the
whole people, have entered into a pestilent factional quarrel among
themselves--General Curtis, perhaps not of choice, being the head of one
faction and Governor Gamble that of the other. After months of labor to
reconcile the difficulty, it seemed to grow worse and worse, until I felt
it my duty to break it up somehow; and as I could not remove Governor
Gamble, I had to remove General Curtis. Now that you are in the position,
I wish you to undo nothing merely because General Curtis or Governor
Gamble did it, but to exercise your own judgment, and do right for the
public interest. Let your military measures be strong enough to repel the
invader and keep the peace, and not so strong as to unnecessarily harass
and persecute the people. It is a difficult role, and so much greater will
be the honor if you perform it well. If both factions, or neither, shall
abuse you, you will probably be about right. Beware of being assailed by
one and praised by the other.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL HOOKER.

WASHINGTON, May 27, 1863.11 P.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL HOOKER:

Have you Richmond papers of this morning? If so, what news?


A. LINCOLN.




TO ERASTUS CORNING.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, May 28, 1863.

HON. ERASTUS CORNING, Albany, N.Y.:

The letter of yourself and others dated the 19th and inclosing the
resolutions of a public meeting held at Albany on the 16th, was received
night before last. I shall give the resolutions the consideration you ask,
and shall try to find time and make a respectful response.

Your obedient servant,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL W. S. ROSECRANS.

WASHINGTON, May 28, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL ROSECRANS, Murfreesborough, Tenn..

I would not push you to any rashness, but I am very anxious that you do
your utmost, short of rashness, to keep Bragg from getting off to help
Johnston against Grant.


A. LINCOLN




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR JOHNSON.

WASHINGTON, May 29, 1863.

GOVERNOR ANDREW JOHNSON, Louisville, Ky.:

General Burnside has been frequently informed lately that the division
under General Getty cannot be spared. I am sorry to have to tell you this,
but it is true, and cannot be helped.


A. LINCOLN.




TO J. K. DUBOIS AND OTHERS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, May 29, 1863.

MESSRS. JESSE K. DUBOIS, O. M. HATCH, JOHN WILLIAMS, JACOB BUNN, JOHN
BUNN, GEORGE R. WEBER, WILLIAM YATES, S. M. CULLOM, CHARLES W. MATHENY,
WILLIAM F. ELKIN, FRANCIS SPRINGER, B. A. WATSON, ELIPHALET HAWLEY, AND
JAMES CAMPBELL.

GENTLEMEN:--Agree among yourselves upon any two of your own number--one
of whom to be quartermaster and the other to be commissary to serve at
Springfield, Illinois, and send me their names, and I will appoint them.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL A. E. BURNSIDE.

WASHINGTON, May 29, 1863

MAJOR-GENERAL BURNSIDE, Cincinnati, O.:

Your despatch of to-day received. When I shall wish to supersede you I
will let you know. All the Cabinet regretted the necessity of arresting,
for instance, Vallandigham, some perhaps doubting there was a real
necessity for it; but, being done, all were for seeing you through with
it.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO COLONEL LUDLOW.

[Cipher.]

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, June 1, 1863.

COLONEL LUDLOW, Fort Monroe:

Richardson and Brown, correspondents of the Tribune captured at Vicksburg,
are detained at Richmond. Please ascertain why they are detained, and get
them off if you can.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL HOOKER.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, June 2, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL HOOKER:

It is said that Philip Margraf, in your army, is under sentence to be
shot on Friday the 5th instant as a deserter. If so please send me up the
record of his case at once.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL U.S. GRANT.

WAR DEPARTMENT, June 2, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL GRANT, Vicksburg, via Memphis:

Are you in communication with General Banks? Is he coming toward you
or going farther off? Is there or has there been anything to hinder his
coming directly to you by water from Alexandria?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO MAJOR-GENERAL HOOKER. [Cipher.] EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,
June 4,1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL HOOKER:

Let execution of sentences in the cases of Daily, Margraf, and Harrington
be respited till further orders from me, they remaining in close custody
meanwhile.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BUTTERFIELD.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D.C., June 4, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL BUTTERFIELD:

The news you send me from the Richmond Sentinel of the 3d must be greatly
if not wholly incorrect. The Thursday mentioned was the 28th, and we have
despatches here directly from Vicksburg of the 28th, 29th, 30th, and 31st;
and, while they speak of the siege progressing, they speak of no assault
or general fighting whatever, and in fact they so speak as to almost
exclude the idea that there can have been any since Monday the 25th, which
was not very heavy. Neither do they mention any demand made by Grant
upon Pemberton for a surrender. They speak of our troops as being in good
health, condition, and spirits. Some of them do say that Banks has Port
Hudson invested.


A. LINCOLN.




TO SECRETARY STANTON.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, June 4, 1863.

HON. SECRETARY OF WAR.

MY DEAR SIR:--I have received additional despatches, which, with
former ones, induce me to believe we should revoke or suspend the order
suspending the Chicago Times; and if you concur in opinion, please have it
done.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL HOOKER.

WASHINGTON, D.C. JUNE 5, 1863

MAJOR-GENERAL HOOKER:

Yours of to-day was received an hour ago. So much of professional military
skill is requisite to answer it that I have turned the task over to
General Halleck. He promises to perform it with his utmost care. I have
but one idea which I think worth suggesting to you, and that is, in case
you find Lee coming to the north of the Rappahannock, I would by no
means cross to the south of it. If he should leave a rear force
at Fredericksburg, tempting you to fall upon it, it would fight in
entrenchments and have you at advantage, and so, man for man, worst you at
that point, While his main force would in some way be getting an advantage
of you northward. In one word, I would not take any risk of being
entangled up on the river like an ox jumped half over a fence and liable
to be torn by dogs front and rear without a fair chance to gore one way or
to kick the other.

If Lee would come to my side of the river I would keep on the same side
and fight him, or act on the defensive, according as might be my estimate
of his strength relatively to my own. But these are mere suggestions,
which I desire to be controlled by the judgment of yourself and General
Halleck.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO MRS. GRIMSLEY.

WASHINGTON, D. C., June 6, 1863.

Mrs. ELIZABETH J. GRIMSLEY, Springfield, Ill.:

Is your John ready to enter the naval school? If he is, telegraph me his
full name.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL DIX,

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D.C., June 6, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL Dix, Fort Monroe, Va.:

By noticing the news you send from the Richmond Dispatch of this morning
you will see one of the very latest despatches says they have nothing
reliable from Vicksburg since Sunday. Now we here have a despatch
from there Sunday and others of almost every day preceding since the
investment, and while they show the siege progressing they do not show any
general fighting since the 21st and 22d. We have nothing from Port Hudson
later than the 29th when things looked reasonably well for us. I have
thought this might be of some interest to you.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL DIX.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, June 8, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL Dix, Fort Monroe:

We have despatches from Vicksburg of the 3d. Siege progressing. No general
fighting recently. All well. Nothing new from Port Hudson.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL DIX.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D.C. JUNE 8, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL Dix, Fort Monroe:

The substance of news sent of the fighting at Port Hudson on the 27th we
have had here three or four days, and I supposed you had it also, when
I said this morning, "No news from Port Hudson." We knew that General
Sherman was wounded, but we hoped not so dangerously as your despatch
represents. We still have nothing of that Richmond newspaper story of
Kirby Smith crossing and of Banks losing an arm.


A. LINCOLN




TELEGRAM TO J. P. HALE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, June 9, 1863.

HON. JOHN P. HALE, Dover, N. H.:

I believe that it was upon your recommendation that B. B. Bunker was
appointed attorney for Nevada Territory. I am pressed to remove him on the
ground that he does not attend to the office, nor in fact pass much time
in the Territory. Do you wish to say anything on the subject?


A. LINCOLN




TELEGRAM TO MRS. LINCOLN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, June 9, 1863.

MRS. LINCOLN, Philadelphia, Pa.:

Think you had better put "Tad's" pistol away. I had an ugly dream about
him.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL HOOKER.

WASHINGTON, D.C. June 9, 1863

MAJOR-GENERAL HOOKER:

I am told there are 50 incendiary shells here at the arsenal made to fit
the 100 pounder Parrott gun now with you. If this be true would you like
to have the shells sent to you?


A. LINCOLN




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL HOOKER.

WASHINGTON, D. C., June 10, 1863

MAJOR-GENERAL HOOKER:

Your long despatch of to-day is just received. If left to me, I would not
go south of the Rappahannock upon Lee's moving north of it. If you had
Richmond invested to-day you would not be able to take it in twenty days;
meanwhile your communications, and with them your army, would be ruined.
I think Lee's army, and not Richmond, is your true objective point. If he
comes towards the upper Potomac, follow on his flank, and on the inside
track, shortening your lines while he lengthens his. Fight him, too, when
opportunity offers. If he stay where he is, fret him and fret him.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO MRS. LINCOLN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, June 11,1863.

MRS. LINCOLN, Philadelphia:

Your three despatches received. I am very well and am glad to know that
you and "Tad" are so.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL HOOKER.

[Cipher.]

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, JUNE 12, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL HOOKER:

If you can show me a trial of the incendiary shells on Saturday night, I
will try to join you at 5 P.M. that day Answer.


A. LINCOLN.




TO ERASTUS CORNING AND OTHERS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, June 12, 1863.

HON. ERASTUS CORNING AND OTHERS.

GENTLEMEN:--Your letter of May 19, inclosing the resolutions of a public
meeting held at Albany, New York, on the 16th of the same month, was
received several days ago.

The resolutions, as I understand them, are resolvable into two
propositions--first, the expression of a purpose to sustain the cause
of the Union, to secure peace through victory, and to support the
administration in every constitutional and lawful measure to suppress the
rebellion; and, secondly, a declaration of censure upon the administration
for supposed unconstitutional action, such as the making of military
arrests. And from the two propositions a third is deduced, which is that
the gentlemen composing the meeting are resolved on doing their part
to maintain our common government and country, despite the folly or
wickedness, as they may conceive, of any administration. This position is
eminently patriotic, and as such I thank the meeting, and congratulate the
nation for it. My own purpose is the same; so that the meeting and myself
have a common object, and can have no difference, except in the choice of
means or measures for effecting that object.

And here I ought to close this paper, and would close it, if there were no
apprehension that more injurious consequences than any merely personal
to myself might follow the censures systematically cast upon me for doing
what, in my view of duty, I could not forbear. The resolutions promise
to support me in every constitutional and lawful measure to suppress the
rebellion; and I have not knowingly employed, nor shall knowingly employ,
any other. But the meeting, by their resolutions, assert and argue that
certain military arrests, and proceedings following them, for which I am
ultimately responsible, are unconstitutional. I think they are not. The
resolutions quote from the Constitution the definition of treason, and
also the limiting safeguards and guarantees therein provided for the
citizen on trial for treason, and on his being held to answer for capital
or otherwise infamous crimes, and in criminal prosecutions his right to
a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury. They proceed to
resolve "that these safeguards of the rights of the citizen against the
pretensions of arbitrary power were intended more especially for his
protection in times of civil commotion." And, apparently to demonstrate
the proposition, the resolutions proceed: "They were secured substantially
to the English people after years of protracted civil war, and were
adopted into our Constitution at the close of the Revolution." Would not
the demonstration have been better if it could have been truly said that
these safeguards had been adopted and applied during the civil wars and
during our Revolution, instead of after the one and at the close of the
other? I too am devotedly for them after civil war, and before Civil war,
and at all times, "except when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the
public safety may require" their suspension. The resolutions proceed to
tell us that these safeguards "have stood the test of seventy-six years
of trial under our republican system, under circumstances which show that,
while they constitute the foundation of all free government, they are the
elements of the enduring stability of the republic." No one denies that
they have so stood the test up to the beginning of the present rebellion,
if we except a certain occurrence at New Orleans hereafter to be
mentioned; nor does any one question that they will stand the same test
much longer after the rebellion closes. But these provisions of the
Constitution have no application to the case we have in hand, because
the arrests complained of were not made for treason--that is, not for the
treason defined in the Constitution, and upon the conviction of which the
punishment is death--nor yet were they made to hold persons to answer
for any capital or otherwise infamous crimes; nor were the proceedings
following, in any constitutional or legal sense, "criminal prosecutions."
The arrests were made on totally different grounds, and the proceedings
following accorded with the grounds of the arrests. Let us consider the
real case with which we are dealing, and apply to it the parts of the
Constitution plainly made for such cases.

Prior to my installation here it had been inculcated that any State had
a lawful right to secede from the national Union, and that it would be
expedient to exercise the right whenever the devotees of the doctrine
should fail to elect a president to their own liking. I was elected
contrary to their liking; and accordingly, so far as it was legally
possible, they had taken seven States out of the Union, had seized many
of the United States forts, and had fired upon the United States flag, all
before I was inaugurated, and, of course, before I had done any official
act whatever. The rebellion thus begun soon ran into the present civil
war; and, in certain respects, it began on very unequal terms between the
parties. The insurgents had been preparing for it more than thirty years,
while the government had taken no steps to resist them. The former had
carefully considered all the means which could be turned to their account.
It undoubtedly was a well-pondered reliance with them that in their own
unrestricted effort to destroy Union, Constitution and law, all together,
the government would, in great degree, be restrained by the same
Constitution and law from arresting their progress. Their sympathizers
invaded all departments of the government and nearly all communities
of the people. From this material, under cover of "liberty of speech,"
"liberty of the press," and "habeas corpus," they hoped to keep on foot
amongst us a most efficient corps of spies, informers, suppliers, and
aiders and abettors of their cause in a thousand ways. They knew that
in times such as they were inaugurating, by the Constitution itself the
"habeas corpus" might be suspended; but they also knew they had friends
who would make a question as to who was to suspend it; meanwhile their
spies and others might remain at large to help on their cause. Or if, as
has happened, the Executive should suspend the writ without ruinous waste
of time, instances of arresting innocent persons might occur, as are
always likely to occur in such cases; and then a clamor could be raised in
regard to this, which might be at least of some service to the insurgent
cause. It needed no very keen perception to discover this part of the
enemies program, so soon as by open hostilities their machinery was fairly
put in motion. Yet, thoroughly imbued with a reverence for the guaranteed
rights of individuals, I was slow to adopt the strong measures which by
degrees I have been forced to regard as being within the exceptions of the
Constitution, and as indispensable to the public safety. Nothing is better
known to history than that courts of justice are utterly incompetent to
such cases. Civil courts are organized chiefly for trials of
individuals--or, at most, a few individuals acting in concert, and this in
quiet times, and on charges of crimes well defined in the law. Even in
times of peace bands of horse-thieves and robbers frequently grow too
numerous and powerful for the ordinary courts of justice. But what
comparison, in numbers have such bands ever borne to the insurgent
sympathizers even in many of the loyal States? Again, a jury too
frequently has at least one member more ready to hang the panel than to
hang the traitor. And yet again, he who dissuades one man from
volunteering, or induces one soldier to desert, weakens the Union cause as
much as he who kills a Union soldier in battle. Yet this dissuasion or
inducement may be so conducted as to be no defined crime of which any
civil court would take cognizance.


Ours is a case of rebellion--so called by the resolutions before me--in
fact, a clear, flagrant, and gigantic case of rebellion; and the provision
of the Constitution that "the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus
shall not be suspended unless when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the
public safety may require it," is the provision which specially applies
to our present case. This provision plainly attests the understanding
of those who made the Constitution that ordinary courts of justice are
inadequate to "cases of rebellion"--attests their purpose that, in such
cases, men may be held in custody whom the courts, acting on ordinary
rules, would discharge. Habeas corpus does not discharge men who are
proved to be guilty of defined crime, and its suspension is allowed by the
Constitution on purpose that men may be arrested and held who can not
be proved to be guilty of defined crime, "when, in cases of rebellion or
invasion, the public safety may require it."

This is precisely our present case--a case of rebellion wherein the public
safety does require the suspension--Indeed, arrests by process of courts
and arrests in cases of rebellion do not proceed altogether upon the same
basis. The former is directed at the small percentage of ordinary and
continuous perpetration of crime, while the latter is directed at sudden
and extensive uprisings against the government, which, at most, will
succeed or fail in no great length of time. In the latter case arrests
are made not so much for what has been done as for what probably would be
done. The latter is more for the preventive and less for the vindictive
than the former. In such cases the purposes of men are much more easily
understood than in cases of ordinary crime. The man who stands by and
says nothing when the peril of his government is discussed, cannot be
misunderstood. If not hindered, he is sure to help the enemy; much more
if he talks ambiguously--talks for his country with "buts," and "ifs,"
and "ands." Of how little value the constitutional provision I have quoted
will be rendered if arrests shall never be made until defined crimes shall
have been committed, may be illustrated by a few notable examples: General
John C. Breckinridge, General Robert E. Lee, General Joseph E. Johnston,
General John B. Magruder, General William B. Preston, General Simon B.
Buckner, and Commodore Franklin Buchanan, now occupying the very highest
places in the rebel war service, were all within the power of the
government since the rebellion began, and were nearly as well known to
be traitors then as now. Unquestionably if we had seized and had them
the insurgent cause would be much weaker. But no one of them had then
committed any crime defined in the law. Every one of them, if arrested,
would have been discharged on habeas corpus were the writ allowed to
operate. In view of these and similar cases, I think the time not unlikely
to come when I shall be blamed for having made too few arrests rather than
too many.

By the third resolution the meeting indicate their opinion that military
arrests may be constitutional in localities where rebellion actually
exists, but that such arrests are unconstitutional in localities where
rebellion or insurrection does not actually exist. They insist that such
arrests shall not be made "outside of the lines of necessary military
occupation and the scenes of insurrection." Inasmuch, however, as the
Constitution itself makes no such distinction, I am unable to believe that
there is any such constitutional distinction. I concede that the class
of arrests complained of can be constitutional only when, in cases of
rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require them; and I insist
that in such cases--they are constitutional wherever the public safety
does require them, as well in places to which they may prevent the
rebellion extending, as in those where it may be already prevailing; as
well where they may restrain mischievous interference with the raising and
supplying of armies to suppress the rebellion as where the rebellion may
actually be; as well where they may restrain the enticing men out of
the army as where they would prevent mutiny in the army; equally
constitutional at all places where they will conduce to the public safety
as against the dangers of rebellion or invasion. Take the particular
case mentioned by the meeting. It is asserted in substance that Mr.
Vallandigham was, by a military commander, seized and tried "for no other
reason than words addressed to a public meeting in criticism of the course
of the administration, and in condemnation of the military orders of the
general." Now, if there be no mistake about this, if this assertion is the
truth, and the whole truth, if there were no other reason for the arrest,
then I concede that the arrest was wrong. But the arrest, as I understand,
was made for a very different reason. Mr. Vallandigham avows his hostility
to the war on the part of the Union; and his arrest was made because
he was laboring, with some effect, to prevent the raising of troops, to
encourage desertions from the army, and to leave the rebellion without an
adequate military force to suppress it. He was not arrested because he
was damaging the political prospects of the administration or the personal
interests of the commanding general, but because he was damaging the army,
upon the existence and vigor of which the life of the nation depends. He
was warring upon the military, and thus gave the military constitutional
jurisdiction to lay hands upon him. If Mr. Vallandigham was not damaging
the military power of the country, then his arrest was made on mistake
of fact, which I would be glad to correct on reasonably satisfactory
evidence.

I understand the meeting whose resolutions I am considering to be in favor
of suppressing the rebellion by military force--by armies. Long experience
has shown that armies cannot be maintained unless desertion shall be
punished by the severe penalty of death. The case requires, and the law
and the Constitution sanction, this punishment. Must I shoot a
simple-minded boy and not touch a hair of a wily agitator who induced him
to desert. This is none the less injurious when effected by getting a
father, or brother, or friend into a public meeting, and there working
upon his feelings till he is persuaded to write the soldier boy that he is
fighting in a bad cause, for a wicked administration of a contemptible
government, too weak to arrest and punish him if he shall desert. I think
that, in such a case, to silence the agitator and save the boy is not only
constitutional, but withal a great mercy.

