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The New York Times

CURRENT HISTORY

A Monthly Magazine

THE EUROPEAN WAR

AUGUST, 1915







[Illustration: H.M. QUEEN SOPHIA OF GREECE

Sister of Kaiser Wilhelm, and an Ardent Germanophile

(_Photo from Bain._)]

[Illustration: HIS HOLINESS BENEDICT XV.

The Entrance of Italy into the War has Increased the Delicacy of the
Pontiff's Position

(_Photo from International News._)]




CONTENTS

   THE LUSITANIA CASE

   The American Rejoinder

   German and American Press Opinion

   Austria-Hungary's Protest

   Armenian, Orduna, and Others

   Results of Submarine Warfare

   In Memoriam: REGINALD WARNEFORD

   American Preparedness

   First Year of the War

   Inferences from Eleven Months of the European Conflict

   "Revenge for Elisabeth!"

   A Year of the War in Africa and Asia

   An "Insult" to War

   The Drive at Warsaw

   Naval Losses During the War

   Battles in the West

   France's "Eyewitness" Reports

   The Crown Prince in the Argonne

   Gallipoli's Shambles

   Italy's War on Austria

   The Task of Italy

   Two Devoted Nations

   Rumania, Serbia, Bulgaria, Greece

   Dr. Conybeare's Recantation

   The Case of Muenter

   Devotion to the Kaiser

   Scientists and the Military

   Hudson Maxim on Explosives

   Thor!

   "I am the Gravest Danger"

   THE EUROPEAN WAR AS SEEN BY CARTOONISTS

   The Belligerents' Munitions

   The Power of the Purse

   Cases Reserved

   New Recruiting in Britain

   American War Supplies

   Magazinists of the World on the War

   Germany's Long-Nourished Powers

   "To Avenge"

   The Pope, the Vatican, and Italy

   Are the Allies Winning?

   Selling Arms to the Allies

   War and Non-Resistance

   "Good Natured Germany"

   Italy's Defection

   Apologies for English Words

   Germanic Peace Terms

   France's Bill of Damages

   A French Rejoinder

   Dr. Von Bode's Polemic

   "Carnegie and German Peace"

   Russia's Supply of Warriors

   Austria and the Balkans

   Italy's Publications in War-Time

   Sweden and the Lusitania

   A Threatened Despotism of Spirit

   "Gott Mit Uns"

   On the Psychology of Neutrals

   Chlorine Warfare

   Rheims Cathedral

   The English Falsehood

   Calais or Suez?

   Note on the Principle of Nationality

   Singer of "La Marseillaise"

   Depression--Common-Sense and the Situation

   The War and Racial Progress

   The English Word, Thought, and Life

   Evviva L'Italia

   Who Died Content!

   "The Germans, Destroyers of Cathedrals"

   Chronology of the War




THE LUSITANIA CASE

The American Note to Berlin of July 21

Steps Leading Up to President Wilson's Rejection of Germany's
Proposals


The German Admiralty on Feb. 4 proclaimed a war zone around Great
Britain announcing that every enemy merchant ship found therein would
be destroyed "without its being always possible to avert the dangers
threatening the crews and passengers on that account."

The text of this proclamation was made known by Ambassador Gerard on
Feb. 6. Four days later the United States Government sent to Germany a
note of protest which has come to be known as the "strict
accountability note." After pointing out that a serious infringement
of American rights on the high seas was likely to occur, should
Germany carry out her war-zone decree in the manner she had
proclaimed, it declared:

     "If such a deplorable situation should arise, the Imperial
     German Government can readily appreciate that the Government
     of the United States would be constrained to hold the
     Imperial German Government to a strict accountability for
     such acts of their naval authorities and to take any steps
     it might be necessary to take to safeguard American lives
     and property and to secure to American citizens the full
     enjoyment of their acknowledged rights on the high seas."

The war-zone decree went into effect on Feb. 18. Two days later
dispatches were cabled to Ambassador Page at London and to Ambassador
Gerard at Berlin suggesting that a modus vivendi be entered into by
England and Germany by which submarine warfare and sowing of mines at
sea might be abandoned if foodstuffs were allowed to reach the German
civil population under American consular inspection.

Germany replied to this on March 1, expressing her willingness to act
favorably on the proposal. The same day the British Government stated
that because of the war-zone decree of the German Government the
British Government must take measures to prevent commodities of all
kinds from reaching or leaving Germany. On March 15 the British
Government flatly refused the modus vivendi suggestion.

On April 4 Count von Bernstorff, the German Ambassador at Washington,
submitted a memorandum to the United States Government regarding
German-American trade and the exportation of arms. Mr. Bryan replied
to the memorandum on April 21, insisting that the United States was
preserving her strict status of neutrality according to the accepted
laws of nations.

On May 7 the Cunard steamship Lusitania was sunk by a German submarine
in the war zone as decreed by Germany, and more than 100 American
citizens perished, with 1,000 other persons on board.

Thereupon, on May 13, the United States transmitted to the German
Government a note on the subject of this loss. It said:

     "American citizens act within their indisputable rights in
     taking their ships and in traveling wherever their
     legitimate business calls them upon the high seas, and
     exercise those rights in what should be the well justified
     confidence that their lives will not be endangered by acts
     done in clear violation of universally acknowledged
     international obligations, and certainly in the confidence
     that their own Government will sustain them in the exercise
     of their rights."

This note concluded:

     "The Imperial Government will not expect the Government of
     the United States to omit any word or any act necessary to
     the performance of its sacred duty of maintaining the rights
     of the United States and its citizens and of safeguarding
     their free exercise and enjoyment."

Germany replied to this note on May 29. It stated that it had heard
that the Lusitania was an armed naval ship which had attempted to use
American passengers as a protection, and that, anyway, such passengers
should not have been present. It added:

     "The German commanders are consequently no longer in a
     position to observe the rules of capture otherwise usual and
     with which they invariably complied before this."

To the foregoing the United States maintained in a note sent to the
German Government on June 9 that the Lusitania was not an armed vessel
and that she had sailed in accordance with the laws of the United
States, and that "only her actual resistance to capture or refusal to
stop when ordered to do so ... could have afforded the commander of
the submarine any justification for so much as putting the lives of
those on board the ship in jeopardy."

In support of this view the note cited international law and added:

     "It is upon this principle of humanity, as well as upon the
     law founded upon this principle, that the United States must
     stand."

Exactly one month later, on July 9, came Germany's reply. Its preamble
praised the United States for its humane attitude and said that
Germany was fully in accord therewith. Something, it asserted, should
be done, for "the case of the Lusitania shows with horrible clearness
to what jeopardizing of human lives the manner of conducting war
employed by our adversaries leads," and that under certain conditions
which it set forth, American ships might have safe passage through the
war zone, or even some enemy ships flying the American flag. It
continued:

     "The Imperial Government, however, confidently hopes the
     American Government will assume to guarantee that these
     vessels have no contraband on board, details of arrangements
     for the unhampered passage of these vessels to be agreed
     upon by the naval authorities of both sides."

It is to this reply that the note of the United States Government made
public on July 24 is an answer.

Germany's reply of July 8 and President Wilson's final rejoinder of
July 21--which was given to the American press of July 24--are
presented below, together with accounts of the recent German
submarine attacks on the ships Armenian, Anglo-Californian, Normandy,
and Orduna, involving American lives, and an appraisal of the German
operations in the submarine "war zone" since February 18, 1915, when
it was proclaimed. Also Austro-Hungary's note of June 29, protesting
against American exports of arms, and an account of American and
German press opinion on the Lusitania case are treated hereunder.


THE GERMAN MINISTER FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO THE AMERICAN AMBASSADOR AT
BERLIN

BERLIN, July 8, 1915.

The undersigned has the honor to make the following reply to his
Excellency Ambassador Gerard to the note of the 10th ultimo re the
impairment of American interests by the German submarine war:

The Imperial Government learned with satisfaction from the note how
earnestly the Government of the United States is concerned in seeing
the principles of humanity realized in the present war. Also this
appeal finds ready echo in Germany, and the Imperial Government is
quite willing to permit its statements and decisions in the present
case to be governed by the principles of humanity just as it has done
always.

The Imperial Government welcomed with gratitude when the American
Government, in the note of May 15, itself recalled that Germany had
always permitted itself to be governed by the principles of progress
and humanity in dealing with the law of maritime war.

Since the time when Frederick the Great negotiated with John Adams,
Benjamin Franklin, and Thomas Jefferson the Treaty of Friendship and
Commerce of September 9, 1785, between Prussia and the Republic of the
West, German and American statesmen have, in fact, always stood
together in the struggle for the freedom of the seas and for the
protection of peaceable trade.

In the international proceedings which since have been conducted for
the regulation of the laws of maritime war, Germany and America have
jointly advocated progressive principles, especially the abolishment
of the right of capture at sea and the protection of the interests of
neutrals.

Even at the beginning of the present war the German Government
immediately declared its willingness, in response to proposals of the
American Government, to ratify the Declaration of London and thereby
subject itself in the use of its naval forces to all the restrictions
provided therein in favor of neutrals.

Germany likewise has been always tenacious of the principle that war
should be conducted against the armed and organized forces of an enemy
country, but that the enemy civilian population must be spared as far
as possible from the measures of war. The Imperial Government
cherishes the definite hope that some way will be found when peace is
concluded, or perhaps earlier, to regulate the law of maritime war in
a manner guaranteeing the freedom of the seas, and will welcome it
with gratitude and satisfaction if it can work hand in hand with the
American Government on that occasion.

If in the present war the principles which should be the ideal of the
future have been traversed more and more, the longer its duration, the
German Government has no guilt therein. It is known to the American
Government how Germany's adversaries, by completely paralyzing
peaceful traffic between Germany and neutral countries, have aimed
from the very beginning and with increasing lack of consideration at
the destruction not so much of the armed forces as the life of the
German nation, repudiating in doing so all the rules of international
law and disregarding all rights of neutrals.

On November 3, 1914, England declared the North Sea a war area, and by
planting poorly anchored mines and by the stoppage and capture of
vessels, made passage extremely dangerous and difficult for neutral
shipping, thereby actually blockading neutral coasts and ports
contrary to all international law. Long before the beginning of
submarine war England practically completely intercepted legitimate
neutral navigation to Germany also. Thus Germany was driven to a
submarine war on trade.

On November 14, 1914, the English Premier declared in the House of
Commons that it was one of England's principal tasks to prevent food
for the German population from reaching Germany via neutral ports.
Since March 1 England has been taking from neutral ships without
further formality all merchandise proceeding to Germany, as well as
all merchandise coming from Germany, even when neutral property. Just
as it was also with the Boers, the German people is now to be given
the choice of perishing from starvation with its women and children or
of relinquishing its independence.

While our enemies thus loudly and openly proclaimed war without mercy
until our utter destruction, we were conducting a war in self-defense
for our national existence and for the sake of peace of an assured
permanency. We have been obliged to adopt a submarine warfare to meet
the declared intentions of our enemies and the method of warfare
adopted by them in contravention of international law.

With all its efforts in principle to protect neutral life and property
from damage as much as possible, the German Government recognized
unreservedly in its memorandum of February 4 that the interests of
neutrals might suffer from the submarine warfare. However, the
American Government will also understand and appreciate that in the
fight for existence, which has been forced upon Germany by its
adversaries and announced by them, it is the sacred duty of the
Imperial Government to do all within its power to protect and save the
lives of German subjects. If the Imperial Government were derelict in
these, its duties, it would be guilty before God and history of the
violation of those principles of highest humanity which are the
foundation of every national existence.

The case of the Lusitania shows with horrible clearness to what
jeopardizing of human lives the manner of conducting war employed by
our adversaries leads. In the most direct contradiction of
international law all distinctions between merchantmen and war vessels
have been obliterated by the order to British merchantmen to arm
themselves and to ram submarines, and the promise of rewards therefor,
and neutrals who use merchantmen as travelers thereby have been
exposed in an increasing degree to all the dangers of war.

If the commander of the German submarine which destroyed the Lusitania
had caused the crew and passengers to take to the boats before firing
a torpedo this would have meant the sure destruction of his own
vessel. After the experiences in sinking much smaller and less
seaworthy vessels it was to be expected that a mighty ship like the
Lusitania would remain above water long enough, even after the
torpedoing, to permit passengers to enter the ship's boats.
Circumstances of a very peculiar kind, especially the presence on
board of large quantities of highly explosive materials, defeated this
expectation.

In addition it may be pointed out that if the Lusitania had been
spared, thousands of cases of munitions would have been sent to
Germany's enemies and thereby thousands of German mothers and children
robbed of breadwinners.

In the spirit of friendship wherewith the German nation has been
imbued toward the Union (United States) and its inhabitants since the
earliest days of its existence, the Imperial Government will always be
ready to do all it can during the present war also to prevent the
jeopardizing of lives of American citizens.

The Imperial Government, therefore, repeats the assurances that
American ships will not be hindered in the prosecution of legitimate
shipping and the lives of American citizens in neutral vessels shall
not be placed in jeopardy.

In order to exclude any unforeseen dangers to American passenger
steamers, made possible in view of the conduct of maritime war by
Germany's adversaries, German submarines will be instructed to permit
the free and safe passage of such passenger steamers when made
recognizable by special markings and notified a reasonable time in
advance. The Imperial Government, however, confidently hopes that the
American Government will assume to guarantee that these vessels have
no contraband on board, details of arrangements for the unhampered
passage of these vessels to be agreed upon by the naval authorities of
both sides.

In order to furnish adequate facilities for travel across the
Atlantic for American citizens, the German Government submits for
consideration a proposal to increase the number of available steamers
by installing in passenger service a reasonable number of neutral
steamers under the American flag, the exact number to be agreed upon
under the same condition as the above-mentioned American steamers.

The Imperial Government believes it can assume that in this manner
adequate facilities for travel across the Atlantic Ocean can be
afforded American citizens. There would, therefore, appear to be no
compelling necessity for American citizens to travel to Europe in time
of war on ships carrying an enemy flag. In particular the Imperial
Government is unable to admit that American citizens can protect an
enemy ship through the mere fact of their presence on board.

Germany merely followed England's example when she declared part of
the high seas an area of war. Consequently, accidents suffered by
neutrals on enemy ships in this area of war cannot well be judged
differently from accidents to which neutrals are at all times exposed
at the seat of war on land, when they betake themselves into dangerous
localities in spite of previous warnings. If, however, it should not
be possible for the American Government to acquire an adequate number
of neutral passenger steamers, the Imperial Government is prepared to
interpose no objections to the placing under the American flag by the
American Government of four enemy passenger steamers for passenger
traffic between North America and England. Assurances of "free and
safe" passage for American passenger steamers would then extend to
apply under the identical pro-conditions to these formerly hostile
passenger steamers.

The President of the United States has declared his readiness, in a
way deserving of thanks, to communicate and suggest proposals to the
Government of Great Britain with particular reference to the
alteration of maritime war. The Imperial Government will always be
glad to make use of the good offices of the President, and hopes that
his efforts in the present case as well as in the direction of the
lofty ideal of the freedom of the seas, will lead to an understanding.

The undersigned requests the Ambassador to bring the above to the
knowledge of the American Government, and avails himself of the
opportunity to renew to his Excellency the assurance of his most
distinguished consideration.

VON JAGOW.




The American Rejoinder

THE SECRETARY OF STATE AT WASHINGTON TO THE AMERICAN AMBASSADOR AT
BERLIN


DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, July 21, 1915.

The Secretary of State to Ambassador Gerard:

You are instructed to deliver textually the following note to the
Minister for Foreign Affairs:

The note of the Imperial German Government, dated the 8th day of July,
1915, has received the careful consideration of the Government of the
United States, and it regrets to be obliged to say that it has found
it very unsatisfactory, because it fails to meet the real differences
between the two Governments, and indicates no way in which the
accepted principles of law and humanity may be applied in the grave
matter in controversy, but proposes, on the contrary, arrangements for
a partial suspension of those principles which virtually set them
aside.

The Government of the United States notes with satisfaction that the
Imperial German Government recognizes without reservation the validity
of the principles insisted on in the several communications which this
Government has addressed to the Imperial German Government with regard
to its announcement of a war zone and the use of submarines against
merchantmen on the high seas--the principle that the high seas are
free, that the character and cargo of a merchantman must first be
ascertained before she can lawfully be seized or destroyed, and that
the lives of noncombatants may in no case be put in jeopardy unless
the vessel resists or seeks to escape after being summoned to submit
to examination, for a belligerent act of retaliation is per se an act
beyond the law, and the defense of an act as retaliatory is an
admission that it is illegal.

The Government of the United States is, however, keenly disappointed
to find that the Imperial German Government regards itself as in large
degree exempt from the obligation to observe these principles, even
when neutral vessels are concerned, by what it believes the policy and
practice of the Government of Great Britain to be in the present war
with regard to neutral commerce. The Imperial German Government will
readily understand that the Government of the United States cannot
discuss the policy of the Government of Great Britain with regard to
neutral trade except with that Government itself, and that it must
regard the conduct of other belligerent governments as irrelevant to
any discussion with the Imperial German Government of what this
Government regards as grave and unjustifiable violations of the
rights of American citizens by German naval commanders.

Illegal and inhuman acts, however justifiable they may be thought to
be, against an enemy who is believed to have acted in contravention of
law and humanity, are manifestly indefensible when they deprive
neutrals of their acknowledged rights, particularly when they violate
the right to life itself. If a belligerent cannot retaliate against an
enemy without injuring the lives of neutrals, as well as their
property, humanity, as well as justice and a due regard for the
dignity of neutral powers, should dictate that the practice be
discontinued. If persisted in it would in such circumstances
constitute an unpardonable offense against the sovereignty of the
neutral nation affected.

The Government of the United States is not unmindful of the
extraordinary conditions created by this war or of the radical
alterations of circumstance and method of attack produced by the use
of instrumentalities of naval warfare which the nations of the world
cannot have had in view when the existing rules of international law
were formulated, and it is ready to make every reasonable allowance
for these novel and unexpected aspects of war at sea; but it cannot
consent to abate any essential or fundamental right of its people
because of a mere alteration of circumstance. The rights of neutrals
in time of war are based upon principle, not upon expediency, and the
principles are immutable. It is the duty and obligation of
belligerents to find a way to adapt the new circumstances to them.

The events of the past two months have clearly indicated that it is
possible and practicable to conduct such submarine operations as have
characterized the activity of the Imperial German Navy within the
so-called war zone in substantial accord with the accepted practices
of regulated warfare. The whole world has looked with interest and
increasing satisfaction at the demonstration of that possibility by
German naval commanders. It is manifestly possible, therefore, to lift
the whole practice of submarine attack above the criticism which it
has aroused and remove the chief causes of offense.

In view of the admission of illegality made by the Imperial Government
when it pleaded the right of retaliation in defense of its acts, and
in view of the manifest possibility of conforming to the established
rules of naval warfare, the Government of the United States cannot
believe that the Imperial Government will longer refrain from
disavowing the wanton act of its naval commander in sinking the
Lusitania or from offering reparation for the American lives lost, so
far as reparation can be made for a needless destruction of human life
by an illegal act.

The Government of the United States, while not indifferent to the
friendly spirit in which it is made, cannot accept the suggestion of
the Imperial German Government that certain vessels be designated and
agreed upon which shall be free on the seas now illegally proscribed.
The very agreement would, by implication, subject other vessels to
illegal attack, and would be a curtailment and therefore an
abandonment of the principles for which this Government contends, and
which in times of calmer counsels every nation would concede as of
course.

The Government of the United States and the Imperial German Government
are contending for the same great object, have long stood together in
urging the very principles upon which the Government of the United
States now so solemnly insists. They are both contending for the
freedom of the seas. The Government of the United States will continue
to contend for that freedom, from whatever quarter violated, without
compromise and at any cost. It invites the practical co-operation of
the Imperial German Government at this time, when co-operation may
accomplish most and this great common object be most strikingly and
effectively achieved.

The Imperial German Government expresses the hope that this object may
be in some measure accomplished even before the present war ends. It
can be. The Government of the United States not only feels obliged to
insist upon it, by whomsoever violated or ignored, in the protection
of its own citizens, but is also deeply interested in seeing it made
practicable between the belligerents themselves, and holds itself
ready at any time to act as the common friend who may be privileged to
suggest a way.

In the meantime the very value which this Government sets upon the
long and unbroken friendship between the people and Government of the
United States and the people and Government of the German nation
impels it to press very solemnly upon the Imperial German Government
the necessity for a scrupulous observance of neutral rights in this
critical matter. Friendship itself prompts it to say to the Imperial
Government that repetition by the commanders of German naval vessels
of acts in contravention of those rights must be regarded by the
Government of the United States, when they affect American citizens,
as deliberately unfriendly.

LANSING.




German and American Press Opinion

ON THE GERMAN NOTE OF JULY 8


The German answer to the United States with regard to submarine
warfare was reported from Berlin on July 10 as having caused the most
intense satisfaction among the Germans and brought relief to them, for
the mere thought that the submarine war would be abandoned would cause
widespread resentment.

The Berlin newspapers printed long editorials approving the
Government's stand and "conciliatory" tone. Captain Perseus, in the
Tageblatt, said that the "new note makes clearer that the present
course will be continued with the greatest possible consideration for
American interests." The note "stands under the motto, 'On the way to
an understanding,' without, however, failing to emphasize the firm
determination that our interests must hold first place," in other
words, that Germany "cannot surrender the advantages that the use of
the submarine weapon gives to the German people."

The Lokal Anzeiger of Berlin commented:

"Feeling has undoubtedly cooled down somewhat on the other side of the
water, and Americans will undoubtedly admit that it is not Germany
that tries to monopolize the freedom of the seas for itself alone.

"In any event, we have now done our utmost and can quietly await what
answer President Wilson and his advisers will think suitable."

George Bernhard in the Vossische Zeitung remarked that the publication
of the note means "liberation from many of the doubts that have
excited a large part of the German people in recent weeks. The note
... means unconditional refusal to let any outsider prescribe to us
how far and with what weapons we may defend ourselves against
England's hunger war."

What they considered the moderation of the note impressed most Berlin
newspapers. Thus the Morgen Post said: "Those who had advised that we
ought to humble ourselves before America will be just as disappointed
as those who thought we ought to bring the fist down on the table and
answer America's representations with a war threat."

Count von Reventlow, radical editor of the Tageszeitung, said: "The
substance of the proposals is to create a situation making it
unnecessary for Americans to travel to Europe on ships under an enemy
flag," and the Tägliche Rundschau said that the "answer with
gratifying decisiveness, guards the conscience of the nation in the
question of continuing the submarine war," but it criticises the note
for possibly going too far in making concessions, which "may prove
impracticable and result in weakening the submarine war."

The unfavorable reception of Germany's note in the United States, as
reported through English and French agencies, was read in Berlin with
incredulity.

The Kreuz-Zeitung, the Tageszeitung, and the Boersen Zeitung expressed
the belief that British and French news agencies had purposely
selected unfavorable editorial expressions from the American
newspapers for the sake of the effect they would have in Great Britain
and France.

"Regarding the reception of the German note in America," the
Kreuz-Zeitung said, "several additional reports from British sources
are now at hand. Reuter's Telegram Company presents about a dozen
short sentences from as many American papers. Were these really
approximately a faithful picture of the thought of the American press
as a unit, we should have to discard every hope of a possibility of an
understanding. The conception of a great majority of the German people
is that we showed in our note an earnest desire to meet, as far as
possibly justified, American interests."

Like the Berlin press, German-American newspapers were unanimous in
praise of the German note; to the New Yorker Staats-Zeitung it
appeared a "sincere effort to meet the questions involved" and as
"eminently satisfactory." The New Yorker Herold thought that any one
with "even a spark of impartiality" would have to admit the "quiet,
conciliatory tone of the German note" as "born of the consciousness in
the heart of every German that Germany did not want the war"; that
after it was forced on her she "waged it with honorable means." The
Illinois Staats-Zeitung of Chicago declared it to be the "just demand
of Germany" that Americans should not "by their presence on hostile
boats try to protect war materials to be delivered by a friendly
nation at a hostile shore." From the Cincinnati Freie Presse came the
comment that Washington "has no business to procure safety on the
ocean for British ships carrying ammunition."

The American newspapers were nearly unanimous in adverse criticism of
the note. THE NEW YORK TIMES said that Germany's request was "to
suspend the law of nations, the laws of war and of humanity for her
benefit." The Chicago Herald declared that the German answer "is
disappointing to all who had hoped that it would clearly open the way
to a continuance of friendly relations." While the San Francisco
Chronicle discerned in the note "an entire absence of the belligerent
spirit," it found that "Germany is asking us to abridge certain of our
rights on the high seas." To the Denver Post the reply was the
"extreme of arrogance, selfishness, and obstinacy," while The Atlanta
(Ga.) Constitution remarks that German words and German deeds are
separate matters: "The all-important fact remains that since President
Wilson's first note was transmitted to that country, Germany has given
us no single reasonable cause of complaint." The Louisville (Ky.)
Courier-Journal believes the German reply would carry more weight and
persuasion "if it could be considered wholly and apart as an _ex
parte_ statement." "Without equivocation and with a politeness of
offensively insinuating," the Boston Transcript concludes, "Germany
rejects each and all of our demands and attempts to bargain with
respect to the future."


ON THE AMERICAN NOTE OF JULY 21

Publication of the American note in Berlin was delayed until July 25,
owing to difficulty in translating its shades of meaning. While German
statesmen and editors expressed keen appreciation of its literary
style, the press was unanimous in considering the note disappointing,
expressing pained surprise at the American stand. Captain Perseus,
naval critic of the Berlin Tageblatt, said that the note "expresses a
determination to rob us of the weapon to which we pin the greatest
hopes in the war on England," and indicates that the "pro-British
troublemakers have finally won over the President." Count von
Reventlow in the Tageszeitung complains of the note's "far too
threatening and peremptory tone." The Kreuz-Zeitung says: "We are
trying hard to resist the thought that the United States with its
standpoint as expressed in the note, aims at supporting England," and
Georg Bernhard of the Vossische Zeitung believes that yielding to
President Wilson's argument means "the weakening of Germany to the
enemy's advantage," adding that any one who has this in mind "is not
neutral, but takes sides against Germany and for her enemies." The
Boersen Zeitung says it is compelled to say, with regret, that the
note is very unsatisfactory and "one cannot escape feeling that the
shadow of England stands behind it." The New Yorker Staats-Zeitung
says that the note is distinguished for its "clear language," and
quotes the phrase "deliberately unfriendly" while noting the demand
for disavowal and reparation. "Of quite unusual weight," the
Staats-Zeitung says, "is the hint on the fact that the United States
and Germany, so far as the freedom of the seas is concerned, have the
same object in view." "Sharp and clear is it also explained" that
after the end of the war the United States is "ready to play the rôle
of an intermediary, in order to find a practicable way out." In fact,
the note handed to the Government in Berlin "is at the same time meant
for London," since it expresses itself as determined to protect
neutrals "against every one of the warring nations." The New Yorker
Herold is "certain that the complications will be settled amicably,"
while the Illinois Staats-Zeitung feels that "apparently our
Government has a secret agreement with England intentionally to
provoke Germany."