If I be wrong on this question of constitutional power, my error lies in
believing that certain proceedings are constitutional when, in cases of
rebellion or invasion, the public safety requires them, which would not
be constitutional when, in absence of rebellion or invasion, the public
safety does not require them: in other words, that the Constitution is
not in its application in all respects the same in cases of rebellion or
invasion involving the public safety as it is in times of profound peace
and public security. The Constitution itself makes the distinction, and I
can no more be persuaded that the government can constitutionally take
no strong measures in time of rebellion, because it can be shown that
the same could not be lawfully taken in times of peace, than I can be
persuaded that a particular drug is not good medicine for a sick man
because it can be shown to not be good food for a well one. Nor am I able
to appreciate the danger apprehended by the meeting, that the American
people will by means of military arrests during the rebellion lose the
right of public discussion, the liberty of speech and the press, the law
of evidence, trial by jury, and habeas corpus throughout the indefinite
peaceful future which I trust lies before them, any more than I am able to
believe that a man could contract so strong an appetite for emetics during
temporary illness as to persist in feeding upon them during the remainder
of his healthful life.

In giving the resolutions that earnest consideration which you request of
me, I cannot overlook the fact that the meeting speak as "Democrats."
Nor can I, with full respect for their known intelligence, and the fairly
presumed deliberation with which they prepared their resolutions, be
permitted to suppose that this occurred by accident, or in any way other
than that they preferred to designate themselves "Democrats" rather than
"American citizens." In this time of national peril I would have preferred
to meet you upon a level one step higher than any party platform, because
I am sure that from such more elevated position we could do better battle
for the country we all love than we possibly can from those lower ones
where, from the force of habit, the prejudices of the past, and selfish
hopes of the future, we are sure to expend much of our ingenuity and
strength in finding fault with and aiming blows at each other. But since
you have denied me this I will yet be thankful for the country's sake that
not all Democrats have done so. He on whose discretionary judgment Mr.
Vallandigham was arrested and tried is a Democrat, having no old party
affinity with me, and the judge who rejected the constitutional view
expressed in these resolutions, by refusing to discharge Mr. Vallandigham
on habeas corpus is a Democrat of better days than these, having received
his judicial mantle at the hands of President Jackson. And still more: of
all those Democrats who are nobly exposing their lives and shedding their
blood on the battle-field, I have learned that many approve the course
taken with Mr. Vallandigham, while I have not heard of a single one
condemning it. I cannot assert that there are none such. And the name
of President Jackson recalls an instance of pertinent history. After the
battle of New Orleans, and while the fact that the treaty of peace had
been concluded was well known in the city, but before official knowledge
of it had arrived, General Jackson still maintained martial or military
law. Now that it could be said that the war was over, the clamor against
martial law, which had existed from the first, grew more furious. Among
other things, a Mr. Louaillier published a denunciatory newspaper article.
General Jackson arrested him. A lawyer by the name of Morel procured the
United States Judge Hall to order a writ of habeas corpus to release Mr.
Louaillier. General Jackson arrested both the lawyer and the judge. A Mr.
Hollander ventured to say of some part of the matter that "it was a dirty
trick." General Jackson arrested him. When the officer undertook to serve
the writ of habeas corpus, General Jackson took it from him, and sent him
away with a copy. Holding the judge in custody a few days, the general
sent him beyond the limits of his encampment, and set him at liberty with
an order to remain till the ratification of peace should be regularly
announced, or until the British should have left the southern coast. A day
or two more elapsed, the ratification of the treaty of peace was regularly
announced, and the judge and others were fully liberated. A few days more,
and the judge called General Jackson into court and fined him $1000 for
having arrested him and the others named. The General paid the fine, and
then the matter rested for nearly thirty years, when Congress refunded
principal and interest. The late Senator Douglas, then in the House
of Representatives, took a leading part in the debates, in which the
constitutional question was much discussed. I am not prepared to say whom
the journals would show to have voted for the measure.

It may be remarked--first, that we had the same Constitution then as now;
secondly, that we then had a case of invasion, and now we have a case of
rebellion; and, thirdly, that the permanent right of the people to public
discussion, the liberty of speech and of the press, the trial by jury, the
law of evidence, and the habeas corpus suffered no detriment whatever
by that conduct of General Jackson, or its subsequent approval by the
American Congress.

And yet, let me say that, in my own discretion, I do not know whether I
would have ordered the arrest of Mr. Vallandigham. While I cannot shift
the responsibility from myself, I hold that, as a general rule, the
commander in the field is the better judge of the necessity in any
particular case. Of course I must practice a general directory and
revisory power in the matter.

One of the resolutions expresses the opinion of the meeting that arbitrary
arrests will have the effect to divide and distract those who should be
united in suppressing the rebellion, and I am specifically called on to
discharge Mr. Vallandigham. I regard this as, at least, a fair appeal to
me on the expediency of exercising a constitutional power which I think
exists. In response to such appeal I have to say, it gave me pain when
I learned that Mr. Vallandigham had been arrested (that is, I was pained
that there should have seemed to be a necessity for arresting him), and
that it will afford me great pleasure to discharge him so soon as I can by
any means believe the public safety will not suffer by it.

I further say that, as the war progresses, it appears to me, opinion and
action, which were in great confusion at first, take shape and fall into
more regular channels, so that the necessity for strong dealing with them
gradually decreases. I have every reason to desire that it should cease
altogether, and far from the least is my regard for the opinions and
wishes of those who, like the meeting at Albany, declare their purpose
to sustain the government in every constitutional and lawful measure to
suppress the rebellion. Still, I must continue to do so much as may seem
to be required by the public safety.


A. LINCOLN.




TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, June 14, 1863.

HON. SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY.

SIR:--Your note of this morning is received. You will co-operate by the
revenue cutters under your direction with the navy in arresting rebel
depredations on American commerce and transportation and in capturing
rebels engaged therein.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL TYLER.

WAR DEPARTMENT, June 14, 1863.

GENERAL TYLER, Martinsburg: Is Milroy invested so that he cannot fall back
to Harper's Ferry?


A. LINCOLN.




RESPONSE TO A "BESIEGED" GENERAL

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL TYLER.

WAR DEPARTMENT, June 14, 1863.

GENERAL TYLER, Martinsburg:

If you are besieged, how do you despatch me? Why did you not leave before
being besieged?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL KELLEY.

WASHINGTON, June 14, 1863. 1.27 P.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL KELLEY, Harper's Ferry:

Are the forces at Winchester and Martinsburg making any effort to get to
you?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL HOOKER.

WASHINGTON, D. C., June 14, 1863.3.50 P.M.,

MAJOR-GENERAL HOOKER:

So far as we can make out here, the enemy have Muroy surrounded at
Winchester, and Tyler at Martinsburg. If they could hold out a few days,
could you help them? If the head of Lee's army is at Martinsburg and the
tail of it on the plank-road between Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville,
the animal must be very slim somewhere; could you not break him?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL R. C. SCHENCK.

WAR DEPARTMENT, June 14, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL SCHENCK:

Get General Milroy from Winchester to Harper's Ferry, if possible. He will
be "gobbled up" if he remains, if he is not already past salvation.


A. LINCOLN, President, United States.




NEEDS NEW TIRES ON HIS CARRIAGE

TELEGRAM TO MRS. LINCOLN.

WAR DEPARTMENT, June 15, 1863.

MRS. LINCOLN, Philadelphia, Pa.:

Tolerably well. Have not rode out much yet, but have at last got new tires
on the carriage wheels and perhaps shall ride out soon.


A. LINCOLN.




CALL FOR 100,000 MILITIA TO SERVE FOR SIX MONTHS, JUNE 15, 1863.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A Proclamation

Whereas the armed insurrectionary combinations now existing in several of
the States are threatening to make inroads into the States of Maryland,
West Virginia, Pennsylvania, and Ohio, requiring immediately an additional
military force for the service of the United States:

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States and
Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy thereof and of the militia of the
several States when called into actual service, do hereby call into the
service of the United States 100,000 militia from the States following,
namely:

From the State of Maryland, 10,000; from the State of Pennsylvania,
50,000; from the State of Ohio, 30,000; from the State of West Virginia,
10,000--to be mustered into the service of the United States forthwith and
to serve for a period of six months from the date of such muster into
said service, unless sooner discharged; to be mustered in as infantry,
artillery, and cavalry, in proportions which will be made known through
the War Department, which Department will also designate the several
places of rendezvous. These militia to be organized according to the rules
and regulations of the volunteer service and such orders as may hereafter
be issued. The States aforesaid will be respectively credited under the
enrollment act for the militia services entered under this proclamation.
In testimony whereof...............


A. LINCOLN




TELEGRAM TO P. KAPP AND OTHERS.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., June 10, 1863

FREDERICK KAPP AND OTHERS, New York:

The Governor of New York promises to send us troops, and if he wishes the
assistance of General Fremont and General Sigel, one or both, he can have
it. If he does not wish them it would but breed confusion for us to set
them to work independently of him.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL MEAGHER.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., June 16, 1863.

GENERAL T. FRANCIS MEAGHER, New York:

Your despatch received. Shall be very glad for you to raise 3000 Irish
troops if done by the consent of and in concert with Governor Seymour.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO MRS. LINCOLN.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., June 16, 1863.

MRS. LINCOLN, Philadelphia:

It is a matter of choice with yourself whether you come home. There is
no reason why you should not, that did not exist when you went away. As
bearing on the question of your coming home, I do not think the raid into
Pennsylvania amounts to anything at all.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO COLONEL BLISS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, June 16, 1863.

COL. WILLIAM S. BLISS, New York Hotel:

Your despatch asking whether I will accept "the Loyal Brigade of the
North" is received. I never heard of that brigade by name and do not know
where it is; yet, presuming it is in New York, I say I will gladly accept
it, if tendered by and with the consent and approbation of the Governor of
that State. Otherwise not.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL HOOKER.

WASHINGTON, June 16, 1863.10 P.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL HOOKER:

To remove all misunderstanding, I now place you in the strict military
relation to General Halleck of a commander of one of the armies to the
general-in-chief of all the armies. I have not intended differently, but
as it seems to be differently understood I shall direct him to give you
orders and you to obey them.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL HOOKER.

WAR DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON D. C., June 17, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL HOOKER:

Mr. Eckert, superintendent in the telegraph office, assures me that he has
sent and will send you everything that comes to the office.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO JOSHUA TEVIS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, June 17, 1863.

JOSHUA TEVIS, Esq., U. S. Attorney, Frankfort, Ky.:

A Mr. Burkner is here shoving a record and asking to be discharged from a
suit in San Francisco, as bail for one Thompson. Unless the record
shown me is defectively made out I think it can be successfully defended
against. Please examine the case carefully and, if you shall be of opinion
it cannot be sustained, dismiss it and relieve me from all trouble about
it. Please answer.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR TOD.

[Cipher.]

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,

June 18, 1863.

GOVERNOR D. TOD, Columbus, O.:

Yours received. I deeply regret that you were not renominated, not that
I have aught against Mr. Brough. On the contrary, like yourself, I say
hurrah for him.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL DINGMAN.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., June 18, 1863.

GENERAL A. DINGMAN, Belleville, C. W.:

Thanks for your offer of the Fifteenth Battalion. I do not think
Washington is in danger.


A. LINCOLN




TO B. B. MALHIOT AND OTHERS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, June 19, 1863.

MESSRS. B. B. MALHIOT, BRADISH JOHNSON, AND THOMAS COTTMAN.

GENTLEMEN:--Your letter, which follows, has been received and Considered.

"The undersigned, a committee appointed by the planters of the State of
Louisiana, respectfully represent that they have been delegated to seek of
the General Government a full recognition of all the rights of the State
as they existed previous to the passage of an act of secession, upon the
principle of the existence of the State constitution unimpaired, and no
legal act having transpired that could in any way deprive them of the
advantages conferred by that constitution. Under this constitution the
State wishes to return to its full allegiance, in the enjoyment of all
rights and privileges exercised by the other States under the Federal
Constitution. With the view of accomplishing the desired object, we
further request that your Excellency will, as commander-in-chief of the
army of the United States, direct the Military Governor of Louisiana to
order an election, in conformity with the constitution and laws of the
State, on the first Monday of November next, for all State and Federal
officers.

"With high consideration and resect, we have the honor to subscribe
ourselves,

"Your obedient servants,

     "E. E. MALHIOT.
     "BRADISH JOHNSON.
     "THOMAS COTTMAN."

Since receiving the letter, reliable information has reached me that a
respectable portion of the Louisiana people desire to amend their State
constitution, and contemplate holding a State convention for that object.
This fact alone, as it seems to me, is a sufficient reason why the General
Government should not give the committal you seek to the existing State
constitution. I may add that, while I do not perceive how such committal
could facilitate our military operations in Louisiana, I really apprehend
it might be so used as to embarrass them.

As to an election to be held next November, there is abundant time without
any order or proclamation from me just now. The people of Louisiana shall
not lack an opportunity for a fair election for both Federal and State
officers by want of anything within my power to give them.

Your obedient servant,


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL J. M. SCHOFIELD.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON

June 22, 1863.

GENERAL JOHN M. SCHOFIELD. MY DEAR SIR:--Your despatch, asking in
substance whether, in case Missouri shall adopt gradual emancipation, the
General Government will protect slave owners in that species of property
during the short time it shall be permitted by the State to exist within
it, has been received. Desirous as I am that emancipation shall be adopted
by Missouri, and believing as I do that gradual can be made better than
immediate for both black and white, except when military necessity changes
the case, my impulse is to say that such protection would be given. I
cannot know exactly what shape an act of emancipation may take. If the
period from the initiation to the final end should be comparatively short,
and the act should prevent persons being sold during that period into more
lasting slavery, the whole would be easier. I do not wish to pledge the
General Government to the affirmative support of even temporary slavery
beyond what can be fairly claimed under the Constitution. I suppose,
however, this is not desired, but that it is desired for the military
force of the United States, while in Missouri, to not be used in
subverting the temporarily reserved legal rights in slaves during the
progress of emancipation. This I would desire also. I have very earnestly
urged the slave States to adopt emancipation; and it ought to be, and is,
an object with me not to overthrow or thwart what any of them may in good
faith do to that end. You are therefore authorized to act in the spirit
of this letter in conjunction with what may appear to be the military
necessities of your department. Although this letter will become public at
some time, it is not intended to be made so now.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL J. HOOKER.

WASHINGTON, June 22, 1863

MAJOR-GENERAL HOOKER:

Operator at Leesburg just now says: "I heard very little firing this A.M.
about daylight, but it seems to have stopped now. It was in about the same
direction as yesterday, but farther off."


A. LINCOLN.




TO SECRETARY OF WAR.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, June 23, 1863.

HON. SECRETARY OF WAR:

You remember that Hon. W. D. Kelly and others are engaged in raising or
trying to raise some colored regiments in Philadelphia. The bearer of
this, Wilton M. Huput, is a friend of Judge Kelly, as appears by the
letter of the latter. He is a private in the 112th Penn. and has been
disappointed in a reasonable expectation of one of the smaller offices.
He now wants to be a lieutenant in one of the colored regiments. If Judge
Kelly will say in writing he wishes to so have him, I am willing for him
to be discharged from his present position, and be so appointed. If you
approve, so indorse and let him carry the letter to Kelly.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO MAJOR VAN VLIET.

[Cipher.]

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., June 23, 1863.

MAJOR VAN VLIET, New York:

Have you any idea what the news is in the despatch of General Banks to
General Halleck?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL COUCH.

WAR DEPARTMENT, June 24, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL COUCH, Harrisburg, Pa.:

Have you any reports of the enemy moving into Pennsylvania? And if any,
what?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL DIX.

WASHINGTON, June 24, 1863

MAJOR-GENERAL Dix, Yorktown, Va.:

We have a despatch from General Grant of the 19th. Don't think Kirby Smith
took Milliken's Bend since, allowing time to get the news to Joe Johnston
and from him to Richmond. But it is not absolutely impossible. Also
have news from Banks to the 16th, I think. He had not run away then, nor
thought of it.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL PECK.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., June 25, 1863.

GENERAL PECK, Suffolk, Va.:

Colonel Derrom, of the Twenty-fifth New Jersey Volunteers, now mustered
out, says there is a man in your hands under conviction for desertion,
who formerly belonged to the above named regiment, and whose name is
Templeton--Isaac F. Templeton, I believe. The Colonel and others appeal to
me for him. Please telegraph to me what is the condition of the case,
and if he has not been executed send me the record of the trial and
conviction.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL SLOCUM.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., June 25,1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL SLOCUM, Leesburg, Va.:

Was William Gruvier, Company A, Forty-sixth, Pennsylvania, one of the men
executed as a deserter last Friday?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL HOOKER.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., June 27, 1863. 8A.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL HOOKER:

It did not come from the newspapers, nor did I believe it, but I wished to
be entirely sure it was a falsehood.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BURNSIDE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, June 28, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL BURNSIDE, Cincinnati, O.:

There is nothing going on in Kentucky on the subject of which you
telegraph, except an enrolment. Before anything is done beyond this, I
will take care to understand the case better than I now do.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR BOYLE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., June 28, 1863.

GOVERNOR J. T. BOYLE, Cincinnati, O.:

There is nothing going on in Kentucky on the subject of which you
telegraph, except an enrolment. Before anything is done beyond this, I
will take care to understand the case better than I now do.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL SCHENCK.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., June 28, 1863.

MAJOR GENERAL SCHENCK, Baltimore, Md.:

Every place in the Naval school subject to my appointment is full, and I
have one unredeemed promise of more than half a year's standing.


A. LINCOLN.




FURTHER DEMOCRATIC PARTY CRITICISM

TO M. BIRCHARD AND OTHERS.

WASHINGTON, D. C., June 29,1863.

MESSRS. M. BIRCHARD, DAVID A. HOUK, et al:

GENTLEMEN:--The resolutions of the Ohio Democratic State convention, which
you present me, together with your introductory and closing remarks,
being in position and argument mainly the same as the resolutions of the
Democratic meeting at Albany, New York, I refer you to my response to the
latter as meeting most of the points in the former.

This response you evidently used in preparing your remarks, and I desire
no more than that it be used with accuracy. In a single reading of your
remarks, I only discovered one inaccuracy in matter, which I suppose you
took from that paper. It is where you say: "The undersigned are unable to
agree with you in the opinion you have expressed that the Constitution is
different in time of insurrection or invasion from what it is in time of
peace and public security."

A recurrence to the paper will show you that I have not expressed the
opinion you suppose. I expressed the opinion that the Constitution is
different in its application in cases of rebellion or invasion, involving
the public safety, from what it is in times of profound peace and
public security; and this opinion I adhere to, simply because, by the
Constitution itself, things may be done in the one case which may not be
done in the other.

I dislike to waste a word on a merely personal point, but I must
respectfully assure you that you will find yourselves at fault should
you ever seek for evidence to prove your assumption that I "opposed in
discussions before the people the policy of the Mexican war."


You say: "Expunge from the Constitution this limitation upon the power
of Congress to suspend the writ of habeas corpus, and yet the other
guarantees of personal liberty would remain unchanged." Doubtless, if this
clause of the Constitution, improperly called, as I think, a limitation
upon the power of Congress, were expunged, the other guarantees would
remain the same; but the question is not how those guarantees would stand
with that clause out of the Constitution, but how they stand with that
clause remaining in it, in case of rebellion or invasion involving the
public safety. If the liberty could be indulged of expunging that clause,
letter and spirit, I really think the constitutional argument would be
with you.

My general view on this question was stated in the Albany response, and
hence I do not state it now. I only add that, as seems to me, the
benefit of the writ of habeas corpus is the great means through which the
guarantees of personal liberty are conserved and made available in
the last resort; and corroborative of this view is the fact that Mr.
Vallandigham, in the very case in question, under the advice of able
lawyers, saw not where else to go but to the habeas corpus. But by the
Constitution the benefit of the writ of habeas corpus itself may be
suspended when, in case of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may
require it.

You ask, in substance, whether I really claim that I may override all the
guaranteed rights of individuals, on the plea of conserving the public
safety when I may choose to say the public safety requires it. This
question, divested of the phraseology calculated to represent me as
struggling for an arbitrary personal prerogative, is either simply a
question who shall decide, or an affirmation that nobody shall decide,
what the public safety does require in cases of rebellion or invasion.

The Constitution contemplates the question as likely to occur for
decision, but it does not expressly declare who is to decide it. By
necessary implication, when rebellion or invasion comes, the decision is
to be made from time to time; and I think the man whom, for the time, the
people have, under the Constitution, made the commander-in-chief of their
army and navy, is the man who holds the power and bears the responsibility
of making it. If he uses the power justly, the same people will probably
justify him; if he abuses it, he is in their hands to be dealt with by all
the modes they have reserved to themselves in the Constitution.

The earnestness with which you insist that persons can only, in times
of rebellion, be lawfully dealt with in accordance with the rules for
criminal trials and punishments in times of peace, induces me to add a
word to what I said on that point in the Albany response.

You claim that men may, if they choose, embarrass those whose duty it is
to combat a giant rebellion, and then be dealt with in turn only as if
there were no rebellion. The Constitution itself rejects this view. The
military arrests and detentions which have been made, including those of
Mr. Vallandigham, which are not different in principle from the others,
have been for prevention, and not for punishment--as injunctions to stay
injury, as proceedings to keep the peace; and hence, like proceedings
in such cases and for like reasons, they have not been accompanied with
indictments, or trials by juries, nor in a single case by any punishment
whatever, beyond what is purely incidental to the prevention. The original
sentence of imprisonment in Mr. Vallandigham's case was to prevent injury
to the military service only, and the modification of it was made as a
less disagreeable mode to him of securing the same prevention.

I am unable to perceive an insult to Ohio in the case of Mr. Vallandigham.
Quite surely nothing of the sort was or is intended. I was wholly unaware
that Mr. Vallandigham was, at the time of his arrest, a candidate for the
Democratic nomination for governor until so informed by your reading to me
the resolutions of the convention. I am grateful to the State of Ohio for
many things, especially for the brave soldiers and officers she has given
in the present national trial to the armies of the Union.

You claim, as I understand, that according to my own position in the
Albany response, Mr. Vallandigham should be released; and this because,
as you claim, he has not damaged the military service by discouraging
enlistments, encouraging desertions, or otherwise; and that if he had,
he should have been turned over to the civil authorities under the recent
acts of Congress. I certainly do not know that Mr. Vallandigham has
specifically and by direct language advised against enlistments and in
favor of desertion and resistance to drafting.

We all know that combinations, armed in some instances, to resist the
arrest of deserters began several months ago; that more recently the like
has appeared in resistance to the enrolment preparatory to a draft; and
that quite a number of assassinations have occurred from the same animus.
These had to be met by military force, and this again has led to bloodshed
and death. And now, under a sense of responsibility more weighty and
enduring than any which is merely official, I solemnly declare my belief
that this hindrance of the military, including maiming and murder, is
due to the course in which Mr. Vallandigham has been engaged in a greater
degree than to any other cause; and it is due to him personally in a
greater degree than to any other one man.

These things have been notorious, known to all, and of course known to Mr.
Vallandigham. Perhaps I would not be wrong to say they originated with
his special friends and adherents. With perfect knowledge of them, he has
frequently if not constantly made speeches in Congress and before popular
assemblies; and if it can be shown that, with these things staring him in
the face he has ever uttered a word of rebuke or counsel against them, it
will be a fact greatly in his favor with me, and one of which as yet I am
totally ignorant. When it is known that the whole burden of his speeches
has been to stir up men against the prosecution of the war, and that in
the midst of resistance to it he has not been known in any instance to
counsel against such resistance, it is next to impossible to repel the
inference that he has counseled directly in favor of it.

With all this before their eyes, the convention you represent have
nominated Mr. Vallandigham for governor of Ohio, and both they and
you have declared the purpose to sustain the national Union by all
constitutional means. But of course they and you in common reserve to
yourselves to decide what are constitutional means; and, unlike the Albany
meeting, you omit to state or intimate that in your opinion an army is a
constitutional means of saving the Union against a rebellion, or even to
intimate that you are conscious of an existing rebellion being in progress
with the avowed object of destroying that very Union. At the same time
your nominee for governor, in whose behalf you appeal, is known to you
and to the world to declare against the use of an army to suppress the
rebellion. Your own attitude, therefore, encourages desertion, resistance
to the draft, and the like, because it teaches those who incline to desert
and to escape the draft to believe it is your purpose to protect them, and
to hope that you will become strong enough to do so.

After a short personal intercourse with you, gentlemen of the committee,
I cannot say I think you desire this effect to follow your attitude; but
I assure your that both friends and enemies of the Union look upon it in
this light. It is a substantial hope, and by consequence a real strength
to the enemy. If it is a false hope, and one which you would willingly
dispel, I will make the way exceedingly easy.

I send you duplicates of this letter in order that you, or a majority of
you, may, if you choose, indorse your names upon one of them and return it
thus indorsed to me with the understanding that those signing are thereby
committed to the following propositions and to nothing else:

1. That there is now a rebellion in the United States, the object and
tendency of which is to destroy the National Union; and that, in your
opinion, an army and navy are constitutional means for suppressing that
rebellion;

2. That no one of you will do anything which, in his own judgment,
will tend to hinder the increase, or favor the decrease, or lessen the
efficiency of the army or navy while engaged in the effort to suppress
that rebellion; and

3. That each of you will, in his sphere, do all he can to have the
officers, soldiers, and seamen of the army and navy, while engaged in
the effort to suppress the rebellion, paid, fed, clad, and otherwise well
provided for and supported.

And with the further understanding that upon receiving the letter and
names thus indorsed, I will cause them to be published, which publication
shall be, within itself, a revocation of the order in relation to Mr.
Vallandigham. It will not escape observation that I consent to the release
of Mr. Vallandigham upon terms not embracing any pledge from him or from
others as to what he will or will not do. I do this because he is not
present to speak for himself, or to authorize others to speak for him;
and because I should expect that on his returning he would not put himself
practically in antagonism with the position of his friends. But I do it
chiefly because I thereby prevail on other influential gentlemen of Ohio
to so define their position as to be of immense value to the army--thus
more than compensating for the consequences of any mistake in allowing Mr.
Vallandigham to return; so that, on the whole, the public safety will not
have suffered by it. Still, in regard to Mr. Vallandigham and all others,
I must hereafter, as heretofore, do so much as the public safety may seem
to require.

I have the honor to be respectfully yours, etc.,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR PARKER.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, June 30, 1863. 10.55

GOVERNOR PARKER, Trenton, N.J.:

Your despatch of yesterday received. I really think the attitude of the
enemy's army in Pennsylvania presents us the best opportunity we have had
since the war began. I think you will not see the foe in New Jersey. I beg
you to be assured that no one out of my position can know so well as if
he were in it the difficulties and involvements of replacing General
McClellan in command, and this aside from any imputations upon him.

Please accept my sincere thanks for what you have done and are doing to
get troops forward.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO A. K. McCLURE.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, June 30, 1863.

A. K. McCLURE, Philadelphia:

Do we gain anything by opening one leak to stop another? Do we gain
anything by quieting one merely to open another, and probably a larger
one?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL COUCH. [Cipher] WASHINGTON CITY, June 30, 1863. 3.23
P.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL COUCH, Harrisburg, Pa.:

I judge by absence of news that the enemy is not crossing or pressing up
to the Susquehanna. Please tell me what you know of his movements.


A. LINCOLN




TO GENERAL D. HUNTER.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, June 30, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL HUNTER.

MY DEAR GENERAL:--I have just received your letter of the 25th of June.

I assure you, and you may feel authorized in stating, that the recent
change of commanders in the Department of the South was made for no
reasons which convey any imputation upon your known energy, efficiency,
and patriotism; but for causes which seemed sufficient, while they were in
no degree incompatible with the respect and esteem in which I have always
held you as a man and an officer.

I cannot, by giving my consent to a publication of whose details I know
nothing, assume the responsibility of whatever you may write. In this
matter your own sense of military propriety must be your guide, and the
regulations of the service your rule of conduct.

I am very truly your friend,

A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL BURNSIDE.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., July 3, 1863

MAJOR-GENERAL BURNSIDE, Cincinnati, Ohio:

Private Downey, of the Twentieth or Twenty-sixth Kentucky Infantry,
is said to have been sentenced to be shot for desertion to-day. If so,
respite the execution until I can see the record.


A. LINCOLN.




REASSURING SON IN COLLEGE

TELEGRAM TO ROBERT T, LINCOLN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, July 3,1863.

ROBERT T. LINCOLN, Esq., Cambridge, Mass.:

Don't be uneasy. Your mother very slightly hurt by her fall.

A.L.

Please send at once.




ANNOUNCEMENT OF NEWS FROM GETTYSBURG.

WASHINGTON,

July 4, 10.30 A.M.

The President announces to the country that news from the Army of the
Potomac, up to 10 P.M. of the 3d, is such as to cover that army with the
highest honor, to promise a great success to the cause of the Union, and
to claim the condolence of all for the many gallant fallen; and that
for this he especially desires that on this day He whose will, not
ours, should ever be done be everywhere remembered and reverenced with
profoundest gratitude.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL FRENCH. [Cipher] WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C.,
July 5, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL FRENCH, Fredericktown, Md.:

I see your despatch about destruction of pontoons. Cannot the enemy ford
the river?


A. LINCOLN.




CONTINUED FAILURE TO PURSUE ENEMY

TELEGRAM TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK.

SOLDIERS' HOME, WASHINGTON, JULY 6 1863.7 P.M.,

MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK:

I left the telegraph office a good deal dissatisfied. You know I did not
like the phrase--in Orders, No. 68, I believe--"Drive the invaders from
our soil." Since that, I see a despatch from General French, saying the
enemy is crossing his wounded over the river in flats, without saying
why he does not stop it, or even intimating a thought that it ought to
be stopped. Still later, another despatch from General Pleasonton, by
direction of General Meade, to General French, stating that the main army
is halted because it is believed the rebels are concentrating "on the
road towards Hagerstown, beyond Fairfield," and is not to move until it is
ascertained that the rebels intend to evacuate Cumberland Valley.

These things appear to me to be connected with a purpose to cover
Baltimore and Washington and to get the enemy across the river again
without a further collision, and they do not appear connected with a
purpose to prevent his crossing and to destroy him. I do fear the former
purpose is acted upon and the latter rejected.

If you are satisfied the latter purpose is entertained, and is judiciously
pursued, I am content. If you are not so satisfied, please look to it.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




RESPONSE TO A SERENADE,

JULY 7, 1863.

FELLOW-CITIZENS:--I am very glad indeed to see you to-night, and yet I
will not say I thank you for this call; but I do most sincerely thank
Almighty God for the occasion on which you have called. How long ago is it
Eighty-odd years since, on the Fourth of July, for the first time in the
history of the world, a nation, by its representatives, assembled and
declared as a self-evident truth "that all men are created equal." That
was the birthday of the United States of America. Since then the Fourth
of July has had several very peculiar recognitions. The two men most
distinguished in the framing and support of the Declaration were Thomas
Jefferson and John Adams, the one having penned it, and the other
sustained it the most forcibly in debate--the only two of the fifty-five
who signed it and were elected Presidents of the United States. Precisely
fifty years after they put their hands to the paper, it pleased
Almighty God to take both from this stage of action. This was indeed an
extraordinary and remarkable event in our history. Another President, five
years after, was called from this stage of existence on the same day and
month of the year; and now on this last Fourth of July just passed, when
we have a gigantic rebellion, at the bottom of which is an effort to
overthrow the principle that all men were created equal, we have the
surrender of a most powerful position and army on that very day. And not
only so, but in the succession of battles in Pennsylvania, near to us,
through three days, so rapidly fought that they might be called one great
battle, on the first, second, and third of the month of July; and on the
fourth the cohorts of those who opposed the Declaration that all men are
created equal, "turned tail" and run.

Gentlemen, this is a glorious theme, and the occasion for a speech, but I
am not prepared to make one worthy of the occasion. I would like to speak
in terms of praise due to the many brave officers and soldiers who have
fought in the cause of the Union and liberties of their country from the
beginning of the war. These are trying occasions, not only in success,
but for the want of success. I dislike to mention the name of one single
officer, lest I might do wrong to those I might forget. Recent events
bring up glorious names, and particularly prominent ones; but these I will
not mention. Having said this much, I will now take the music.




SURRENDER OF VICKSBURG TO GENERAL GRANT

TELEGRAM FROM GENERAL HALLECK TO GENERAL G. C. MEADE.

WASHINGTON, D.C., July 7, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Army of the Potomac:

I have received from the President the following note, which I
respectfully communicate:

"We have certain information that Vicksburg surrendered to General Grant
on the Fourth of July. Now if General Meade can complete his work, so
gloriously prosecuted this far, by the literal or substantial destruction
of Lee's army, the rebellion will be over.

"Yours truly,

"A. LINCOLN."

H. W. HALLECK. General-in-Chief.




TELEGRAM FROM GENERAL HALLECK TO GENERAL G. C. MEADE.

WASHINGTON, D. C., July 8, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Frederick, Md.:

There is reliable information that the enemy is crossing at Williamsport.
The opportunity to attack his divided forces should not be lost. The
President is urgent and anxious that your army should move against him by
forced marches.

H. W. HALLECK, General-in-Chief




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL THOMAS.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, July 8, 1863.12.30 P.M.

GENERAL LORENZO THOMAS, Harrisburg, Pa.:

Your despatch of this morning to the Secretary of War is before me. The
forces you speak of will be of no imaginable service if they cannot go
forward with a little more expedition. Lee is now passing the Potomac
faster than the forces you mention are passing Carlisle. Forces now beyond
Carlisle to be joined by regiments still at Harrisburg, and the united
force again to join Pierce somewhere, and the whole to move down the
Cumberland Valley, will in my unprofessional opinion be quite as likely to
capture the "man in the moon" as any part of Lee's army.


A. LINCOLN.




NEWS OF GRANT'S CAPTURE OF VICKSBURG

TELEGRAM TO E. D. SMITH.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D.C., July 8, 1863.

E. DELAFIELD SMITH, New York:

Your kind despatch in behalf of self and friends is gratefully received.
Capture of Vicksburg confirmed by despatch from General Grant himself.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO F. F. LOWE.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D.C., July 8, 1863.

HON. F. F. LOWE, San Francisco, Cal.:

There is no doubt that General Meade, now commanding the Army of the
Potomac, beat Lee at Gettysburg, Pa., at the end of a three days' battle,
and that the latter is now crossing the Potomac at Williamsport over the
swollen stream and with poor means of crossing, and closely pressed
by Meade. We also have despatches rendering it entirely certain that
Vicksburg surrendered to General Grant on the glorious old 4th.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO L. SWETT AND P. F. LOWE.

[Cipher.]

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, D.C., July 9, 1863.

HON. LEONARD SWETT, HON. F. F. LOWE, San Francisco, Cal.:

Consult together and do not have a riot, or great difficulty about
delivering possession.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO J. K. DUBOIS.

WASHINGTON, D.C., July 11,1863. 9 A.M.

HON. J. K. DUBOIS, Springfield, Ill.:

It is certain that, after three days' fighting at Gettysburg, Lee withdrew
and made for the Potomac, that he found the river so swollen as to
prevent his crossing; that he is still this side, near Hagerstown and
Williamsport, preparing to defend himself; and that Meade is close upon
him, and preparing to attack him, heavy skirmishing having occurred nearly
all day yesterday.

I am more than satisfied with what has happened north of the Potomac so
far, and am anxious and hopeful for what is to come.


A. LINCOLN.

     [Nothing came! Lee was allowed to escape again and the war
     went on for another two years. D.W.]




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL SCHENCK.

[Cipher.]

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, July 11, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL SCHENCK, Baltimore, Md.:

How many rebel prisoners captured within Maryland and Pennsylvania have
reached Baltimore within this month of July?


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL GRANT.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, July 13, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL GRANT:

MY DEAR GENERAL:--I do not remember that you and I ever met personally.
I write this now as a grateful acknowledgment of the almost inestimable
service you have done the Country. I write to say a word further. When you
first reached the vicinity of Vicksburg, I thought you should do what you
finally did--march the troops across the neck, run the batteries with the
transports, and thus go below; and I never had any faith except a general
hope that you knew better than I, that the Yazoo Pass expedition and the
like could succeed. When you dropped below, and took Port Gibson, Grand
Gulf, and vicinity, I thought you should go down the river and join
General Banks; and when you turned northward, east of the Big Black, I
feared it was a mistake. I now wish to make the personal acknowledgment
that you were right and I was wrong.

Yours very truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL J. M. SCHOFIELD.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, July 13, 1863.

GENERAL SCHOFIELD. St. Louis, Mo.:

I regret to learn of the arrest of the Democrat editor. I fear this loses
you the middle position I desired you to occupy. I have not learned which
of the two letters I wrote you it was that the Democrat published, but I
care very little for the publication of any letter I have written. Please
spare me the trouble this is likely to bring.


A. LINCOLN.




SON IN COLLEGE DOES NOT WRITE HIS PARENTS

TELEGRAM TO R. T. LINCOLN.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON D.C., July 14, 1863.

ROBERT T. LINCOLN: New York, Fifth Avenue Hotel:

Why do I hear no more of you?


A. LINCOLN.




INTIMATION OF ARMISTICE PROPOSALS

FROM JAMES R. GILMORE TO GOVERNOR VANCE OF NORTH CAROLINA,

WITH THE PRESIDENT'S INDORSEMENT.

PRESIDENT'S ROOM, WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON,

July [15?] 1864.


HIS EXCELLENCY ZEBULON B. VANCE.

MY DEAR SIR:--My former business partner, Mr. Frederic Kidder, of Boston,
has forwarded to me a letter he has recently received from his brother,
Edward Kidder, of Wilmington, in which (Edward Kidder) says that he has
had an interview with you in which you expressed an anxiety for any peace
compatible with honor; that you regard slavery as already dead, and the
establishment of the Confederacy as hopeless; and that you should exert
all your influence to bring about any reunion that would admit the South
on terms of perfect equality with the North.

On receipt of this letter I lost no time in laying it before the President
of the United States, who expressed great gratification at hearing such
sentiments from you, one of the most influential and honored of the
Southern governors, and he desires me to say that he fully shares your
anxiety for the restoration of peace between the States and for a reunion
of all the States on the basis of the abolition of slavery--the bone we
are fighting over--and the full reinstatement of every Confederate citizen
in all the rights of citizenship in our common country. These points
conceded, the President authorizes me to say that he will be glad to
receive overtures from any man, or body of men, who have authority to
control the armies of the Confederacy; and that he and the United States
Congress will be found very liberal on all collateral points that may come
up in the settlement.

His views on the collateral points that may naturally arise, the President
desires me to say he will communicate to you through me if you should
suggest the personal interview that Mr. Edward Kidder recommends in his
letter to his brother. In that case you will please forward to me, through
Mr. Kidder, your official permit, as Governor of North Carolina, to enter
and leave the State, and to remain in it in safety during the pendency
of these negotiations, which, I suppose, should be conducted in entire
secrecy until they assume an official character. With high consideration,
I am,

Sincerely yours,

JAMES R. GILMORE.

 [Indorsement.]

This letter has been written in my presence, has been read by me, and has
my entire approval. A.L.




PROCLAMATION FOR THANKSGIVING, JULY 15, 1863

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A Proclamation.