In praise of this note American press opinion is again nearly
unanimous. The New York World says that "what the President exacts of
Germany is the minimum that a self-respecting nation can demand." The
New York Tribune calls the note an admirable American document. The
Rochester Democrat and Chronicle says it is strongly put, but not too
strongly, and the Boston Herald thinks there is no escape from its
logic. The Philadelphia Public Ledger says "the final word of
diplomacy has obviously been said," and the Administration cannot
"engage in further debate or yield on any point." The Chicago Herald
believes the note is couched in terms that "no intelligent man would
resent from a neighbor whose friendship he values." The St. Louis
Republic says: "One hundred and twenty-eight years of American history
and tradition speak in President Wilson's vindication." The St. Paul
Pioneer Press calls the note "a great American charter of rights," and
the Charleston News and Courier declares that "we have drawn a line
across which Germany must not step." The Portland Oregonian says: "If
there was any expectation that the President's note to Germany would
yield any measure of American rights or descend from the noble and
impressive determination of the original warning to and demand upon
Germany, it has not been fulfilled."




Austria-Hungary's Protest


_An Associated Press dispatch dated London, July 16, says:_

According to an Amsterdam dispatch to Reuter's Telegram Company it is
stated from Vienna that the Austro-Hungarian Minister of Foreign
Affairs sent a note to the American Ambassador at Vienna on June 29,
drawing attention to the fact that commercial business in war material
on a great scale is proceeding between the United States and Great
Britain and her Allies, while Austria-Hungary and Germany are
completely cut off from the American market.

It is set forth in the note that this subject has occupied the
Government of the Dual Monarchy from the very beginning, and, although
the Government is convinced that the American attitude arises from no
other intention than to observe the strictest neutrality and
international agreements, yet "the question arises whether conditions
as they have developed during the course of the war, certainly
independently of the wish of the American Government, are not of such
a kind as in their effect to turn the intentions of the Washington
Cabinet in a contrary direction.

"If this question is answered in the affirmative, and its affirmation
cannot be doubted," according to the opinion of the Austro-Hungarian
Government, "then the question follows whether it does not seem
possible, or even necessary, that appropriate measures should be taken
to make fully respected the wish of the American Government to remain
a strictly impartial vis-à-vis of both belligerent parties."

The note continues:

"A neutral government cannot be allowed to trade in contraband
unhindered, if the trade take the form and dimensions whereby the
neutrality of the country will be endangered. The export of war
material from the United States as a proceeding of the present war is
not in consonance with the definition of neutrality. The American
Government, therefore, is undoubtedly entitled to prohibit the export
of war material.

"Regarding the possible objections that American industry is willing
to supply Austria-Hungary and Germany, which, however, is impossible
owing to the war situation, it may be pointed out that the American
Government is in a position to redress this state of things. It would
be quite sufficient to advise the enemies of Austria-Hungary and
Germany that the supply of foodstuffs and war material would be
suspended if legitimate trade in these articles between Americans and
neutral countries was not permitted."

In conclusion, the Austro-Hungarian Government appeals to the United
States, calling attention to the uninterrupted good relations and
friendship between that country and the dual monarchy, to take the
present note under careful consideration.


WHY AUSTRIA ACTED

_A dispatch from Vienna, via London, dated July 16, gives the
following information from The Associated Press:_

From a highly authoritative source at the Foreign Office a
representative of The Associated Press has received an explanation of
the motives that are said to have inspired the dispatch of the
Austro-Hungarian note to the United States regarding the American
traffic in war munitions.

The Austro-Hungarian statesman who spoke said that, although the facts
upon which the note was based had been in existence for a long time,
the communication was sent only now, when, after great victories in
Galicia, it could not be interpreted as a cry for help from a land in
distress. He disavowed in advance any idea that the note was sent at
the request or inspiration of Germany, asserting that the step was
taken spontaneously in the hope that, owing to the undisturbed
friendly relations between Austria-Hungary and the United States, the
note would be assured a sympathetic reception in the latter country.

"The note," said this statesman, "is inspired by friendly feelings of
the monarchy toward the Union, where so many of our subjects have
found a second home. It is the speech of a friend to a friend--an
attitude which we are the more justified in taking because the
relations of the two states have never been clouded.

"It might, perhaps, easily be a source of wonder that, since the basic
grounds of the note have been in existence for months, the note was
not sent long ago; but there is a reason for its appearance at this
particular time. In view of the incredible rumors and reports about
the condition of the monarchy which have been circulating throughout
the United States, this note would surely have been interpreted at an
earlier stage of events as a confession of weakness, as an appeal for
help in distress. Today, when a rich harvest is being garnered
throughout the monarchy, when talk of starving out Austria-Hungary
therefore is rendered idle, when complaints of shortage of ammunition
are heard everywhere else except in the allied central monarchies,
there cannot be the slightest question of this.

"On the other hand, it might be asked why the note, under these
conditions, was issued at all. With nothing to check the victorious
progress of the central powers in sight, with their ability to meet
pressure in the economic field demonstrated, it might well be thought
that it is a matter of indifference to them whether America continues
her policy or not. That, however, is not the case. The problems of
international law which this war has brought up are of far-reaching
importance. The solutions reached will be standards of action for
decades to come.

"For eminently practical as well as theoretical reasons, therefore,
the monarchy is forced now not only to concern itself with the
questions of the day, but also to feel its responsibility toward the
future interests of mankind; and for this reason the Government
thought it necessary to approach the subject under discussion--the
more so because it felt that the previous debate pro and con had not,
as it wished, led to the desired result, and because it believed that
numbers of arguments specially laid down in The Hague Convention
hitherto had escaped consideration.

"It may, of course, be assumed that the note is a product of mature
consideration, and was drafted after consultation with international
law experts of the first rank. The absence of the slightest hostile
intent in it against the Union is shown not only by the opening
phrases, but by the fact that it was published only after it leaked
out in the United States that there was no objection to its
publication.

"The question of whether Austria-Hungary feels that she is being cut
off by America may be answered unreservedly in the affirmative. The
military monarchy can and will continue the war as long as necessary.
The population will, as hitherto, suffer neither starvation nor
material want. But there are other interests than those connected
primarily with war which every Government is bound to consider, and
unhampered trade relations with the United States are of the greatest
importance to us.

"Finally, not only material, also I might say sentimental, interests
play a certain rôle not to be underestimated among the people. Many
warm friends of America among us are painfully affected by the fact
that actual conditions give the impression that America, even though
unintentionally, differentiates between the belligerents.

"Austro-Hungarian statesmen, conscious of the great rôle that America
will be called upon to play in the future, would forget their duty if
they neglected to do everything in their power to clear away the
circumstances that shake the confidence of the bravely fighting armies
and the whole population in the justice of America. It is clear that
the war would have been ended long ago if America had not supplied our
enemies with the means of continuing it.

"The assumption that the Austro-Hungarian note was sent at the wish of
the German Government is incorrect. On the contrary, it is a
completely spontaneous demonstration, inspired wholly by the
Austro-Hungarian considerations. We hope it will be received and
judged in America in the same spirit in which it was sent."


MR. WOOLSEY'S OPINION

_Theodore S. Woolsey, formerly Professor of International Law at Yale
University, in Leslie's Weekly, for July 29, has an article entitled
"The Case for the Munitions Trade." In part Professor Woolsey says:_

In the midst of widespread industrial depression came a great war.
This war intensified the depression. It cut off markets, raised
freights, retarded payments, upset the whole commercial world and we
suffered with the rest. Then shortly came a demand for certain
products and certain manufactures caused by the war itself, varied,
considerable, even unexpected. This demand grew until it became an
appreciable factor in our industrial life, a welcome source of profit
when so many other sources of profit were cut off. It was a good
thing; at the same time it was a temporary, unnatural thing, and
directly or indirectly it was based upon the desire of some of our
friends to kill others of our friends. Accordingly people began to
give this trade bad names. They called it unneutral, wrong, inhuman.

For the sake of our pockets we were adding to the sum of human
suffering and slaughter, and they urged that, even if legally
justified, ethically this trade was a blot upon our character as a
humane and civilized people and must be stopped. Where does the truth
lie? What can the munitions trade say for itself?

Naturally, it turns for justification first to the usage of other
wars, to the recognized rules of international law. As expressed in
Article 7, Convention XIII, of the 1907 Conference at The Hague, the
law is as follows:

"A neutral power is not bound to prevent the export or transit, for
the use of either belligerent, of arms, ammunitions or, in general, of
anything which could be of use to an army or fleet."

The next previous article had prohibited a Government from engaging in
this trade, so that the distinction between what the State and the
individual may do is made perfectly clear, provided both belligerents
are treated alike. To permit trade in arms with one belligerent and
forbid it with another would be unneutral and illegal.

We permit the munitions trade with both belligerents, it is true, and
yet, owing to the chances of war, the right to buy inures to the
advantage of one only. Does this stamp our conduct as unneutral? Quite
the contrary. To embargo munitions bought by one because the other
side does not choose to buy would be the unneutral act. Germany
doesn't buy because she cannot transport.

She cannot transport, because she does not care to contest the
control of the sea with her enemies. Have we aught to do with that? To
supplement her naval inferiority by denying to the Allies the fruits
of their superiority would be equivalent to sharing in the war on the
German side. Moreover, to assume and base action upon German naval
inferiority in advance of any general trial of strength would be not
only illegal, but even an insult to Germany. Notice that no complaints
of our export of munitions have come from the German Government. To
make such complaint would be to plead the baby act. Rather than risk
her fleet by contesting the control of the sea, thus gaining her share
of munitions imports, Germany has chosen to withdraw it behind
fortifications, thus losing the munitions trade. Probably the decision
is a sound one, but she must accept the results.

The opposition to the trade seems to come from two classes:

(1) German sympathizers who seek to minimize the advantage which sea
power gives the Allies.

(2) Those who are governed by their emotions rather than by reason and
respect for law. I would call the attention of both these classes to
the usage, especially to the German usage, in other wars.

Professor Gregory, in an interesting article, gives statistics of the
large German exports of arms to the British forces in the Boer war
after the Boer trade had been cut off. In the Russo-Japanese war Krupp
notoriously supplied both sides. In the Balkan war there was said to
be competition between Krupp and Creusot in furnishing cannon. No
state in the nature of things can satisfy its needs in war completely
from its own resources. Every belligerent has bought, every neutral
has allowed its citizens to sell, munitions since modern war began.
England sympathized with the South in our civil war, yet sold to the
North. She did the same in 1870 to France.

If the trade in munitions is to be forbidden, then every state must
accumulate its own supply or greatly enlarge its arms manufacturing
capacity, both wasteful processes. To say that a moderate trade is
lawful which a big trade is not is like the excuse of the lady who
thought her baby born out of wedlock did not matter because it was
such a little one.

The critics of the munitions trade must note furthermore that in our
own country that trade cannot be forbidden without explicit
legislation.

At the outset of the Spanish war such legislation was passed, as a war
measure, forbidding the export of coal or other war material at the
discretion of the President. But by resolution of Congress of March
14, 1912, the 1898 resolution was so amended as to apply to American
countries only. The reason for this distinction was, of course, to
limit the danger of such exports of arms to our neighbor states,
particularly to Mexico, as might endanger our own peace and safety.
The general right to trade was left undisturbed.

But let us argue the question on ethical grounds alone. I can see no
difference between a peace trade and a war trade from the humanitarian
standpoint; between arming a neighbor by our exports in preparation
for war and rearming him during war. In both cases we help him to
kill. Now, if one regards all war as wrong, aid in waging war by trade
in munitions, whether in peace time or war time, should be abhorrent
to one's conscience. A Quaker gun is not only a paradox, but a sinful
one.

Most of us, however, believe that a defensive war, against aggression
threatening the life and liberties of a nation, is just and right. In
the present war both parties claim to be fighting in self-defense. We
are not their judge; we must take both at their word; what we owe
both, ethically, is simply equality of treatment.

We help both alike in waging a just war. To do otherwise is to take
part in their war. With the flux and flow of the contest which makes
our trade valuable or worthless now to one side, now to the other,
both ethically and legally we have nothing to do.




Armenian, Orduna, and Others


_The diplomatic significance of the sinking of the Leyland liner
Armenian on June 28 off the northwest coast of Cornwall is thus dwelt
upon in a Washington dispatch to_ THE NEW YORK TIMES, _dated July 2,
1915:_

The lessons to be derived from the destruction of the Leyland liner
Armenian off the English coast are expected to have a most important
bearing upon the diplomatic controversy between Germany and the United
States over the safety of human life in the submarine warfare.

It is believed here that the Armenian affair demonstrates that it is
possible for German submarines of the latest types, when equipped with
outside rapid-fire guns, to comply with the demand of President Wilson
that the belligerent right of visit and search must be complied with
before merchantmen and passenger ships are torpedoed.

Whatever the facts as to minor detail, the outstanding lesson of the
affair is that a merchantman tried to escape capture and was finally
forced to halt and surrender by a pursuing submarine, and the
destruction of the liner by torpedo was not attempted until after
those on board who survived the chase had an opportunity to take to
the boats. It is evident that if the Armenian's Captain had heeded the
warning shots of the submarine and halted the steamer he could have
submitted to visit and search and in all probability the destruction
of the Armenian could have been effected without loss of life. All
international law experts agree that a vessel that refuses to halt
when challenged by warning shots from a properly commissioned
belligerent war vessel proceeds at her own peril.

In its broader aspects, the Armenian incident presents the most
important lesson that has come out of the German undersea campaign for
consideration by those engaged in the diplomatic controversy over the
various acts of the German submarines--and the lesson is considered
extremely vital in its bearing on the pending negotiations, because,
if it is at all possible for submarines to exercise the right of visit
and search and they actually proceed in accordance with that rule, the
Germans may proceed with their warfare against merchantmen carrying
contraband without running counter to the expectations of the United
States Government. Occasional merchantmen may try to escape capture or
destruction by disregarding warning shots, but that will be their
affair and the responsibility for loss of life due to efforts to elude
submarines, and caused during the period of continued efforts to
escape, would not then rest upon the submarines.

The effective use of rapid-fire guns mounted on submarines in bona
fide efforts to halt merchant steamers for purpose of visit and search
is the important factor in the situation. A submarine not so equipped
would find it difficult, if not impossible, to apply the rule of visit
and search. Without the outside guns such a submarine would possess no
other effective weapon than the torpedo. The submarine that carried no
exterior armament could not compel obedience to its mandate for the
merchant Captain to stop without firing a torpedo and thus risking the
destruction of life with the sinking of the steamer, and a submarine
with no outside armament might run the risk, as frequently contended
by the German Admiralty, of bomb attack from the rails of the merchant
steamer when going alongside of such a vessel.

[Illustration: GENERAL CARLO CANEVA

One of the Most Conspicuous of Italian Military Commanders

(_Photo from Central News._)]

[Illustration: H.I.M. FRANCIS JOSEPH I.

Latest Portrait of the Venerable Sovereign of the Austro-Hungarian
Empire

(_Photo from Bain._)]

A submarine like the U-38, which sank the Armenian, carrying one or
more outside guns, capable of discharging various kinds of shell, from
blank shots to shrapnel, represents an important evolution in the
development of marine warfare. Such a craft has the equipment to
enable her to visit and search a passing merchantman, and to provide
for the safe removal of officers, crew or passengers from a challenged
steamer, before the destruction of the vessel. It is only necessary
for such a submarine to fire her torpedoes as a last resort for the
destruction of the steamer. With her exterior guns a submarine like
the U-38, upon meeting a merchant vessel, may fire one or more warning
shots, as Captain Trickey of the Armenian says the U-38 did.[1] The
raider, he said, fired two warning shots, and when he turned away from
her and put on speed, the submarine's guns opened fire on him with
shrapnel.

[Footnote 1: Captain Trickey, describing the destruction of his
vessel, through which several Americans lost their lives, said on July
1 in Liverpool:

"We sighted the submarine about 6.48 o'clock Monday night, June 28,
when we were about twenty miles west of Trevose Head, on the northwest
coast of Cornwall. We were then about four miles away. She drew
closer. She fired two shots across our bows. I then turned my stern to
her and ran for all I was worth. The submarine shelled us all the
time, killing several of the crew and cutting away several of our
boats. The boats had already been swung out, and some of the men had
taken up positions in them ready for the order to lower away. In some
cases the falls were cut by shrapnel, and several of the men fell into
the sea.

"A stern chase ensued, lasting for about an hour, the German shelling
us unceasingly. My steering gear was cut and knocked out of order. One
shell came through the engine-room skylight, and another knocked the
Marconi house away. Still another shell went down the funnel,
disabling the stokehole and making it impossible to keep up a full
head of steam. Thirteen of my crew were lying dead on the deck, and
the ship was on fire in three places. Then I decided to surrender. It
was the only thing I could do. By this time the submarine had
decreased the distance between us to about a mile.

"From the moment we surrendered the Germans acted fairly toward us and
gave us ample time to get out of the ship. They even rescued some of
the men--three, I think--who had previously fallen from the boats and
were still afloat aided by their lifebelts. When we had got away from
the ship the submarine fired two torpedoes into her and she sank at
8.07 o'clock. We remained in the boats all night and were picked up
the next morning by the Belgian steam trawler President Stevens."]


THE ANGLO-CALIFORNIAN

_Like the Armenian, the British merchantman Anglo-Californian refused
to lie-to when signaled by a German submarine on July 2. Her crew of
ninety-five included fifty Americans and Canadians. A Queenstown
dispatch of July 5 gave the following account of the action:_

The Anglo-Californian left Montreal for the British Isles on June 24.
The submarine was sighted at 8 o'clock last Sunday morning. Captain
Parslow ordered full steam ahead and wireless calls for aid were sent
out. The submarine on the surface proved to be a far speedier craft
than the steamer and rapidly overhauled her, meanwhile deluging her
with shells. One shot put the wireless apparatus on the
Anglo-Californian out of action. Finding that he could not escape by
running for it Captain Parslow devoted his attention to manoeuvring
his ship so as to prevent the submarine from using torpedoes
effectively.

"Our Captain was a brave man," said one of the narrators. "He kept at
his post on the bridge, coolly giving orders as the submarine circled
around us vainly seeking to get a position from which it could give us
a death blow with a torpedo. All the while the under-water boat
continued to rain, shot and shell upon us, and at times was so close
that she was able to employ rifle fire effectively.

"At last one shell blew the Captain off the bridge, killing him
outright and terribly mutilating him. Just before that he had given
orders to launch the boats, but this was very difficult under the
shell fire. Several men were struck down while working at the davits.
Ultimately four boats were got overboard and were rowed away until
picked up."

The son of Captain Parslow, serving as second mate, was standing by
his father's side when the Captain was killed. The son was knocked
down by the violence of the explosion. Springing to his feet, he
seized the wheel, and, as ably as his father had done, continued
dodging the submarine. Another shell burst alongside him, shattering
one of the spokes of the wheel, but young Parslow retained his post.

The wireless SOS calls that had been sent out at the first alarm had
reached those able to give more than passive assistance, however, and
British destroyers appeared. On their approach the submarine abandoned
the attack and submerged. Young Parslow was still at the wheel when
the destroyers came up.

[Illustration: War zone area showing where the Armenian, (British);
Normandy, (American); Anglo-Californian, (British), and Orduna,
(British) ships were attacked during the month of July.]


THE NORMANDY

_An Associated Press dispatch from Liverpool, dated July 13, 1915,
reported:_

How an American ship is alleged to have been used as a shield by a
German submarine for the sinking of another vessel is related by
members of the crew of the American bark Normandy, which has arrived
here from Gulfport, Miss.

The story is that the Normandy was stopped by a German submarine sixty
miles southwest of Tuskar Rock, off the southeast coast of Ireland,
Friday night. The captain was called aboard the submarine, whence his
papers were examined and found to show that the ship was chartered by
an American firm January 5.

The captain of the bark, it was asserted, was allowed to return to
the Normandy, but under the threat that his ship would be destroyed
unless he stood by and obeyed orders. These orders, it was stated,
were that he was to act as a shield for the submarine, which lay
around the side of the bark, hiding itself from an approaching vessel.

This vessel proved to be the Russian steamer Leo. Presently the
submarine submerged and proceeded around the bow of the Normandy, so
the story went, and ten minutes later the crew of the Normandy saw the
Leo blown up.

Twenty-five persons were on board, of whom eleven were drowned,
including three stewardesses. Those saved included three Americans,
Walter Emery of North Carolina, Harry Clark of Sierra, and Harry
Whitney of Camden, N.J. All these three men when interviewed
corroborated the above story. They declared that no opportunity was
given those on board the Leo for saving lives.

The Leo was bound from Philadelphia for Manchester with a general
cargo.

The Captain of the Normandy told the survivors that he would have
liked to signal their danger to them, but that he dared not do so,
because his uninsured ship would then have been instantly sunk.

_In a Washington dispatch to_ THE NEW YORK TIMES, _sent July 13,
appeared the following:_

The State Department received a short dispatch late this afternoon
from Consul General Washington at Liverpool, confirming the report
that three Americans were among those rescued by the American bark
Normandy at the time of the sinking of the Russian merchant steamer
Leo by a German submarine off the Irish coast Friday night. This is
the case in which press dispatches asserted that the submarine
commander forced the Captain of the Normandy to use his bark as a
shield behind which the submarine hid before firing the torpedo which
sank the Leo.

The cablegram from Consul General Washington makes no mention of this
phase of the affair, and does not show whether the German submarine
gave any warning to the commander of the Russian merchant ship before
firing the shot which destroyed the latter vessel. The official
message says that the Normandy was stopped by the submarine, that the
Normandy's papers were examined, and that she was allowed to proceed.
The message added that the Normandy rescued three American citizens
who were members of the crew of the Leo, and names them as Walter
Emery, seaman, of Swan Quarter, N.C.; Harry Whitney, steward, of
Camden, N.J., and Harry Clark, fireman, of 113 East Fifty-second
Street, Seattle, Wash.


THE ORDUNA

_This is the official statement of Captain Thomas M. Taylor of the
Cunard liner Orduna, concerning the attack made on his vessel by a
German submarine off Queenstown, westbound, on the morning of July 9:_

At 6.05 A.M., July 9, the lookout man on the after bridge rang the
telegraph, at the same time pointing his hand downward and out on the
port beam. The third officer was immediately sent aft to inquire what
was seen. He returned quickly and reported both men had seen a torpedo
pass across the stern from port to starboard, only ten feet clear of
the rudder. In the meantime both the chief officer and myself
distinctly saw the trail of the torpedo, extending from the stern to
about 200 yards out on the port beam. About eight minutes afterwards
the chief officer and I saw the submarine come to the surface about
two points on the starboard quarter, a distance of about
three-quarters of a mile, with five or six men on her deck, getting
her guns ready.

I immediately ordered all possible steam, altered the course, and
brought her right astern, when they began shelling us. The first shot
struck the water abreast of the forecastle on the starboard side,
about thirty feet off. The second dropped just under the bridge;
third, abreast of No. 5 hatch, quite close alongside; fourth, under
the stern, sending up a volume of water forty feet high; fifth and
sixth and last shells all fell short. The firing then ceased, and the
submarine was soon left far astern.

Marconi distress signals were sent out at once. We were thirty-seven
miles south of Queenstown. I got a reply that assistance would be with
us in an hour, but it was four hours before the small armored yacht
Jennette appeared. I account for the torpedo missing the ship to their
misjudging the speed, allowing fourteen knots instead of sixteen,
which we were doing at the time. The torpedo passed only ten feet
clear.

It was an ideal day for torpedo attack--light wind, slight ripple,
clear weather. The periscope could only have been a few inches above
water, for a very strict lookout was being kept at the time by chief
and third officers and myself and four lookout men. However, we failed
to see her before she fired the torpedo.

Not the least warning was given, and most or nearly all the passengers
were asleep at the time. It was almost another case of brutal murder.

We had twenty-one American passengers on board.

_A Washington dispatch of July 20 to_ THE NEW YORK TIMES _announced:_

The President and the Cabinet decided today to have an investigation
made in the case of the British steamer Orduna, which was attacked by
a German submarine on July 9 while on her way from Liverpool to New
York. This action was taken following the receipt of a statement from
W.O. Thompson, counsel of the Federal Industrial Commission, who was a
passenger on the ship.

Mr. Thompson did not see any torpedo fired at the Orduna by the German
submarine, and was unable to give first-hand testimony that the Orduna
had been fired on without notice. It was determined, however, that the
report of Mr. Thompson justified the Government in making an
investigation.

Accordingly, Secretary Lansing wrote a letter to Secretary McAdoo,
requesting that his department undertake the investigation, which will
probably be intrusted to the Collector of Customs at New York.

At the State Department it was said that the attention of the German
Government had not been called to the charge that the Orduna was fired
on by a German submarine without warning. Any action of that sort, if
taken, will follow the investigation which is now ordered.


NEBRASKAN'S CASE

_Ambassador Gerard on July 15 formally transmitted to Washington
Germany's admission of liability and expression of regret for the
attack by a German submarine on the American steamer Nebraskan._

_Secretary Lansing's announcement of the German memorandum follows:_

Ambassador Gerard has telegraphed to the Department of State the
following memorandum from the German Foreign Office relative to the
damaging of the American steamer Nebraskan by a German submarine:

"The German Government received from newspaper reports the
intelligence that the American steamer Nebraskan had been damaged by a
mine or torpedo on the southwest coast of Ireland. It therefore
started a thorough investigation of the case without delay, and from
the result of the investigation it has become convinced that the
damage to the Nebraskan was caused by an attack by a submarine.

"On the evening of May 25 last the submarine met a steamer bound
westward without a flag and no neutral markings on her freeboard,
about 65 nautical miles west of Fastnet Rock. No appliance of any kind
for the illumination of the flag or markings was to be seen. In the
twilight, which had already set in, the name of the steamer was not
visible from the submarine. Since the commander of the submarine was
obliged to assume from his wide experience in the area of maritime war
that only English steamers, and no neutral steamers, traversed the war
area without flag and markings, he attacked the vessel with a torpedo,
in the conviction that he had an enemy vessel before him. Some time
after the shot the commander saw that the vessel had in the meantime
hoisted the American flag. As a consequence, he, of course, refrained
from any further attack. Since the vessel remained afloat, he had no
occasion to concern himself further with the boats which had been
launched.