It has pleased Almighty God to hearken to the supplications and prayers of
an afflicted people, and to vouchsafe to the army and navy of the United
States victories on land and on the sea so signal and so effective as
to furnish reasonable grounds for augmented confidence that the Union of
these States will be maintained, their Constitution preserved, and their
peace and prosperity permanently restored. But these victories have
been accorded not without sacrifices of life, limb, health, and liberty,
incurred by brave, loyal, and patriotic citizens. Domestic affliction
in every part of the country follows in the train of these fearful
bereavements. It is meet and right to recognize and confess the presence
of the Almighty Father, and the power of His hand equally in these
triumphs and in these sorrows.

Now, therefore, be it known that I do set apart Thursday, the 6th day of
August next, to be observed as a day for national thanksgiving, praise,
and prayer, and I invite the people of the United States to assemble on
that occasion in their customary places of worship, and, in the forms
approved by their own consciences, render the homage due to the Divine
Majesty for the wonderful things He has done in the nation's behalf, and
invoke the influence of His Holy Spirit to subdue the anger which has
produced and so long sustained a needless and cruel rebellion, to change
the hearts of the insurgents, to guide the counsels of the Government with
wisdom adequate to so great a national emergency, and to visit with tender
care and consolation throughout the length and breadth of our land all
those who, through the vicissitudes of marches, voyages, battles, and
sieges have been, brought to suffer in mind, body, or estate, and finally
to lead the whole nation through the paths of repentance and submission
to the Divine Will back to the perfect enjoyment of union and fraternal
peace.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the
United States to be affixed.

Done at the city of Washington, this fifteenth day of July, in the year
of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and of the
independence of the United States of America the eighty-eighth.


A. LINCOLN.

By, the President  WILLIAM H. SEWARD,
  Secretary of State.




TELEGRAM TO L. SWETT.

[Cipher.]

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, July 15, 1863.

HON. L SWETT, San Francisco, Cal.:

Many persons are telegraphing me from California, begging me for the peace
of the State to suspend the military enforcement of the writ of possession
in the Almaden case, while you are the single one who urges the contrary.
You know I would like to oblige you, but it seems to me my duty in this
case is the other way.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO SIMON CAMERON.

[Cipher.]

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, JULY 15, 1863.

HON. SIMON CAMERON, Harrisburg, Pa.:

Your despatch of yesterday received. Lee was already across the river
when you sent it. I would give much to be relieved of the impression that
Meade, Couch, Smith, and all since the battle at Gettysburg, have striven
only to get Lee over the river without another fight. Please tell me,
if you know, who was the one corps commander who was for fighting in the
council of war on Sunday night.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO J. O. BROADHEAD.

WASHINGTON, D.C., JULY 15, 1863.

J. O. BROADHEAD, St. Louis, Mo.:

The effect on political position of McKee's arrest will not be relieved
any by its not having been made with that purpose.


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL LANE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, July 17 1863.

HON. S. H. LANE.

MY DEAR SIR:--Governor Carney has not asked to [have] General Blunt
removed, or interfered with, in his military operations. He has asked that
he, the Governor, be allowed to commission officers for troops raised in
Kansas, as other governors of loyal States do; and I think he is right in
this.

He has asked that General Blunt shall not take persons charged with civil
crimes out of the hands of the courts and turn them over to mobs to be
hung; and I think he is right in this also. He has asked that General
Ewing's department be extended to include all Kansas; and I have not
determined whether this is right or not.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR MORTON.

WASHINGTON, D. C., July 18, 1863.

GOVERNOR O. P. MORTON, Indianapolis:

What do you remember about the case of John O. Brown, convicted of
mutinous conduct and sentenced to death? What do you desire about it?


A. LINCOLN.




TO GOVERNOR PARKER

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON

July 20, 1863.

HIS EXCELLENCY JOEL PARKER, Governor of New Jersey.

DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 15th has been received, and considered by the
Secretary of War and myself. I was pained to be informed this morning by
the Provost-Marshal-General that New Jersey is now behind twelve thousand,
irrespective of the draft. I did not have time to ascertain by what rules
this was made out; and I shall be very glad if it shall, by any means,
prove to be incorrect. He also tells me that eight thousand will be about
the quota of New Jersey on the first draft; and the Secretary of War
says the first draft in that State would not be made for some time in any
event. As every man obtained otherwise lessens the draft so much, and this
may supersede it altogether, I hope you will push forward your volunteer
regiments as fast as possible.

It is a very delicate matter to postpone the draft in one State, because
of the argument it furnishes others to have postponement also. If we could
have a reason in one case which would be good if presented in all cases,
we could act upon it.

I will thank you, therefore, to inform me, if you can, by what day, at
the earliest, you can promise to have ready to be mustered into the United
States service the eight thousand men.

If you can make a reliable promise (I mean one which you can rely on
yourself) of this sort, it will be of great value, if the day is not too
remote.

I beg you to be assured I wish to avoid the difficulties you dread as much
as yourself.

Your obedient servant,


A. LINCOLN




TO GENERAL SCHOFIELD.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON D.C. JULY 20, 1863

MAJOR GENERAL JOHN M. SCHOFIELD.

MY DEAR GENERAL:--I have received and read your letter of the 14th of
July.

I think the suggestion you make, of discontinuing proceedings against
Mr. McKee, a very proper one. While I admit that there is an apparent
impropriety in the publication of the letter mentioned, without my consent
or yours, it is still a case where no evil could result, and which I am
entirely willing to overlook.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL J. M. SCHOFIELD

WASHINGTON, D.C. JULY 22, 1863

MAJOR GENERAL SCHOFIELD, St. Louis, Mo.:

The following despatch has been placed in my hands. Please look to the
subject of it.

LEXINGTON, Mo., JULY 21, 1863 HON. S C. POMEROY: Under Orders No.63 the
sheriff is arresting slaves of rebels inside our lines, and returning them
in great numbers. Can he do it? Answer. GOULD.


A. LINCOLN




TO POSTMASTER-GENERAL BLAIR

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,

JULY 24, 1863.

HON. POSTMASTER-GENERAL

SIR:-Yesterday little indorsements of mine went to you in two cases
of postmasterships sought for widows whose husbands have fallen in the
battles of this war. These cases occurring on the same day brought me to
reflect more attentively than I had before done, as to what is fairly due
from us herein the dispensing of patronage toward the men who, by fighting
our battles, bear the chief burden of serving our country. My conclusion
is that, other claims and qualifications being equal, they have the better
right and this is especially applicable to the disabled and the soldier,
deceased soldier's family.

Your obedient servant,


A. LINCOLN




TO SECRETARY OF THE NAVY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, July 25, 1863.

HON. SECRETARY OF THE NAVY.

SIR:--Certain matters have come to my notice, and considered by me, which
induce me to believe that it will conduce to the public interest for
you to add to the general instructions given to our naval commanders in
relation to contraband trade propositions substantially as follows, to
wit:

First. You will avoid the reality, and as far as possible the appearance,
of using any neutral port to watch neutral vessels and then to dart out
and seize them on their departure.

NOTE.--Complaint is made that this has been practiced at the port of St
Thomas, which practice, if it exists, is disapproved and must cease.

Second. You will not in any case detain the crew of a captured neutral
vessel or any other subject of a neutral power on board such vessel,
as prisoners of war or otherwise, except the small number necessary as
witnesses in the prize court.

NOTE.-The practice here forbidden is also charged to exist, which, if
true, is disapproved and must cease.

My dear sir, it is not intended to be insinuated that you have been
remiss in the performance of the arduous and responsible duties of your
department, which, I take pleasure in affirming, has in your hands been
conducted with admirable success. Yet, while your subordinates are almost
of necessity brought into angry collision with the subjects of foreign
states, the representatives of those states and yourself do not come into
immediate contact for the purpose of keeping the peace, in spite of such
collisions. At that point there is an ultimate and heavy responsibility
upon me.

What I propose is in strict accordance with international law, and is
therefore unobjectionable; whilst, if it does no other good, it will
contribute to sustain a considerable portion of the present British
ministry in their places, who, if displaced, are sure to be replaced by
others more unfavorable to us.

Your obedient servant,


A. LINCOLN




LETTER TO GOVERNOR PARKER.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,

July 25, 1863.

HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR JOEL PARKER.

SIR:--Yours of the 21st is received, and I have taken time and considered
and discussed the subject with the Secretary of War and Provost-Marshal
General, in order, if possible, to make you a more favorable answer than I
finally find myself able to do.

It is a vital point with us to not have a special stipulation with the
governor of any one State, because it would breed trouble in many, if not
all, other States; and my idea was when I wrote you, as it still is, to
get a point of time to which we could wait, on the reason that we were not
ready ourselves to proceed, and which might enable you to raise the quota
of your State, in whole, or in large part, without the draft. The points
of time you fix are much farther off than I had hoped. We might have got
along in the way I have indicated for twenty, or possibly thirty, days. As
it stands, the best I can say is that every volunteer you will present us
within thirty days from this date, fit and ready to be mustered into the
United States service, on the usual terms, shall be pro tanto an abatement
of your quota of the draft. That quota I can now state at eight thousand
seven hundred and eighty-three (8783). No draft from New Jersey, other
than for the above quota, will be made before an additional draft, common
to [all] the States, shall be required; and I may add that if we get well
through with this draft, I entertain a strong hope that any further
one may never be needed. This expression of hope, however, must not be
construed into a promise.

As to conducting the draft by townships, I find it would require such a
waste of labor already done, and such an additional amount of it, and such
a loss of time, as to make it, I fear, inadmissible.

Your obedient servant,


A. LINCOLN.

P. S.--Since writing the above, getting additional information, I
am enabled to say that the draft may be made in subdistricts, as the
enrolment has been made, or is in process of making. This will amount
practically to drafting by townships, as the enrollment subdistricts are
generally about the extent of townships. A.L.




To GENERAL G. G. MEADE. (Private.)

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, July 27, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE:

I have not thrown General Hooker away; and therefore I would like to know
whether it would be agreeable to you, all things considered, for him to
take a corps under you, if he himself is willing to do so. Write me in
perfect freedom, with the assurance that I will not subject you to any
embarrassment by making your letter or its contents known to any one. I
wish to know your wishes before I decide whether to break the subject
to him. Do not lean a hair's breadth against your own feelings, or your
judgment of the public service, on the idea of gratifying me.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL A. B. BURNSIDE.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, July 27, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL BURNSIDE, Cincinnati, O.:

Let me explain. In General Grant's first despatch after the fall of
Vicksburg, he said, among other things, he would send the Ninth Corps to
you. Thinking it would be pleasant to you, I asked the Secretary of War to
telegraph you the news. For some reasons never mentioned to us by General
Grant, they have not been sent, though we have seen outside intimations
that they took part in the expedition against Jackson. General Grant is
a copious worker and fighter, but a very meager writer or telegrapher.
No doubt he changed his purpose in regard to the Ninth Corps for some
sufficient reason, but has forgotten to notify us of it.


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, July 29, 1863

MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK:

Seeing General Meade's despatch of yesterday to yourself causes me to fear
that he supposes the Government here is demanding of him to bring on a
general engagement with Lee as soon as possible. I am claiming no such
thing of him. In fact, my judgment is against it; which judgment, of
course, I will yield if yours and his are the contrary. If he could not
safely engage Lee at Williamsport, it seems absurd to suppose he can
safely engage him now, when he has scarcely more than two thirds of
the force he had at Williamsport, while it must be that Lee has been
reinforced. True, I desired General Meade to pursue Lee across the
Potomac, hoping, as has proved true, that he would thereby clear the
Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, and get some advantages by harassing him on
his retreat. These being past, I am unwilling he should now get into a
general engagement on the impression that we here are pressing him, and
I shall be glad for you to so inform him, unless your own judgment is
against it.

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.

H. W. HALLECK, General-in-Chief.




TO SECRETARY STANTON.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, July 29, 1863

HON. SECRETARY OF WAR.

SIR:--Can we not renew the effort to organize a force to go to western
Texas?

Please consult with the general-in-chief on the subject.

If the Governor of New Jersey shall furnish any new regiments, might not
they be put into such an expedition? Please think of it.

I believe no local object is now more desirable.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




ORDER OF RETALIATION.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, July 30, 1863.

It is the duty of every government to give protection to its citizens, of
whatever class, color, or condition, and especially to those who are duly
organized as soldiers in the public service. The law of nations and the
usages and customs of war, as carried on by civilized powers, permit no
distinction as to color in the treatment of prisoners of war as public
enemies. To sell or enslave any captured person, on account of his color
and for no offense against the laws of war, is a relapse into barbarism,
and a crime against the civilization of the age.

The Government of the United States will give the same protection to all
its soldiers; and if the enemy shall sell or enslave any one because of
his color, the offense shall be punished by retaliation upon the enemy's
prisoners in our possession.

It is therefore ordered that for every soldier of the United States killed
in violation of the laws of war, a rebel soldier shall be executed; and
for every one enslaved by the enemy or sold into slavery, a rebel soldier
shall be placed at hard labor on the public works, and continued at such
labor until the other shall be released and receive the treatment due to a
prisoner of war.


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL S. A. HURLBUT.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, July 31, 1863.

MY DEAR GENERAL HURLBUT:

Your letter by Mr. Dana was duly received. I now learn that your
resignation has reached the War Department. I also learn that an active
command has been assigned you by General Grant. The Secretary of War and
General Halleck are very partial to you, as you know I also am. We all
wish you to reconsider the question of resigning; not that we would
wish to retain you greatly against your wish and interest, but that your
decision may be at least a very well-considered one.

I understand that Senator [William K.] Sebastian, of Arkansas, thinks of
offering to resume his place in the Senate. Of course the Senate, and not
I, would decide whether to admit or reject him. Still I should feel great
interest in the question. It may be so presented as to be one of the very
greatest national importance; and it may be otherwise so presented as to
be of no more than temporary personal consequence to him.

The Emancipation Proclamation applies to Arkansas. I think it is valid
in law, and will be so held by the courts. I think I shall not retract
or repudiate it. Those who shall have tasted actual freedom I believe can
never be slaves or quasi-slaves again. For the rest, I believe some plan
substantially being gradual emancipation would be better for both white
and black. The Missouri plan recently adopted, I do not object to on
account of the time for ending the institution; but I am sorry the
beginning should have been postponed for seven years, leaving all that
time to agitate for the repeal of the whole thing. It should begin at
once, giving at least the new-born a vested interest in freedom which
could not be taken away. If Senator Sebastian could come with something
of this sort from Arkansas, I, at least, should take great interest in his
case; and I believe a single individual will have scarcely done the world
so great a service. See him if you can, and read this to him; but charge
him not to make it public for the present. Write me again.

Yours very truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM FROM GOVERNOR SEYMOUR.

ALBANY, August 1, 1863. Recvd 2 P.M.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES:

I ask that the draft be suspended in this State until I can send you a
communication I am preparing.

HORATIO SEYMOUR.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR SEYMOUR

WASHINGTON, D.C., August 1, 1863. 4 P.M.

HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR SEYMOUR, Albany, N.Y.:

By what day may I expect your communication to reach me? Are you anxious
about any part except the city and vicinity?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL FOSTER.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, August 3, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL FOSTER (or whoever may be in command of the military
department with headquarters at Fort Monroe, Va.):

If Dr. Wright, on trial at Norfolk, has been or shall be convicted, send
me a transcript of his trial and conviction, and do not let execution be
done upon him until my further order.


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL N. P. BANKS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, August 5,1863.

MY DEAR GENERAL BANKS:

While I very well know what I would be glad for Louisiana to do, it is
quite a different thing for me to assume direction of the matter. I would
be glad for her to make a new constitution, recognizing the emancipation
proclamation, and adopting emancipation in those parts of the State to
which the proclamation does not apply. And while she is at it, I think it
would not be objectionable for her to adopt some practical system by which
the two races could gradually live themselves out of their old relation to
each other, and both come out better prepared for the new. Education
for young blacks should be included in the plan. After all, the power or
element of "contract" may be sufficient for this probationary period, and
by its simplicity and flexibility may be the better.

As an antislavery man, I have a motive to desire emancipation which
proslavery men do not have but even they have strong enough reason to
thus place themselves again under the shield of the Union, and to thus
perpetually hedge against the recurrence of the scenes through which we
are now passing.

Governor Shepley has informed me that Mr. Durant is now taking a registry,
with a view to the election of a constitutional convention in Louisiana.
This, to me, appears proper. If such convention were to ask my views, I
could present little else than what I now say to you. I think the thing
should be pushed forward, so that, if possible, its mature work may reach
here by the meeting of Congress.

For my own part, I think I shall not, in any event, retract the
emancipation proclamation: nor, as executive, ever return to slavery any
person who is free by the terms of that proclamation, or by any of the
acts of Congress.

If Louisiana shall send members to Congress, their admission to seats
will depend, as you know, upon the respective Houses, and not upon the
President.

Yours very truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TO GOVERNOR SEYMOUR.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, August 7, 1863.

HIS EXCELLENCY HORATIO SEYMOUR, Governor of New York:

Your communication of the 3rd instant has been received and attentively
considered.

I cannot consent to suspend the draft in New York, as you request,
because, among other reasons, time is too important.

By the figures you send, which I presume are correct, the twelve districts
represented fall into two classes of eight and four respectively. The
disparity of the quotas for the draft in these two classes is certainly
very striking, being the difference between an average of 2200 in one
class and 4864 in the other. Assuming that the districts are equal one to
another in entire population, as required by the plan on which they were
made, this disparity is such as to require attention. Much of it, however,
I suppose will be accounted for by the fact that so many more persons fit
for soldiers are in the city than are in the country who have too recently
arrived from other parts of the United States and from Europe to be either
included in the census of 1860, or to have voted in 1862. Still, making
due allowance for this, I am yet unwilling to stand upon it as an entirely
sufficient explanation of the great disparity.

I shall direct the draft to proceed in all the districts, drawing,
however, at first from each of the four districts--to wit, the Second,
Fourth, Sixth, and Eighth--only, 2200 being the average quota of the other
class. After this drawing, these four districts, and also the Seventeenth
and Twenty-ninth, shall be carefully re-enrolled; and, if you please,
agents of yours may witness every step of the process. Any deficiency
which may appear by the new enrolment will be supplied by a special draft
for that object, allowing due credit for volunteers who may be obtained
from these districts respectively during the interval; and at all points,
so far as consistent with practical convenience, due credits shall be
given for volunteers, and your Excellency shall be notified of the time
fixed for commencing the draft in each district.

I do not object to abide a decision of the United States Supreme Court, or
of the judges thereof, on the constitutionality of the draft law. In
fact, I should be willing to facilitate the obtaining of it. But I cannot
consent to lose the time while it is being obtained. We are contending
with an enemy who, as I understand, drives every able-bodied man he can
reach into his ranks, very much as a butcher drives bullocks into the
slaughter-pen. No time is wasted, no argument is used. This produces an
army which will soon turn upon our now victorious soldiers already in the
field, if they shall not be sustained by recruits as they should be. It
produces an army with a rapidity not to be matched on our side if we first
waste time to re-experiment with the volunteer system, already deemed by
Congress, and palpably, in fact, so far exhausted as to be inadequate;
and then more time to obtain a court decision as to whether a law is
constitutional, which requires a part of those not now in the service
to go to the aid of those who are already in it; and still more time to
determine with absolute certainty that we get those who are to go in the
precisely legal proportion to those who are not to go. My purpose is to be
in my action just and constitutional, and yet practical, in performing the
important duty with which I am charged, of maintaining the unity and the
free principles of our common country.

Your obedient servant,


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL U.S. GRANT.

EXECUTIVE MANSION WASHINGTON, August 9, 1863.

MY DEAR GENERAL GRANT:

I see by a despatch of yours that you incline quite strongly toward an
expedition against Mobile. This would appear tempting to me also, were it
not that in view of recent events in Mexico I am greatly impressed with
the importance of re-establishing the national authority in western Texas
as soon as possible. I am not making an order, however; that I leave, for
the present at least, to the general-in-chief.

A word upon another subject: General Thomas has gone again to the
Mississippi Valley, with the view of raising colored troops. I have no
reason to doubt that you are doing what you reasonably can upon the same
subject. I believe it is a resource which if vigorously applied now
will soon close the contest. It works doubly, weakening the enemy and
strengthening us. We were not fully ripe for it until the river was
opened. Now, I think at least one hundred thousand can and ought to be
rapidly organized along its shores, relieving all white troops to serve
elsewhere. Mr. Dana understands you as believing that the Emancipation
Proclamation has helped some in your military operations. I am very glad
if this is so.

Did you receive a short letter from me dated the 13th of July?

Yours very truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL W. S. ROSECRANS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, August 10, 1863.

MY DEAR GENERAL ROSECRANS:

Yours of the 1st was received two days ago. I think you must have inferred
more than General Halleck has intended, as to any dissatisfaction of mine
with you. I am sure you, as a reasonable man, would not have been wounded
could you have heard all my words and seen all my thoughts in regard to
you. I have not abated in my kind feeling for and confidence in you. I
have seen most of your despatches to General Halleck--probably all of
them. After Grant invested Vicksburg I was very anxious lest Johnston
should overwhelm him from the outside, and when it appeared certain that
part of Bragg's force had gone and was going to Johnston, it did seem to
me it was exactly the proper time for you to attack Bragg with what force
he had left. In all kindness let me say it so seems to me yet. Finding
from your despatches to General Halleck that your judgment was different,
and being very anxious for Grant, I, on one occasion, told General Halleck
I thought he should direct you to decide at once to immediately attack
Bragg or to stand on the defensive and send part of your force to Grant.
He replied he had already so directed in substance. Soon after, despatches
from Grant abated my anxiety for him, and in proportion abated my anxiety
about any movement of yours. When afterward, however, I saw a despatch of
yours arguing that the right time for you to attack Bragg was not before,
but would be after, the fall of Vicksburg, it impressed me very strangely,
and I think I so stated to the Secretary of War and General Halleck. It
seemed no other than the proposition that you could better fight Bragg
when Johnston should be at liberty to return and assist him than you could
before he could so return to his assistance.

Since Grant has been entirely relieved by the fall of Vicksburg, by which
Johnston is also relieved, it has seemed to me that your chance for a
stroke has been considerably diminished, and I have not been pressing you
directly or indirectly. True, I am very anxious for East Tennessee to be
occupied by us; but I see and appreciate the difficulties you mention. The
question occurs, Can the thing be done at all? Does preparation advance at
all? Do you not consume supplies as fast as you get them forward? Have you
more animals to-day than you had at the battle of Stone's River? And
yet have not more been furnished you since then than your entire present
stock? I ask the same questions as to your mounted force.

Do not misunderstand: I am not casting blame upon you; I rather think
by great exertion you can get to East Tennessee; but a very important
question is, Can you stay there? I make no order in the case--that I leave
to General Halleck and yourself.

And now be assured once more that I think of you in all kindness and
confidence, and that I am not watching you with an evil eye.

Yours very truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TO GOVERNOR SEYMOUR.

EXECUTIVE MANSION WASHINGTON, August 11.1863.

HIS EXCELLENCY HORATIO SEYMOUR, Governor of New York:

Yours of the 8th, with Judge-Advocate-General Waterbury's report, was
received to-day.

Asking you to remember that I consider time as being very important, both
to the general cause of the country and to the soldiers in the field, I
beg to remind you that I waited, at your request, from the 1st until the
6th inst., to receive your communication dated the 3d. In view of
its great length, and the known time and apparent care taken in its
preparation, I did not doubt that it contained your full case as you
desired to present it. It contained the figures for twelve districts,
omitting the other nineteen, as I suppose, because you found nothing to
complain of as to them. I answered accordingly. In doing so I laid down
the principle to which I purpose adhering, which is to proceed with the
draft, at the same time employing infallible means to avoid any great
wrong. With the communication received to-day you send figures for
twenty-eight districts, including the twelve sent before, and still
omitting three, for which I suppose the enrolments are not yet received.
In looking over the fuller list of twenty-eight districts, I find that the
quotas for sixteen of them are above 2000 and below 2700, while, of the
rest, six are above 2700 and six are below 2000. Applying the principle to
these new facts, the Fifth and Seventh districts must be added to the four
in which the quotas have already been reduced to 2200 for the first draft;
and with these four others just be added to those to be re-enrolled. The
correct case will then stand: the quotas of the Second, Fourth, Fifth,
Sixth, Seventh, and Eighth districts fixed at 2200 for the first draft.
The Provost-Marshal-General informs me that the drawing is already
completed in the Sixteenth, Seventeenth, Eighteenth, Twenty-second,
Twenty-fourth, Twenty-sixth, Twenty-seventh, Twenty-eighth, Twenty-ninth,
and Thirtieth districts. In the others, except the three outstanding, the
drawing will be made upon the quotas as now fixed. After the first draft,
the Second, Fourth, Fifth, Sixth, Seventh, Eighth, Sixteenth, Seventeenth,
Twenty-first, Twenty-fifth, Twenty-ninth, and Thirty-first will be
enrolled for the purpose and in the manner stated in my letter of the 7th
inst. The same principle will be applied to the now outstanding districts
when they shall come in. No part of my former letter is repudiated by
reason of not being restated in this, or for any other cause.

Your obedient servant,


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL J. A. McCLERNAND.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, August 12, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL McCLERNAND.

MY DEAR SIR:--Our friend William G. Greene has just presented a kind
letter in regard to yourself, addressed to me by our other friends Yates,
Hatch, and Dubois.

I doubt whether your present position is more painful to you than to
myself. Grateful for the patriotic stand so early taken by you in this
life-and-death struggle of the nation, I have done whatever has appeared
practicable to advance you and the public interest together. No charges,
with a view to a trial, have been preferred against you by any one; nor do
I suppose any will be. All there is, so far as I have heard, is General
Grant's statement of his reasons for relieving you. And even this I have
not seen or sought to see; because it is a case, as appears to me, in
which I could do nothing without doing harm. General Grant and yourself
have been conspicuous in our most important successes; and for me to
interfere and thus magnify a breach between you could not but be of evil
effect. Better leave it where the law of the case has placed it. For me to
force you back upon General Grant would be forcing him to resign. I cannot
give you a new command, because we have no forces except such as already
have commanders.

I am constantly pressed by those who scold before they think, or without
thinking at all, to give commands respectively to Fremont, McClellan,
Butler, Sigel, Curtis, Hunter, Hooker, and perhaps others, when, all else
out of the way, I have no commands to give them. This is now your case;
which, as I have said, pains me not less than it does you. My belief is
that the permanent estimate of what a general does in the field is fixed
by the "cloud of witnesses" who have been with him in the field, and that,
relying on these, he who has the right needs not to fear.

Your friend as ever,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR SEYMOUR.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, AUGUST 16, 1863.

GOVERNOR SEYMOUR, New York:

Your despatch of this morning is just received, and I fear I do not
perfectly understand it.

My view of the principle is that every soldier obtained voluntarily leaves
one less to be obtained by draft. The only difficulty is in applying the
principle properly. Looking to time, as heretofore, I am unwilling to
give up a drafted man now, even for the certainty, much less for the mere
chance, of getting a volunteer hereafter. Again, after the draft in any
district, would it not make trouble to take any drafted man out and put a
volunteer in--for how shall it be determined which drafted man is to have
the privilege of thus going out, to the exclusion of all the others? And
even before the draft in any district the quota must be fixed; and the
draft must be postponed indefinitely if every time a volunteer is offered
the officers must stop and reconstruct the quota. At least I fear there
might be this difficulty; but, at all events, let credits for volunteers
be given up to the last moment which will not produce confusion or delay.
That the principle of giving credits for volunteers shall be applied by
districts seems fair and proper, though I do not know how far by present
statistics it is practicable. When for any cause a fair credit is not
given at one time, it should be given as soon thereafter as practicable.
My purpose is to be just and fair, and yet to not lose time.


A. LINCOLN




To J. H. HACKETT.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON August 17, 1863.

JAMES H. HACKETT, Esq.

MY DEAR SIR:--Months ago I should have acknowledged the receipt of your
book and accompanying kind note; and I now have to beg your pardon for not
having done so.

For one of my age I have seen very little of the drama. The first
presentation of Falstaff I ever saw was yours here, last winter or spring.
Perhaps the best compliment I can pay is to say, as I truly can, I am very
anxious to see it again. Some of Shakespeare's plays I have never read,
while others I have gone over perhaps as frequently as any un-professional
reader. Among the latter are Lear, Richard III., Henry VIII., Hamlet, and
especially Macbeth. I think nothing equals Macbeth. It is wonderful.

Unlike you gentlemen of the profession, I think the soliloquy in Hamlet
commencing "Oh, my offense is rank," surpasses that commencing "To be or
not to be." But pardon this small attempt at criticism. I should like to
hear you pronounce the opening speech of Richard III. Will you not soon
visit Washington again? If you do, please call and let me make your
personal acquaintance.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN




TO F. F. LOWE.

WASHINGTON, D. C., August 17, 1863.

HON. P. F. LOWE, San Francisco, Cal.:

There seems to be considerable misunderstanding about the recent movement
to take possession of the "New Almaden" mine. It has no reference to any
other mine or mines.

In regard to mines and miners generally, no change of policy by the
Government has been decided on, or even thought of, so far as I know.

The "New Almaden" mine was peculiar in this: that its occupants claimed to
be the legal owners of it on a Mexican grant, and went into court on that
claim. The case found its way into the Supreme Court of the United States,
and last term, in and by that court, the claim of the occupants was
decided to be utterly fraudulent. Thereupon it was considered the duty of
the Government by the Secretary of the Interior, the Attorney-General,
and myself to take possession of the premises; and the Attorney-General
carefully made out the writ and I signed it. It was not obtained
surreptitiously, although I suppose General Halleck thought it had been,
when he telegraphed, simply because he thought possession was about being
taken by a military order, while he knew no such order had passed through
his hands as general-in-chief.

The writ was suspended, upon urgent representations from California,
simply to keep the peace. It never had any direct or indirect reference to
any mine, place, or person, except the "New Almaden" mine and the persons
connected with it.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL MEADE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, August 21, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Warrenton, Va.:

At this late moment I am appealed to in behalf of William Thompson of
Company K, Third Maryland Volunteers, in Twelfth Army Corps, said to be
at Kelly's Ford, under sentence to be shot to-day as a deserter. He is
represented to me to be very young, with symptoms of insanity. Please
postpone the execution till further order.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL SCHOFIELD.

WASHINGTON, D. C., August 22, 1863.

GENERAL SCHOFIELD, Saint Louis, Mo.:

Please send me if you can a transcript of the record in the case of McQuin
and Bell, convicted of murder by a military commission. I telegraphed
General Strong for it, but he does not answer.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO MRS. GRIMSLEY.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., August 24, 1863.

MRS. ELIZABETH J. GRIMSLEY, Springfield, Ill.:

I mail the papers to you to-day appointing Johnny to the Naval school.


A. LINCOLN




TO CRITICS OF EMANCIPATION

To J. C. CONKLING.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, August 26, 1863.

HON. JAMES C. CONKLING.

MY DEAR SIR:--Your letter inviting me to attend a mass meeting of
unconditional Union men, to be held at the capital of Illinois, on the
3d day of September, has been received. It would be very agreeable for
me thus to meet my old friends at my own home, but I cannot just now be
absent from here so long as a visit there would require.

The meeting is to be of all those who maintain unconditional devotion to
the Union, and I am sure that my old political friends will thank me for
tendering, as I do, the nation's gratitude to those other noble men whom
no partisan malice or partisan hope can make false to the nation's life.

There are those who are dissatisfied with me. To such I would say: You
desire peace, and you blame me that we do not have it. But how can we
obtain it? There are but three conceivable ways:

First--to suppress the rebellion by force of arms. This I am trying to do.
Are you for it? If you are, so far we are agreed. If you are not for it, a
second way is to give up the Union. I am against this. Are you for it? If
you are you should say so plainly. If you are not for force nor yet for
dissolution, there only remains some imaginable compromise.

I do not believe that any compromise embracing the maintenance of the
Union is now possible. All that I learn leads to a directly opposite
belief. The strength of the rebellion is its military, its army. That army
dominates all the country and all the people within its range. Any offer
of terms made by any man or men within that range, in opposition to that
army, is simply nothing for the present; because such man or men have no
power whatever to enforce their side of a compromise, if one were made
with them.

To illustrate: Suppose refugees from the South and peace men of the North
get together in convention, and frame and proclaim a compromise embracing
a restoration of the Union. In what way can that compromise be used to
keep Lee's army out of Pennsylvania? Meade's army can keep Lee's army out
of Pennsylvania, and, I think, can ultimately drive it out of existence.
But no paper compromise to which the controllers of Lee's army are not
agreed can at all affect that army. In an effort at such compromise we
would waste time, which the enemy would improve to our disadvantage; and
that would be all.

A compromise, to be effective, must be made either with those who control
the rebel army, or with the people, first liberated from the domination of
that army by the success of our own army. Now allow me to assure you
that no word or intimation from that rebel army, or from any of the men
controlling it, in relation to any peace compromise, has ever come to
my knowledge or belief. All charges and insinuations to the contrary are
deceptive and groundless. And I promise you that if any such proposition
shall hereafter come, it shall not be rejected and kept a secret from you.
I freely acknowledge myself to be the servant of the people, according to
the bond of service, the United States Constitution, and that, as such, I
am responsible to them.

But, to be plain: You are dissatisfied with me about the negro. Quite
likely there is a difference of opinion between you and myself upon
that subject. I certainly wish that all men could be free, while you,
I suppose, do not. Yet, I have neither adopted nor proposed any measure
which is not consistent with even your view, provided you are for the
Union. I suggested compensated emancipation; to which you replied you
wished not to be taxed to buy negroes. But I had not asked you to be taxed
to buy negroes, except in such way as to save you from greater taxation to
save the Union exclusively by other means.

You dislike the Emancipation Proclamation, and perhaps would have it
retracted. You say it is unconstitutional. I think differently. I think
the Constitution invests its commander-in-chief with the law of war in
time of war. The most that can be said, if so much, is, that slaves are
property. Is there, has there ever been, any question that by the law of
war, property, both of enemies and friends, may be taken when needed? And
is it not needed whenever it helps us and hurts the enemy? Armies, the
world over, destroy enemies' property when they cannot use it, and even
destroy their own to keep it from the enemy. Civilized belligerents do all
in their power to help themselves or hurt the enemy, except a few things
regarded as barbarous or cruel. Among the exceptions are the massacre of
vanquished foes and non-combatants, male and female.

But the proclamation, as law, either is valid or is not valid. If it is
not valid it needs no retraction. If it is valid it cannot be retracted,
any more than the dead can be brought to life. Some of you profess to
think its retraction would operate favorably for the Union, why better
after the retraction than before the issue? There was more than a year
and a half of trial to suppress the rebellion before the proclamation was
issued, the last one hundred days of which passed under an explicit notice
that it was coming, unless averted by those in revolt returning to their
allegiance. The war has certainly progressed as favorably for us since the
issue of the proclamation as before.

I know, as fully as one can know the opinions of others, that some of
the commanders of our armies in the field, who have given us our most
important victories, believe the emancipation policy and the use of
colored troops constitute the heaviest blows yet dealt to the rebellion,
and that at least one of those important successes could not have been
achieved when it was but for the aid of black soldiers.

Among the commanders who hold these views are some who have never had any
affinity with what is called "Abolitionism," or with "Republican Party
politics," but who hold them purely as military opinions. I submit their
opinions are entitled to some weight against the objections often urged
that emancipation and arming the blacks are unwise as military measures,
and were not adopted as such in good faith.

You say that you will not fight to free negroes. Some of them seem willing
to fight for you; but no matter. Fight you, then, exclusively, to save
the Union. I issued the proclamation on purpose to aid you in saving the
Union. Whenever you shall have conquered all resistance to the Union, if
I shall urge you to continue fighting, it will be an apt time then for
you to declare you will not fight to free negroes. I thought that in
your struggle for the Union, to whatever extent the negroes should cease
helping the enemy, to that extent it weakened the enemy in his resistance
to you. Do you think differently? I thought that whatever negroes can be
got to do as soldiers, leaves just so much less for white soldiers to do
in saving the Union. Does it appear otherwise to you? But negroes, like
other people, act upon motives. Why should they do anything for us if we
will do nothing for them? If they stake their lives for us they must be
prompted by the strongest motive, even the promise of freedom. And the
promise, being made, must be kept.

The signs look better. The Father of Waters again goes unvexed to the
sea. Thanks to the great Northwest for it; nor yet wholly to them. Three
hundred miles up they met New England, Empire, Keystone, and Jersey,
hewing their way right and left. The sunny South, too, in more colors than
one, also lent a helping hand. On the spot, their part of the history was
jotted down in black and white. The job was a great national one, and let
none be slighted who bore an honorable part in it And while those who have
cleared the great river may well be proud, even that is not all. It is
hard to say that anything has been more bravely and well done than at
Antietam, Murfreesboro, Gettysburg, and on many fields of less note. Nor
must Uncle Sam's web-feet be forgotten. At all the watery margins they
have been present; not only on the deep sea, the broad bay, and the rapid
river, but also up the narrow, muddy bayou, and wherever the ground was a
little damp, they have been and made their tracks. Thanks to all. For the
great Republic--for the principle it lives by and keeps alive--for man's
vast future--thanks to all.

Peace does not appear so distant as it did. I hope it will come soon, and
come to stay, and so come as to be worth the keeping in all future
time. It will then have been proved that among freemen there can be no
successful appeal from the ballot to the bullet, and that they who take
such appeal are sure to lose their case and pay the cost. And there will
be some black men who can remember that with silent tongue, and clinched
teeth, and steady eye, and well-poised bayonet, they have helped mankind
on to this great consummation; while I fear there will be some white ones
unable to forget that with malignant heart and deceitful speech they have
striven to hinder it.

Still, let us not be over-sanguine of a speedy, final triumph. Let us be
quite sober. Let us diligently apply the means, never doubting that a just
God, in His own good time, will give us the rightful result.

Yours very truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TO JAMES CONKLING.

(Private.)

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, D. C., August 27.1863.

HON. JAMES CONKLING.

MY DEAR CONKLING:--I cannot leave here now. Herewith is a letter instead.
You are one of the best public readers. I have but one suggestion--read it
very slowly. And now God bless you, and all good Union men.

Yours as ever,


A. LINCOLN.




TO SECRETARY STANTON.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., August 26, 1863.

HON. SECRETARY OF WAR SIR:-In my correspondence with Governor Seymour in
relation to the draft, I have said to him, substantially, that credits
shall be given for volunteers up to the latest moment, before drawing in
any district, that can be done without producing confusion or delay. In
order to do this, let our mustering officers in New York and elsewhere be
at, once instructed that whenever they muster into our service any number
of volunteers, to at once make return to the War Department, both by
telegraph and mail, the date of the muster, the number mustered, and the
Congressional or enrolment district or districts, of their residences,
giving the numbers separately for each district. Keep these returns
diligently posted, and by them give full credit on the quotas, if
possible, on the last day before the draft begins in any district.

Again, I have informed Governor Seymour that he shall be notified of the
time when the draft is to commence in each district in his State. This
is equally proper for all the States. In order to carry it out, I propose
that so soon as the day for commencing the draft in any district is
definitely determined, the governor of the State, including the district,
be notified thereof, both by telegraph and mail, in form about as follows:

     ------------------------------

     ------------------------ 1863.

Governor of ------------------------------
     ------------------------------------

You are notified that the draft will commence in the
------------------ ---- district, at ------ on the
 ------ day ------------
1863, at ------ A.M. of said day.

Please acknowledge receipt of this by telegraph and mail.
               ------------------------
               ------------------------

This notice may be given by the Provost-Marshal-General here, the
sub-provost-marshal-generals in the States, or perhaps by the district
provost-marshals.