"It results from this that without a doubt that attack on the steamer
Nebraskan was not meant for the American flag, nor is it traceable to
any fault on the part of the commander of the German submarine, but is
to be considered an unfortunate accident. The German Government
expresses its regret at the occurrence to the Government of the United
States of America and declares its readiness to make compensation for
the damage thereby sustained by American citizens."




Results of Submarine Warfare


LIVERPOOL'S EXPERIENCE

_A London cable dispatch to_ THE NEW YORK TIMES, _dated London, July
8, said:_

Nearly 20,000 vessels have entered or left the port of Liverpool since
the German submarine blockade began. This, said Sir A. Norman Hill,
Secretary of the Liverpool Steamship Owners' Association, speaking at
Liverpool yesterday, showed that the Germans had failed in their
attempt to blockade British ports.

On these 20,000 voyages the Germans had captured or destroyed only
twenty-nine ships, he continued. What did that represent? Ships which
had sailed in and out of Liverpool had completed in safety 998 out of
every 1,000 voyages upon which they started. That was a magnificent
record, he held, of perils faced and overcome.


FIRST WEEK WITH NO LOSS

_An Associated Press dispatch of July 22 from London remarked:_

So far as British vessels were concerned, the German submarines drew a
blank during the week ended yesterday. Not a single British merchant
ship or fishing craft was sunk.

It was the first week since the war began that some loss to British
shipping had not been occasioned by German cruisers, mines, or
submarines.

During the week 1,326 vessels of more than 300 tons each arrived at or
departed from ports of the United Kingdom.

The German war-zone decree went into effect on February 18. Since then
the weekly losses of ships and lives from torpedoes have been as
follows:

_Week Ending_    _Vessels._   _Lives._
February 25         11           9
March 4              1           0
March 11             7          38
March 18             6          13
March 25             7           2
April 1             13         165
April 8              8          13
April 15             4           0
April 22             3          10
April 29             3           0
May 6               24           5
May 13               2       1,260
May 20               7          13
May 27               7           7
June 3              19          32
June 10             36          21
June 17             19          19
June 24              3           1
July 1               9          29
July 8              15           2
July 15             12          13
July 22              2           0
                   ---       -----
Total              218       1,652

Of the two vessels torpedoed in the week of July 22, the Russian
steamer Balwa was attacked on July 16. On the following day another
Russian steamer, the General Radetzky, was torpedoed. Both hailed from
Riga, and the crews of both were saved.


WARFARE MODIFIED?

_A record reported to have been compiled chiefly from British
Admiralty sources since the sinking of the Lusitania was published by
The New York American on July 13, showing that out of 122 ships sunk
by German submarines in the war zone, every passenger or sailor was
saved on all but 14. Following is The American's summary:_

Total number of ships definitely reported
sunk by German submarines
in sixty-four days, since the
Lusitania was torpedoed                       122

Number of ships on which any loss
of life occurred                               14

[Note: Some of these fatalities
occurred, according to British Admiralty
reports, either from explosion
of torpedoes or from upsetting
of lifeboats, or from gunfire of submarines
while the enemy ship was
trying to escape.]

Total loss of life on 122 ships, from
all causes                                    131


GERMAN ACCOUNTS

_In a Berlin dispatch of July 14, by wireless to Sayville, Long
Island, the following was given out by the Overseas News Agency:_

During the month of June twenty-nine British, three French, one
Belgian, and nine Russian merchantmen were sunk by German submarines.

The total loss of the Entente Allies by submarines, including fishing
steamers, which mostly were armed patrol boats, aggregated 125,000
tons.

The loss of human life was remarkably small, the submarines using
every precaution and giving ample warning and time for crews to leave
their ships if no resistance was attempted.

_The total of losses in ships of the Allies' merchant marine around
the English coast in the period between February 18 (the beginning of
the German submarine war zone) and May 18, as compiled from German
data, was published in the Frankfurter Zeitung of June 6. This
publication, the first issue from German quarters, contains also a
list of the various allied ships sunk, totaling 111, together with the
nationality and tonnage of each, and a charted map of the British
Isles showing where each ship was sunk._

_In describing the achievements of the German submarine against their
foes--the neutral ships sunk are not included--the Frankfurter
Zeitung's article says:_

In the period of three months since the 18th of February, a day
memorable for history, our submarines have inflicted on the enemy
merchant shipping, in the first place the English merchant marine, a
total loss of 111 ships with a displacement of 234,239 tons. The
figures may, perhaps, not seem especially large in comparison with the
gigantic number of merchant ships flying the flag of the enemy. But in
this method of warfare the percentage loss of ships of our opponent as
compared with his total does not count, but rather the fact that
through the regularity and inevitableness of the marine catastrophes
the enemy shipping shall be disturbed as poignantly as possible, and
that there should as a result of this disturbance appear in the
economic life of England phenomena similar to those which the English
plan of the isolation of Germany aims at without, however, having
succeeded in getting any nearer to its goal, owing to the inherent
strength and power of adaptation of German business.

The rise of prices now prevalent in England, and the paralyzing of
great branches of trade which could not occur in an England that
really ruled the sea, may be attributed in chief part to this war of
the submarines. The advantage of the insular position of England has
been greatly lessened, thanks to this excellent German weapon, even if
it cannot be completely eliminated. But if one compares with the total
voyages of the English merchant shipping the losses of the English
merchant marine, amounting to more than 100 ships in a period of
exactly ninety days, and a tonnage of 216,000 tons, (from the totals
mentioned above there must be deducted the shares of France and
Russia,) then we must consider only that part of the British merchant
marine that entered ports of the island kingdom in this period or left
them; and one must bear in mind further that a large number of those
ships is contained several times in the English statistics, since they
do coast service.

But as valuable booty for our submarines particularly those ships are
to be regarded that import any kinds of commodities to England. And
statistics will later be able to show on the basis of these figures
the great success of the German submarine warfare, as indicated by
figures.

A glance at the map that accompanies the list of losses suffices to
show that mine fields as little as great distances are factors of
decisive importance in the activities of our submarines. The closing
of the English Channel and of the North Channel (between Ireland and
Scotland) has not prevented our boats from penetrating wherever there
was booty. Even on the northwest coast of Scotland and out in the west
of Ireland the German submarines have carried on a successful hunt.
The numbers in the little circles on the map represent the successive
ships on the list.

_The Frankfurter Zeitung adds figures given by the British Admiralty
on the same subject. These, it says, total 130 merchant ships with a
registered tonnage of 457,000 tons, from the beginning of the war to
May 26. Added to these, it says, are 83 fishing vessels with a tonnage
of 13,585 tons, making a total of 213 ships with 470,585 tons. It
says:_

These figures, however, are certainly incomplete, inasmuch as up to
March 16 there had already been announced 145 ships with a total
tonnage of 500,000 as lost, and the figures published by us above,
based upon authentic material, concerning the victims of our
submarines in three months, contradict beyond any power of dispute the
euphemistic presentation of the British Admiralty. Even so, however,
the English list still shows that since the beginning of the submarine
warfare, although in that period there was little to speak of in the
way of activities of the German cruisers abroad, the damage done to
the English fleet has risen according to the confession of the
Admiralty itself. Since Feb. 18, that is to say, since scarcely more
than a quarter of a year, according to the English figures, no less
than 56 British merchant ships with a tonnage of 187,000 tons (that is
to say, more than 40 per cent. of the total number of merchant ships
designated as lost) have been sunk. But if instead of these English
figures the German compilation, which is indubitably correct, be
accepted, then the entire picture changes considerably in our favor.




In Memoriam:

REGINALD WARNEFORD

[From Truth of London]


    Young gallant soul, unversed in fear,
      Who swiftly flew aloft to fame,
      And made yourself a world-wide name,
    Ere scarce had dawned your brief career.

    To glory some but slowly climb
      By painful inches of ascent,
      And some, hereon though sternly bent,
    Ne'er reach it all their life's long time.

    But you--you soared as eagles soar;
      At one strong flight you flashed on high;
      The sudden chance came sudden nigh;
    You seized it; off its spoils you bore.

    And now, while still the welkin rings
      With your unmatched heroic deed,
      To pæan elegies succeed,
    The mournful Muse your requiem sings.

    A requiem, yet with triumph rife!
      How not, while men their souls would give
      To die your death, so they might live
    Your "crowded hour of glorious life"?

    Great hour, that knows not time nor tide,
      Wild hour, that drinks an age's sweets,
      Brave hour, that throbs with breathless feats,
    Short hour, whose splendours long abide.




American Preparedness

By Theodore Roosevelt


_In an address at the Panama-Pacific Exposition in San Francisco,
delivered on July 21, Colonel Theodore Roosevelt said:_

I have a very strong feeling about the Panama Exposition. It was my
good fortune to take the action in 1903, failure to take which, in
exactly the shape I took it, would have meant that no Panama Canal
would have been built for half a century, and, therefore, that there
would have been no exposition to celebrate the building of the canal.
In everything we did in connection with the acquiring of the Panama
Zone we acted in a way to do absolute justice to all other nations, to
benefit all other nations, including especially the adjacent States,
and to render the utmost service, from the standpoint alike of honor
and of material interest, to the United States. I am glad that this is
the case, for if there were the slightest taint upon our title or our
conduct it would have been an improper and shameful thing to hold this
exposition.

The building of the canal nearly doubles the potential efficiency of
the United States Navy, as long as it is fortified and is in our
hands; but if left unfortified it would at once become a menace to us.

What is true as to our proper attitude in regard to the canal is no
less true as regards our proper attitude concerning the interests of
the United States taken as a whole. The canal is to be a great agency
for peace; it can be such only, and exactly in proportion as it
increased our potential efficiency in war.

Those men who like myself believe that the highest duty of this nation
is to prepare itself against war so that it may safely trust its honor
and interest to its own strength are advocating merely that we do as a
nation regarding our general interests what we have already done in
Panama. If, instead of acting as this nation did in the Fall of 1903,
we had confined ourselves to debates in Congress and diplomatic notes;
if, in other words, we had treated elocution as a substitute for
action, we would have done nobody any good, and for ourselves we would
have earned the hearty derision of all other nations--the canal would
not even have been begun at the present day, and there would have been
a general consensus of international opinion to the effect that we
were totally unfit to perform any of the duties of international life,
especially in connection with the Western hemisphere.

Unfortunately in the last few years we have as regards pretty much
everything not connected with the Isthmus of Panama so failed in our
duty of national preparedness that I fear there actually is a general
consensus of opinion to precisely this effect among the nations of the
world as regards the United States at the present day. This is
primarily due to our unpreparedness.

We have been culpably, well-nigh criminally, remiss as a nation in not
preparing ourselves, and if, with the lessons taught the world by the
dreadful tragedies of the last twelve months, we continue with soft
complacency to stand helpless and naked before the world, we shall
excite only contempt and derision if and when disaster ultimately
overwhelms us.

Preparedness against war does not invariably avert war any more than a
fire department in a city will invariably avert a fire; and there are
well-meaning foolish people who point out this fact as offering an
excuse for unpreparedness. It would be just as sensible if after the
Chicago fire Chicago had announced that it would abolish its fire
department as for our people to take the same view as regards
military preparedness. Some years ago I was looking over some very old
newspapers contemporaneous with the early establishment of paid fire
departments in this country, and to my amusement I came across a
letter which argued against a paid fire department upon the ground
that the knowledge of its existence would tend to make householders
careless, and therefore would encourage fires.

Greece was not prepared for war when she went to war with Turkey a
score of years ago. But this fact did not stop the war. It merely made
the war unsuccessful for Greece. China was not prepared for war with
Japan twenty-odd years ago, nor for war with the Allies who marched to
Peking fifteen years ago.

_Colonel Roosevelt then discussed in detail the cases of China and
Belgium, comparing Belgium with Switzerland, and asserting that
Switzerland would have met Belgium's fate if she had not been prepared
to oppose invasion. Then taking up the case of China, he said:_

She has acted on the theory that the worst peace was better than the
best war, and therefore she has suffered all the evils of the worst
war and the worst peace. The average Chinaman took the view that China
was too proud to fight and in practice made evident his hearty
approval of the sentiments of that abject pacifist song: "I Didn't
Raise My Boy to be a Soldier," a song which should have as a companion
piece one entitled: "I Didn't Raise my Girl to be a Mother," approval
of which of course deprives any men or women of all right of kinship
with the soldiers and with the mothers and wives of the soldiers,
whose valor and services we commemorate on the Fourth of July and on
Decoration Day; a song, the singing of which seems incredible to every
man and woman capable of being stirred to lofty and generous
enthusiasm by the tremendous surge of Julia Ward Howe's "Battle Hymn
of the Republic." China has steadily refused to prepare for war.
Accordingly China has had province after province lopped off her,
until one-half of her territory is now under Japanese, Russian,
English and French control.

The professional pacifists, the peace-at-any-price, non-resistance,
universal arbitration people are now seeking to Chinafy this country.

During the past year or so this nation has negotiated some thirty
all-inclusive peace treaties by which it is agreed that if any issue
arises, no matter of what kind, between itself and any other nation,
it would take no final steps about it until a commission of
investigation had discussed the matter for a year. This was an
explicit promise in each case that if American women were raped and
American men murdered, as has actually occurred in Mexico; or American
men, women, and children drowned on the high seas, as in the case of
the Gulflight and Lusitania; or if a foreign power secured and
fortified Magdalena Bay or the Island of St. Thomas, we would appoint
a commission and listen to a year's conversation on the subject before
taking action.

England and France entered into these treaties with us, and we begged
Germany to enter into one, and, although Germany refused, yet if we
were right in entering into them with England and France, we deprived
ourselves of moral justification in refusing to fulfill their spirit
as regards Germany. Personally I believe that it was absolutely
necessary when the concrete case arose to repudiate the principle to
which we had thus committed ourselves. But it was a shameful thing to
have put ourselves in such a position that it had to be repudiated,
and it was inexcusable of us to decline to follow the principle in the
case of the Lusitania without at the same time making frank confession
of our error and misconduct by notifying all the powers with whom we
had already made the treaties that they were withdrawn, because in
practice we had found it impossible and improper to follow out the
principle to which they committed us.




First Year of the War

Military Résumés of Operations on All Fronts--August, 1914 to August,
1915

By Lieutenant Walter E. Ives

_Formerly of the Royal Prussian Thirteenth Dragoons_

_and_

By An American Military Expert


One Year's War

By LIEUTENANT WALTER E. IVES

I.

THE WESTERN CAMPAIGN

The first year of the European war has drawn to a close. A résumé
covering the military events it has produced brings to view two
distinct phases of the campaign. The first phase comprises the period
from Aug. 3 to Oct. 27, and consists of a tenacious effort to carry
through the original plan of war of the German General Staff: to
strike a crushing blow at France, and after putting her "hors de
combat," to turn on the enemy in the East. The second phase comprises
the time from Oct. 27 to the present, and consists in the pursuance of
military aims forming the direct reversal of the original ones.

The campaign against France, in consequence of the German plan of
strategy the first one to come into prominence, can, in its first
phase, be divided into four periods.

The first period comprises the operations in Belgium, German Lorraine
and Alsace, from Aug. 3 to Aug. 23, the day before the Battle for the
Invasion of France, commonly, but incorrectly known as the battle of
Mons.

The main blow at France was to come through Belgium. Five German
armies out of eight were hurled against this gateway to Northern
France. In Lorraine and Alsace the Germans were temporarily to remain
on the defensive. The protection of Lorraine was intrusted to the
Bavarian (Sixth) Army, that of Alsace to the remaining two armies.

The French plan of operation was to check the invasion of Belgium on
the line Tongres-Liége-Longwy, where the Belgian Army, from a strictly
military point of view, forming the advance guards of the French Army
of the North, was holding strong positions, and with superior forces
to strike at the German Army of Lorraine. The aim was, avoiding Metz,
to reach the Moselle near Trier through the valley of the Saar, and to
roll up the German Army of the North from its left wing. An invasion
of Alsace was merely to satisfy political aspirations.

The German advance in Belgium, however, remained unchecked, and in
Lorraine the battles of Dieuze and Saarbourg on Aug. 20 decided the
issue in favor of the Bavarians. In Alsace the French were victorious
over the Eighth Army and took Muelhausen, while further north, between
Muenster and Shirmeck, the Seventh Army checked the French invasion.

Meanwhile the German avalanche in Belgium had reached the second line
of defense, Brussels-Namur-Longwy, before the French Army of the
North. The capture of Namur prompted the French staff to recall
advance guards, which had reached the fortress just as it surrendered,
and to accept battle in the line Mons-Charleroi-Givet-Longwy. The
battle for the invasion of France and the retirement of the French
armies in all the theatres of action which it caused opens the second
period of the campaign against France.

The English contingent from Havre had joined the French Army just
before the German onslaught began. The battle was lost by the Allies
tactically and strategically through the defeat of their right wing at
Longwy and Neufchateau, and through the encircling of their left wing
at Mons. The direct result of the outcome was the German invasion of
France; the indirect consequence (resulting from the necessity of
drawing troops from the other fields of action to stem the German
invasion) was the retirement of the French armies in Lorraine and
Alsace to the line Verdun-Nancy-St. Die, and further south to the
passes of the Vosges, which they have been holding ever since.

Sweeping on through Northern France, the German Army of the North was
breaking up all resistance in its path, such as was attempted by the
British at St. Quentin on Aug. 28, and was tearing with it all
fortresses, such as Longwy, La Fère, Maubeuge, and others; but it was
failing in its principal aim: to embrace the skillfully retreating
enemy before he could reach the line Paris-Verdun, which he had
selected and prepared for the next stand.

On Aug. 30 the German plan of strategy was changed, and it was
resolved to break the centre of the enemy, throwing his left wing into
Paris and on the Seine and his right wing into Verdun, Toul, and
Epinal. The armies of the centre were pushed forward, while either
wing held back. The Allies were established in the general line
Paris-Verdun.

The battle ensuing on Sept. 5 and the retreat of the Germans to the
Aisne are the events of the third period of this campaign, lasting
from Sept. 5 to Sept. 28. On Sept. 8, while the German attacks had all
but pierced the French centre, having already bent it back beyond the
line Sezanne-Vitry, the German right wing found itself outflanked by a
new allied army from Paris, which was rapidly moving northward and
threatened to roll up the entire German battle front from the
direction of Compiègne. The critical question, who would succeed
first, the Allies in outflanking the German right or the Germans in
piercing the French centre, was decided in favor of the Allies.
Anglo-French strategy triumphed.

The tactical aspect of the situation, though, is best illustrated by
the message sent to his commander-in-chief by General Foch, commanding
the French Army of the Centre when he received the order to
counter-attack: "My left has been forced back, my right is routed. I
shall attack with the centre." When the counter-attack came it found
but rear guards opposing it. The retreat of the Germans, their right
flank constantly in danger of being rolled up, was a fine military
achievement. On Sept. 12 it halted on the Aisne. In the regions
northeast of Verdun the German left wing joined hands with the Sixth
German Army, which had followed up the retirement of the French Army
of Lorraine to the line Verdun-St. Die.

Thus resting on Metz with its left wing the German battle-front was
strongly established on a line passing Verdun, to the east and
northeast, extending from there in a general westerly direction to the
valley of the Aisne as far as the region north of Compiègne, and from
that point northward to the region west of Peronne and Cambrai.

The stability of this line, enabling a constant shifting of forces
toward the right wing, and the arrival there of the army released from
Maubeuge, made possible the extension of the battle-front to the
region of Arras, and frustrated all flanking movements on the part of
the Allies.

The situation was again safe, but the plan to put the French army hors
de combat was far from having been realized. The German General Staff
therefore decided on a new plan. Its purpose was to gain control of
the northeast coast of France. A wedge should be driven between the
two allied countries, and Pas-de-Calais made the base of further
operations against both. The following out of this plan constitutes
the fourth and last period of the first phase of the western
campaign. It starts with the beginning of the siege of Antwerp on
Sept. 28 and ends with the first battle of Ypres on Oct. 27.

The first step toward the accomplishment of the new aims was the
capture of Antwerp. Antwerp in the hands of the Allies meant a
constant menace to the German line of communication; in possession of
the Germans it signified the key to Northern France. The fortress was
taken on Oct. 9. The next point of strategic importance for the
pursuance of the German plan was Lille, which was taken on Oct. 12.

But the change in the German plan of strategy had been recognized by
the Allies, and a new English army from Havre was hurried to the line
Bethune-Dunkirk to extend the allied left wing to the coast and block
the road to Calais. It reached West Flanders on Oct. 13, and on Oct.
16 it came in contact with the German Army that approached from
Antwerp. The latter joined the German right wing north of Lille and
extended it to Westende. On the 18th, after having brought up all
their reserves, the Germans began their onslaught to break through in
the region of Dixmude and Ypres.

While, by Oct. 27, no appreciable impression had been made on the
allied battleline, the situation in the eastern seat of war had begun
to assume an alarming aspect, and necessitated the complete change in
the German plan of strategy, which marks the beginning of the second
phase of the war.

On the western front this second phase meant for the Germans the going
into the defensive along the entire battleline, which the allied
armies have been relentlessly attempting to break. In spite of their
continuous heroic efforts only minor successes, such as that of the
British at Neuve Chapelle and that of the French to the north of
Arras, have been achieved. Counter attacks, forming the most essential
element of the modern defensive, have been launched by the Germans
incessantly, and have on several occasions resulted in successes
similar to those of the Allies, as, for instance, at Soissons and at
Ypres. On the whole, no changes of strategic importance have taken
place, and the German wall in France stands firm to this day.

II.

THE EASTERN CAMPAIGN

While, in the early days of August, the bulk of the German Army was
moving westward, not more than ten army corps were available for the
campaign against Russia. To them and to the Austrian armies fell the
task of laying the basis for the offensive contemplated for a later
date. The plan of campaign was to draw the Russians into the Polish
bag and tie it up. It was based on the knowledge that Russia's
principal strategic aim must, under all circumstances, be Cracow, the
gateway to Vienna and Berlin.

The enemy was to be allowed to reach it through Poland, while the
Germans should hold on to East Prussia and the Austrians to Galicia,
to flank the Russian advance from the north and south in preparation
for a campaign against the Russian lines of communication. This scheme
of bagging the enemy has governed all strategic moves of the campaign
against Russia to this day.

But the Muscovites were on their guard. They paid little attention to
the few German divisions that were thrown into Poland in August, in
order to attract a Russian offensive, and began hammering at the
Teutonic flanking positions along the East Prussian frontier in the
north and the line Lublin-Tarnopol in the south.

While the Russian offensive in East Prussia came to grief at
Tannenberg, it was most successful against Galicia, and the eighth
week of the war already found the Russian invasion west of the San,
Przemysl besieged, and the Austrian right wing flanked by vast bodies
of cavalry, which had penetrated the Carpathian passes and reached the
region of Munkacs.

To relieve the pressure exerted on their Allies and give them a chance
once more to establish themselves in north-eastern Galicia, four
German army corps invaded Poland and advanced toward Radom and
Ivangorod. This counter move was successful. Menaced in their right
flank, the Russians quickly took back their army beyond the San. The
Austrians followed, raised the siege of Przemysl, and drove the
invaders from Hungary and straightened out their line from Sandomir to
Czernowitz.

Meanwhile heavy Russian reinforcements had been brought up from
Ivangorod and were gradually put in action against the Germans east of
Radom. On Oct. 24, as soon as the Russian superiority became alarming,
the four German army corps, having, temporarily at least, accomplished
their purpose of re-establishing the Austrian campaign, beat a hasty
retreat toward Silesia, during which the second purpose of their
invasion, to draw into the Polish bag great masses of Russian troops,
was successfully achieved, the Russians having been led to believe
that they were pursuing a great German army.

Simultaneously, though, with their advance in the path of the German
retreat in Poland, the Russians once more concentrated vast forces
against the menacing projection of the Austrian battleline in Galicia,
and the early days of November witnessed the second invasion of the
Austrian province. At the same time a new drive was made on East
Prussia, and the Germans were forced back into the region of the
Masurian Lakes.

The retirement of the entire Teutonic battleline before the Russians,
who toward the end of October had reached the maximum of their
strength, marks the end of the first phase of the eastern campaign. It
had not accomplished all that had been expected of it. The enemy had
been drawn far into South Poland, but the base of operations for the
general offensive against his communications in the north had not been
established just where it should have been, and the Russian frontier
fortifications had been found better prepared for resistance than
those of Belgium, while in the south the Austrian base of operations
was entirely in the hands of the enemy.

The second phase of the eastern campaign was therefore opened from a
new base--Thorn, where the main army had been gathered ever since Oct.
27, when the Russian danger had become alarming, and the offensive in
the west had been abandoned. It was suddenly launched with
irresistible force on Nov. 12, and rolled back numerically inferior
Russian armies, whose task it had been to protect the right flank of
the Russian advance on Silesia.

Recognizing the danger to their operations in South Poland and
Galicia, where they had meanwhile approached the line of the Warta,
Cracow, and Neu Sandec, the Russians threw troops into North Poland
from all sides and succeeded in temporarily detaining the German
advance there, while they were continuing their supreme efforts to
break the Austro-German line south of Cracow. But the line held. At
the same time the German drive in North Poland was making steady
headway.

On Dec. 6 the Germans took Lodz, and further north advanced on Lowitz,
and the Russian offensive in the Cracow district was given up. While
all troops that could be spared were sent northeast to support the
prepared lines of the Bzura and Rawka Rivers, the Russians in the
south fell back behind the Nida and Dunajec, joining with their right
wing their northern army in the region of Tomaschew, and extending
their left through the region of Gorlitz and Torka toward the Pruth.
In this line the Teutonic advance was checked. A new German drive on
the road from Soldau to Warsaw could likewise make no headway beyond
Mlawa, while on the other hand in East Prussia the Russian offensive
had been brought to a standstill.

A siege warfare, like that in France, seemed imminent, except in the
Bukowina, where Russian forces during January were driving Austrian
troops before them. The Russian invasion of that province, however,
so distant from all strategically important points, was but a
political manoeuvre.

The first movement of any consequence to occur was a desperate attempt
of the Austrians early in February to push forward with their right
wing in the direction of Stanislau, chiefly to bring relief to the
garrison of Przemysl. Simultaneously they began sweeping the Russians
out of Bukovina. The latter undertaking was successful, but the
advance on Stanislau was thrown back toward Nadworna.