Whenever we shall have so far proceeded in New York as to make the
re-enrolment specially promised there practicable, I wish that also to go
forward, and I wish Governor Seymour notified of it; so that if he choose,
he can place agents of his with ours to see the work fairly done.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TO GOVERNOR SEYMOUR.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., August 27. 1863.

HIS EXCELLENCY HORATIO SEYMOUR,

Governor of New York:

Yours of the 21st, with exhibits, was received on the 24th.

In the midst of pressing duties I have been unable to answer it sooner. In
the meantime the Provost Marshal-General has had access to yours, and has
addressed a communication in relation to it to the Secretary of War, a
copy of which communication I herewith enclose to you.

Independently of this, I addressed a letter on the same subject to the
Secretary of War, a copy of which I also enclose to you. The Secretary
has sent my letter to the Provost-Marshal General, with direction that
he adopt and follow the course therein pointed out. It will, of course,
overrule any conflicting view of the Provost-Marshal-General, if there be
such.

Yours very truly,


A. LINCOLN.

P. S.-I do not mean to say that if the Provost-Marshal-General can find
it practicable to give credits by subdistricts, I overrule him in that.
On the contrary, I shall be glad of it; but I will not take the risk of
over-burdening him by ordering him to do it. A. L.

Abraham Lincoln




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL J. M. SCHOFIELD.

WASHINGTON, D. C., August 27, 1863 8.30 P. M.

GENERAL SCHOFIELD, St. LOUIS:

I have just received the despatch which follows, from two very influential
citizens of Kansas, whose names I omit. The severe blow they have received
naturally enough makes them intemperate even without there being any just
cause for blame. Please do your utmost to give them future security and to
punish their invaders.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. G. MEADE.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., August 27, 1863 9 A.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Warrenton, Va.:

Walter, Rionese, Folancy, Lai, and Kuhn appealed to me for mercy, without
giving any ground for it whatever. I understand these are very flagrant
cases, and that you deem their punishment as being indispensable to the
service. If I am not mistaken in this, please let them know at once that
their appeal is denied.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO F. C. SHERMAN AND J. S. HAYES.

WASHINGTON, August 27, 1863.

F. C. SHERMAN, Mayor, J. S. HAVES, Comptroller, Chicago, Ill.:

Yours of the 24th, in relation to the draft, is received. It seems to me
the Government here will be overwhelmed if it undertakes to conduct
these matters with the authorities of cities and counties. They must be
conducted with the governors of States, who will, of course, represent
their cities and counties. Meanwhile you need not be uneasy until you
again hear from here.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL FOSTER.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, August 28, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL FOSTER, Fort Monroe, Va.:

Please notify, if you can, Senator Bowden, Mr. Segar, and Mr. Chandler,
all or any of them, that I now have the record in Dr. Wright's case, and
am ready to hear them. When you shall have got the notice to them, please
let me know.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL CRAWFORD.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., August 28, 1863.

GENERAL CRAWFORD, Rappahannock Station, Va.:

I regret that I cannot be present to witness the presentation of a sword
by the gallant Pennsylvania Reserve Corps to one so worthy to receive it
as General Meade.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO L. SWETT.

WASHINGTON, D. C., August 29, 1863.

HON. L. SWETT, San Francisco, Cal.: If the Government's rights are
reserved, the Government will be satisfied, and at all events it will
consider.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO MRS. LINCOLN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C. August 29, 1863.

MRS. A. LINCOLN, Manchester, N. H.:

All quite well. Fort Sumter is certainly battered down and utterly useless
to the enemy, and it is believed here, but not entirely certain, that both
Sumter and Fort Wagner are occupied by our forces. It is also certain that
General Gilmore has thrown some shot into the city of Charleston.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO J. C. CONKLING.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,

August 31, 1863.

HON. JAMES C. CONKLING, Springfield, Ill.:

In my letter of the 26th insert between the sentence ending "since the
issue of the Emancipation Proclamation as before" and the next, commencing
"You say you will not fight, etc.," what follows below my signature
hereto.


A. LINCOLN.

"I know as fully as one can know the opinions of others that some of
the commanders of our armies in the field, who have given us our most
important successes, believe the emancipation policy and the use of
colored troops constitute the heaviest blow yet dealt to the rebellion,
and that at least one of those important successes could not have been
achieved when it was, but for the aid of black soldiers. Among the
commanders holding these views are some who have never had any affinity
with what is called abolitionism, or with Republican party politics, but
who hold them purely as military opinions. I submit these opinions as
being entitled to some weight against the objections, often urged, that
emancipation and arming the blacks are unwise as military measures and
were not adopted as such in good faith."




TO GENERAL W. S. ROSECRANS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, August 31, 1863.

MY DEAR GENERAL ROSECRANS:

Yours of the 22d was received yesterday. When I wrote you before, I did
not intend, nor do I now, to engage in an argument with you on military
questions. You had informed me you were impressed through General Halleck
that I was dissatisfied with you, and I could not bluntly deny that I was
without unjustly implicating him. I therefore concluded to tell you the
plain truth, being satisfied the matter would thus appear much smaller
than it would if seen by mere glimpses. I repeat that my appreciation of
you has not abated. I can never forget whilst I remember anything, that
about the end of last year and the beginning of this, you gave us a
hard-earned victory, which, had there been a defeat instead, the nation
could hardly have lived over. Neither can I forget the check you so
opportunely gave to a dangerous sentiment which was spreading in the
North.

Yours, as ever,


A. LINCOLN




TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK.

August 31, 1863

It is not improbable that retaliation for the recent great outrage
at Lawrence, in Kansas, may extend to indiscriminate slaughter on the
Missouri border, unless averted by very judicious action. I shall be
obliged if the general-in-chief can make any suggestions to General
Schofield upon the subject.


A. LINCOLN.




POLITICAL MOTIVATED MISQUOTATION IN NEWSPAPER

TELEGRAM TO J. C. CONKLING.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, September 3, 1863.

HON. JAMES C. CONKLING, Springfield, Ill.:

I am mortified this morning to find the letter to you botched up in the
Eastern papers, telegraphed from Chicago. How did this happen?


A. LINCOLN.




ORDER CONCERNING COMMERCIAL REGULATIONS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, September 4, 1863.

Ordered, That the executive order dated November 21, 1862, prohibiting the
exportation from the United States of arms, ammunition, or munitions of
war, under which the commandants of departments were, by order of the
Secretary of War dated May 13, 1863, directed to prohibit the purchase
and sale, for exportation from the United States, of all horses and mules
within their respective commands, and to take and appropriate for the
use of the United States any horses, mules, and live stock designed for
exportation, be so far modified that any arms heretofore imported into the
United States may be re-exported to the place of original shipment,
and that any live stock raised in any State or Territory bounded by the
Pacific Ocean may be exported from, any port of such State or Territory.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO J. SEGAR.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C.. September 5, 1863.

HON. JOSEPH SEGAR, Fort Monroe, Va.:

I have just seen your despatch to the Secretary of War, who is absent.
I also send a despatch from Major Hayner of the 3d showing that he had
notice of my order, and stating that the people were jubilant over it, as
a victory over the Government extorted by fear, and that he had already
collected about $4000 of the money. If he has proceeded since, I shall
hold him accountable for his contumacy. On the contrary, no dollar shall
be refunded by my order until it shall appear that my act in the case has
been accepted in the right spirit.


A. LINCOLN




TELEGRAM TO MRS. LINCOLN.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON. D. C. September 6, 1863.

MRS. A. LINCOLN, Manchester, Vt.:

All well and no news except that General Burnside has Knoxville, Ten.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO SECRETARY STANTON.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, September 6, 1863. 6 P.M.

HON. SECRETARY OF WAR, Bedford, Pa.:

Burnside has Kingston and Knoxville, and drove the enemy across the river
at Loudon, the enemy destroying the bridge there; captured some stores and
one or two trains; very little fighting; few wounded and none killed. No
other news of consequence.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO F. C. SHERMAN AND J. S. HAYES.

WASHINGTON, September 7, 1863.

Yours of August 29 just received. I suppose it was intended by Congress
that this government should execute the act in question without dependence
upon any other government, State, city, or county. It is, however, within
the range of practical convenience to confer with the governments of
States, while it is quite beyond that range to have correspondence on the
subject with counties and cities. They are too numerous. As instances, I
have corresponded with Governor Seymour, but Not with Mayor Opdyke; with
Governor Curtin, but not with Mayor Henry.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR JOHNSON.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, September 8, 1863. 9.30

HON. ANDREW JOHNSON, Nashville, Tenn.:

Despatch of yesterday just received. I shall try to find the paper you
mention and carefully consider it. In the meantime let me urge that you do
your utmost to get every man you can, black and white, under arms at the
very earliest moment, to guard roads, bridges, and trains, allowing all
the better trained soldiers to go forward to Rosecrans. Of course I mean
for you to act in co-operation with and not independently of, the military
authorities.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL MEADE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, September 9, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Warrenton, Va.:

It would be a generous thing to give General Wheaton a leave of absence
for ten or fifteen days, and if you can do so without injury to the
service, please do it.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL WHEATON.

WASHINGTON, D.C., September 10, 1863.

GENERAL WHEATON, Army of Potomac:

Yesterday at the instance of Mr. Blair, senator, I telegraphed General
Meade asking him to grant you a leave of absence, to which he replied that
you had not applied for such leave, and that you can have it when you do
apply. I suppose it is proper for you to know this.


A. LINCOLN.




TO GOVERNOR JOHNSON.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, SEPTEMBER, 11, 1863

HON. ANDREW JOHNSON.

MY DEAR SIR:--All Tennessee is now clear of armed insurrectionists. You
need not to be reminded that it is the nick of time for reinaugurating
a loyal State government. Not a moment should be lost. You and the
co-operating friends there can better judge of the ways and means than can
be judged by any here. I only offer a few suggestions. The reinauguration
must not be such as to give control of the State and its representation
in Congress to the enemies of the Union, driving its friends there
into political exile. The whole struggle for Tennessee will have been
profitless to both State and nation if it so ends that Governor Johnson is
put down and Governor Harris put up. It must not be so. You must have it
otherwise. Let the reconstruction be the work of such men only as can be
trusted for the Union. Exclude all others, and trust that your government
so organized will be recognized here as being the one of republican form
to be guaranteed to the State, and to be protected against invasion and
domestic violence. It is something on the question of time to remember
that it cannot be known who is next to occupy the position I now hold, nor
what he will do. I see that you have declared in favor of emancipation
in Tennessee, for which may God bless you. Get emancipation into your new
State government constitution and there will be no such word as fail for
your cause. The raising of colored troops, I think, will greatly help
every way.

Yours very truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL A. E. BURNSIDE.

WASHINGTON, September 11, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL BURNSIDE, Cumberland Gap:

Yours received. A thousand thanks for the late successes you have given
us. We cannot allow you to resign until things shall be a little more
settled in East Tennessee. If then, purely on your own account, you wish
to resign, we will not further refuse you.


A. LINCOLN




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL MEADE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, September 11, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Warrenton, Va.:

It is represented to me that Thomas Edds, in your army, is under sentence
of death for desertion, to be executed next Monday. It is also said his
supposed desertion is comprised in an absence commencing with his falling
behind last winter, being captured and paroled by the enemy, and then
going home. If this be near the truth, please suspend the execution till
further order and send in the record of the trial.


A. LINCOLN




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL MEADE.

WASHINGTON, D.C., September 12, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEAD, Warrenton, Va.:

The name is "Thomas Edds" not "Eddies" as in your despatch. The papers
left with me do not designate the regiment to which he belongs. The man
who gave me the papers, I do not know how to find again. He only told me
that Edds is in the Army of the Potomac, and that he fell out of the ranks
during Burnside's mud march last winter. If I get further information I
will telegraph again.


A. LINCOLN




TELEGRAM TO H. H. SCOTT.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, September 13, 1863.

Dr. WILLIAM H. H. SCOTT, Danville, Ill.:

Your niece, Mrs. Kate Sharp, can now have no difficulty in going to
Knoxville, Tenn., as that place is within our military lines.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO J. G. BLAINE.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., September 25, 1863.

J. G. BLAINE, Augusta, Me.: Thanks both for the good news you send and for
the sending of it.


A. LINCOLN.




PROCLAMATION SUSPENDING WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS, SEPTEMBER 15, 1863.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A Proclamation.

Whereas the Constitution of the United States has ordained that the
privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended unless when,
in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it; and:

Whereas a rebellion was existing on the third day of March, 1863, which
rebellion is still existing; and:

Whereas by a statute which was approved on that day it was enacted by
the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States in Congress
assembled that during the present insurrection the President of the
United States, whenever in his judgment the public safety may require, is
authorized to suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus in any
case throughout the United States or any part thereof; and:

Whereas, in the judgment of the President, the public safety does require
that the privilege of the said writ shall new be suspended throughout the
United States in the cases where, by the authority of the President of the
United States, military, naval, and civil officers of the United States,
or any of them, hold persons under their command or in their custody,
either as prisoners of war, spies, or aiders or abettors of the enemy, or
officers, soldiers, or seamen enrolled or drafted or mustered or enlisted
in or belonging to the land or naval forces of the United States, or as
deserters therefrom, or otherwise amenable to military law or the rules
and articles of war or the rules or regulations prescribed for the
military or naval services by authority of the President of the United
States, or for resisting a draft, or for any other offense against the
military or naval service.

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States,
do hereby proclaim and make known to all whom it may concern that the
privilege of the writ of habeas corpus is suspended throughout the United
States in the several cases before mentioned, and that this suspension
will continue throughout the duration of the said rebellion or until this
proclamation shall, by a subsequent one to be issued by the President of
the United States, be modified or revoked. And I do hereby require all
magistrates, attorneys, and other civil officers within the United States
and all officers and others in the military and naval services of the
United States to take distinct notice of this suspension and to give it
full effect, and all citizens of the United States to conduct and govern
themselves accordingly and in conformity with the Constitution of the
United States and the laws of Congress in such case made and provided.

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed, this fifteenth day of September,
A.D. 1863, and of the independence of the United States of America the
eighty-eighth.


A. LINCOLN.

By the President:  WILLIAM H. SEWARD,
  Secretary of State.




TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, September 13, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK:

If I did not misunderstand General Meade's last despatch, he posts you
on facts as well as he can, and desires your views and those of the
Government as to what he shall do. My opinion is that he should move upon
Lee at once in manner of general attack, leaving to developments whether
he will make it a real attack. I think this would develop Lee's real
condition and purposes better than the cavalry alone can do. Of course my
opinion is not to control you and General Meade.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO MRS. SPEED.

WASHINGTON, D.C., September 16, 1862.

MRS. J. F. SPEED, Louisville, Ky.:

Mr. Holman will not be jostled from his place with my knowledge and
consent.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL MEADE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, September 16, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Warrenton, Va.:

Is Albert Jones of Company K, Third Maryland Volunteers, to be shot on
Friday next? If so please state to me the general features of the case.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL SCHENCK.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, September 17, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL SCHENCK, Baltimore, Md.:

Major Haynor left here several days ago under a promise to put down in
writing, in detail, the facts in relation to the misconduct of the people
on the eastern shore of Virginia. He has not returned. Please send him
over.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL MEADE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, September 17, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Headquarters Army of Potomac:

Yours in relation to Albert Jones is received. I am appealed to in
behalf of Richard M. Abrams of Company A, Sixth New Jersey Volunteers, by
Governor Parker, Attorney-General Frelinghuysen, Governor Newell, Hon. Mr.
Middleton, M. C., of the district, and the marshal who arrested him. I am
also appealed to in behalf of Joseph S. Smith, of Company A, Eleventh New
Jersey Volunteers, by Governor Parker, Attorney-General Frelinghuysen, and
Hon. Marcus C. Ward. Please state the circumstances of their cases to me.


A. LINCOLN.




REQUEST TO SUGGEST NAME FOR A BABY

TELEGRAM TO C. M. SMITH.

WASHINGTON, D. C., September 18, 1863.

C.M. SMITH, Esq., Springfield, Ill.:

Why not name him for the general you fancy most? This is my suggestion.


A. LINCOLN




TELEGRAM TO MRS. ARMSTRONG.

WASHINGTON, September 18, 1863.

MRS. HANNAH ARMSTRONG, Petersburg, Ill.:

I have just ordered the discharge of your boy William, as you say, now at
Louisville, Ky.


A. LINCOLN.




TO GOVERNOR JOHNSON.

(Private.)

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., September 19.1863.

HON. ANDREW JOHNSON.

MY DEAR SIR:--Herewith I send you a paper, substantially the same as the
one drawn up by yourself and mentioned in your despatch, but slightly
changed in two particulars: First, yours was so drawn as that I authorized
you to carry into effect the fourth section, etc., whereas I so modify
it as to authorize you to so act as to require the United States to carry
into effect that section.

Secondly, you had a clause committing me in some sort to the State
constitution of Tennessee, which I feared might embarrass you in making a
new constitution, if you desire; so I dropped that clause.

Yours very truly,


A. LINCOLN.

[Inclosure.]

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C.,

September 19, 1863.

HON. ANDREW JOHNSON, Military Governor of Tennessee:

In addition to the matters contained in the orders and instructions given
you by the Secretary of War, you are hereby authorized to exercise such
powers as may be necessary and proper to enable the loyal people of
Tennessee to present such a republican form of State government as will
entitle the State to the guaranty of the United States therefor, and to
be protected under such State government by the United States against
invasion and domestic violence, all according to the fourth Section of the
fourth article of the Constitution of the United States.


A. LINCOLN




MILITARY STRATEGY

TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON D.C. September 19, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK:

By General Meade's despatch to you of yesterday it appears that he desires
your views and those of the government as to whether he shall advance upon
the enemy. I am not prepared to order, or even advise, an advance in this
case, wherein I know so little of particulars, and wherein he, in the
field, thinks the risk is so great and the promise of advantage so small.

And yet the case presents matter for very serious consideration in
another aspect. These two armies confront each other across a small river,
substantially midway between the two capitals, each defending its own
capital, and menacing the other. General Meade estimates the enemy's
infantry in front of him at not less than 40,000. Suppose we add fifty per
cent. to this for cavalry, artillery, and extra-duty men stretching as far
as Richmond, making the whole force of the enemy 60,000.

General Meade, as shown by the returns, has with him, and between him and
Washington, of the same classes, of well men, over 90,000. Neither can
bring the whole of his men into a battle; but each can bring as large a
percentage in as the other. For a battle, then, General Meade has three
men to General Lee's two. Yet, it having been determined that choosing
ground and standing on the defensive gives so great advantage that the
three cannot safely attack the two, the three are left simply standing on
the defensive also.

If the enemy's 60,000 are sufficient to keep our 90,000 away from
Richmond, why, by the same rule, may not 40,000 of ours keep their 60,000
away from Washington, leaving us 50,000 to put to some other use? Having
practically come to the mere defensive, it seems to be no economy at all
to employ twice as many men for that object as are needed. With no object,
certainly, to mislead myself, I can perceive no fault in this statement,
unless we admit we are not the equal of the enemy, man for man. I hope you
will consider it.

To avoid misunderstanding, let me say that to attempt to fight the enemy
slowly back into his entrenchments at Richmond, and then to capture him,
is an idea I have been trying to repudiate for quite a year.

My judgment is so clear against it that I would scarcely allow the attempt
to be made if the general in command should desire to make it. My last
attempt upon Richmond was to get McClellan, when he was nearer there
than the enemy was, to run in ahead of him. Since then I have constantly
desired the Army of the Potomac to make Lee's army, and not Richmond, its
objective point. If our army cannot fall upon the enemy and hurt him where
he is, it is plain to me it can gain nothing by attempting to follow him
over a succession of intrenched lines into a fortified city.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO MRS. LINCOLN.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., September 20, 1863.

MRS. A. LINCOLN, New York:

I neither see nor hear anything of sickness here now, though there may
be much without my knowing it. I wish you to stay or come just as is most
agreeable to yourself.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO MRS. LINCOLN.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C, September 21, 1863.