While the Austrian offensive was under way, General von Hindenburg
unexpectedly launched a vigorous attack in East Prussia, which
resulted in the destruction of the Russian East Prussian Army in the
region of the Masurian Lakes. Once more a successful drive at the
Russian "bread line" from the north seemed at hand. Already the armies
pursuing the Russians were hammering at the Russian fortifications
along the Niemen, Bobr, and Narew when the surrender of Przemysl, the
siege of which had uninterruptedly gone on behind the Russian lines
since November, on March 22 again presented to the Russians an
opportunity to break the Austrian battleline.

To check the onslaught of the reinforced Russian armies against the
Carpathian passes early in April, troops must be drawn from General
von Hindenberg's armies, and the consequence was another deadlock in
the north. Meanwhile the reinforced Teutonic troops were hurriedly
concentrated for the counter-attack against the Russian offensive in
the Carpathians, and a great drive began against the Russian positions
on the Dunajec line, east of Cracow, early in May. Breaking all
resistance, it swept on toward Jaroslau and Przemysl on a sixty-mile
front.

Threatened in their right and left flanks, respectively, the Russian
lines on the Nida and in the Carpathians fell back rapidly, while
reinforcements were sent to stem the Teutonic advance along the San.
But the Russian efforts were in vain. The momentum the Teutonic
offensive had gained carried it across the river, while further south
the Austrian right wing cleared the entire Carpathian front of the
enemy, hotly pushing his retreat.

Przemysl was recaptured, the third Russian line of defense from
Rawa-Ruska to Grodeck and the Dniester was broken, and the end of June
saw Lemberg once more in the hands of the Teutons, and the Russian
line on the defensive and sorely pressed along a front extending from
the Bessarabian frontier along the Dniester to the mouth of the
Zlota-Lipa, and from there along the Zlota-Lipa and the Bug, well into
Russian territory, leaving the river southeast of Grubeschow, and
continuing from there in a northwesterly direction to the region of
Krasnik.

Here it joined hands with the left wing of the Russian Army of the
Nida, which had retired before the Austro-German advance in a
northeasterly direction, intrenching along a line from Krasnik across
the Vistula and through Sjenno and Jastrshob (about fifteen miles
southwest of Radom) to the region of Tomaschew on the Pilitza.

While this great Spring offensive from the Dunajec line was well under
way, small German forces invaded the Russian province of Courland.
Finding at first little resistance in the path of their unexpected
advance, they took Libau and established themselves on the
Dubissa-Windau line. During July the operations in Courland steadily
assumed greater proportions.

Two bases for the campaign against the Russian lines of communication
have thus been firmly established in the flanks of the Russian Armies
west of the Vistula, both protruding far into their rear. Drives
against the Dunaburg-Warsaw line from the north and the
Minsk-Ivangorod line from the south will open the second year of the
eastern campaign. The first year of the incessant struggle has brought
the aims of the German strategy, the bagging of the Russian Armies,
within sight of its realization.

III.

CAMPAIGNS OF MINOR IMPORTANCE

While the struggle in the two principal seats of war has been going
on, the passing year has witnessed fighting also of secondary
importance, though not less heroic, in three other fields of action:
Serbia, Turkey, and the Austro-Italian frontier. Whereas Turkey joined
the Teutons but three months after the beginning of hostilities, and
Italy was involved only at the end of May, Serbia was one of the first
nations to take the field.

Austria's campaign against the little kingdom could under no
circumstances influence the events of the war, and was therefore void
of any strategic importance. For this reason, but three Austrian Army
corps were engaged in it.

The purpose was merely to keep the Serbians busy, and prevent them
from invading Austrian soil. For the sake of the moral effect on the
other Balkan States the capture of Belgrade should be attempted. In
view of the strength of the Danube fortifications the operations were
launched from Bosnia and resulted in the forcing of the Drina line and
the capture of Valjevo on Nov. 17. The Serbian positions on the Danube
having thus been flanked, the abandonment of Belgrade on Dec. 2 was a
natural consequence of the Battle of Valjevo.

Misled by their successes into the belief that the Serbian army had
been placed hors de combat, the Austrians advanced beyond the lines
destined to constitute the object of their offensive. In the difficult
mountain districts southeast of Valjevo the Serbians turned on the
invaders with superior forces and defeated them. The Austrian retreat
to the Drina which followed, necessitated the evacuation of Belgrade
on Dec. 15. Since then, the situation on the Serbian frontier has been
a deadlock, only desultory and insignificant fighting occurring for
the rest of the year.

In contrast to the operations in Serbia, Turkey's campaign has direct
bearing on the European war. Its chief feature, the closing of the
Dardanelles, has been a serious blow to Russia. The frantic efforts of
the Allies to open them are the plainest evidence of its importance.

The attempt in March to force the straits by naval power having
resulted in failure, an army was landed on the west coast of
Gallipoli, and after heavy fighting established itself on a line
running from Eski-Hissarlik on the south coast of the peninsula to the
region of Sari-Bair, on the north coast, constituting a front of
approximately twenty miles, within five miles of the west coast. No
progress further than this have the Allies been able to make up to the
present, and the watch at the Dardanelles stands firm as yet.

The attacks of the Anglo-French armies, however, exerted influence on
Turkey's operations in other fields of action. They caused the
complete abandonment of a contemplated invasion of Egypt and compelled
the Turkish troops to go on the defensive in the Caucasian seat of
war. This enabled Russia to call back to Poland troops sorely needed
there, with which they had had to check the Turkish advance on Kars in
January. Since February both battlelines along the Caucasian front
have been weakened and no fighting of any consequence has occurred in
this campaign of merely secondary importance.

The operations in the latest field of action, along the Austro-Italian
frontier, have been going on for but eight weeks, and do not,
therefore, allow any conclusions as to their importance to be made as
yet. So far the Italians have been unable to make any effective
impression on either Austria's Tyrolese frontier or on the front of
the Isonzo. All attempts to break through the Austrian lines have thus
far failed. The aim of Austria's strategy is to maintain a deadlock
until the issue has been decided in Poland.

In determining the results of the first year of the world war the
question as to which side is holding the advantage at the close of
this important period depends entirely upon what were the political
aims of the adversaries. The Teutonic allies' contention has ever
been, rightly or wrongly, that they are not waging a war for
territorial aggrandizement, but purely one in self-defense. From this
point of view they can be well satisfied with the results they have so
far attained.


An American View

By the Military Expert of The New York Times

FIRST PHASE

Opening the Way to France Through Belgium

By Aug. 4, 1914, war had been declared by all the nations now engaged
except Turkey and Italy. Subsequent events have proved that of them
all the Teutonic allies were the only nations actually prepared and
that as between Austria and Germany the preparation of the latter was
much more complete. It was the Germans, therefore, who, with the
entire campaign carefully mapped out in advance, took the initiative.
Germany, too, at the very outset saw the one clear path to victory.

One or the other of her Continental enemies must not only be defeated,
but crushed and eliminated from the conflict before the other could
mobilize against her. One of them, Russia, would probably take the
longer time to effect her mobilization. Russia had started, it is
true, before war was declared. But interior railroads in Russia are
few. Russia, too, is proverbially slow, if for no other reason than by
virtue of her ponderous numbers. France, on the other hand, is checked
and counter-checked by good strategic railroads, and, having no such
vast territory over which her troops would have to be moved, would be
able to mobilize in a much shorter time than her ally. England, for a
few weeks at least, could be disregarded. Deceived as to the extent of
Russian unpreparedness and believing that Russia's slowness would
prevent an active offense for some weeks, Germany selected France as
her first objective, and took immediate steps to hurl twenty-four army
corps across the French border at various points, aiming at Paris.

These twenty-four corps were divided into three armies--the Army of
the Meuse, based on Cologne; the Army of the Moselle, based on Metz
and Coblenz, and the Army of the Rhine, based on Strassburg. All of
these three armies were naturally to converge on Paris. The route of
the Army of the Meuse would pass through Liége, Namur, and Maubeuge,
and would therefore have to cross a part of Belgium; the Army of the
Moselle would take a route through Sedan and Soissons, passing north
of the Verdun fortress, but of necessity crossing the Duchy of
Luxemburg; the Army of the Rhine, after crossing the screen of the
Vosges Mountains, would pass through Nancy and Toul, between the
fortresses of Epinal and Belfort.

It is obvious that the march to Paris would be most quickly achieved
through the flat country of Belgium, where the French frontier is
practically unguarded and only the weakly manned barrier fortresses of
Belgium barred the way. The remainder of the French frontier from
Luxemburg to Switzerland was well fortified, and Germany had no time
to spend in reducing fortified places.

[Illustration: THOMAS A. EDISON

The American Inventor, Now Associated With the Navy Department as
Chief of the Advisory Board of Civilian Inventors and Engineers]

[Illustration: HUDSON MAXIM

American Inventor of High Explosives and Other Materials of War

(_Photo by White._)]

The main advance was therefore to take place through Belgium, the Army
of the Moselle co-operating, while to the Army of the Rhine was
assigned the offensive-defensive rôle of advancing to the barrier
fortresses of Epinal and Belfort to check any French advance that
might be directed against the communications of the Armies of the
Moselle and the Meuse to the north. The railroad communications
through the Belgian plain were splendidly adapted to this plan, backed
as they were by the military railroads which Germany had constructed
several years before, running through the industrial districts in the
north of the German Empire up to the Belgian border.

Germany's first move was the invasion of Luxemburg, violating the
neutrality of a State which, under the treaty making her independent
and guaranteeing neutrality, (to which treaty Germany was a party,)
was not permitted to maintain an army. Two days later Germany asked
passage for her troops through Belgium, for the purpose of attacking
France. Belgium promptly refused, and on Aug. 4 Germany began the
forcing of this passage by an attack on Liége.

Thus, at the outset the German plan went awry. Although the
contemplated line of advance was through Liége and Namur, it was not
sufficient, with Belgium openly in arms to defend her country, to
reduce only these two towns. The Belgian Army could, and later did,
fall back to the north on Louvain, Brussels, and Antwerp, and so be
directly on the German flank and in a position to strike at the line
of communications. It was therefore necessary to subjugate all of
Belgium either by destroying the Belgian Army or driving it before
them in their advance.

Thus, the German advance was not only doomed to delay, but at least
100,000 troops were needed to garrison a hostile country and to
protect the life lines running to the rear.

Three days after the attack on Liége opened the Germans penetrated
between the outer forts, their infantry advancing in close formation
and sustaining enormous losses. But Liége was worth the price paid.
Some of the forts held out for days, but were finally reduced by the
fire of the 42-centimeter guns--the first of the German surprises. The
Belgian garrison, however, had done its work. The German advance was
delayed for ten precious days, during which the first consignment of
the British expeditionary force had reached the Continent and France
and Russia had largely completed their mobilization.

As soon as it was realized that the unexpected Belgian resistance had
retarded the German advance and in all probability had disarranged the
German plan of campaign, the French, even before the guns of Liége had
cooled, struck at Alsace, through the Belford Gap and over the Vosges
Mountains. At first this French offensive was successful. Points on
the Metz-Strassburg Railroad were taken and the town of Mülhausen
captured. But almost before the news of success reached Paris the
French had been defeated, not only in Alsace but also in Lorraine,
whence French troops had been sent to engage the German Army of the
Moselle. The result was the retirement of the French to the line of
their first defense--a line that had been prepared for just such an
emergency during the years since 1871.

While the German armies of the Moselle and of the Rhine were thus
occupied in repelling the French advance the Army of the Meuse was
forcing its way through Belgium. Throwing out a strong cavalry screen
in its front, this army advanced through Tongres, St. Frond, Laugen,
Haelen, and Terlemont, and finally confronted the Belgians on the line
from Louvain to Namur. Fighting on this front filled almost a week,
when the destruction of the fortifications of Namur forced the
Belgians to fall back, pivoting on Louvain to the line from Louvain to
Wavre, the last line in front of Brussels. On Aug. 20 the Belgians
were defeated at Louvain and the Germans entered Brussels, the Belgian
Government having previously retired to Antwerp. The first phase of
the German advance was thus completed and the way to France was open.

SECOND PHASE

From the Fall of Brussels to von Kluck's Retreat to the Aisne

Immediately following the fall of Namur, which forced the Belgians to
take up the Louvain-Wavre line, the main German Army of the Meuse
started for France, leaving possibly two army corps to drive the
Belgians from Brussels and to protect their flank and their lines of
communication. The German advance first came in contact with the
French and British along a line from Mons to Charleroi, southwest of
Brussels. The British were supposed to have been between two French
armies, but for some reason the army which had been assigned to
position on the British left did not appear. Being outflanked, a
retreat followed, the French being defeated at the same time at
Charleroi. The German Army of the Moselle then attacked along the
Meuse, and, being also successful, was on the flank and rear of the
British and French retreating from Mons and Charleroi.

Thus a great enveloping movement was disclosed which for some days
gave every evidence of being successful. It was defeated, however,
entirely by the British, who, though outflanked and outnumbered three
to one, fought steadily night and day for six days, their small force
holding in complete check all of von Kluck's army corps. Retreat was
of course inevitable, but the retreat was made in good order and with
the morale of the troops unshaken.

In the meantime the German General Staff, which had confidently
expected to crush France before Russia could become a factor to be
reckoned with, saw with alarm Russia pouring her troops into East
Prussia in a drive against Königsberg, while in South Poland another
Russian army was preparing a drive against Galicia, operating from the
Ivangorod-Rowno railroad. Germany saw the Austrians being defeated
everywhere; Lemberg, the capital of Galicia, captured; Przemysl
masked, and the Russians fighting their way westward through Galicia
between the Carpathians and the Vistula. But Austria's troubles at
this stage were her own. Germany had all she could do to turn back the
Russian invasion of East Prussia.

To face the peril on her eastern borders Germany detached several army
corps--probably five--from the western front, with them reinforced
her eastern army, and in a few days after their arrival inflicted a
disastrous defeat on the Russians at Tannenburg, driving them back
practically to their own borders. But the damage had been done. The
armies of the west had been weakened at a critical point, and General
Joffre was given the opportunity he had been seeking since the
beginning of the war.

The French and British, whose retreat had carried them to the Marne,
now outnumbered the Germans, and, what is more important, were able to
concentrate their forces by calling in those troops who had been
engaged in the counter-offensive in Alsace. Taking advantage of their
superiority in numbers, the Allies took the offensive. Holding the
Germans fast in the centre, the Paris garrison struck hurriedly
northeast toward Soisson with the idea of getting around von Kluck's
flank. For several days it seemed that von Kluck and his army must be
captured. But, moving north with great rapidity, abandoning much of
his artillery and supplies, he escaped the net Joffre had spread for
him, and anchored himself securely behind the Aisne. The great German
movement was thus brought to an abrupt halt, and they were now on the
defensive. Paris was saved. For ten days the Allies fought desperately
to cross the Aisne and force von Kluck to continue his retreat. But
finally the effort was given up, and the two armies faced each other
across the Aisne deadlocked.

The Russians meanwhile had not been idle. Although their operations
against the reinforced German Army had a negative result, against the
Austrians in Galicia their success continued. Przemysl had not been
taken, but, hemming it in securely, the Russians passed on and took
the fortified town of Jaroslau, near the lower San. The menace of the
Russian invasion of Galicia then became apparent. Galicia, with her
wealth of oil and minerals, the fertile plains of Hungary just the
other side of the Carpathians, Cracow, opening the gate to Breslau and
Berlin--these were the things the Teutons stood in danger of losing,
and it is not surprising that they viewed the Russian advance with
alarm.

There is but one more incident to record before closing what might
well be considered the second phase of the war. That is the fall of
Antwerp. It was Belgium's final sacrifice on the altar of her national
honor. And no matter what our ancestry may be, nor how our sympathies
may lie, we cannot but reverence a people whose sense of national duty
and honor is so high that they are willing to sacrifice and do
sacrifice their all to maintain it.

THIRD PHASE

From the Fall of Antwerp to the Beginning of the Battle for Warsaw

When it became apparent to General French that the line of the Aisne,
to which the Germans had retreated after the battle of the Marne, was
too strong to be forced, he withdrew his troops, about 100,000 men,
from the line, his place being filled by the French reserves. The
object of the withdrawal was another flanking movement against the
German right. The idea seems to have been that by withdrawing and
entraining at night the movement would be entirely concealed from the
Germans until the British were actually in Belgium, and that an
advance along the left bank of the Scheldt would turn the flank of the
whole German army in France, compelling a general retreat. The
movement was discovered by German air scouts, however, and the troops
that had been before Antwerp met and checked the British, who took up
finally the line along the Yser Canal, through Ypres to La Bassée,
opposed by three German army corps.

But one thing saved the British from another defeat and prevented a
more disastrous retreat than that from Mons and Charleroi. When the
Germans took Antwerp the Belgian garrison of about 50,000 men escaped
and by a brilliant retreat retired to a line from Nieuport to Dixmude.
They thus guarded the left flank of the British line and by a
stubborn resistance prevented this flank from being turned and the
British driven south toward Paris. Nothing else prevented Dunkirk,
Calais, and Boulogne from falling into German hands at this time.

As it afterward turned out, the German plan, after the fall of
Antwerp, was a sudden drive to Calais. The plan was conceived and the
movement begun at the same time General French put into execution his
attempt to outflank the German position. These forces met on the
Ypres-La Bassée line, and both were halted. It was a fortuitous
chance, then, that the Germans were held back from the coast, as well
as deprived of an opportunity to strike at Paris from the north. For
three weeks the Germans battled fiercely, with almost total disregard
for the loss of life involved. Finally the attack died out, and with
its death the whole line from the North Sea to the Swiss frontier
settled down to trench warfare.

While the armies in the west were checking each other until the status
of a "stalemate" had been reached, affairs in the eastern theatre had
been moving rapidly. Persuaded by German money, a temptation the Turk
has ever been powerless to resist, Turkey late in October joined hands
with the Teutons and declared war on the Allies. The Japanese, who had
at the outset joined hands with England, had, after a wonderful
defense by the Germans, taken the German Chinese city of Kiao-Chau.
But of more importance still was the activity of the opposing armies
in Russia and in Galicia.

After the battle of Fannenburg, in which Russia was defeated and
driven back to her own borders, the Germans invaded Suwalki Province
in Northern Poland. The Russians again took the offensive, defeated
the Germans in the battle of Augustovo, and, pressing westward, again
entered East Prussia in the region of the Mazurian Lakes. In this
territory a deadlock followed, both Russians and Germans remaining
with horns locked and unable to move until early Spring.

In Galicia, however, events moved with greater rapidity, and the
results were vastly more important. After the fall of Lemberg and
Jaroslau the Russians pressed forward across the San to Tarnow,
masking Przemysl on the way, and took up a line along the Dunajec to
the Carpathians and east through Galicia along the Dniester and the
Pruth to the Rumanian frontier, thus threatening not only the plains
of Hungary, which lay just across the Carpathian summits, but also
Bukowina, the Crownland of Austria.

Austria's plight was desperate, and German assistance was necessary.
Von Hindenburg's first attack on Warsaw, the battle being called the
battle of the Vistula, was the answer. The Germans advanced against
the Russian centre, the Austrians against the left in Galicia. At
first both were successful, but heavy Russian reinforcements succeeded
in turning the German left, almost at the very gates of Warsaw. The
Germans were forced to retreat, and fell back to their own borders.
The Austrians were at the same time compelled to retreat, due to the
uncovering of their flank, and again Russia was in supreme control of
Galicia as far west as Cracow. As the Germans retreated the Russians
followed, and another invasion of Germany was threatened, and it was
von Hindenburg again who was to throw it back.

This he did, driving forward in three columns, two of which were
intended to move against the Russian flanks. The Russian centre fell
back to Lodz, but the right was still threatened. Again Russia
assembled her reserves, and before von Hindenburg realized the
situation a Russian army was not only on his flank but in his rear. A
retreat was necessary. The Germans, assisted by corps drawn from the
west, cut their way out and escaped from the Russian trap through the
failure of one of the Russian armies to co-operate in the movement in
time. But the German offense had failed and the effort had been
terribly expensive.

Another offense was immediately planned--this time to move along the
Vistula and strike at Warsaw from the southwest. This also was a
failure, and the two armies finally became deadlocked along the line
of the Bzura and the Rawka Rivers.

No further fighting of importance in this theatre until February, when
the battle of the Mazurian Lakes was fought. It will be recalled that
after the German defeat at Augustovo the Russians pursued the Germans
into the lake district, where the two armies became practically
deadlocked. This situation was broken by the Germans, who suddenly
attacked both flanks of the Russian army and inflicted upon it a
disastrous defeat, in which one army corps surrendered and the
remainder escaped only after enormous losses.

But the victory, like other German victories, while decisive as far as
the particular Russian army involved was concerned, did nothing toward
hastening peace. The beginning of Spring found the armies in both
theatres completely at a standstill, except in Galicia.

In the west since the failure of the German drive on Calais there has
been no movement that has affected the general situation. The
anniversary of the declaration of war finds the lines of the Germans
and the French practically where they were six months ago. A number of
battles have been fought for the possession of certain points of
vantage--in the Champagne, the Argonne, at Neuve Chapelle, Ypres, Les
Eparges, Hartmannsweilerkopf, Metzeral, Souchez--but they have
resulted in only a local effect, although they have been accompanied
in almost every case by losses that have been staggering.

The principal event of the Spring in the west has been the advent of
Italy into the maelstrom. But this has not affected the situation up
to the present time. Italy has a hard problem on her hands which must
be solved before she can make herself felt. She has but one line of
advance--the line of the Isonzo. But she dare not advance and leave
the passes through the Tyrolean and the Carnic Alps open for Germany
and Austria to pour troops in against her flank and rear. Her task
therefore is first to stop every pass by which this can be done; and
then, and then only, is she ready to move. This is being done, but
the task is a difficult one, the country impossible from a military
viewpoint, and progress necessarily slow.

In the east, however, the coming of Spring brought a series of the
most tremendous movements of the war. The Allies began an operation
against the Dardanelles, with the object of forcing the strait, taking
Constantinople, and thus at once releasing the great store of grain in
Southern Russia and providing a means of getting ammunition to Russia
from the west. The operations at first were entirely naval. But after
serious loss, with no corresponding advantage, it was realized that
the naval forces alone were not sufficient, and troops were landed on
the western end of the Gallipoli Peninsula. This force has been for
three months hammering at the positions of the Turks along the
Achibaba line, but, except for the possible influence on the Balkan
States of the presence of these expeditionary forces on Gallipoli,
little headway has been made. Certain it is that there is no
indication that the near future will bring the Allies into
Constantinople.

In Galicia the Spring began with the capitulation of Przemysl and the
surrender to the Russians of about 125,000 Austrians. This was the
greatest victory in the eastern theatre thus far, and immediately
opened the way wide to the passes in the Carpathians that led to the
Hungarian plains and to Cracow. Russia evidently felt that if she
confined her operations to Austria she could, by pushing the attack
into Hungary, crush Austria completely and eliminate her from the war.
Accordingly, the opportunity of laying siege to Cracow was passed by
and Russian efforts concentrated in forcing the Carpathian passes.

For weeks the battle of the Carpathians was in progress. The
Austrians, reinforced by strong German contingents, fought
desperately, and, although several of the passes were finally
captured, Uzok Pass, the centre of the line and the key to the whole
Carpathian situation, held out. While the battle for its possession
was in progress the Germans were quietly concentrating along the
Dunajec. Suddenly their attack was launched, the line of the Dunajec
forced, and the Russian flank and their lines of communication were
seriously involved. To prevent being cut off, the forces in the
Carpathians were compelled to fall back to their lateral lines.
Preponderance of artillery forced the retreat through Galicia, and in
an incredibly short time Jaroslaw, Przemysl, and Lemberg were again in
the hands of the Teutons and Galicia practically cleared of the
Russian invaders.

Earlier in the Spring the Germans under von Bülow had landed in
Northern Russia and the Gulf of Riga, and, gradually working south,
had effected a junction with von Hindenburg's army in front of Warsaw.
Coming north through Galicia, Mackensen had driven the Russians back
to the line of the Ivangorod-Lublin railroad and had established
connections with von Hindenburg's right. Von Linsengen and the
Austrian Archduke Francis Joseph completed the line facing the
Russians along the upper Viprez, the Bug, the Flota Lipa, and the
Dniester. Simultaneously, with all flanks guarded, the Teutons began
to close in on Warsaw in the most stupendous military movement of
history. As this article is written it seems that nothing can save the
Polish capital; before it goes to press, even Warsaw may be in German
hands. One thing is evident--the Kaiser has returned to his plan of a
year ago--Napoleon's plan--the only plan that can succeed--completely
to crush one opponent first and then turn against the other; only now
it is Russia and not France upon which the blows are falling.

     NOTE: A military review of the European warfare during
     August will appear in the next number of CURRENT HISTORY, in
     connection with the Chronology.--[_Editor_, CURRENT
     HISTORY.]




Inferences from Eleven Months of the European Conflict

By Charles W. Eliot, President Emeritus of Harvard University


Asticou, Maine, July 16, 1915.

_To the Editor of the New York Times:_

The inferences of the first importance are military and naval. In the
conduct of war on land it has been demonstrated during the past eleven
months that success in battle depends primarily on the possession and
skillful use of artillery and machine guns. The nation which can
command the largest quantity of artillery in great variety of calibre
and range, has developed the amplest and quickest means of
transporting artillery and supplies of all sorts, and whose troops can
use mortars, howitzers, and cannon at the highest speed and with the
greatest accuracy will have important advantages over an enemy less
well provided, or less skillful. Before every assault by infantry
artillery must sweep and plow the position to be captured, and so soon
as the enemy has lost a trench or a redoubt the enemy's artillery will
try to destroy the successful troops with shell and shrapnel, before
the enemy's infantry makes a counter-attack. Whenever troops have open
ground to cross before they reach the intrenchments of the enemy, they
encounter a withering fire from machine guns, which is so effective
that assaults over open ground have, for the most part, to be
undertaken at night or in fog, or by some sort of surprise.

In general the defense has great advantage over the attack, as regards
expenditure of both men and munitions. So decided is the advantage of
the defense, that Germany can dismiss all those apprehensions about
invasion by the Russian hordes with which she set out on this war.
Success in military movements on a large scale depends on the means of
transportation at hand; and these means of transportation must include
railroads, automobiles, and horse wagons, the function of the
automobile being of high importance wherever the roads are tolerably
good. There is little use for cavalry in the new fighting; for
aeroplanes can do better scouting and more distant raiding than
cavalry ever could, and large bodies of infantry with their
indispensable supplies can be moved faster and further by automobiles
than cavalry could ever be.

The aeroplane also defeats the former use of cavalry to screen from
the enemy's view the movements of troops and their trains behind the
actual fronts. Moreover, cavalry cannot stand at all against the new
artillery and the machine gun. An old-fashioned cavalry charge in the
open is useless, and indeed impossible. Aerial warfare is still
undeveloped, but the war has proved that the aeroplane, even in its
present imperfect condition, is a useful instrument. The Zeppelin, on
the other hand, seems to be too fragile and too unmanageable for
effective use in war. Rifle fire is of far less importance than
artillery and machine gun fire; and, indeed, the abandonment of the
rifle as the principal arm for infantry is clearly suggested.

Elaborate forts made of iron and concrete are of little use against a
competent invader, and fortifications round about cities are of no use
for protection against an enemy that possesses adequate artillery. For
the defense of a frontier, or of the approaches to a railroad junction
or a city, a system of trenches is immeasurably superior to forts,
particularly if behind the trenches a network of railways or of smooth
highways exists. Wounds are often inflicted by jagged pieces of metal
which carry bits of dirty clothing and skin into the wounds, and the
wounded often lie on the ground for hours or even days before aid can
reach them. Hence the surgery of this war is largely the surgery of
infected wounds, and not of smooth aseptic cuts and holes. A
considerable percentage of deaths and permanent disabilities among the
wounded is the inevitable result. Surgeons and dressers are more
exposed to death and wounds than in former wars, because of the large
use of artillery of long range, the field hospitals being often under
fire.

From these changes in the methods of war on land it may be safely
inferred that a nation which would be strong in war on land must be
strong in all sorts of manufacturing, and particularly in the
metallurgical industries. A nation chiefly devoted to agriculture and
the ancient trades cannot succeed in modern war, unless it can beg,
borrow, or buy from sympathizers or allies the necessary artillery and
munitions. No amount of courage and devotion in troops can make up for
an inadequate supply of artillery, machine guns, shells, and shrapnel,
or for the lack of ample means of rapid transportation. Only in a
rough country without good roads, like the United States in 1861-65,
or Serbia or Russia now, can the rifle, light artillery, and horse or
ox wagons win any considerable success; and in such a country the
trench method can bring about a stalemate, if the combatants are well
matched in strength, diligence, and courage.

The changes in naval warfare are almost equally remarkable. Mines and
submarines can make the offensive operation of dreadnoughts and
cruisers near ports practically impossible, and can inflict great
damage on an enemy's commerce. Hence important modifications in the
rules concerning effective blockade. In squadron actions victory will
probably go to the side which has the gun of longest range
well-manned. Defeated war vessels sink as a rule with almost all on
board. Commercial vessels can seldom be taken into port as prizes, and
must therefore be sunk to make their capture effective. There have
been no actions between large fleets; but the indications are that a
defeated fleet would be sunk for the most part, the only vessels to
escape being some of the speedier sort. Crews would go down with their
vessels. Shore batteries of long-range guns can keep at a distance a
considerable fleet, and can sink vessels that come too near. Mines and
shore batteries together can prevent the passage of war vessels
through straits ten to fifteen miles wide, no matter how powerful the
vessel's batteries may be. Every war vessel is now filled with
machinery of various sorts, much of which is delicate or easily
disabled. Hence a single shell exploding violently in a sensitive spot
may render a large ship unmanageable, and therefore an easy victim. A
crippled ship will probably be sunk, unless a port is near.

To build and keep in perfect condition a modern fleet requires
dockyards and machine shops of large capacity, and great metallurgical
industries always in operation within the country which maintains the
fleet. No small nation can create a powerful fleet; and no nation
which lives chiefly by agriculture can maintain one. A great naval
power must be a mining, manufacturing, and commercial power, with a
sound banking system available all over the world.

The war has proved that it is possible for a combination of strong
naval powers to sweep off the ocean in a few months all the warships
of any single great power, except submarines, and all its commerce.
Germany has already suffered that fate, and incidentally the loss of
all her colonies, except portions of German East Africa and Kamerun,
both of which remnants are vigorously assailed and will soon be lost.
Nevertheless, she still exports and imports through neutral countries,
though to a small amount in comparison with the volume of her normal
trade. Here is another illustration of the general truth that colonies
are never so good to trade with as independent and prosperous nations.

Again the war has proved that it is not possible in a normal year to
reduce by blockade or non-intercourse the food supply of a large
nation to the point of starvation, or even of great distress, although
the nation has been in the habit of importing a considerable fraction
of its food supply. An intelligent population will make many economies
in its food, abstain from superfluities, raise more food from its
soil, use grains for food instead of drinks, and buy food from neutral
countries so long as its hard money holds out. Any large country which
has a long seaboard or neutral neighbors can probably prevent its
noncombatant population from suffering severely from want of food or
clothing while at war. This would not be true of the districts in
which actual fighting takes place or over which armies pass; for in
the regions of actual battle modern warfare is terribly
destructive--as Belgium, Northern France, Poland, and Serbia know.

A manufacturing people whose commercial vessels are driven off the
seas will, of course, suffer the loss of such raw materials of its
industries as habitually came to it over seas in its own bottoms--a
loss mitigated, however, by the receipt of some raw materials from or
through neutral countries. This abridgment of its productive
industries will, in the long run, greatly diminish its powers of
resistance in war; but much time may be needed for the full
development of this serious disability.

Because of the great costliness of the artillery, munitions of war,
and means of transportation used in the present war, the borrowings of
all the combatant nations are heavy beyond any precedent; so that
already all the nations involved have been compelled to raise the
rates of interest on the immense loans they have put upon the market.
The burdens thus being prepared for the coming generations in the
belligerent nations will involve very high rates of taxation in all
the countries now at war. If these burdens continue to accumulate for
two or three years more, no financier, however experienced and
far-seeing, can imagine today how the resulting loans are to be paid
or how the burden of taxation necessary to pay the interest on them
can be borne or how the indemnities probably to be exacted can be paid
within any reasonable period by the defeated nation or nations.

It follows from these established facts that a small nation--a nation
of not more than fifteen millions, for example--can have no
independent existence in Europe except as a member of a federation of
States having similar habits, tendencies, and hopes, and united in an
offensive and defensive alliance, or under guarantees given by a group
of strong and trustworthy nations. The firm establishment of several
such federations, or the giving of such guarantees by a group of
powerful and faith-keeping nations ought to be one of the outcomes of
the war of 1914-15. Unless some such arrangement is reached, no small
State will be safe from conquest and absorption by any strong,
aggressive military power which covets it--not even if its people live
chiefly by mining and manufacturing as the Belgians did.

The small States, being very determined to exist and to obtain their
natural or historical racial boundaries, the problem of permanent or
any durable peace in Europe resolves itself into this: How can the
small or smaller nations be protected from attack by some larger
nation which believes that might makes right and is mighty in
industries, commerce, finance, and the military and naval arts? The
experience gained during the past year proves that there is but one
effective protection against such a power, namely, a firm league of
other powers--not necessarily numerous--which together are stronger in
industries, commerce, finance, and the military and naval arts than
the aggressive and ambitious nation which heartily believes in its own
invincibility and cherishes the ambition to conquer and possess.

Such a league is the present combination of Great Britain, France,
Russia, Italy, and Japan against the aggressive Central Monarchies and
Turkey; but this combination was not formed deliberately and with
conscious purpose to protect small States, to satisfy natural
national aspirations, and to make durable peace possible by removing
both fear of invasion and fear of the cutting off of overseas food and
raw materials. In spite of the lack of an explicit and comprehensive
purpose to attain these wise and precious ends, the solidity of the
alliance during a year of stupendous efforts to resist military
aggression on the part of Germany and Austria-Hungary certainly
affords good promise of success for a somewhat larger league in which
all the European nations--some, like the Scandinavian and the Balkans,
by representation in groups--and the United States should be included.
Such a league would have to act through a distinct and permanent
council or commission which would not serve arbitrary power, or any
peculiar national interest, and would not in the least resemble the
"Concert of Europe," or any of the disastrous special conferences of
diplomatists and Ministers for Foreign Affairs, called after wars
since that of 1870-71 to "settle" the questions the wars raised.

The experience of the past twelve months proves that such a league
could prevent any nation which disobeyed its orders from making use of
the oceans and from occupying the territory of any other nation.
Reduction of armaments, diminution of taxation, and durable peace
would ensue as soon as general confidence was established that the
league would fairly administer international justice, and that its
military and naval forces were ready and effective. Its function would
be limited to the prevention and punishment of violation of
international agreements, or, in other words, to the enforcement of
treaty obligations, until new treaties were made.

The present alliance is of good promise in three important
respects--its members refuse to make any separate peace, they
co-operate cordially and efficiently in military measures, and the
richer members help the poorer financially. These policies have been
hastily devised and adopted in the midst of strenuous fighting on an
immense scale. If deliberately planned and perfected in times of
peace, they could be made in the highest degree effective toward
durable peace.

The war has demonstrated that the international agreements for the
mitigation of the horrors of war, made by treaties, conferences, and
conventions in times of peace, may go for nothing in time of war;
because they have no sanction, or, in other words, lack penalties
capable of systematic enforcement. To provide the lacking sanction and
the physical force capable of compelling the payment of penalties for
violating international agreements would be one of the best functions
of the international council which the present alliance foreshadows.
Some years would probably be required to satisfy the nations concerned
that the sanction was real and the force trustworthy and sufficient.
The absolute necessity of inventing and applying a sanction for
international law, if Europe is to have international peace and any
national liberty, will be obvious to any one who has once perceived
that the present war became inevitable when Austria-Hungary, in
violation of an international agreement to which she was herself a
party, seized and absorbed Bosnia and Herzegovina, and became general
and fierce when Germany, under Prussian lead, in violation of an
international agreement to which she was herself a party, entered and
plundered neutralized Belgium.

A strong, trustworthy international alliance to preserve the freedom
of the seas under all circumstances would secure for Great Britain and
her federated commonwealths everything secured by the burdensome
two-navies policy which now secures the freedom of the seas for
British purposes. The same international alliance would secure for
Germany the same complete freedom of the seas which in times of peace
between Germany and Great Britain she has long enjoyed by favor of
Great Britain, but has lost in time of war with the Triple Entente.
This security, with the general acceptance of the policy of the "open
door," would fully meet Germany's need of indefinite expansion for her
manufacturing industries and her commerce, and of room "in the sun"
for her surplus population.

It is a safe inference from the events of the past six months that the
longer the war lasts the more significant will be the political and
social changes which result from it. It is not to be expected, and
perhaps not to be desired, that the ruling class in the countries
autocratically governed should themselves draw this inference at
present, but all lovers of freedom and justice will find consolation
for the prolongation of the war in this hopeful reflection.

To devise the wise constitution of an international council or
commission with properly limited powers, and to determine the most
promising composition of an international army and an international
navy are serious tasks, but not beyond the available international
wisdom and goodwill, provided that the tasks be intrusted to
international publicists, business men of large experience, and
successful administrators, rather than to professional diplomatists
and soldiers. To dismiss such a noble enterprise with the remark that
it is "academic," or beyond the reach of "practical" politics, is
unworthy of courageous and humane men; for it seems now to be the only
way out of the horrible abyss into which civilization has fallen. At
any rate, some such machinery must be put into successful operation
before any limitation of national armaments can be effected. The war
has shown to what a catastrophe competitive national arming has led,
and would probably again lead the most civilized nations of Europe.
Shall the white race despair of escaping from this hell? The only way
of escape in sight is the establishment of a rational international
community. Should the enterprise fail after fair trial, the world will
be no worse off than it was in July, 1914, or is today.

Whoever studies the events of the past year with some knowledge of
political philosophy and history, and with the love of his neighbor in
his heart, will discover, amid the horrors of the time and its moral
chaos, three hopeful leadings for humanitarian effort, each involving
a great constructive invention. He will see that humanity needs
supremely a sanction for international law, rescue from alcoholism,
and a sound basis for just and unselfish human relations in the great
industries, and particularly in the machinery industries. The war has
brought out all three of these needs with terrible force and
vividness. Somehow they must be met, if the white race is to succeed
in "the pursuit of happiness," or even to hold the gains already made.

CHARLES W. ELIOT.




"Revenge for Elisabeth!"


_The Vienna "Arbeiter Zeitung" of June 22, 1915, prints the appeal of
Dr. Wolfgang Madjera, a well-known authority on municipal affairs,
which he has issued to Austrian soldiers departing for the Italian
front. He says:_

"The day has arrived," says Herr Madjera, "when you will have to
revenge your murdered Empress [the late Empress Elisabeth who was
murdered in Geneva by an Italian named Luccheni]. It was a son of that
land which has now committed a scandalous act of treason on Austria
who made your old Emperor a lonely man on his throne of thorns. Take a
thousandfold revenge on the brethren of that miserable wretch.
Austria's warriors feel the strength within them to defeat and smash
with iron hand the raised hand of the murderer. It is Luccheni's
spirit which leads the army of our enemy. May Elisabeth's spirit lead
our spirit!"




A Year of the War in Africa and Asia

By Charles Johnston


I. RE-MAPPING THE WORLD.

Speaking on July 14, A. Bonar Law, British Colonial Secretary,
announced that the Entente Allies have already occupied 450,000 square
miles of German colonial possessions. Add Turkish possessions in Asia
in the hands of the Entente powers, and the total reaches 500,000
square miles.

Two outstanding facts are that this transfer, if permanent, will
change the destiny of all Africa and Asia, and that, for the first
time in history, the oversea dominions of Britain have initiated and
carried on wars of conquest, Australia and New Zealand, in union,
having already taken 100,000 square miles of German colonies in the
Pacific; while the Union of South Africa has conquered German
Southwest Africa.

In other parts of Africa, France and Belgium are co-operating with
English imperial forces, while in East Africa and on the Persian Gulf
the brunt of the fighting is being borne by British Indian troops and
troops provided by the Princes of India. The movement now in progress
will, if completed, give the Entente powers the whole of Africa; will
give Britain all Southern Asia, from the Mount Sinai peninsula to
Siam; and will, in all probability, make the Entente powers heirs of
the whole Eastern Hemisphere.

These immense territories are the ultimate stakes of the battles in
France, in Poland, on the Dardanelles. We lose sight of them, perhaps,
in the details of local fighting. In reality, nothing less is being
effected than the re-mapping of the whole eastern hemisphere.


II. TOGOLAND AND KAMERUN.

On Aug. 1, a year ago, German colonial possessions in Africa totaled
over a million square miles, in four regions--Togo, Kamerun, Southwest
Africa, and East Africa. Togo, running from the north shore of the
Gulf of Guinea, is wedged between French and English colonies. In
August, France and England joined in attacking it, and on Aug. 26
their occupation was complete, a rich area of 33,000 square miles thus
passing from Germany to the Entente powers.

[Illustration: Togo, the German Colony which was surrendered to a
Franco-English expeditionary force.]

[Illustration: German East Africa

Scene of Operation of Anglo-French forces against the German Colony of
Kamerun]

Kamerun, in the elbow of the Gulf of Guinea, is about ten times as
large, one-third of this having been conceded by France to Germany in
1911, through the agency of M. Caillaux. Recent letters to The
London Times describe the fighting there:

     On the 7th (May) we had a trying experience. Our company
     commander went out with myself and another subaltern and
     about forty men. We crossed the Mungo River in canoes, and
     then did a long and very difficult march all through the
     night in absolute dense forest. However the guides managed
     it passes comprehension.

     About 5 in the morning, when it was just getting light, our
     advance party were just on the point of stumbling on to the
     German outpost, when what should happen but an elephant
     suddenly walked in between and scattered our opposing
     parties in all directions. I was in the rear of our little
     column, and was left in bewilderment, all our carriers
     dropping their loads and every one disappearing into the
     bush. After a few minutes we got our men together and our
     scouts went forward again, and found the Germans had bolted
     from their outpost, but soon returned and opened fire on our
     scouts.

A British officer writes:

     I hope you have heard ere this of our capture of Duala and
     Bonaberi, and our further advance along the Duala Railway to
     Tusa, and along the Wari River to Jabassi. The heat and
     climate are very trying. It's awfully hot, far hotter than
     the last coast place I was in; a drier heat and sun
     infinitely more powerful, and yet the rains are full on and
     we get terrific tornadoes. The nights, however, are cooler.

     We are surrounded by mangrove swamps, and they breed
     mosquitos, and consequently malaria and black-water fever.

     This is quite a pretty little place (Duala) with some jolly
     houses, typical German of the Schloss villa type; nice
     inside and out. The country is pretty, the soil good. A good
     deal of timber and rubber. I found some beautiful tusks the
     other day, worth a good bit. Elephants abound. The native
     villages around are totally different from other West
     African ones--here their houses are mostly one long mud or
     palm erection, with thatched roof, and are divided into
     compartments instead of the smaller separate huts one is
     accustomed to see in these parts.

     The notices all over the place are strangely reminiscent of,
     say, the Black Forest--"Bäkerei," "Conditorei," &c., and yet
     it is the heart of tropical Africa. None of the natives,
     strange to say, talk German; all pigeon English. The Hausa
     boys are splendid chaps, as different from the Duala boys or
     Sierra Leone boys as chalk from cheese. Smile and make an
     idiotic but beautiful remark, they rush with a roar of
     laughter for the biggest load.

     We get some beautiful sunset effects here. At sundown night
     before last, on the sea near mouth of river, it was
     absolutely gorgeous with the purple mountains standing
     clear out against the orange and emerald sky and the dark
     gray shapes of our ships lying sombrely in the background,
     talking to each other in flashing Morse. The great mountain,
     Fernando Po, standing up out of the water to starboard and
     the Peak of Cameroon (13,760 feet) wreathed in mist to port;
     Victoria invisible, as also Buea--both hidden behind the
     clouds as we passed disdainfully by and entered the estuary
     of the Cameroon River.

As an added detail for West Africa, it should be recorded that, on
March 19, a combined French and Belgian force occupied Molundu in the
German Congo territory, and Ngaundere on June 29.


III. WITH BOTHA IN SOUTHWEST AFRICA.

On July 13 a resolution, moved by Premier Asquith, was passed by
acclamation in the House of Commons thanking General Louis Botha,
General Smuts and the forces of the Union of South Africa for their
work in "the remarkable campaign which has just been brought to a
remarkable and glorious conclusion." Premier Asquith concluded:

     The German dominion of Southwest Africa has ceased to exist.
     I ask the House to testify to the admiration of the whole
     empire for its gratitude to the illustrious General who has
     rendered such an inestimable service to the empire, which he
     entered by adoption and of which he has become one of the
     most honored and cherished sons, and to his dauntless and
     much enduring troops, whether of Burgher or British birth,
     who fought like brethren, side by side, in the cause which
     is equally dear to them as to us--the broadening of the
     bounds of human liberty.

The event which the British Premier thus read into the minutes of
history marks the end of a campaign begun by General Botha on Sept.
27, when troops of the Union of South Africa first entered German
territory. On Christmas Day Walfisch (Whale) Bay was occupied, and on
Jan. 14 Swakopmund, a military railroad joining them being finished a
month later.

[Illustration: The German Colonial Possessions]

The progress of General Botha's campaign from the south and west is
thus summarized by The Sphere (July 3):

     The occupation of Windhoek was effected by General Botha's
     North Damaraland forces working along the railway from
     Swakopmund. At the former place General Vanderventer
     joined up with General Botha's forces. The force from
     Swakopmund met with considerable opposition, first at
     Tretskopje, a small township in the great Namib Desert fifty
     miles to the northeast of Swakopmund, and secondly at
     Otjimbingwe, on the Swakop River, sixty miles northwest of
     Windhoek.

     [Illustration: The theatre of operations in German South
     West Africa.]

     Apart from these two determined stands, however, little
     other opposition was encountered, and Karibib was occupied
     on May 5 and Okahandja and Windhoek on May 12. With the fall
     of the latter place 3,000 Europeans and 12,000 natives
     became prisoners.

     The wireless station--one of Germany's most valuable
     high-power stations, which was able to communicate with one
     relay only with Berlin--was captured almost intact, and much
     rolling stock also fell into the hands of the Union forces.

     The advance from the south along the
     Lüderitzbucht-Seeheim-Keetmanshoop Railway, approximately
     500 miles in length, was made by two forces which joined
     hands at Keetmanshoop. The advance from Aus (captured on
     April 1) was made by General Smuts's forces. Colonel
     (afterward General) Vanderventer, moving up from the
     direction of Warmbad and Kalkfontein, around the flanks of
     Karas Mountain, pushed on after reaching Keetmanshoop in the
     direction of Gibeon. Bethany had previously been occupied
     during the advance to Seeheim. At Kabus, twenty miles to the
     north of Keetmanshoop, and at Gibeon pitched battles were
     fought between General Vanderventer's forces and the enemy.
     No other opposition of importance was encountered, and the
     operations were brought to a successful conclusion at
     Windhoek.

A part of the German forces had retreated to the northward, intending
to carry on guerrilla warfare in the hills. General Botha went in
pursuit. A Reuter's telegram, dated June 26, announced that
Otjivarongo, approximately 120 miles north of Karibib, on the Otavi
Railway, was occupied on that day by General Botha, the enemy having
retired northward during the previous night. General Botha's movements
have again been characterized by rapid and extraordinary marching
through dense bush country, which is almost waterless. The retirement
of the enemy was more suggestive of a flight than a strategic retreat.

A telegram from Lord Buxton, the Governor General of the Union of
South Africa, to the Secretary of State for the Colonies, concludes
the story:

     This morning, July 9, General Botha accepted from Governor
     Seitz the surrender of all the German forces in Southwest
     Africa. Hostilities have ceased and the campaign has thus
     been brought to a successful conclusion.

The newly conquered territory, which is half as large again as the
German Empire, is destined to become a part of the South African
Union. As a great part of it is 5,000 feet above sea level, it is well
adapted for white settlers. Its chief resources are diamond mines and
grazing.

General Botha's force is likely to be divided between the European
seat of war, to which the South African Union has up to the present
sent no troops, and German East Africa, much of which still remains in
the hands of the Germans.


IV. GERMAN EAST AFRICA.

The early stage of the struggle for German East Africa is lucidly
summarized in The Sphere for May 8:

     The fighting in British East Africa (immediately north of
     the German colony) may be said to have really begun toward
     the end of September, 1914, when the Germans made a
     determined attempt to capture Mombasa, the commercial
     capital of British East Africa and the terminus of the
     Uganda Railway.

     Previous to this, somewhat half-hearted attempts had been
     made by them to wreck the railway line at various points,
     destroy the telegraph, and occupy Voi and Mombasa. The
     Germans, who were in strong force, were, however, for
     various reasons, unable to cut the railway or even to
     destroy the bridge across the Tsava River, and they were
     beaten back both at Voi and the post at Taveta.

     The attack on Mombasa itself was repulsed at Gazi, some
     twenty-five miles to the southwest. The German plan of
     action was to move up the road from Vanga to Mombasa,
     arriving at the latter place somewhere about the time the
     Königsburg was expected to arrive and bombard it from the
     sea. The Königsburg was, of course, prevented from doing
     this by the proximity of British warships, and the land
     attack was also frustrated.

     The Germans were held at Nargerimi by a mere handful of
     Arabs and King's African Rifles--about 300 men all
     told--until the arrival of the Indian troops strengthened
     our position and the enemy was beaten back to his original
     lines.

     The next big actions were the British attack on Tanga and
     Jassin very early in November; this was the direct outcome
     of the German attack on Mombasa. Tanga is a post of
     considerable importance in German East Africa, and lies
     midway between Zanzibar and Mombasa. It is the seaport of an
     important railway line which connects it with Moshi, lying
     among the foothills of Kilimanjaro (18,700 feet) and which
     taps most of the intervening country.

     The force dispatched for the attack on Tanga consisted of
     4,000 Indian Imperial Service troops, 1,000 Indian regulars,
     together with 1,000 white regulars. The force took no kit of
     any kind except rations. It was disembarked from the
     troopship near Tanga, and then moved against the position.

     The day the British attacked, however, 1,000 Germans had
     been rushed up from Moshi and then took up a position to the
     right of the town. With them were great numbers of
     quick-firing guns of various sorts. This unexpected
     reinforcement made the capture of Tanga almost impossible by
     the forces present. During the fight many casualties were
     incurred on both sides.

     As regards the advance against Tanga and Jassin, the German
     forces which had previously advanced on Mombasa were, up to
     as recently as January, maintaining themselves in the valley
     of the Umba River. To drive them from their positions a
     column of 1,800 men, composed of Indians and King's African
     Rifles, with artillery, was dispatched.

     After gaining Jassin and leaving a garrison of 300 men, the
     post was attacked and subsequently surrendered to a force of
     2,000 Germans. The minor operations along the
     Anglo-German frontier include the attack on Shirati--a
     German post on the southeast shore of Lake Victoria
     Nyanza--on Jan. 9.

     Fighting also took place near Karunga in March, and on this
     occasion the German force was driven back in disorder and
     with heavy loss into their own territory, while Kisu--which
     had been captured by the Germans--was reoccupied after the
     defeat of Karunga. On Jan. 10 the large Island of Mafia, off
     the coast of the German colony, was taken by the British and
     is being administered by them.

[Illustration: SIR CECIL ARTHUR SPRING-RICE

British Ambassador to Washington. Present When J.P. Morgan was
Assaulted by Erich Muenter, Alias Holt]

[Illustration: J.P. MORGAN

Whose Life was Recently Attempted, because of his relations with the
Allied Governments in the Supply of War Munitions.

The lower picture is of Erich Muenter, Alias Frank Holt, His
Assailant. Photograph taken Immediately after his Arrest.]

[Illustration: German East Africa and the fighting which has taken
place.]

The history of the war in this region is brought up to date by a
British Press Bureau statement issued on June 30:

     Further details are now to hand of the operations which have
     been taking place west of Lake Victoria Nyanza. It will be
     remembered that the general scheme for the attack on Bukoba
     was to be a simultaneous advance on the part of two forces,
     one starting from the line of the Kagera River, south of
     Uganda, the other starting on steamers from Kisumu.

     The junction of the two forces was successfully
     accomplished, and the attack took place on June 22. During
     the action the enemy received reinforcements which brought
     his force up to 400 rifles, and he made a most determined
     resistance, the Arabs especially fighting most bravely. They
     were, however, heavily outnumbered, and eventually the whole
     force broke and fled, utterly demoralized.... Our troops
     distinguished themselves greatly, both in the arduous march
     from the Kagera and in the subsequent fighting. A telegram
     was sent on June 28 from Lord Kitchener to Major Gen.
     Tighe, commanding the troops in British East Africa,
     congratulating him on the success of the operations.

[Illustration: Conquered German African Territory.]