MRS. A. LINCOLN. Fifth Avenue Hotel. New York:

The air is so clear and cool and apparently healthy that I would be glad
for you to come. Nothing very particular, but I would be glad to see you
and Tad.


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK.

EXECUTIVE MANSION WASHINGTON, D. C., September 21, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK:

I think it very important for General Rosecrans to hold his position at
or about Chattanooga, because if held from that place to Cleveland, both
inclusive, it keeps all Tennessee clear of the enemy, and also breaks one
of his most important railroad lines. To prevent these consequences is so
vital to his cause that he cannot give up the effort to dislodge us from
the position, thus bringing him to us and saving us the labor, expense,
and hazard of going farther to find him, and also giving us the advantage
of choosing our own ground and preparing it to fight him upon. The details
must, of course, be left to General Rosecrans, while we must furnish him
the means to the utmost of our ability. If you concur, I think he would
better be informed that we are not pushing him beyond this position; and
that, in fact, our judgment is rather against his going beyond it. If he
can only maintain this position, without more, this rebellion can only eke
out a short and feeble existence, as an animal sometimes may with a thorn
in its vitals.

Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL A. E. BURNSIDE

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D.C., September 21, 1863.

GENERAL BURNSIDE, Greenville, Tenn.:

If you are to do any good to Rosecrans it will not do to waste time with
Jonesboro. It is already too late to do the most good that might have been
done, but I hope it will still do some good. Please do not lose a moment.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL A. E. BURNSIDE

WAR DEPARTMENT, September 21, 1863. 11 A.M.

GENERAL BURNSIDE, Knoxville, Tenn.:

Go to Rosecrans with your force without a moment's delay.


A. LINCOLN,




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL W. S. ROSECRANS

WASHINGTON, September 21, 1863. 12.55 PM.

MAJOR-GENERAL ROSECRANS, Chattanooga:

Be of good cheer. We have unabated confidence in you, and in your soldiers
and officers. In the main you must be the judge as to what is to be
done. If I were to suggest, I would say, save your army by taking strong
positions until Burnside joins you, when, I hope, you can turn the tide. I
think you had better send a courier to Burnside to hurry him up. We
cannot reach him by telegraph. We suppose some force is going to you from
Corinth, but for want of communication we do not know how they are
getting along. We shall do our utmost to assist you. Send us your present
positions.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL W. S. ROSECRANS.

[Cipher.]

WAR DEPARTMENT, September 22, 1863.8.30 A.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL ROSECRANS, Chattanooga, Tenn.:

We have not a word here as to the whereabouts or condition of your army up
to a later hour than sunset, Sunday, the 20th. Your despatches to me of 9
A.M., and to General Halleck of 2 P. M., yesterday, tell us nothing
later on those points. Please relieve my anxiety as to the position and
condition of your army up to the latest moment.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO O. M. HATCH AND J. K. DUBOIS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON. September 22, 1863.

HON. O. M. HATCH, HON. J. K. DUBOIS, Springfield, Ill.:

Your letter is just received. The particular form of my despatch was
jocular, which I supposed you gentlemen knew me well enough to understand.
General Allen is considered here as a very faithful and capable officer,
and one who would be at least thought of for quartermaster-general if that
office were vacant.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO MRS. LINCOLN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, September 22, 1863.

MRS. A. LINCOLN, Fifth Avenue House, New York:--Did you receive my
despatch of yesterday? Mrs. Cuthbert did not correctly understand me. I
directed her to tell you to use your own pleasure whether to stay or come,
and I did not say it is sickly and that you should on no account come.
So far as I see or know, it was never healthier, and I really wish to see
you. Answer this on receipt.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL W. S. ROSECRANS.

WASHINGTON, September 23,1863. 9.13 A.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL ROSECRANS, Chattanooga, Tenn:

Below is Bragg's despatch as found in the Richmond papers. You see he
does not claim so many prisoners or captured guns as you were inclined
to concede. He also confesses to heavy loss. An exchanged general of ours
leaving Richmond yesterday says two of Longstreet's divisions and his
entire artillery and two of Pickett's brigades and Wise's legion have gone
to Tennessee. He mentions no other.

"CHICAMAUGA RIVER, SEPTEMBER 20.

"GENERAL COOPER, Adjutant-General:

"After two days' hard fighting we have
driven the enemy, after a desperate resistance, from several positions,
and now hold the field; but he still confronts us. The loses are heavy on
both sides, especially in our officers....

"BRAXTON BRAGG"


A. LINCOLN




PROCLAMATION OPENING THE PORT OF ALEXANDRIA, VIRGINIA,

SEPTEMBER 24, 1863.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A Proclamation.

Whereas, in my proclamation of the twenty-seventh of April, 1861, the
ports of the States of Virginia and North Carolina were, for reasons
therein set forth, placed under blockade; and whereas the port of
Alexandria, Virginia, has since been blockaded, but as the blockade of
said port may now be safely relaxed with advantage to the interests of
commerce:

Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the
United Sates, pursuant to the authority in me vested by the fifth section
of the act of Congress, approved on the 13th of July, 1861, entitled "An
act further to provide for the collection of duties on imports, and for
other purposes," do hereby declare that the blockade of the said port of
Alexandria shall so far cease and determine, from and after this date,
that commercial intercourse with said port, except as to persons, things,
and information contraband of war, may from this date be carried on,
subject to the laws of the United States, and to the limitations and in
pursuance of the regulations which are prescribed by the Secretary of the
Treasury in his order which is appended to my proclamation of the 12th of
May, 1862.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed.

Done at the city of Washington, this twenty-fourth day of September in the
year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and of the
independence of the United States the eighty-eighth.


A. LINCOLN.

By the President  WILLIAM H. SEWARD,
  Secretary of State.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL W. S. ROSECRANS.

WAR DEPARTMENT, September 24, 1863. 10 A.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL ROSECRANS, Chattanooga, Term.:

Last night we received the rebel accounts, through Richmond papers, of
your late battle. They give Major-General Hood as mortally wounded, and
Brigadiers Preston Smith, Wofford, Walthall, Helm of Kentucky, and
DesMer killed, and Major-Generals Preston, Cleburne, and Gregg, and
Brigadier-Generals Benning, Adams, Burm, Brown, and John [B. H.] Helm
wounded. By confusion the two Helms may be the same man, and Bunn and
Brown may be the same man. With Burnside, Sherman, and from elsewhere we
shall get to you from forty to sixty thousand additional men.


A. LINCOLN




MRS. LINCOLN'S REBEL BROTHER-IN-LAW KILLED

TELEGRAM TO MRS. LINCOLN.

WAR DEPARTMENT, SEPTEMBER 24, 1863

MRS. A. LINCOLN, Fifth Avenue Hotel, New York:

We now have a tolerably accurate summing up of the late battle between
Rosecrans and Braag. The result is that we are worsted, if at all, only
in the fact that we, after the main fighting was over, yielded the ground,
thus leaving considerable of our artillery and wounded to fall into the
enemy's hands., for which we got nothing in turn. We lost in general
officers one killed and three or four wounded, all brigadiers, while,
according to the rebel accounts which we have, they lost six killed
and eight wounded: of the killed one major-general and five brigadiers
including your brother-in-law, Helm; and of the wounded three
major-generals and five brigadiers. This list may be reduced two in number
by corrections of confusion in names. At 11.40 A.M. yesterday General
Rosecrans telegraphed from Chattanooga: "We hold this point, and I cannot
be dislodged except by very superior numbers and after a great battle." A
despatch leaving there after night yesterday says, "No fight to-day."


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL McCALLUM.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., September 25, 1863.

GENERAL McCALLUM, Alexandria, Va.:

I have sent to General Meade, by telegraph, to suspend the execution of
Daniel Sullivan of Company F, Thirteenth Massachusetts, which was to be
to-day, but understanding there is an interruption on the line, may I beg
you to send this to him by the quickest mode in your power?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL MEADE.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., September 25, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Army of Potomac:

Owing to the press in behalf of Daniel Sullivan, Company E, Thirteenth
Massachusetts, and the doubt; though small, which you express of his
guilty intention, I have concluded to say let his execution be suspended
till further order, and copy of record sent me.


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL W. S. ROSECRANS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, September 25, 1863.

MY DEAR GENERAL ROSECRANS:

We are sending you two small corps, one under General Howard and one under
General Slocum, and the whole under General Hooker.

Unfortunately the relations between Generals Hooker and Slocum are not
such as to promise good, if their present relative positions remain.
Therefore, let me beg--almost enjoin upon you--that on their reaching you,
you will make a transposition by which General Slocum with his Corps, may
pass from under the command of General Hooker, and General Hooker, in
turn receive some other equal force. It is important for this to be done,
though we could not well arrange it here. Please do it.

Yours very truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL W. S. ROSECRANS.

WAR DEPARTMENT, September 28, 1863. 8 A.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL ROSECRANS, Chattanooga., Tenn.:

You can perhaps communicate with General Burnside more rapidly by sending
telegrams directly to him at Knoxville. Think of it. I send a like
despatch to him.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL SCHOFIELD.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C, September 30, 1863.

GENERAL SCHOFIELD, Saint Louis, Mo.:

Following despatch just received:

"Union Men Driven out of Missouri."

"Leavenworth, September 29, 1863.

"Governor Gamble having authorized Colonel Moss, of Liberty, Missouri,
to arm the men in Platte and Clinton Counties, he has armed mostly the
returned rebel soldiers and men wider bonds. Moss's men are now driving
the Union men out of Missouri. Over one hundred families crossed the river
to-day. Many of the wives of our Union soldiers have been compelled to
leave. Four or five Union men have been murdered by Colonel Moss's men."

Please look to this and, if true, in main or part, put a stop to it.


A. LINCOLN




TELEGRAM TO F. S. CORKRAN.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, September 30, 1863.

HON. FRANCIS S. CORKRAN, Baltimore, Md.: MRS. L. is now at home and would
be pleased to see you any time. If the grape time has not passed away, she
would be pleased to join in the enterprise you mention.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL TYLER

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D.C., October 1, 1863.

GENERAL TYLER, Baltimore:

Take care of colored troops in your charge, but do nothing further about
that branch of affairs until further orders. Particularly do nothing about
General Vickers of Kent County.


A. LINCOLN.

Send a copy to Colonel Birney. A. L.




TO GENERAL SCHOFIELD.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,

OCTOBER 1, 1863

GENERAL JOHN M. SCHOFIELD:

There is no organized military force in avowed opposition to the General
Government now in Missouri, and if any shall reappear, your duty in regard
to it will be too plain to require any special instruction. Still, the
condition of things, both there and elsewhere, is such as to render
it indispensable to maintain, for a time, the United States military
establishment in that State, as well as to rely upon it for a fair
contribution of support to that establishment generally. Your immediate
duty in regard to Missouri now is to advance the efficiency of that
establishment, and to so use it, as far as practicable, to compel the
excited people there to let one another alone.

Under your recent order, which I have approved, you will only arrest
individuals, and suppress assemblies or newspapers, when they may be
working palpable injury to the military in your charge; and in no other
case will you interfere with the expression of opinion in any form, or
allow it to be interfered with violently by others. In this you have a
discretion to exercise with great caution, calmness, and forbearance.

With the matter of removing the inhabitants of certain counties en masse,
and of removing certain individuals from time to time, who are supposed
to be mischievous, I am not now interfering, but am leaving to your own
discretion.

Nor am I interfering with what may still seem to you to be necessary
restrictions upon trade and intercourse. I think proper, however, to
enjoin upon you the following: Allow no part of the military under your
command to be engaged in either returning fugitive slaves or in forcing or
enticing slaves from their homes; and, so far as practicable, enforce the
same forbearance upon the people.

Report to me your opinion upon the availability for good of the enrolled
militia of the State. Allow no one to enlist colored troops, except upon
orders from you, or from here through you.

Allow no one to assume the functions of confiscating property, under the
law of Congress, or otherwise, except upon orders from here.

At elections see that those, and only those, are allowed to vote who are
entitled to do so by the laws of Missouri, including as of those laws
the restrictions laid by the Missouri convention upon those who may have
participated in the rebellion.

So far as practicable, you will, by means of your military force, expel
guerrillas, marauders, and murderers, and all who are known to harbor,
aid, or abet them. But in like manner you will repress assumptions of
unauthorized individuals to perform the same service, because under
pretense of doing this they become marauders and murderers themselves.

To now restore peace, let the military obey orders, and those not of the
military leave each other alone, thus not breaking the peace themselves.

In giving the above directions, it is not intended to restrain you in
other expedient and necessary matters not falling within their range.

Your obedient servant,


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL S. M. SCHOFIELD.

WASHINGTON, D.C. OCTOBER 2, 1863

MAJOR-GENERAL SCHOFIELD:

I have just seen your despatch to Halleck about Major-General Blunt. If
possible, you better allow me to get through with a certain matter
here, before adding to the difficulties of it. Meantime supply me the
particulars of Major-General Blunt's case.


A. LINCOLN.


TELEGRAM TO COLONEL BIRNEY. [Cipher.] WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D.C.,
October 3, 1863.

COLONEL BIRNEY, Baltimore, Md.:

Please give me, as near as you can, the number of slaves you have
recruited in Maryland. Of course the number is not to include the free
colored.


A. LINCOLN.




PROCLAMATION FOR THANKSGIVING, OCTOBER 3, 1863.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES AMERICA:

A Proclamation.

The year that is drawing towards its close has been filled with the
blessings of fruitful fields and healthful skies. To these bounties, which
are so constantly enjoyed that we are prone to forget the source from
which they come, others have been added which are of so extraordinary a
nature that they cannot fail to penetrate and soften even the heart which
is habitually insensible to the ever-watchful providence of Almighty God.
In the midst of a civil war of unequalled magnitude and severity which has
sometimes seemed to invite and provoke the aggressions of foreign states;
peace has been preserved with all nations, order has been maintained, the
laws have been respected and obeyed, and harmony has prevailed everywhere
except in the theatre of military conflict; while that theatre has been
greatly contracted by the advancing armies and navies of the Union. The
needful diversion of wealth and strength from the fields of peaceful
industry, to the national defense has not arrested the plough, the
shuttle, or the ship: The axe has enlarged the borders of our settlements,
and the mines, as well of, iron and coal as of the precious metals, have
yielded even more abundantly than heretofore. Population has steadily
increased, notwithstanding the waste that has been made in the camp,
the siege, and the battle-field; and the country, rejoicing in the
consciousness of augmented strength and vigor, is permitted to expect a
continuance of years, with large increase of freedom.

No human counsel hath devised, nor hath any mortal hand worked out these
great things. They are the gracious gifts of the Most High God, who, while
dealing with us in anger for our sins, hath nevertheless remembered mercy.

It has seemed to me fit and proper that they should be reverently,
solemnly, and gratefully acknowledged, as with one heart and voice, by the
whole American people. I do, therefore, invite my fellow-citizens in every
part of the United States, and also those who are at sea, and those
who are sojourning in foreign lands, to set apart and observe the last
Thursday of November next as a day of thanksgiving and prayer to our
beneficent Father who dwelleth in the heavens. And I recommend to them
that, while offering up the ascriptions justly due to Him for such
singular deliverances and blessings, they do also, with humble penitence
for our national perverseness and disobedience, commend to His tender care
all those who have become widows, orphans, mourners, or sufferers in the
lamentable civil strife in which we are unavoidably engaged, and fervently
implore the interposition of the Almighty hand to heal the wounds of
the nation, and to restore it, as soon as may be consistent with divine
purposes, to the full enjoyment of peace, harmony, tranquillity, and
union.

In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed.

Done at the city of Washington, this third day of October, in the year
of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and of the
independence of the United States the eighty-eighth.


A. LINCOLN.

By the President:  WILLIAM H. SEWARD,
  Secretary of State




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL J. M. SCHOFIELD.

WASHINGTON D.C., OCTOBER 4, 1863

MAJOR-GENERAL SCHOFIELD, St. Louis, Mo.:

I think you will not have just cause to complain of my action.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL W. S. ROSECRANS.

WAR DEPARTMENT, October 4, 1863. 11.30 A.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL ROSECRANS, Chattanooga, Tenn.:

Yours of yesterday received. If we can hold Chattanooga and East
Tennessee, I think the rebellion must dwindle and die. I think you and
Burnside can do this, and hence doing so is your main object. Of course
to greatly damage or destroy the enemy in your front would be a greater
object, because it would include the former and more, but it is not so
certainly within your power. I understand the main body of the enemy is
very near you, so near that you could "board at home," so to speak, and
menace or attack him any day. Would not the doing of this be your best
mode of counteracting his raid on your communications? But this is not an
order. I intend doing something like what you suggest whenever the case
shall appear ripe enough to have it accepted in the true understanding
rather than as a confession of weakness and fear.


A. LINCOLN.




TO C. D. DRAKE AND OTHERS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, October 5, 1863.

HON. CHARLES D. DRAKE AND OTHERS, Committee.

GENTLEMEN:-Your original address, presented on the 30th ult., and the
four supplementary ones presented on the 3d inst., have been carefully
considered. I hope you will regard the other duties claiming my attention,
together with the great length and importance of these documents, as
constituting a sufficient apology for not having responded sooner.

These papers, framed for a common object, consist of the things demanded
and the reasons for demanding them.

The things demanded are

First. That General Schofield shall be relieved, and General Butler be
appointed as Commander of the Military Department of Missouri.

Second. That the system of enrolled militia in Missouri may be broken up,
and national forces he substituted for it; and

Third. That at elections persons may not be allowed to vote who are not
entitled by law to do so.

Among the reasons given, enough of suffering and wrong to Union men is
certainly, and I suppose truly, stated. Yet the whole case, as presented,
fails to convince me that General Schofield, or the enrolled militia, is
responsible for that suffering and wrong. The whole can be explained on a
more charitable, and, as I think, a more rational hypothesis.

We are in a civil war. In such cases there always is a main question, but
in this case that question is a perplexing compound--Union and slavery.
It thus becomes a question not of two sides merely, but of at least four
sides, even among those who are for the Union, saying nothing of those who
are against it. Thus, those who are for the Union with, but not without
slavery; those for it without, but not with; those for it with or without,
but prefer it with; and those for it with or without, but prefer it
without.

Among these, again, is a subdivision of those who are for gradual, but
not for immediate, and those who are for immediate, but not for gradual
extinction of slavery.

It is easy to conceive that all these shades of opinion, and even more,
may be sincerely entertained by honest and truthful men. Yet, all being
for the Union, by reason of these differences each will prefer a different
way of sustaining the Union. At once, sincerity is questioned, and motives
are assailed. Actual war comming, blood grows hot and blood is spilled.
Thought is forced from old channels into confusion. Deception breeds and
thrives. Confidence dies, and universal suspicion reigns. Each man feels
an impulse to kill his neighbor, lest he be killed by him. Revenge and
retaliation follow. And all this, as before said, may be among honest men
only. But this is not all. Every foul bird comes abroad, and every dirty
reptile rises up. These add crime to confusion. Strong measures
deemed indispensable, but harsh at best, such men make worse by
maladministration. Murders for old grudges, and murders for self, proceed
under any cloak that will best serve for the occasion.

These causes amply account for what has occurred in Missouri, without
ascribing it to the weakness or wickedness of any general. The newspaper
files, those chroniclers of current events, will show that the evils now
complained of were quite as prevalent under Fremont, Hunter, Halleck, and
Curtis, as under Schofield. If the former had greater force opposed
to them, they also had greater force with which to meet it. When the
organized rebel army left the State, the main Federal force had to go
also, leaving the department commander at home relatively no stronger
than before. Without disparaging any, I affirm with confidence that no
commander of that department has, in proportion to his means, done better
than General Schofield.

The first specific charge against General Schofield is, that the enrolled
militia was placed under his command, whereas it had not been placed under
the command of General Curtis. The fact is, I believe, true; but you do
not point out, nor can I conceive, how that did, or could, injure loyal
men or the Union cause.