V. THE PERSIAN GULF AND MESOPOTAMIA.

Turkey's entry into the war has had four results: 1, The annexation of
Cyprus (previously a protectorate) by Britain on Nov. 5; 2, the
British expedition against Turkish territory on the Persian Gulf two
weeks later; 3, the loss of Turkey's suzerainty over Egypt, which
became a British protectorate under a Sultan on Dec. 17, and, 4, the
attack on the Gallipoli Peninsula, still in progress.

An excellent summary of the Persian Gulf expedition is given in The
Sphere, May 15:

     The Shatt-el-Arab, (the united Euphrates and Tigris,) for
     the greater part of its course, forms the boundary between
     Persia and Turkey. Some twenty miles below Basra (or
     Bussorah) it is joined by the Kasun, near whose course,
     about a hundred miles from its mouth, are the Anglo-Persian
     Company's oil fields.

     The effective protection of these is necessarily an object
     of vital importance. It was also of considerable importance
     to create a diversion which should cause the Osmanli
     Generals to feel uneasiness as to a possible advance up the
     Euphrates. Whether more than the occupation of Basra and the
     protection of the oil fields was or is intended cannot, of
     course, be at present definitely stated.

     The expeditionary force, under Lieut. Gen. Sir Arthur
     Barrett, consisted--apparently--of three Indo-British
     infantry brigades, a brigade of Indian cavalry, and
     artillery and auxiliary services in proportion--in all
     probability some 15,000 to 18,000 men. It included at least
     three British battalions--the Second Dorsets, the Second
     Norfolks, and the Oxford and Bucks Light Infantry.

     The advanced brigade reached the Shatt-el-Arab on Nov. 7,
     and after a brief fight occupied Fao, a few miles up the
     river. On the 9th a night attack was made upon it by a force
     from Basra, which was easily beaten off. Shortly afterwards
     the main body of the expeditionary force began to arrive,
     and by the 16th it had entirely disembarked at Saniyeh, a
     place above Fao.

     The weather was wretched. Rain converted the alluvial flats
     into a wilderness of mud. The men were drenched and caked
     with the riverine clay, the very rifles were often choked.

     Meanwhile the advance guard carried out a reconnoissance up
     the river and located the enemy in position at Sahilo, about
     nine miles distant. They numbered about 5,000 men, with
     twelve guns, under General Subr Bey, the Vali (Governor) of
     Basra. The reconnoissance carried an advanced position with
     a loss of sixty killed and wounded, and withdrew unmolested
     to report.

     On the 17th General Barrett paraded for the attack the bulk
     of his force. After a trying march through a veritable
     quagmire, the troops sometimes up to their waists in slush,
     the division at about 9 A.M. came within range of the
     Turkish position, and the leading brigade, the Belgaum,
     (Major Gen. Fry,) deployed for attack.

     The ground was absolutely open, and the Turks had a perfect
     field of fire. On our side the men had the greatest
     difficulty in getting forward through the clayey mud-beds
     and the worn-out horses could not bring up the field
     artillery. Nevertheless, the Belgaum brigade steadily
     advanced, and the attack being presently supported by other
     troops and assisted by the first of the two gunboats on the
     river, at last closed upon the Turkish intrenchments and
     carried them, capturing two guns and one hundred prisoners,
     besides inflicting a very heavy loss in killed and wounded.

     The retreat of the enemy was assisted by a mirage which
     disconcerted our gunners. Subr Bey retreated on Basra, but
     he had no hope of being able to hold the big spreading place
     with his small force, and evacuated it. He retreated to
     Kurna, where the Tigris joins the Euphrates. There he
     intrenched himself. His main body was in Kurna, a large
     village encircled by palm groves, in the marshy angle formed
     by the two rivers, with a strong detachment in the
     straggling village of Mazera, on the left bank of the
     Tigris.

[Illustration: The scene of the Persian Gulf Campaign.]

     On Dec. 7 General Fry advanced upon the Kurna position. The
     defenders of Mazera made a hard fight of it, assisted by the
     strength of their position among a maze of pottery works
     backed up by the ubiquitous palms, but in the afternoon the
     village was carried.

     Kurna was now isolated, but its capture presented great
     difficulties. All through the 8th General Fry bombarded it
     from Mazera, while his infantry were slowly ferried over
     higher up. This was prepared by some daring sappers, who
     swam the broad river and fixed a wire rope by which the
     boats were worked backward and forward, and an advance was
     made against Kurna from the rear.

     Subr Bey had lost very heavily at Mazera, so he accepted the
     inevitable and surrendered. So a brilliant little episode
     came to a victorious conclusion. Subr Bey was returned his
     sword and complimented on his stubborn defense.

     The capture of Kurna secured the possession of the Basra
     region. Since then operations have been directed to securing
     it against Turkish attempts at recovery.

[Illustration: German Colonial Possessions in the Pacific]

A recent stage of this campaign is thus described in The Pioneer Mail
(Allahabad) June 4, 1915:

     It is announced from Simla that on the morning of May 31 a
     further advance up the Tigris River was made by the British
     expeditionary force in close co-operation with the navy.
     Notwithstanding the excessive heat the troops advanced with
     great dash and determination, and successively captured four
     positions held by the enemy. As far as reported we suffered
     only a few casualties. Valuable work was performed by our
     aeroplanes. The operations are proceeding.

The British force at the end of June had reached Shaiba.


VI. THE "UNREST" IN INDIA.

The splendid work done by Indian regulars and Indian imperial forces
(the forces supplied by native Princes) in Europe, in Africa, in
Egypt, in Mesopotamia is a sufficient answer to the suggestion that
British influence in India has been weakened by the war. The
enthusiastic formation of volunteer corps, both of Europeans and of
natives, is a further proof that the peoples of India, now more than
ever, realize the benefits of liberty and security which they enjoy.
In India the torpedoing of the Lusitania made a profound impression,
as the native press proves.

A notable trial, the Lahore conspiracy case, disclosed the curious
fact that almost the only case of "unrest" in India was "made in
America" by returned emigrants from Canada and California, who, on
their way back, were interviewed by the German Consuls at Chinese
ports and advised to stir up an insurrection. This they tried to do,
using bombs made of brass inkpots, and bombarding the houses of
well-to-do natives, seeking in this way to raise money to finance the
rising.

The Pioneer Mail (Allahabad) gives an interesting account of the trial
of these peculiar patriots, half of whom seem to have informed on the
other half. It appears that they, or others like them, were
instrumental in causing the recent riot at Singapore, in which some
twenty European men and women were killed.


VII. GERMAN ISLANDS IN THE PACIFIC.

A curious result of the world war has been the expeditions initiated
by the great oversea dominions of Britain and by India. The work of
two of these, in Africa and Mesopotamia, has been already described.
There remain the joint Australian and New Zealand expeditions against
the island colonies of Germany and the great semi-continental area of
New Guinea.

A lively account of the expedition against the Samoa Islands is
printed in The Sydney Bulletin for Sept. 24:

     The recent expedition to Samoa furnished many surprises,
     chief among which was the adaptability of the Maorilanders
     to military discipline. When the men came on board the
     transports (Moeraki and Monowai) discipline simply wasn't in
     their dictionaries. They acknowledged orders with a "Right
     O, Sport," or with an argument. Companies were referred to
     as mobs, the commanding officer as the boss or the
     admiral....

     The night before we reached Samoa an English military
     officer on board told me it was remarkable, and highly
     creditable, the rapidity with which the men had adapted
     themselves to the changed circumstances....

     The expedition called at Noumea to pick up the French
     warship Montcalm, also the Australia and Melbourne of ours.
     Noumea had been very worried since the war began, lest the
     German fleet from Samoa would come along and bombard the
     place. Had notices up to the effect that five shots would
     signify the arrival of the Germans, and that every
     inhabitant was then to grab rations and make for the
     horizon. The welcome the French handed to us would have
     stirred the blood of a jellyfish.

     Samoa proved a walk-over. Not a gun, not a ship, not a mine.
     A bunch of schoolboys with Shanghais and a hatful of rocks
     could have taken it. The German fleet that was supposed to
     be waiting to welcome us hadn't been around for eleven
     months. Seemingly the German fleet has gone into the
     business of not being around.


VIII. GERMAN NEW GUINEA.

The Australasian (Melbourne) for Sept. 19 prints the following,
describing the conquest of German New Guinea, which, with the Bismarck
Archipelago, off the coast, has an area of 90,000 square
miles--something less than half the size of the German Empire:

     The Minister for Defense (Mr. Millen) has received the
     following further information by wireless regarding the
     operations at Herbertshohe and Rabaul, from Admiral Patey:
     The Australian naval reserve captured the wireless station
     at Herbertshohe at 1 P.M. on Sept. 12, after eighteen hours'
     bush fighting over about six miles. Herbertshohe and Rabaul,
     the seat of Government, have been garrisoned and a base has
     been established at Simpsonshafen.

     Have prisoners: German officers, 2, including commandant;
     German non-commissioned officers, 15; and native police, 56.
     German casualties about 20 to 30 killed. Simpsonshafen swept
     and ready to be entered Sept. 12.

     Naval force landed under Commander Beresford of the
     Australian Navy met with vigorous opposition. Advanced party
     at dawn established landing before enemy aware of intention.
     From within a few hundred yards of landing bush fight for
     almost four miles. Roads and fronts also mined in places,
     and stations intrenched. Officer commanding German forces in
     trench 500 yards seaward side of station has surrendered
     unconditionally.

     Our force have reconnoitred enemy strength holding station.
     Have landed 12-pounder guns, and if station does not
     surrender intend shelling. Regret to report following
     casualties: 4 killed, 3 wounded.

Later a wireless message from Rear-Admiral Sir George Patey informed
the Minister for Defense (Mr. E.D. Millen) on Monday, Sept. 14, that,
as a result of the operations of the Australian Expeditionary Force,
Rabaul, the seat of government in German New Guinea, had been
occupied. The British flag was hoisted over the town at 3:30 on Sunday
afternoon (Sept. 13, 1914) and it was saluted. A proclamation was then
read by Rear-Admiral Patey, formerly setting out the occupation.

Apia (Samoa) had been occupied by British forces on Aug. 29. The
Caroline Islands, first occupied by Japan, were turned over to New
Zealand. The Marshall and Solomon Islands were likewise occupied on
Dec. 9, thus completing the tale of Germany's colonial possessions in
the Pacific.

There remain large areas in Kamerun and East Africa, but in both cases
the coast line is in the possession of the Entente powers.


IX. FIGHTING IN THE CAUCASUS.

The first considerable battle in the Caucasus, after Turkey entered
the war, was decided in favor of Russia, on Jan. 3. On Jan. 16 the
Eleventh Corps of the Turkish Army was cut up at Kara Urgaun. On Jan.
30 the Russians occupied Tabriz. On Feb. 8 Trebizond was bombarded by
Russian destroyers. On May 4 the Turks were again defeated, leaving
3,500 dead.

The most recent considerable action was the taking of the ancient and
important City of Van, which is graphically described in Novoe Vremya,
June 19:

     "When our armies scattered the forces of Halil Bey and
     gained marked successes in the western part of Azerbijan,
     the question of taking Van and the more important towns on
     Lake Van arose. At the same time we received news of the
     desperate situation of the Christians (Armenians) of the Van
     vilayet, who had been compelled to take up arms against the
     Kurds.

     "Our division was directed to go to Van through the Sanjak
     of Bajazet, crossing the Tatar Pass under fire of Turkish
     regulars and Kurds. In spite of the Spring season, the whole
     pass was covered with a thick carpet of snow, in places up
     to our men's belts. At the highest point of the pass, 10,000
     feet, we were forced to halt. After a brief rest we reached
     Taparitz and were immediately in contact with the enemy, who
     attacked with shell and rifle fire, but we soon silenced
     them with our rifles and machine guns. Scattering, the Turks
     and Kurds hid among the rocks and sniped at us.

     "From Taparitz we advanced much more rapidly along the Abaga
     Valley, then turned to the west along the River
     Bendimach-Su, the best route to Van. We were informed that
     Begri-Kala was strongly occupied by Turks who were
     determined to defend it to the last.

     "They began an irregular fire, which soon developed into a
     hotly contested battle. We were compelled to reply with
     bullet and bayonet. We took several mountain guns, many
     rifles and cartridges and much ammunition. Many of the
     enemy threw up their hands and surrendered. We liberated
     several dozen Christian girls who had been captured by the
     Kurds at the time of the Turk and Kurd raid on the Armenian
     villages.

     "We then resumed our march on Van, after driving the Turks
     from the Village of Sor. The enemy gathered in the Town of
     Janik, one march from Van, on the northeast shore of Lake
     Van. To take Janik cost us several days' fighting. The Turks
     fought desperately, undaunted by enormous losses, their dead
     falling in heaps on all sides. The Turkish infantry fought a
     brave and honorable fight, but the Kurds are foul fighters,
     murdering and looting.

     "Attacking directly with only a part of our forces, we sent
     the rest by a long detour around the enemy's position,
     taking the Turks in flank; then our men charged with the
     bayonet, and the fight was over.

[Illustration: Scene of operation of Russians against the Turks in the
Caucasus.]

     "The fall of Janik decided the fate of Van. On the night of
     May 5 (18) the Turks evacuated Van, leaving twenty-six guns,
     3,000 poods (a pood equals 36 pounds) of powder, their
     treasure and documents; they went so silently that the
     inhabitants did not know of it until the next morning.

     "On May 6 (19) the birthday of Czar Nicholas II., we entered
     antique Van, the centre of the large and once wealthy
     vilayet of the same name, amid extraordinary rejoicings, the
     entire Christian population coming forth to meet us,
     strewing flowers and green branches in the streets and
     decking our soldiers with garlands.

     "The capture of Van is as important politically as it is
     strategically. The advance on Mush and Bitlis is a necessary
     consequence."




An "Insult" to War


Mount Kisco, N.Y., July 11, 1915.

_To the Editor of The New York Times:_

On Friday night at Carnegie Hall Miss Jane Addams stated that in the
present war, in order to get soldiers to charge with the bayonet, all
nations are forced first to make them drunk. I quote from THE TIMES
report:

     In Germany they have a regular formula for it [she said]. In
     England they use rum and the French resort to absinthe. In
     other words, therefore, in the terrible bayonet charges they
     speak of with dread, the men must be doped before they
     start.

In this war the French or English soldier who has been killed in a
bayonet charge gave his life to protect his home and country. For his
supreme exit he had prepared himself by months of discipline. Through
the Winter in the trenches he has endured shells, disease, snow and
ice. For months he had been separated from his wife, children,
friends--all those he most loved. When the order to charge came it was
for them he gave his life, that against those who destroyed Belgium
they might preserve their home, might live to enjoy peace.

Miss Addams denies him the credit of his sacrifice. She strips him of
honor and courage. She tells his children, "Your father did not die
for France, or for England, or for you; he died because he was drunk."

In my opinion, since the war began, no statement had been so unworthy
or so untrue and ridiculous. The contempt it shows for the memory of
the dead is appalling; the credulity and ignorance it displays are
inconceivable.

Miss Addams does not know that even from France they have banished
absinthe. If she doubts that in this France had succeeded let her ask
for it. I asked for it, and each maître d'hôtel treated me as though I
had proposed we should assassinate General Joffre.

If Miss Addams does know that the French Government has banished
absinthe, then she is accusing it of openly receiving the
congratulations of the world for destroying the drug while secretly
using it to make fiends of the army. If what Miss Addams states is
true, then the French Government is rotten, French officers deserve
only court-martial, and French soldiers are cowards.

If we are to believe her, the Canadians at Ypres, the Australians in
the Dardanelles, the English and the French on the Aisne made no
supreme sacrifice, but were killed in a drunken brawl.

Miss Addams desires peace. So does every one else. But she will not
attain peace by misrepresentation. I have seen more of this war and
other wars than Miss Addams, and I know all war to be wicked,
wasteful, and unintelligent, and where Miss Addams can furnish one
argument in favor of peace I will furnish a hundred. But against this
insult, flung by a complacent and self-satisfied woman at men who gave
their lives for men, I protest. And I believe that with me are all
those women and men who respect courage and honor.

RICHARD HARDING DAVIS.




The Drive at Warsaw

Germany's Story of the Eastern Campaign

Battles of Radymno, Przemysl, Lemberg, the Dniester, Krasnik,
Przasnysz, Ostrolenka

     The grand sweep of the victorious German armies through
     Galicia and into Poland, on a more tremendous scale than has
     hitherto been witnessed in the warfare of history, is
     recorded in the semi-official German accounts of the Wolff
     Telegraphic Bureau, published by the Frankfurter Zeitung
     from June 3 to June 29, and translated below. The official
     German reports of the campaign concentrated upon the Polish
     capital of Warsaw follow. On July 19 a Petrograd dispatch to
     the London Morning Post reported that Emperor William had
     telegraphed his sister, the Queen of Greece, to the effect
     that he had "paralyzed Russia for at least six months to
     come" and was on the eve of "delivering a coup on the
     western front that will make all Europe tremble."


STORMING OF RADYMNO

_The semi-official report dispatched by the Wolff Telegraphic Bureau
from Berlin on June 3, 1915, reads as follows:_

From the Great Headquarters we learn the following concerning the
battles at Radymno:

The corps of General von Mackensen, on the evening of the 23d of May,
stood on both sides of the San in a great bow directed toward the
east. On the right wing Bavarian troops stood on the watch facing the
northwest front of the fortress of Przemysl. In touch with the
Bavarian troops German and Austro-Hungarian forces stood south of the
San before the strongly fortified bridgehead of Radymno. Farther north
still other troops linked up with the army.

The bridgehead of Radymno consisted of a threefold line of field
works. There was in the first place the main position well provided
with wire entanglements. This ran along the heights that lie westward
of the village of Ostroro and through the low lands of the San up to
this river. Then there was a well-constructed intermediate position
which was laid through the long straggling village of Ostroro. Finally
there was the so-called bridgehead of Zagrody which was constructed
for the protection of the street and railroad bridges crossing the
river to the east of Radymno. Air-men had photographed all these
positions and had reduced the views by the photogrammeter and
transferred them to the map.

The first task was to render the enemy's main positions ripe for
attack. With this object the artillery on the afternoon of May 23
began its fire, which was continued on the next day. From the heights
near Jaroslau could be seen the valley of the San lying in the mists,
out of which jutted the cupola towers of Radymno and the hamlets of
Ostroro, Wietlin, Wysocko, etc. The artillery fire was raised to the
utmost pitch of intensity. The heavy projectiles howling, furrowed the
air, lit great fires as they struck and excavated vast pits in the
earth. The Russian artillery replied.

At six o'clock in the morning the long infantry lines rose in their
storming positions and advanced to the attack. The flyers reported
that behind the enemy's positions they observed grazing cattle and
baggage carts. The enemy seemed not to expect a serious attack.
Anyhow, the Petersburg bulletin had announced that the battles in
Galicia had decreased in intensity, that the Teutonic allies had
practically throughout gone over to the defensive.

At six-thirty in the morning the enemy's main position in its whole
extent was in the hands of the German troops. Shaken by the heavy
artillery fire the enemy had made only brief resistance; he was in
hasty retreat toward the east.

But just in that direction and into Radymno, whence the enemy's
reinforcements were to be expected, the artillery had in the meantime
turned its fire. Great clouds of smoke covered these villages set
afire by the bombardment. The Russians thus did not have the chance to
take permanent footing in Ostroro. The troops holding the town
surrendered, leaving hundreds of guns and great quantities of
ammunition in the hands of the victors.

Along the whole line the German infantry was now advancing upon
Radymno and the villages connecting with this place, Skolowszo and
Zamojsce. With every step forward the number of prisoners was
increased. Soon one division reported to headquarters that it did not
have enough men to attend to the removal of the great masses of
prisoners without prejudice to the conduct of the action. Cavalry was
therefore assigned to this task.

At Radymno the enemy's troops had become jammed in crowds. A wooden
wagon bridge over the San had been burned down too soon. From the
position of the staff directing the battle one could see the leaping
flames and the clouds of heavy black smoke caused by the pouring on of
naphtha. One could also see long columns fleeing eastward covering the
street toward Dunkowice with their disordered crowds. As the Russian
recruits which had been gathered in Radymno made only a brief
resistance, this place together with all the artillery which was
attempting to escape through the town to the San, was also lost. Only
at the bridgehead of Zagrody did the Russian leaders, by hastily
bringing up fresh reserves, finally check the attack of the Germans.
On this day 70 officers, 9,000 men, 42 machine guns, 52 cannon of
which 10 were heavy, 14 ammunition wagons, and extensive other booty
was reported. But also on the north bank of the San a great battle had
developed.


PRZEMYSL

_A semi-official dispatch by the Wolff Telegraphic Bureau dated
Berlin, June 6, said:_

From the Great Headquarters we have received the following telegram
concerning the fall of the fortress Przemysl:

When on the 2d of May the offensive of the allies in West Galicia
began, few probably could have imagined that four weeks later the
heavy guns of the Central Powers would open their fire on Przemysl.
The Russian staff was not likely to have been prepared for this
possibility. Its decision swayed this way and that, whether, as
originally planned, to hold the fortress, for "political reasons" or
"voluntarily to withdraw" from it. Constantly our airmen reported the
marching of troops in and out of the fortress. On the 21st of May the
decision seemed to have been reached to abandon it. In spite of this,
eight days later the place was stubbornly defended.

[Illustration: Eight German military positions about Przemysl and
Lemberg.]

General von Kneussl pushed the line of his Bavarian regiments from the
north closer to the fortress to shut in the foe. About eleven o'clock
in the forenoon the heavy batteries began to engage the forts on the
north front. In the night from the 30th to the 31st of May the
infantry pushed forward closer to the wire entanglements. It awaited
the effect of the heavy artillery. This confined the defenders to
their bomb-proof shelters, so that our infantry could step out of its
trenches and from the top of the breastworks watch the tremendous
drama of destruction. The lighter guns of the assailants found ideal
positions in the battery emplacements formerly built by the Russians
as part of their siege works when operating against the Austrians in
Przemysl. So, too, General von Kneussl with his staff found shelter
near, and the chief of artillery in the observation station
constructed by the Russians near Batycze. From this point, distant
from the line of forts only a little more than two kilometers, one
could observe the whole front of Forts 10 and 11. On the 31st of May,
at four in the afternoon, the heavy guns ceased firing. Simultaneously
the infantry, Bavarian regiments, a Prussian regiment and a detachment
of Austrian sharp-shooters, moved to the attack. The destruction of
the works and advanced points of support of the fortress by the heavy
artillery had such a shattering and depressing effect on its garrison
that it was not capable of offering any effective resistance to the
attacking infantry.

The troops manning Forts 10a, 11a, and 11, such of them as did not lie
buried in the shattered casemates, fled, leaving behind their entire
war material, including a great number of the newest light and heavy
Russian guns. The enemy replied to the assailants who pushed forward
to the circular connecting road, only with artillery fire, and in the
night made no counter attack of any kind. On the 1st of June the enemy
threw several single battalions into a counter attack. These attacks
were repulsed without difficulty.

The heavy artillery now fought down Forts 10 and 11. The Prussian
infantry regiment No. 45, jointly with Bavarian troops, stormed two
earthworks lying to the east of Fort 11 which the enemy had
stubbornly defended. On the 2d of June, at noon, the 22d regiment of
Bavarian infantry stormed Fort 10, in which all "bombproofs" except
one had been made heaps of débris by the action of the heavy
artillery. A battalion of fusiliers of the Queen Augusta Guard
regiment of grenadiers in the evening took Fort 12. Works 10b, 9a and
9b capitulated.

In the evening the troops of General von Kneussl began the attack in
the direction of the city. The village Zurawica and the fortified
positions of the enemy situated there were captured. The enemy now
desisted from all further resistance. Thus the German troops, followed
later by the 4th Austro-Hungarian cavalry division were able to occupy
the strongly built inner line of forts, and at 3 o'clock in the
morning after making numerous prisoners, to march into the relieved
city of Przemysl.

Here, where a battalion of the third infantry regiment of the Guard
was the first troop to enter, there was still a last halt before the
burned bridges over the San. But these were soon replaced with
military bridges. After a siege of only four days the fortress of
Przemysl was again in the hands of the allies. The Russians had in
vain attacked this fortress for months. Although they brought
hecatombs of bloody sacrifices they had not succeeded in taking the
fortress by storm. Only by starvation did they bring it to fall, and
they were enabled to enjoy their possession only nine weeks. Energetic
and daring leadership, supported by heroically fighting troops and
excellent heavy artillery, had in the briefest possible space of time
reduced the great fortress.


BATTLE OF GRODEK

_A semi-official dispatch by the Wolff Telegraphic Bureau, dated
Berlin, June 27, reported as follows:_

From the Great Headquarters we have received the following telegram
about the battle for Grodek and the Wereszyca position:

In the night from the 15th to the 16th of June the enemy began his
retreat in front of the allied troops in an easterly and northeasterly
direction. He was now unquestionably withdrawing to his defenses on
the Wereszyca and the so-called Grodek position. The Wereszyca is a
little stream that rises in the hilly lands of Magierow and flows in a
southerly course to the Dniester. Insignificant as the streamlet is in
itself, it yet forms, because of the width of its valley and the ten
rather large lakes in it, a locality peculiarly well fitted for
defense.

Whatever was lacking to the situation in natural strength had been
supplied by art. This the Russians displayed above all in the Grodek
position which, joining the Wereszyca on the north at Janow, stretches
for a distance of more than 70 kilometres in a northwestern direction
as far as the region of Narol Miasto. Thousands of laborers had here
worked for months to construct a fortified position which does honor
to the Russian engineers. Here extensive clearings have been made in
the forests. Dozens of works for infantry defense, hundreds of
kilometres of rifle trenches, covering and connecting trenches, had
been dug, the hilly forest land quite transformed, and finally vast
wire entanglements stretched along the entire Wereszyca and Grodek
front. Taken as a whole this position formed the last great bulwark
with which the Russians hoped to check their victorious opponents and
to bring their advance upon Lemberg to a permanent halt.

The Russian army found itself incapable of acting up to these
expectations of its leaders. A cavalry regiment of the Guard, with the
cannon and machine guns assigned to it, succeeded on the 16th of June,
on the road Jaworow-Niemirow, in making a surprise attack on a Russian
infantry brigade marching northward to the Grodek position and in
scattering it in the forests. In the evening the city of Niemirow was
stormed. On the 18th of June the armies of General von Mackensen
deployed into line of battle before the Russian positions. On the
following day they moved to the attack. Early in the morning the
decisive onslaught was made on the Grodek position and in the evening
on the Wereszyca line. Very soon the hostile positions on both sides
of the Sosnina forest were taken. Four of the enemy's guns were
captured, and the Russian positions on Mt. Horoszyko, which had been
built up into a veritable fortress, were stormed.

The main attack was made by regiments of the Prussian Guard. Before
them lay, to the west of Magierow, Hill 350. Even from a distance it
can be seen that this elevation, rising to a height of fifty metres
above the slope, is the key to the whole position. The defenses
consisted of two rows of trenches, lying one over the other, with
strong cover, and with wire entanglements and abattis in front of
them. At daybreak began the artillery battle. This already at six
o'clock in the morning resulted in the complete subduing of the
Russian artillery, which, as always in the recently preceding days,
held back and only very cautiously and with sparing use of ammunition
took part in the battle. At seven the hostile position was considered
ripe for storming and the infantry attack ordered. Although the forces
manning the heights still took up the fire against the attackers, it
was without, however, inflicting on them losses worth mentioning. The
German heavy artillery had done its duty. The enemy was so demoralized
that, although in the beginning he kept up his fire, he preferred to
absent himself before the entry of the Germans into his trenches.

More than 700 prisoners and about a dozen machine guns fell into the
hands of the attackers. In the ditches that were taken alone there lay
200 dead Russians. In the meantime the attack was directed against the
neighboring sections. Soon the Russians found themselves compelled
also to vacate without giving battle the very strong position running
north of the street that leads to Magierow, with its front toward the
south. Since the German troops were able to penetrate with the fleeing
enemy into Magierow and to advance north of the city toward the east,
the position at Bialo-Piaskowa also became untenable. The Russians
flowed backward and only at Lawryko again tried to get a firm
footing. Late in the evening a Guard regiment took the railroad
station of Dabrocin, where but a short time before the Russians had
been trans-shipping troops, and thus won the Lemberg-Rawa-Ruska road.
The adjoining corps in the evening stood about on a level with the
regiments of the Guard. Again penetration of the Russian front had
succeeded to a width of 25 kilometres, and the fate of Lemberg had
been decided here and on the Wereszyca. This line was stormed late in
the evening and partly in the early morning hours of the 20th of June.
The German corps, which on this day had been joined by the German
Emperor, stormed the hostile positions of Stawki as far as the Bulawa
outwork. Since the morning hours of the 20th of June the enemy, who in
places had already withdrawn in the night, was in full retreat toward
the east along the whole front. The pursuit was at once undertaken. On
the evening of the same day Royal and Imperial troops stood close
before the fortifications of Lemberg.


THE FALL OF LEMBERG

_A semi-official report dispatch by the Wolff Telegraphic Bureau from
Berlin, June 28, reads:_

From the Great Headquarters we have received the following telegram
about the taking of Lemberg:

The Russians entered Lemberg, the capital of Galicia, a city of
250,000 inhabitants, in the beginning of September, 1914. They at once
restored to the city its Polish name, Lwow, and during their reign in
the beautiful town made themselves exceedingly well at home. They
began promptly to develop Lemberg into a great fortress and for the
further protection of their new possession to construct the fortified
lines of Grodek and Wereszyca. The protective works of Lemberg built
by the Austrians were strengthened and extended by the Russians,
especially along the south and southwest fronts. The existing depot
facilities were enlarged and a number of railways, both field and
permanent, extended throughout the domain of the fortress. To
guarantee the maintenance of the fortress of Lemberg, even in case the
Grodek position should be penetrated and have to be given up, a
strongly fortified supporting work had been built. This ran along the
heights to the west of the Lemberg-Rawa-Ruska railway to the vicinity
of Dobrocin.

After the armies of General von Mackensen had broken through the
Grodek and Wereszyca position, German divisions and allied troops
struck these supporting works. The centre of the Army Boehm-Ermolli
simultaneously approached the west from Lemberg. The main body of this
army attacked sections of the hostile army which had prepared for
renewed resistance behind the Szczerzek and Stavczonka streams and in
contact with the fortress on the south. This position on the evening
of the 21st of June was successfully penetrated at several points and
the attacking troops were pushed closer to the defenses on the west
front of Lemberg. German connecting troops under the leadership of
General von der Marwitz on the same day stormed the most important
points of the stubbornly defended supporting position. They thus
compelled the enemy to evacuate this position in the whole of its
extent and opened for the adjacent Austrian troops the road to the
defenses on the northwest front of the fortress. In consequence the
Austro-Hungarian troops were able on the 22d of June to take the works
on the northwest and west fronts.

At five o'clock in the morning fell the fortification Rzesna, soon
thereafter Sknilow, and toward eleven Lysa Gora. This work was
conquered by infantry regiment No. 34, "William I., German Emperor and
King of Prussia." In the Rzesna fortification alone, besides gun
limbers and machine guns, 400 prisoners were taken who belonged to no
less than eighteen different Russian divisions. In the work there was
found, besides masses of weapons and ammunition, a large number of
unopened wooden boxes containing steel blinders (Stahlblenden).

At noon of that day the victorious troops set foot in the Galician
capital in which the Russians had ruled for nearly ten months. About
four o'clock in the afternoon the Austrian commander made his entry
into the city, which was quite undamaged and decked with flags. In the
streets, in the windows and on balconies stood thousands and thousands
of the inhabitants, who enthusiastically greeted their deliverers and
showered the automobiles with a rain of flowers. The next day the
commander-in-chief, General von Mackensen, congratulated in Lemberg
the conqueror of the fortress, the Austrian General of Cavalry von
Boehm-Ermolli. The German Emperor, on receiving the announcement of
the fall of Lemberg, sent the following telegram to General von
Mackensen:

"Accept on the crowning event of your brilliantly led Galician
campaign, the fall of Lemberg, my warmest congratulations. It
completes an operation which, systematically prepared and executed
with energy and skill, has led in only six weeks to successes in
battles and amount of booty, and that, too, in the open field, seldom
recorded in the history of wars. To God's gracious support we, in the
first instance, owe this shining victory, and then to your
battle-tried leadership and the bravery of the allied troops under
you, both fighting in true comradeship. As an expression of my
thankful recognition I appoint you field marshal.

(Signed) "Wilhelm I.R."

At the same time the commander of the Austrian army, Grand Duke
Frederick, was appointed a Prussian general field marshal. The
faithful working together of the allied armies had borne rich fruits.


THE CZAR'S RESCRIPT

_The following Imperial Rescript addressed to the Premier, M.
Goremykin, was announced at Petrograd on June 30:_

From all parts of the country I have received appeals testifying to
the firm determination of the Russian peoples to devote their strength
to the work of equipping the Army. I derive from this national
unanimity the unshakable assurance of a brilliant future. A prolonged
war calls for ever-fresh efforts. But, surmounting growing
difficulties and parrying the vicissitudes which are inevitable in
war, let us strengthen in our hearts the resolution to carry on the
struggle, with the help of God, to the complete triumph of the Russian
arms. The enemy must be crushed, for without that peace is impossible.

With firm faith in the inexhaustible strength of Russia, I anticipate
that the governmental and public institutions of Russian industry and
all faithful sons of the Fatherland, without distinction of ideas and
classes, will work together in harmony to satisfy the needs of our
valiant Army. This is the only and, henceforth, the national problem
to which must be directed all the thoughts of united Russia,
invincible in her unity.

Having formed, for the discussion of questions of supplying the Army,
a special commission, in which members of the Legislative Chambers and
representatives of industry participate, I recognize the necessity, in
consequence, of advancing the date of the reopening of these
Legislative bodies in order to hear the voice of the country.

Having decided that the sessions of the Duma and the Council of the
Empire shall be resumed in the month of August at the latest, I rely
on the Council of Ministers to draw up, according to my indications,
the Bills necessitated by a time of war.--_Reuter._


RUSSIA'S DEFENSIVE PLAN

_A dispatch to the London Daily Chronicle from Petrograd on July 6
said:_

The Russian defense is now a two-fold and rather complex process.
Along the frontiers the army is parrying blows of the enemy and
wearing him down, avoiding big battles, losing territory indeed,
little by little, but gaining time and husbanding resources.

The other side of the process is the rally of the nation to the
support of the army. It would be wholly wrong to regard the gradual
advance of the Germans and Austrians in Russian territory as evidence
that Russian resistance is breaking down. On the contrary the nation
has never been so thoroughly aroused as now.

The broad back of the Russian soldier has done marvels in sustaining
the heavy burden of war, but when retreat in Galicia began it suddenly
flashed on the nation that this was not enough--valor must be
reinforced by technique. The attitude of the nation to the war
immediately changed. Formerly it was a spectator watching with eager
hope mingled with anxiety the deeds of the army that was part of its
very self. Now it has become an active reserve of the army and in
securing liberty to act it has gained in moral force.

The Cabinet is being strengthened, more effective contact is being
established between the Government and the nation, and the War Office
is now the centre of popular interest.

Russia has not yet followed the example of her allies in appointing a
Minister of Munitions, but the course of events is tending in this
direction and the new War Minister, General Polivanoff, commands the
confidence of the Duma and nation generally. The War Office has become
the focus of the new national organizing movement of which all
existing public bodies are being made the nucleus.


FIGHTING ON TWO RIVERS

_The statement issued by the German Army Headquarters Staff in Berlin
on June 30 reported:_

Between the Bug and the Vistula Rivers the German and Austro-Hungarian
troops have reached the districts of Belz, Komanow and Zamosc and the
northern border of the forest-plantations in the Tanew section. Also
on a line formed by the banks of the Vistula and in the district of
Zawichost, to the east of Zarow, the enemy has commenced a retreat.

An enemy aeroplane was forced to descend behind our lines. The
occupants of the machine were made prisoners.

_On July 1 the situation on the Russian front was thus officially
reported from Berlin:_

Eastern theatre of war: Our positions here are unchanged. The booty
taken during June amounts to two flags and 25,695 prisoners, of whom
120 were officers; seven cannon, six mine throwers, fifty-two machine
guns, and one aeroplane, besides much material of war.

Southeastern theatre of war: After bitter fighting the troops under
General von Linsingen yesterday stormed the Russian positions east of
the Gnila Lipa River near Kunioze and Luozynoe and to the north of
Rohatyn. Three officers and 2,328 men were made prisoners and five
machine guns were captured.

East of Lemberg the Austro-Hungarian troops have pressed forward into
the enemy positions. The army under Field Marshal von Mackensen is
continuing to press forward between the Bug and Vistula Rivers. West
of the Vistula, after stubborn fighting by the Russians, the Teutonic
allies are advancing on both sides of the Kamenna in pursuit.

The total amount of captures during June made by the Teutonic allied
troops under General von Linsingen, Field Marshal von Mackensen, and
General von Woyrich amounts to 409 officers and 140,650 men and 80
cannon and 268 machine guns.

_From Vienna--The following official communication was issued on July
1 by the War Office:_

Battles in Eastern Galicia continued on July 1 on the Gnila Lipa and
in the region east of Lemberg. Our troops advanced in several places
on the heights east of the Gnila Lipa and broke through hostile
positions. The allied troops also succeeded, after stubborn fighting,
in reaching the eastern bank of the Rohatyn.

On the Dniester complete calm prevails. In the region of the source of
the Wieprz we occupied Zamoso, north of the Tanew all lower lands are
occupied. West of the Vistula our troops pursued the flying enemy up
to Tarlow.

The total booty taken during June by the allied troops during the
fighting in the northeast comprises 521 officers and 194,000 men, 93
guns, 164 machine guns, 78 caisson, and 100 military railroad
carriages.


KRASNIK REACHED

_The statement issued by German Army Headquarters on July 2 says:_

In the Eastern Theatre: Southwest of Kalwarya, after stubborn fighting
we took a mine position from the enemy and made 600 Russians
prisoners.

In the Southeastern Theatre: After storming the heights southeast of
Bu-Kaszowice, north of Halicz, the Russians along the whole front from
the district of Maryampol to just north of Firjilow have been obliged
to retreat. Troops under General von Linsingen are pursuing the
defeated enemy.

Up to yesterday we had taken 7,765 prisoners, of whom 11 are officers.
We also captured eighteen machine guns.

_The German official report of July 3 reads:_

In the Southeastern Theatre: North of the Dniester River our troops
are advancing under continuous fighting in pursuit of the enemy and
penetrating by way of the line of Mariampol, Narajoa and Miasto toward
the Zlota Lipa section. They have reached the Bug at several places
between Kamionka and Strzumilowa and below Krylow and are quickly
advancing in a northerly direction between the Bug and the Vistula.

The lowlands of the Labunka now are in our possession, after our
opponents had offered stubborn resistance at certain places.

German troops also obtained a firm foothold on the northern bank of
the river in the Wysnica section, between Krasnik and the mouth of the
Labunka.

Between the left bank of the Vistula and the Pilica River the
situation remains generally unchanged.

A Russian counter-attack southeast of Radom was repulsed.

_The following Austrian official war statement was given out in Vienna
on July 3:_

In East Galicia the Teutonic allied troops are advancing, pursuing the
enemy east of Halicz and across the Narajowska, and to the north
attacking successfully on the heights east of Janozyn. On the Bug
River the situation is unchanged.

Between the Vistula and the Bug Rivers the Teutonic allied troops are
steadily advancing, with fierce fighting. Zamosc has been stormed.
West of there the Russians everywhere have been repulsed beyond the
Por Plain, which is in our possession. At several places we forced a
passage of the brook.

East of Krasnik, for which fighting is still proceeding, Studzianki
has been captured. The village of Wysnica, west of Krasnik, also was
stormed. Here and elsewhere in this sector the enemy was repulsed.

Friday on the Por and near Krasnik, 4,800 prisoners were captured, and
three machine guns were taken.

West of the Vistula there were artillery duels.

_Following is the official report of the operations on the front in
Galicia and Southern Poland, wirelessed July 4 from Berlin to
Sayville, N.Y.:_

General von Linsingen's army, in full pursuit of the enemy, is
advancing toward the Zlota Lipa. Three thousand Russians were taken
prisoners yesterday. Under pressure of the Germans the enemy is
evacuating his positions from Narajow to Miasto, and to the north of
Przemyslany from Kamionka to Krylow.

[Illustration: H.R.H. PRINCE GEORGE

Duke of Sparta and Crown Prince of Greece

(_Photo from P.S. Rogers._)]

[Illustration: ADMIRAL SIR HENRY B. JACKSON

Who Succeeded Lord Fisher as First Sea Lord of the British Admiralty

(_Photo by Elliott & Fry._)]


ON ZLOTA LIPA RIVER

_Following is the Austrian official war statement given out from
Vienna on July 6:_

In Eastern Galicia the Teutonic allied troops under General von
Linsingen, after two weeks of successful battles, have reached the
Zlota Lipa River, the western bank of which has been cleared of the
enemy. In the sectors of Kamionka Strumilowa and Krasno battles
against the Russian rearguards are continuing.

Near Krylow (on the Bug River), in Southern Russian Poland, near the
Galician border, the enemy has evacuated the western bank of the Bug
and burned the village of Krylow.

Fighting is proceeding on both banks of the Upper Wieprz.

The Teutonic allied troops drove the enemy from positions north of the
small River Por and advanced to Faras and Plonka.

The western army, commanded by Archduke Joseph Ferdinand, after
several days' battle, broke through the Russian front on both sides of
Krasnik and drove the Russians back with heavy losses in a northerly
direction. We captured twenty-nine officers and 8,000 men and took six
caissons and six machine guns.

West of the Vistula River the situation is unchanged.

_The Petrograd correspondent of The London Times telegraphed on July
6:_

No apprehension is entertained as to the fate of Warsaw, for the city
bids fair to be protected. Even if the Germans should reach Ivangorod,
this would not necessarily involve the surrender of Warsaw.

The Russian waiting game in fact has been justified. The critic of the
Novoe Vremya correctly explains the withdrawal as a manoeuvre
deliberately undertaken with the object of accepting battle under the
best conditions for the Russians. He adds that on the Vistula front
the ground which offers the Russians the greatest advantage is that
with Brest Litovsk as a base, Ivangorod on the right flank and a
strong army occupying the flank and rear positions in relation to the
right flank of General von Boehm-Ermolli's Army.

_The War Department at Vienna on July 6 gave out the following
official statement:_

The Russians, who, in the second battle of Krasnik, were defeated by
the army of Archduke Joseph Ferdinand, are retreating in a northern
and north-eastern direction, pursued by the Austrians who are pressing
to attack.

The Austrians on Monday captured the district of Cieszanow and the
heights north of Wysnica. Under pressure of our advance the enemy is
retreating on the Wieprz beyond Tarnogora. Our booty in this fighting
has increased to 41 officers and 11,500 men and 17 machine guns.

On the Bug River and in East Galicia the situation is unchanged.

On the Zlota Lipa and Dniester Rivers quiet prevails.

_German Army Headquarters wirelessed the following report from Berlin
to Sayville, N.Y., on July 7:_

During pursuit of the Russians to the Zlota Lipa River from July 3 to
July 5 the Germans captured 3,850 men. The number of prisoners made
south of Biale River has been increased to seven officers and about
800 men.

In Poland, south of the Vistula, the Germans stormed Height 95, to the
east of Dolowatka and south of Borzymow. The Russian losses were very
considerable. Ten machine guns, one revolver gun and a quantity of
rifles were taken.

More to the northward, near the Vistula, a Russian charge was
repulsed.

The Czernowitz, Bukowina, correspondent of the Zeitung am Mittag,
says:

"The scarcity of rifles with the Russians is growing greater daily.
The reserves are unarmed until they begin the attack, and then they
take rifles from their fallen comrades. The Russian artillery fire,
however, has grown more active."


DEFEAT AT KRASNIK

_From Austrian Army Headquarters in Galicia, July 11, came the
following:_

The relative subsidence of activity on the part of the Teutonic allies
during the last week may be explained by the fact that the goal set
for the Lemberg campaign already has been attained. This was the
recapture of the city and the securing of strong defensive positions
to the eastward and northward. These positions have now been secured
along the line of the Zlota Lipa and Bug Rivers and the ridge to the
northward of Krasnik.

The Russians attempted a counter-offensive from Lubin against the
Austro-German positions north of Krasnik, bringing up heavy
reinforcements for this purpose. Owing to this movement the Austrian
troops, which had rushed beyond the positions originally selected,
withdrew to the ridge, where they have been successfully resisting all
Russian attacks. They feel secure in their present positions, and it
is believed here that they can be easily held against whatever forces
Russia can throw against them.

Indications now point to a period of quiet along the Russo-Galician
front, while the Teutonic allies are preparing for operations in other
quarters.

_This statement from Russian General Headquarters was published in
Petrograd on July 14:_

In the direction of Lomza (Russian Poland) on the evening of July 12
and also on the 13th, the enemy developed an intensive artillery fire.
On the right bank of the Pissa, on July 13, the Germans succeeded in
capturing Russian trenches on a front of two versts (about one and
one-third miles). They, however, were driven back by a counter-attack
and the trenches were recaptured.

On both banks of the Shikva stubborn fighting has taken place.
Considerable enemy forces between the Orjetz (Orzyc?) and the Lydymia
adopted the offensive and the Russians, declining a decisive
engagement, retreated during the night of the 13th to their second
line of positions. On the left bank of the Vistula the situation is
unchanged.

In the battle near Wilkolaz, south of Lublin, during the week ending
July 11 the Russians captured 97 officers and 22,464 men.

In the Cholm region engagements have taken place along the Volitza
River, and on the night of July 13 we captured over 150 prisoners.

On the rest of the front there have been the usual artillery
engagements. On the evening of July 12 the enemy assumed the offensive
on the Narew front.


PRZASNYSZ OCCUPIED

In the eastern theater: In the course of minor fights on the Windau
below Koltany 425 Russians were taken prisoners.

South of the Niemen River, in the neighborhood of Kalwarya, our troops
captured several outer positions at Franziskowa and Osowa and
maintained them against fierce counter-attacks.

To the northeast of Suwalki the Heights of Olszauka were taken by
storm.

South of Kolno we captured the village of Konsya, and the enemy
positions east of this village and south of the Tartak line. Two
thousand four hundred prisoners and eight machine guns fell into our
hands.

Battles in the neighborhood of Przasnysz are being continued. Several
enemy lines were captured by our troops, and the City of Przasnysz,
for which we were fighting hotly in the last days of February, and
which was strongly fortified by the Russians, we have occupied by our
troops.

In the southeastern theater the situation generally is the same.


GERMAN "NUT-CRACKER"

_A Petrograd dispatch to the London Morning Post said on July 15:_

The Germans have opened a new campaign for the conquest of Russia.
Their plan is to catch the Russian armies like a nut between
nutcrackers.

The German line of advance from the northwest lies between the
Mlawa-Warsaw Railway line and the River Pissa and from the south from
the Galician line. On paper the German scheme is that these two fronts
shall move to meet one another and everything between them must be
ground to powder. But the nut to be cracked is rather a formidable
area of space and well fortified, the kernel sound and healthy, being
formed of the Russian armies inspired not merely with the
righteousness of their cause, but the fullest confidence in themselves
and absolute devotion to the proved genius of their Commander in
Chief. The area referred to cannot be less than eighty miles in
extent, north to south, by 120 miles west to east. That is the mere
nucleus and minimum area, as contained between the Novo Georgievsk
fortress in the north to the Ivangorod fortress in the south and the
Russian lines on the Bzura in the west to Brest-Litovsk on the east.

[Illustration: The German battle line on July 24, in Russian Poland.]

The Germans have an incalculable amount of fighting to face before
they win to that area, the nut to be cracked, and then the cracking is
still to be done. It is all sheer frontal fighting. The Germans have
been twelve months trying frontal attacks against Warsaw on a
comparatively narrow front, and in vain. What chance have they of
success by dividing their forces against the united strength of
Russia?


BREAKING RUSSIA'S LINES

_An official German bulletin dated Berlin, July 17, reported:_

The offensive movement begun a few days ago in the eastern theatre of
war, under command of Field Marshal von Hindenburg, has led to great
results. The army of General von Bülow, which on July 14 crossed the
Windau River near and north of Kurshany, continued its victorious
advance. Eleven officers and 2,450 men were taken prisoners, and three
cannon and five machine guns were captured.

The army of General von Gallwitz proceeded against the Russian
positions in the district south and southeast of Olawa. After a
brilliant attack three Russian lines, situated behind each other
northwest and northeast of Przasnysz, were pierced. Dzielin was
captured and Lipa was reached and attacked by pressure exerted from
both these directions. The Russians retreated, after the evacuation of
Przasnysz on the 14th, to their line of defense from Ciechanow to
Krasnosielo, lying behind them. On the 15th German troops also took
these enemy positions by storm, and pierced the position south of
Zielona, over a front of seven kilometers, forcing their opponents to
retreat. They were supported by troops under General von Scholtz,
which are occupied with a pursuit from the direction of Kolno. Since
yesterday the Russians have been retreating on the center front,
between the Pissa and Vistula Rivers, in the direction of Narew.

Southeastern Theatre of War.--After the Teutonic allies had taken
during the last few days a series of Russian positions on the River
Bug and between the Bug and the Vistula, important battles developed
yesterday on this entire front under the leadership of Field Marshal
von Mackensen. West of the Vierpz, in the district southwest of
Krasnostav, German troops broke through the enemy's line. So far 28
officers and 6,380 men have fallen into our hands, and 9 machine guns
have been captured.

West of the Upper Vistula the offensive has again been begun by the
army of General von Woyrich.

_An official statement issued by general headquarters in Vienna on
July 18 says:_

On the Bug River, in the region of Sokol, our troops drove the enemy
from a series of stubbornly defended places. To the northeast of
Sienvno we broke through the Russian front.

The enemy is evacuating his positions between the Vistula and the
Kielce-Radom Railway.

_An earlier bulletin, dated July 17, read as follows:_

Between the Vistula and the Bug Rivers important battles have
developed favorably for the allied troops. Some Austro-Hungarians,
operating closely with the Germans west of Grabovetz, took an
important enemy point of support after storming it several times, and
pressed forward into the enemy's main position.

Southwest of Krasnostav the Germans broke through the enemy's lines.

On the Upper Bystrcz and north of Krasnik our troops took advanced
positions of the enemy. The offensive also was resumed successfully
west of the Vistula.


BERLIN'S REJOICING

_An Associated Press dispatch from Berlin via London on July 18 said:_

The news of Field Marshal von Hindenburg's newest surprise for the
Russians, which the War Office announces has resulted in important
victories, was made known late yesterday, causing general rejoicing
and the appearance of flags all over the city.

Military critics attach great significance to the breaking of the
Russian lines and the consequent Russian retreat toward the Narew
River, particularly as the German advance between the Pissa and
Vistula rivers threatens to crumple the right flank positions of the
Russians.

With Field Marshal von Mackensen proceeding against the other flank,
the maintenance of communications offers a serious problem for the
Russians. The breaking of the Russian line near Krasnostav,
thirty-four miles south of Lublin, brings the Germans dangerously near
Cholm and Lublin, both of which points are of the highest importance
for the Russians in maintaining their position in the Vistula region.

The following official bulletin concerning the operations was issued
tonight by the War Office:

     Portions of the army of General von Buelow have defeated the
     Russian forces near Autz, where 3,620 men and six guns and
     three machine guns were captured. They are pursuing the
     enemy in an easterly direction.

     Other portions of this army are fighting to the northeast of
     Kurshany. East of that town an enemy advance position has
     been stormed.

     On the southeastern front the offensive was taken by the
     army under General von Woyrich, which made successful
     progress under the heavy fire of the enemy.

     Our troops on Saturday morning took a narrow point in the
     wire entanglements of a strongly fortified enemy main
     position, and through this opening stormed an enemy trench
     on a front of 2,000 meters (about a mile and a third). In
     the course of the day the wedge was widened and pushed
     forward, with tenacious hand-to-hand fighting, far into the
     enemy's position.

     In the evening the enemy's Moscow Grenadier Corps was
     defeated by our landwehr and reserve troops. The enemy
     retreated during the night behind the Iljanka River to the
     district south of Zwolen, suffering heavy losses in their
     retirement.

     Between the Pissa and Vistula Rivers the Russian troops are
     retreating and the troops of General von Schaltz and von
     Gallwitz are close behind them.

     The enemy is attacked and driven back where he offers
     resistance in prepared positions.

     Reserve troops and a levy of troops of General von Schaltz
     have stormed the towns of Poremky and Wykplock, and
     regiments of General von Gallwitz have broken through the
     extended positions of Mlodzi, Nome and Kaniewo. The number
     of prisoners was considerably increased and four guns were
     captured.

     From the north of the Vistula to the Pilica the Russians
     also have begun to retreat. Our troops in a short engagement
     during the pursuit made 620 prisoners.