You charge that, General Curtis being superseded by General Schofield,
Franklin A. Dick was superseded by James O. Broadhead as Provost-Marshal
General. No very specific showing is made as to how this did or could
injure the Union cause. It recalls, however, the condition of things, as
presented to me, which led to a change of commander of that department.

To restrain contraband intelligence and trade, a system of searches,
seizures, permits, and passes, had been introduced, I think, by General
Fremont. When General Halleck came, he found and continued the system, and
added an order, applicable to some parts of the State, to levy and
collect contributions from noted rebels, to compensate losses and relieve
destitution caused by the rebellion. The action of General Fremont and
General Halleck, as stated, constituted a sort of system which General
Curtis found in full operation when he took command of the department.
That there was a necessity for something of the sort was clear; but that
it could only be justified by stern necessity, and that it was liable to
great abuse in administration, was equally clear. Agents to execute it,
contrary to the great prayer, were led into temptation. Some might, while
others would not, resist that temptation. It was not possible to hold
any to a very strict accountability; and those yielding to the temptation
would sell permits and passes to those who would pay most and most readily
for them, and would seize property and collect levies in the aptest way
to fill their own pockets. Money being the object, the man having money,
whether loyal or disloyal, would be a victim. This practice doubtless
existed to some extent, and it was, a real additional evil that it could
be, and was, plausibly charged to exist in greater extent than it did.

When General Curtis took command of the department, Mr. Dick, against
whom I never knew anything to allege, had general charge of this system.
A controversy in regard to it rapidly grew into almost unmanageable
proportions. One side ignored the necessity and magnified the evils of the
system, while the other ignored the evils and magnified the necessity;
and each bitterly assailed the other. I could not fail to see that the
controversy enlarged in the same proportion as the professed Union men
there distinctly took sides in two opposing political parties. I exhausted
my wits, and very nearly my patience also, in efforts to convince both
that the evils they charged on each other were inherent in the case, and
could not be cured by giving either party a victory over the other.

Plainly, the irritating system was not to be perpetual; and it was
plausibly urged that it could be modified at once with advantage. The case
could scarcely be worse, and whether it could be made better could only
be determined by a trial. In this view, and not to ban or brand General
Curtis, or to give a victory to any party, I made the change of commander
for the department. I now learn that soon after this change Mr. Dick was
removed, and that Mr. Broadhead, a gentleman of no less good character,
was put in the place. The mere fact of this change is more distinctly
complained of than is any conduct of the new officer, or other consequence
of the change.

I gave the new commander no instructions as to the administration of
the system mentioned, beyond what is contained in the private letter
afterwards surreptitiously published, in which I directed him to act
solely for the public good, and independently of both parties. Neither any
thing you have presented me, nor anything I have otherwise learned, has
convinced me that he has been unfaithful to this charge.

Imbecility is urged as one cause for removing General Schofield; and
the late massacre at Lawrence, Kansas, is pressed as evidence of that
imbecility. To my mind that fact scarcely tends to prove the proposition.
That massacre is only an example of what Grierson, John Morgan, and many
others might have repeatedly done on their respective raids, had they
chosen to incur the personal hazard, and possessed the fiendish hearts to
do it.

The charge is made that General Schofield, on purpose to protect the
Lawrence murderers, would not allow them to be pursued into Missouri.
While no punishment could be too sudden or too severe for those murderers,
I am well satisfied that the preventing of the threatened remedial raid
into Missouri was the only way to avoid an indiscriminate massacre there,
including probably more innocent than guilty. Instead of condemning, I
therefore approve what I understand General Schofield did in that respect.

The charges that General Schofield has purposely withheld protection from
loyal people and purposely facilitated the objects of the disloyal are
altogether beyond my power of belief. I do not arraign the veracity of
gentlemen as to the facts complained of, but I do more than question the
judgment which would infer that those facts occurred in accordance with
the purposes of General Schofield.

With my present views, I must decline to remove General Schofield. In
this I decide nothing against General Butler. I sincerely wish it were
convenient to assign him a suitable command. In order to meet some
existing evils I have addressed a letter of instructions to General
Schofield, a copy of which I enclose to you.

As to the enrolled militia, I shall endeavor to ascertain better than
I now know what is its exact value. Let me say now, however, that your
proposal to substitute national forces for the enrolled militia implies
that in your judgment the latter is doing something which needs to be
done; and if so, the proposition to throw that force away and to supply
its place by bringing other forces from the field where they are urgently
needed seems to me very extraordinary. Whence shall they come? Shall they
be withdrawn from Banks, or Grant, or Steele, or Rosecrans? Few things
have been so grateful to my anxious feelings as when, in June last, the
local force in Missouri aided General Schofield to so promptly send
a large general force to the relief of General Grant, then investing
Vicksburg and menaced from without by General Johnston. Was this all
wrong? Should the enrolled militia then have been broken up and General
Herron kept from Grant to police Missouri? So far from finding cause to
object, I confess to a sympathy for whatever relieves our general force
in Missouri and allows it to serve elsewhere. I therefore, as at present
advised, cannot attempt the destruction of the enrolled militia of
Missouri. I may add that, the force being under the national military
control, it is also within the proclamation in regard to the habeas
corpus.

I concur in the propriety of your request in regard to elections, and
have, as you see, directed General Schofield accordingly. I do not feel
justified to enter upon the broad field you present in regard to the
political differences between Radicals and Conservatives. From time to
time I have done and said what appeared to me proper to do and say.
The public knows it all. It obliges nobody to follow me, and I trust it
obliges me to follow nobody. The Radicals and Conservatives each agree
with me in some things and disagree in others. I could wish both to agree
with me in all things, for then they would agree with each other, and
would be too strong for any foe from any quarter. They, however, choose to
do otherwise; and I do not question their right. I too shall do what
seems to be my duty. I hold whoever commands in Missouri or elsewhere
responsible to me and not to either Radicals or Conservatives. It is my
duty to hear all, but at last I must, within my sphere, judge what to do
and what to forbear.

Your obedient servant,


A. LINCOLN.




THE CASE OF DR. DAVID M. WRIGHT

APPROVAL OF THE DECISION OF THE COURT

WAR DEPARTMENT, ADJUTANT-GENERALS OFFICE,

WASHINGTON, October 8, 1863.


MAJOR-GENERAL J. G. FOSTER, Commanding Department of Virginia and North
Carolina, Fort Monroe, Va.

SIR:--The proceedings of the military commission instituted for the trial
of David Wright, of Norfolk, in Special Orders Nos. 195, 196, and 197, of
1863, from headquarters Department of Virginia, have been submitted to the
President of the United States. The following are his remarks on the case:

Upon the presentation of the record in this case and the examination
thereof, aided by the report thereon of the Judge-Advocate-General, and
on full hearing of counsel for the accused, being specified that no proper
question remained open except as to the sanity of the accused, I caused a
very full examination to be made on that question, upon a great amount of
evidence, including all effort by the counsel for accused, by an expert
of high reputation in that professional department, who thereon reports to
me, as his opinion, that the accused, Dr. David M. Wright, was not insane
prior to or on the 11th day of July, 1863, the date of the homicide of
Lieutenant Sanborn; that he has not been insane since, and is not insane
now (Oct. 7, 1863). I therefore approve the finding and sentence of the
military commission, and direct that the major-general in command of the
department including the place of trial, and wherein the convict is now in
custody, appoint a time and place and carry such sentence into execution.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL MEADE.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., October 8, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Army of Potomac:

I am appealed to in behalf of August Blittersdorf, at Mitchell's Station,
Va., to be shot to-morrow as a deserter. I am unwilling for any boy under
eighteen to be shot, and his father affirms that he is yet under sixteen.
Please answer. His regiment or company not given me.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL MEADE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, October 8, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Army of Potomac:

The boy telegraphs from Mitchell's Station, Va. The father thinks he is in
the One hundred and nineteenth Pennsylvania Volunteers. The father signs
the name "Blittersdorf." I can tell no more.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL MEADE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, October 12, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Army of Potomac:

The father and mother of John Murphy, of the One hundred and nineteenth
Pennsylvania Volunteers, have filed their own affidavits that he was born
June 22, 1846, and also the affidavits of three other persons who all
swear that they remembered the circumstances of his birth and that it
was in the year 1846, though they do not remember the particular day. I
therefore, on account of his tender age, have concluded to pardon him, and
to leave it to yourself whether to discharge him or continue him in the
service.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO W. S. ROSECRANS.

[Cipher.]

WAR DEPARTMENT, October 12, 1863.8.35 A.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL ROSECRANS, Chattanooga, Term.:

As I understand, Burnside is menaced from the west, and so cannot go to
you without surrendering East Tennessee. I now think the enemy will not
attack Chattanooga, and I think you will have to look out for his making
a concentrated drive at Burnside. You and Burnside now have him by the
throat, and he must break your hold or perish I therefore think you better
try to hold the road up to Kingston, leaving Burnside to what is above
there. Sherman is coming to you, though gaps in the telegraph prevent our
knowing how far he is advanced. He and Hooker will so support you on the
west and northwest as to enable you to look east and northeast. This is
not an order. General Halleck will give his views.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. G. MEADE.

WASHINGTON, October 12, 1863. 9 A.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE: What news this morning? A despatch from Rosecrans,
leaving him at 7.30 P.M. yesterday, says:

"Rebel rumors that head of Ewell's column reached Dalton yesterday."

I send this for what it is worth.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO WAYNE McVEIGH.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, October 13, 1863.

McVEIGH, Philadelphia:

The enemy some days ago made a movement, apparently to turn General
Meade's right. This led to a maneuvering of the two armies and to pretty
heavy skirmishing on Saturday, Sunday, and Monday. We have frequent
despatches from General Meade and up to 10 o'clock last night nothing had
happened giving either side any marked advantage. Our army reported to be
in excellent condition. The telegraph is open to General Meade's camp this
morning, but we have not troubled him for a despatch.


A. LINCOLN.




TO THURLOW WEED.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, October 14, 1863.

HON. THURLOW WEED.

DEAR SIR:--I have been brought to fear recently that somehow, by
commission or omission, I have caused you some degree of pain. I have
never entertained an unkind feeling or a disparaging thought toward you;
and if I have said or done anything which has been construed into such
unkindness or disparagement, it has been misconstrued. I am sure if we
could meet we would not part with any unpleasant impression On either
side.

Yours as ever,

A. LINCOLN.




TO L. B. TODD.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., October 15, 1863.

L. B. TODD, Lexington, Ky.:

I send the following pass to your care.


A. LINCOLN.




AID TO MRS. HELM, MRS. LINCOLN'S SISTER

WASHINGTON, D. C.. October 15, 1863.

To WHOM IT MAY CONCERN:

Allow MRS. Robert S. Todd, widow, to go south and bring her daughter, MRS.
General B. Hardin Helm, with her children, north to Kentucky.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL FOSTER.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., October 15, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL FOSTER, Fort Monroe, Va.:

Postpone the execution of Dr. Wright to Friday the 23d instant (October).
This is intended for his preparation and is final.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL MEADE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, October 15, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE, Army of Potomac:

On the 4th instant you telegraphed me that Private Daniel Hanson, of
Ninety-seventh New York Volunteers, had not yet been tried. When he shall
be, please notify me of the result, with a brief statement of his case, if
he be convicted. Gustave Blittersdorf, who you say is enlisted in the One
hundred and nineteenth Pennsylvania Volunteers as William Fox, is proven
to me to be only fifteen years old last January. I pardon him, and you
will discharge him or put him in the ranks at your discretion. Mathias
Brown, of Nineteenth Pennsylvania Volunteers, is proven to me to be
eighteen last May, and his friends say he is convicted on an enlistment
and for a desertion both before that time. If this last be true he is
pardoned, to be kept or discharged as you please. If not true suspend his
execution and report the facts of his case. Did you receive my despatch of
12th pardoning John Murphy?


A. LINCOLN.

[The Lincoln papers during this time have a suspended execution on almost
every other page, I have omitted most of these D.W.]




TELEGRAM TO T. W. SWEENEY.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., October 16, 1863.

THOMAS W. SWEENEY, Continental, Philadelphia:

Tad is teasing me to have you forward his pistol to him.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO T. C. DURANT.

WASHINGTON, D. C., October 16, 1863.

T. C. DURANT, New York:

I remember receiving nothing from you of the 10th, and I do not comprehend
your despatch of to-day. In fact I do not remember, if I ever knew, who
you are, and I have very little conception as to what you are telegraphing
about.


A. LINCOLN.




COMMENT ON A NOTE.

NEW YORK, October 15, 1863.

DEAR SIR: On the point of leaving I am told, by a gentleman to
whose statements I attach credit, that the opposition policy for the
Presidential campaign will be to "abstain from voting." J.

[Comment.]

More likely to abstain from stopping, once they get at it, until they
shall have voted several times each.

October 16. A. L.




TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, October 16, 1863.

MAJOR GENERAL HALLECK:

I do not believe Lee can have over 60,000 effective men.

Longstreet's corps would not be sent away to bring an equal force back
upon the same road; and there is no other direction for them to have come
from.

Doubtless, in making the present movement, Lee gathered in all available
scraps, and added them to Hill's and Ewell's corps; but that is all, and
he made the movement in the belief that four corps had left General Meade;
and General Meade's apparently avoiding a collision with him has confirmed
him in that belief. If General Meade can now attack him on a field no
worse than equal for us, and will do so now with all the skill and courage
which he, his officers, and men possess, the honor will be his if he
succeeds, and the blame may be mine if he fails.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




CALL FOR 300,000 VOLUNTEERS, OCTOBER 17, 1863.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A Proclamation.

Whereas the term of service of a part of the Volunteer forces of the
United States will expire during the coming year; and whereas, in addition
to the men raised by the present draft, it is deemed expedient to call out
three hundred thousand volunteers to serve for three years or during the
war, not, however, exceeding three years:

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, and
Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy thereof, and of the militia of
the several States when called into actual service, do issue this my
proclamation, calling upon the governors of the different States to
raise, and have enlisted into the United States service, for the various
companies and regiments in the field from their respective States, the
quotas of three hundred thousand men.


I further proclaim that all the volunteers thus called out and duly
enlisted shall receive advance pay, premium, and bounty, as heretofore
communicated to the governors of States by the War Department through the
Provost-Marshal-General's office, by special letters.

I further proclaim that all volunteers received under this call, as well
as all others not heretofore credited, shall be duly credited and deducted
from the quotas established for the next draft.

I further proclaim that if any State shall fail to raise the quota
assigned to it by the War Department under this call, then a draft for the
deficiency in said quota shall be made in said State, or in the districts
of said State, for their due proportion of said quota, and the said draft
shall commence on the 5th day of January, 1864.

And I further proclaim that nothing in this proclamation shall interfere
with existing orders, or with those which may be issued for the present
draft in the States where it is now in progress, or where it has not yet
been commenced.

The quotas of the States and districts will be assigned by the War
Department through the Provost-Marshal-General's office, due regard being
had for the men heretofore furnished, whether by volunteering or drafting;
and the recruiting will be conducted in accordance with such instructions
as have been or may be issued by that department.

In issuing this proclamation, I address myself not only to the governors
of the several States, but also to the good and loyal people thereof,
invoking them to lend their cheerful, willing, and effective aid to the
measures thus adopted, with a view to reinforce our victorious army now in
the field, and bring our needful military operations to a prosperous end,
thus closing forever the fountains of sedition and civil war.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the
United States to be affixed.....................


A. LINCOLN.

By the President:  WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL FOSTER.

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D.C., October 17, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL FOSTER, Port Monroe, Va.:

It would be useless for Mrs. Dr. Wright to come here. The subject is a
very painful one, but the case is settled.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO W. B. THOMAS

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D.C., OCTOBER 17, 1863

HON. WILLIAM B. THOMAS, Philadelphia, Pa.

I am grateful for your offer of 100,000 men, but as at present advised
I do not consider that Washington is in danger, or that there is any
emergency requiring 60 or 90 days men.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO J. WILLIAMS AND N. G. TAYLOR.

WAR DEPARTMENT, October 17, 1863.

JOHN WILLIAMS AND N G. TAYLOR, Knoxville, Tenn.:

You do not estimate the holding of East Tennessee more highly than I do.
There is no absolute purpose of withdrawing our forces from it, and only a
contingent one to withdraw them temporarily for the purpose of not losing
the position permanently. I am in great hope of not finding it necessary
to withdraw them at all, particularly if you raise new troops rapidly for
us there.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO T. C. DURANT.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON CITY, October 18, 1863.

T. C. DURANT, New York:

As I do with others, so I will try to see you when you come.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL W. S. ROSECRANS.

WAR DEPARTMENT, October 19, 1863.9. A.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL ROSECRANS, Chattanooga, Tenn:

There has been no battle recently at Bull Run. I suppose what you have
heard a rumor of was not a general battle, but an "affair" at Bristow
Station on the railroad, a few miles beyond Manassas Junction toward the
Rappahannock, on Wednesday, the 14th. It began by an attack of the enemy
upon General Warren, and ended in the enemy being repulsed with a loss of
four cannon and from four to seven hundred prisoners.


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL R. C. SCHENCK.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, October 21, 1863.2.45

MAJOR-GENERAL SCHENCK, Baltimore, Md.:

A delegation is here saying that our armed colored troops are at many, if
not all, the landings on the Patuxent River, and by their presence with
arms in their hands are frightening quiet people and producing great
confusion. Have they been sent there by any order, and if so, for what
reason?


A. LINCOLN.




TELEGRAM TO GENERAL R. C. SCHENCK.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, October 22, 1863.1.30 P.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL SCHENCK, Baltimore, Md.:

Please come over here. The fact of one of our officers being killed on the
Patuxent is a specimen of what I would avoid. It seems to me we could
send white men to recruit better than to send negroes and thus inaugurate
homicides on punctilio.

Please come over.


A. LINCOLN.




TO GENERAL H. W. HALLECK.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, October 24, 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK:

Taking all our information together, I think it probable that Ewell's
corps has started for East Tennessee by way of Abingdon, marching
last Monday, say from Meade's front directly to the railroad at
Charlottesville.

First, the object of Lee's recent movement against Meade; his destruction
of the Alexandria and Orange Railroad, and subsequent withdrawal
without more motive, not otherwise apparent, would be explained by this
hypothesis.

Secondly, the direct statement of Sharpe's men that Ewell has gone to
Tennessee.

Thirdly, the Irishman's [Northern Spy in Richmond] statement that he has
not gone through Richmond, and his further statement of an appeal made
to the people at Richmond to go and protect their salt, which could only
refer to the works near Abingdon.

Fourthly, Graham's statement from Martinsburg that Imboden is in retreat
for Harrisonburg. This last matches with the idea that Lee has retained
his cavalry, sending Imboden and perhaps other scraps to join Ewell. Upon
this probability what is to be done?

If you have a plan matured, I have nothing to say. If you have not, then
I suggest that, with all possible expedition, the Army of the Potomac
get ready to attack Lee, and that in the meantime a raid shall, at all
hazards, break the railroad at or near Lynchburg.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TO E. B. WASHBURNE.

(Private and Confidential.)

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, October 26, 1863.

HON. E. B. WASHBURNE.

MY DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 12th has been in my hands several days.
Inclosed I send the leave of absence for your brother, in as good form as
I think I can safely put it. Without knowing whether he would accept it. I
have tendered the collectorship at Portland, Maine, to your other brother,
the governor.

Thanks to both you and our friend Campbell for your kind words and
intentions. A second term would be a great honor and a great labor, which,
together, perhaps I would not decline if tendered.

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.




TO SECRETARY CHASE.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, October 26, 1863.

HON. SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY.

MY DEAR SIR:--The writer of the accompanying letter is one of Mrs.
Lincoln's numerous cousins. He is a grandson of "Milliken's Bend," near
Vicksburg--that is, a grandson of the man who gave name to Milliken's
Bend. His father was a brother to MRS. Lincoln's mother. I know not a
thing about his loyalty beyond what he says. Supposing he is loyal, can
any of his requests be granted, and if any, which of them?

Yours truly,


A. LINCOLN.