     Between the Upper Vistula and the Bug fighting continues
     under the command of Field Marshal von Mackensen. The
     Russians have been driven by the German troops from the
     hills of Biclaczkowice, south of Piaski, as far as
     Krosnoskow, and both these places have been taken by storm.
     The fire of the Siberian army corps could not ward off
     defeat. We made more than 1000 prisoners.


WARSAW'S EVACUATION

_An Associated Press dispatch from London dated July 20 recorded the
doubt in the English capital of Warsaw's holding out, as follows:_

The Morning Post's Budapest correspondent reports that the gradual
evacuation of Warsaw has been ordered by the Russians.

Continued successes of the great Teutonic movement against the Polish
capital were indicated in the German official bulletin received from
Berlin this morning. This stated that the Russians were retreating
along the whole front between the Vistula and the Bug. The bulletin
reads:

     The Germans have occupied Tukum and Windau (Province of
     Courland).

     Between the Vistula and the Bug the battle continues with
     unabated violence.

     The Austro-Hungarians have forced a crossing of the Wolicza
     River in the neighborhood of Grabovetz and advanced across
     the Bug to the north of Sokal, the Russians having during
     the night retreated along the whole front between the
     Vistula and the Bug.

     The Germans captured from July 16 to July 18 16,000
     prisoners and twenty-three machine guns.

[Illustration: Scene of German operations in Courland]

That German columns have occupied Tukum, thirty-eight miles west of
Riga, and Doblen eighteen miles west of Mitau, is admitted by an
official statement issued at the headquarters of the Russian general
staff. The same report admits that the Austrians have gained the right
bank of the Volitza and have crossed the Bug River on a front reaching
to Sokal. The bulletin says:

     On the Narew front the night of the 18th the enemy took the
     offensive, capturing the village of Poredy, on the right
     bank of the Pissa River. On the left bank of the Skwa enemy
     attacks against the villages of Vyk and Pchetchniak were
     repulsed with success. West of the Omulew our troops,
     retiring progressively toward a bridgehead on the Narew,
     delivered on the evening of the 17th a rearguard action of a
     stubborn character near the town of Mahoff. Near the village
     of Karnevo we made a brilliant counter-attack.

     In the direction of Lublin enemy attacks during the 18th on
     the front Wilkolaz-Vychawa (east and north of Krasnik) were
     successfully repulsed.

     At dawn of the 18th the enemy captured Krasnostav,
     thirty-four miles south of Lublin on the Vieprz, and crossed
     upstream. During the course of the 19th enemy attacks
     between the stream flowing from Rybtchevbitze toward the
     village of Piaski and the Vieprz remained without result. On
     the right bank of the Vieprz we repulsed near Krasnostav
     and the River Volitza many extremely stubborn enemy attacks.

     Nevertheless, near the mouth of the Volitza and the village
     of Gaevniki the enemy succeeded in establishing himself on
     the right bank of this river, after which we judged it
     advisable to retire to our second-line positions.

     In the region of the village of Grabovetz on the 18th we
     repulsed four furious enemy attacks on a wide front,
     supported by a curtain of fire from his artillery.

     Between Geneichva and the Bug on the evening of the 17th,
     after a desperate fight we drove the enemy from all the
     trenches previously occupied by him.

     On the Bug energetic fighting continued against the enemy,
     who crossed on the 18th on the front Skomorskhy-Sokal.

"Can Warsaw be held?" is the question now being asked here.

With the German Field Marshals, von Hindenburg on the north and von
Mackensen on the south, whipping forward the two ends of a great arc
around the city, it is realized in England that Grand Duke Nicholas,
Commander in Chief of the Russian armies, has the most severe task
imposed on him since the outbreak of the European war, and the
military writers of some of the London papers seem to think that the
task is well-nigh impossible.

There was sustained confidence that Germany's previous violent attacks
along the Bzura-Rawka front would never pierce the Russian line, but
the present colossal co-ordinate movement was developed with such
suddenness, and has been carried so far without meeting serious
Russian resistance, that more and more the British press is
discounting the fall of the Polish capital, and, while not giving up
all hope of its retention, is pointing out the enormous difficulty the
Russian armies have labored under from the start by the existence of
such a salient.

_An Associated Press dispatch from London on July 21 said:_

From the shores of the Gulf of Riga in the north to that part of
Southern Poland into which they drove the Russians back from Galicia,
the Austro-German armies are still surging forward, and if Warsaw can
be denied them it will be almost a miracle.

This seems to be the opinion even among those in England who
heretofore have been hopeful that the Russians would turn and deliver
a counter-blow, and news of the evacuation of the Polish capital,
followed by the triumphant entry of the Germans amid such scenes as
were enacted at Przemysl and Lemberg, would come as no surprise.

The German official statement, beginning at the northern tip of the
eastern battle line, records the progress of the German troops to
within about fifty miles of Riga. Then, following the great battle arc
southward, chronicles further successes in the sector northeast of
Warsaw, culminating in the capture of Ostrolenka, one of the
fortresses designed to shield the capital.

The acute peril to Warsaw is accentuated by the Russian official
communication which says that German columns are within artillery
range of the fortress of Novo Georgievsk, the key to the capital from
the northwest, and only about twenty miles from it.

Immediately southwest of the city, seventeen miles from it, Blonie has
fallen, and further south Grojec, twenty-six miles distant, while
German cavalry have captured Radom, capital of the province of that
name, on the railroad to the great fortress of Ivangorod. The
Lublin-Chelm Railway is still in the hands of the Russians, so far as
is known, but the Russian Commander-in-Chief has issued, through the
Civil Governor, an order that in case of a retreat from the town of
Lublin, the male population is to attach itself to the retiring
troops.

The belief is expressed in Danish military circles, according to a
Copenhagen dispatch to the Exchange Telegraph Company, that the
Germans intend to use Windau and Tukum as bases for operations
designed to result in the capture of Riga, which would be used as a
new naval base after the Gulf of Riga had been cleared of mines.


OSTROLENKA FORT TAKEN

_From Berlin on July 20 came this report from the German War Office:_

Eastern theatre of war: In Courland the Russians were repulsed near
Grosschmarden, east of Tukum, and near Gruendorf and Usingen. East of
Kurshany the enemy also is retreating before our attack.

North of Novgorod, on the Narew, German troops captured enemy
positions north of the confluence of the Skroda and Pissa rivers.
Fresh Landsturm troops who were under fire for the first time
especially distinguished themselves. North of the mouth of the Skwa we
reached the Narew. The permanent fortifications of Ostrolenka, on the
northwest bank of the river, were captured.

South of the Vistula our troops advanced into hostile positions to
Blonie and Grojec. (Blonie is seventeen miles west of Warsaw, and
Grojec twenty-six miles south of the city.) In rearguard fighting the
Russians lost 560 prisoners and two machine guns.

Southeastern theatre of war: German Landwehr and reserve troops of the
army of General von Woyrich repulsed superior forces of the enemy from
their position at Ilzanka. All counter attacks made by Russian
reserves, which were brought up quickly, were repulsed. We captured
more than 5,000 prisoners. Our troops are closely pursuing the enemy.
Our cavalry already has reached the railway line from Radom to
Ivangorod.

Between the upper Vistula and the Bug we are following the retreating
enemy.

_A bulletin, issued early on July 20, had announced the capture of the
Baltic port of Windau, thus bringing the Germans within a few miles of
Riga, seat of the Governor General of the Baltic Provinces. It read:_

German troops occupied Tukum and captured Windau. (Windau is a seaport
in Courland on the Baltic Sea at the mouth of the Windau River, 100
miles northwest of Mitau.) Pursuing the enemy, who was defeated on the
Aa River at Alt Autz, our troops yesterday undiminished energy, and
at some points report that progress has been made.

They are operating, however, through country which the retiring troops
have laid waste and in which what roads there are, are little suited
for the movement of the heavy artillery which is necessary for the
bombardment of the great fortresses that bar their way.

It is not expected, therefore, that decisive actions on any of the
fronts will be fought for a few days yet, although the battle between
the Vistula and the Bug Rivers, where the German Field Marshal von
Mackensen's army is advancing toward the Lublin-Chelm Railroad, has
about reached a climax. Here, according to the German official
communication issued this afternoon, the Germans have succeeded in
breaking the obstinate resistance of the Russians at several points
and forced them to retreat.




Naval Losses During the War


The following diagram, compiled mainly from information given in a
June number of the Naval and Military Record and appearing in the
London Morning Post of July 8, 1915, shows the different causes of
loss to each side in tonnage of capital ships, gunboats, destroyers,
submarines, torpedo-boats, and armed merchantmen to the end of May.
The diagram being drawn to scale the true proportion of each loss from
each cause can be accurately gauged at a glance. It will be seen that
the Triple Entente and Japan have had no loss from capture or
internment, that the Entente's characteristic of fighting has been
"above board," _i.e._, by gunfire, while that of the enemy has been by
submarines and mines.

[Illustration: [diagram]]




Battles in the West

Sir John French's Own Story

France's "Eyewitness" Reports and Germany's Offensive in the Argonne

     Since June 15, 1915, the British army, reinforced by
     divisions of the "new" army now in France, has held
     practically the same position on the front to the north and
     south of Ypres. The subjoined report by Sir John French,
     Commanding-in-Chief the British forces in France, published
     July 12, covers the operations from April 5 down to June 15,
     and deals particularly with the great poison-gas attacks by
     the enemy, the capture and loss of Hill 60, the second
     battle of Ypres, and the battle of Festubert. It embodies
     the story by Sir Herbert Plumer of the terrible fighting
     that began May 5. France's official reports, following, tell
     of the battle of Hilgenfirst in the Vosges, the week's
     battle in the Fecht valley, the 120 days' struggle between
     Betlaine and Arras, and the battle of Fontenelle. The Crown
     Prince's "drive" in the Argonne resulting in German
     advantages is also dealt with.


FROM THE FIELD-MARSHAL COMMANDING-IN-CHIEF THE BRITISH ARMY IN FRANCE

To the Secretary of State for War, War Office, London, S.W.

GENERAL HEADQUARTERS,
June 15, 1915.

My Lord,

I have the honor to report that since the date of my last dispatch
(April 5, 1915) the Army in France under my command has been heavily
engaged opposite both flanks of the line held by the British Forces.

1. In the North the town and district of Ypres has once more in this
campaign been successfully defended against vigorous and sustained
attacks made by large forces of the enemy and supported by a mass of
heavy and field artillery, which, not only in number, but also in
weight and caliber, is superior to any concentration of guns which has
previously assailed that part of the line.

In the South a vigorous offensive has again been taken by troops of
the First Army, in the course of which a large area of entrenched and
fortified ground has been captured from the enemy, whilst valuable
support has been afforded to the attack which our Allies have carried
on with such marked success against the enemy's positions to the east
of Arras and Lens.

2. I much regret that during the period under report the fighting has
been characterized on the enemy's side by a cynical and barbarous
disregard of the well-known usages of civilized war and a flagrant
defiance of The Hague Convention.[2]

[Footnote 2: In a long statement seeking to justify the use of
asphyxiating gases in warfare the semi-official Wolff Telegraph Bureau
asserted in German newspapers of June 25 that the Allies first used
such gases against the Germans, and it cites French documents as proof
that France in February, months before the German advance at Ypres,
made extensive preparations for the application of gases and for
counteracting their effects on the attacking troops.

After quoting the official German war report of April 16 that the
French were making increased use of asphyxiating bombs, the statement
says:

"For every one who has kept an unbiased judgment, these official
assertions of the strictly accurate and truthful German military
administration will be sufficient to prove the prior use of
asphyxiating gases by our opponents. But let whoever still doubts
consider the following instructions for the systematic preparation of
this means of warfare by the French, issued by the French War
Ministry, under date of Feb. 21, 1915:

     Minister of War, Feb. 21, 1915.

     Remarks concerning shells with stupefying gases:

     The so-called shells with stupefying gases that are being
     manufactured by our central factories contain a fluid which
     streams forth after the explosion, in the form of vapors
     that irritate the eyes, nose, and throat. There are two
     kinds: hand grenades and cartridges.

     Hand Grenades.--The grenades have the form of an egg; their
     diameter in the middle is six centimeters, their height
     twelve centimeters, their weight 400 grams. They are
     intended for short distances, and have an appliance for
     throwing by hand. They are equipped with an inscription
     giving directions for use. They are lighted with a small bit
     of material for friction pasted on the directions, after
     which they must be thrown away. The explosion follows seven
     seconds after lighting. A small cover of brass and a top
     screwed on protect the lighted matter. Their purpose is to
     make untenable the surroundings of the place where they
     burst. Their effect is often considerably impaired by a
     strong rising wind.

     Cartridges.--The cartridges have a cylindrical form. Their
     diameter is twenty-eight millimeters, their height ten
     centimeters, their weight 200 grams. They are intended for
     use at longer distances than can be negotiated with the hand
     grenades. With an angle of twenty-five degrees at departure
     they will carry 230 meters. They have central lighting
     facilities and are fired with ignition bullet guns. The
     powder lights a little internal ignition mass by means of
     which the cartridges are caused to explode five seconds
     after leaving the rifle. The cartridges have the same
     purpose as the hand grenades but because of their very small
     amount of fluid they must be fired in great numbers at the
     same time.

     Precautionary measures to be observed in attacks on trenches
     into which shells with asphyxiating gases have been
     thrown.--The vapors spread by means of the shells with
     asphyxiating gases are not deadly, at least when small
     quantities are used and their effect is only momentary. The
     duration of the effect depends upon the atmospheric
     conditions.

     It is advisable therefore to attack the trenches into which
     such hand grenades have been thrown and which the enemy has
     nevertheless not evacuated before the vapors are completely
     dissipated. The attacking troops, moreover, must wear
     protective goggles and in addition be instructed that the
     unpleasant sensations in nose and throat are not dangerous
     and involve no lasting disturbance.

"Here we have a conclusive proof that the French in their State
workshops manufactured shells with asphyxiating gases fully half a
year ago at least," says the semi-official Telegraph Bureau. "The
number must have been so large that the French War Ministry at last
found itself obliged to issue written instructions concerning the use
of this means of warfare. What hypocrisy when the same people grow
'indignant' because the Germans much later followed them on the path
they had pointed out! Very characteristic is the twist of the French
official direction: 'The vapors spread by the shells with asphyxiating
gases are not deadly, at least not when used in small quantities.' It
is precisely this limitation that contains the unequivocal confession
that the French asphyxiating gases work with deadly effect when used
in large quantities."]

All the scientific resources of Germany have apparently been brought
into play to produce a gas of so virulent and poisonous a nature that
any human being brought into contact with it is first paralyzed and
then meets with a lingering and agonizing death.

The enemy has invariably preceded, prepared and supported his attacks
by a discharge in stupendous volume of these poisonous gas fumes
whenever the wind was favorable.

Such weather conditions have only prevailed to any extent in the
neighborhood of Ypres, and there can be no doubt that the effect of
these poisonous fumes materially influenced the operations in that
theater, until experience suggested effective counter-measures, which
have since been so perfected as to render them innocuous.

The brain power and thought which has evidently been at work before
this unworthy method of making war reached the pitch of efficiency
which has been demonstrated in its practice shows that the Germans
must have harbored these designs for a long time.

As a soldier I cannot help expressing the deepest regret and some
surprise that an Army which hitherto has claimed to be the chief
exponent of the chivalry of war should have stooped to employ such
devices against brave and gallant foes.


BATTLE OF HILL 60

3. On the night of Saturday, April 17, a commanding hill which
afforded the enemy excellent artillery observation toward the west
and northwest was successfully mined and captured.

This hill, known as Hill 60, lies opposite the northern extremity of
the line held by the 2d Corps.

The operation was planned and the mining commenced by Major-General
Bulfin before the ground was handed over to the troops under
Lieutenant-General Sir Charles Fergusson, under whose supervision the
operation was carried out.

The mines were successfully fired at 7 P.M. on the 17th inst., and
immediately afterwards the hill was attacked and gained, without
difficulty, by the 1st Battalion Royal West Kent Regiment and the 2d
Battalion King's Own Scottish Borderers. The attack was well supported
by the Divisional Artillery, assisted by French and Belgian batteries.

During the night several of the enemy's counter-attacks were repulsed
with heavy loss, and fierce hand-to-hand fighting took place; but on
the early morning of the 18th the enemy succeeded in forcing back the
troops holding the right of the hill to the reverse slope, where,
however, they hung on throughout the day.

On the evening of the 18th these two battalions were relieved by the
2d Battalion West Riding Regiment and the 2d Battalion King's Own
Yorkshire Light Infantry, who again stormed the hill under cover of
heavy artillery fire, and the enemy was driven off at the point of the
bayonet.

In this operation fifty-three prisoners were captured, including four
officers.

On the 20th and following days many unsuccessful attacks by the enemy
were made on Hill 60, which was continually shelled by heavy
artillery.

On May 1 another attempt to recapture Hill 60 was supported by great
volumes of asphyxiating gas, which caused nearly all the men along a
front of about 400 yards to be immediately struck down by its fumes.

The splendid courage with which the leaders rallied their men and
subdued the natural tendency to panic (which is inevitable on such
occasions), combined with the prompt intervention of supports, once
more drove the enemy back.

A second and more severe "gas" attack, under much more favorable
weather conditions, enabled the enemy to recapture this position on
May 5.

The enemy owes his success in this last attack entirely to the use of
asphyxiating gas. It was only a few days later that the means, which
have since proved so effective, of counteracting this method of making
war were put into practice. Had it been otherwise, the enemy's attack
on May 5 would most certainly have shared the fate of all the many
previous attempts he had made.


SECOND BATTLE OF YPRES

4. It was at the commencement of the second battle of Ypres on the
evening of April 22, referred to in paragraph 1 of his report, that
the enemy first made use of asphyxiating gas.

Some days previously I had complied with General Joffre's request to
take over the trenches occupied by the French, and on the evening of
the 22d the troops holding the lines east of Ypres were posted as
follows:

From Steenstraate to the east of Langemarck, as far as the
Poelcappelle Road, a French Division.

[Illustration: The British battle line in Flanders, Belgium.]

Thence, in a south-easterly direction toward the
Passchendaele-Becelaere Road, the Canadian Division.

Thence a Division took up the line in a southerly direction east of
Zonnebeke to a point west of Becelaere, whence another Division
continued the line southeast to the northern limit of the Corps on its
right.

Of the 5th Corps there were four battalions in Divisional Reserve
about Ypres; the Canadian Division had one battalion of Divisional
Reserve and the 1st Canadian Brigade in Army Reserve. An Infantry
Brigade, which had just been withdrawn after suffering heavy losses on
Hill 60, was resting about Vlamernighe.

Following a heavy bombardment, the enemy attacked the French Division
at about 5 P.M., using asphyxiating gases for the first time. Aircraft
reported that at about 5 P.M. thick yellow smoke had been seen issuing
from the German trenches between Langemarck and Bixschoote. The French
reported that two simultaneous attacks had been made east of the
Ypres-Staden Railway, in which these asphyxiating gases had been
employed.

[Illustration: The Arras region, showing battle line and scene of
fiercest battle in recent months.]

What follows almost defies description. The effect of these poisonous
gases was so virulent as to render the whole of the line held by the
French Division mentioned above practically incapable of any action at
all. It was at first impossible for any one to realize what had
actually happened. The smoke and fumes hid everything from sight, and
hundreds of men were thrown into a comatose or dying condition, and
within an hour the whole position had to be abandoned, together with
about fifty guns.

I wish particularly to repudiate any idea of attaching the least blame
to the French Division for this unfortunate incident.

After all the examples our gallant Allies have shown of dogged and
tenacious courage in the many trying situations in which they have
been placed throughout the course of this campaign it is quite
superfluous for me to dwell on this aspect of the incident, and I
would only express my firm conviction that, if any troops in the world
had been able to hold their trenches in the face of such a treacherous
and altogether unexpected onslaught, the French Division would have
stood firm.


THE CANADIANS' PART

The left flank of the Canadian Division was thus left dangerously
exposed to serious attack in flank, and there appeared to be a
prospect of their being overwhelmed and of a successful attempt by the
Germans to cut off the British troops occupying the salient to the
East.

In spite of the danger to which they were exposed the Canadians held
their ground with a magnificent display of tenacity and courage; and
it is not too much to say that the bearing and conduct of these
splendid troops averted a disaster which might have been attended with
the most serious consequences.

They were supported with great promptitude by the reserves of the
divisions holding the salient and by a brigade which had been resting
in billets.

Throughout the night the enemy's attacks were repulsed, effective
counter-attacks were delivered, and at length touch was gained with
the French right, and a new line was formed.

The 2d London Heavy Battery, which had been attached to the Canadian
Division, was posted behind the right of the French Division, and,
being involved in their retreat, fell into the enemy's hands. It was
recaptured by the Canadians in their counter-attack, but the guns
could not be withdrawn before the Canadians were again driven back.

During the night I directed the Cavalry Corps and the Northumbrian
Division, which was then in general reserve, to move to the west of
Ypres, and placed these troops at the disposal of the General Officer
Commanding the Second Army. I also directed other reserve troops from
the 3d Corps and the First Army to be held in readiness to meet
eventualities.

In the confusion of the gas and smoke the Germans succeeded in
capturing the bridge at Steenstraate and some works south of Lizerne,
all of which were in occupation by the French.

The enemy having thus established himself to the west of the Ypres
Canal, I was somewhat apprehensive of his succeeding in driving a
wedge between the French and Belgian troops at this point. I directed,
therefore, that some of the reinforcements sent north should be used
to support and assist General Putz, should he find difficulty in
preventing any further advance of the Germans west of the canal.

At about ten o'clock on the morning of the 23d connection was finally
ensured between the left of the Canadian Division and the French
right, about 800 yards east of the canal; but as this entailed the
maintenance by the British troops of a much longer line than that
which they had held before the attack commenced on the previous night,
there were no reserves available for counter-attack until
reinforcements, which were ordered up from the Second Army, were able
to deploy to the east of Ypres.

Early on the morning of the 23d I went to see General Foch, and from
him I received a detailed account of what had happened, as reported by
General Putz. General Foch informed me that it was his intention to
make good the original line and regain the trenches which the French
Division had lost. He expressed the desire that I should maintain my
present line, assuring me that the original position would be
re-established in a few days. General Foch further informed me that he
had ordered up large French reinforcements, which were now on their
way, and that troops from the North had already arrived to reinforce
General Putz.

I fully concurred in the wisdom of the General's wish to re-establish
our old line, and agreed to co-operate in the way he desired,
stipulating, however, that if the position was not re-established
within a limited time I could not allow the British troops to remain
in so exposed a situation as that which the action of the previous
twenty-four hours had compelled them to occupy.

During the whole of the 23d the enemy's artillery was very active, and
his attacks all along the front were supported by some heavy guns
which had been brought down from the coast in the neighborhood of
Ostend.

The loss of the guns on the night of the 22d prevented this fire from
being kept down, and much aggravated the situation. Our positions,
however, were well maintained by the vigorous counter-attacks made by
the 5th Corps.

During the day I directed two brigades of the 3d Corps, and the Lahore
Division of the Indian Corps, to be moved up to the Ypres area and
placed at the disposal of the Second Army.

In the course of these two or three days many circumstances combined
to render the situation east of the Ypres Canal very critical and most
difficult to deal with.

The confusion caused by the sudden retirement of the French Division,
and the necessity for closing up the gap and checking the enemy's
advance at all costs, led to a mixing up of units and a sudden
shifting of the areas of command, which was quite unavoidable. Fresh
units, as they came up from the South, had to be pushed into the
firing line in an area swept by artillery fire, which, owing to the
capture of the French guns, we were unable to keep down.


HEAVY CASUALTIES

All this led to very heavy casualties, and I wish to place on record
the deep admiration which I feel for the resource and presence of mind
evinced by the leaders actually on the spot.

The parts taken by Major-General Snow and Brigadier-General Hull were
reported to me as being particularly marked in this respect.

An instance of this occurred on the afternoon of the 24th, when the
enemy succeeded in breaking through the line at St. Julien.

Brigadier-General Hull, acting under the orders of Lieutenant-General
Alderson, organized a powerful counter-attack with his own brigade and
some of the nearest available units. He was called upon to control,
with only his brigade staff, parts of battalions from six separate
divisions which were quite new to the ground. Although the attack did
not succeed in retaking St. Julien, it effectually checked the enemy's
further advance.

It was only on the morning of the 25th that the enemy were able to
force back the left of the Canadian Division from the point where it
had originally joined the French line.

During the night, and the early morning of the 25th, the enemy
directed a heavy attack against the Division at Broodseinde
cross-roads, which was supported by a powerful shell fire, but he
failed to make any progress.

During the whole of this time the town of Ypres and all the roads to
the East and West were uninterruptedly subjected to a violent
artillery fire, but in spite of this the supply of both food and
ammunition was maintained throughout with order and efficiency.

During the afternoon of the 25th many German prisoners were taken,
including some officers. The hand-to-hand fighting was very severe,
and the enemy suffered heavy loss.

During the 26th the Lahore Division and a Cavalry Division were pushed
up into the fighting line, the former on the right of the French, the
latter in support of the 5th Corps.

In the afternoon the Lahore Division, in conjunction with the French
right, succeeded in pushing the enemy back some little distance toward
the north, but their further advance was stopped owing to the
continual employment by the enemy of asphyxiating gas.

On the right of the Lahore Division the Northumberland Infantry
Brigade advanced against St. Julien and actually succeeded in
entering, and for a time occupying, the southern portion of that
village. They were, however, eventually driven back, largely owing to
gas, and finally occupied a line a short way to the south. This attack
was most successfully and gallantly led by Brigadier-General Riddell,
who, I regret to say, was killed during the progress of the operation.

Although no attack was made on the southeastern side of the salient,
the troops operating to the east of Ypres were subjected to heavy
artillery fire from this direction, which took some of the battalions,
which were advancing north to the attack, in reverse.

Some gallant attempts made by the Lahore Division on the 27th, in
conjunction with the French, pushed the enemy further north; but they
were partially frustrated by the constant fumes of gas to which they
were exposed. In spite of this, however, a certain amount of ground
was gained.

The French had succeeded in retaking Lizerne, and had made some
progress at Steenstraate and Het Sas; but up to the evening of the
28th no further progress had been made toward the recapture of the
original line.

I sent instructions, therefore, to Sir Herbert Plumer, who was now in
charge of the operation, to take preliminary measures for the
retirement to the new line which had been fixed upon.

[Illustration: COUNT ZEPPELIN

Inventor of the Air-ship that has Still to Demonstrate its Efficiency
as an Engine of War]

[Illustration: GENERAL ERICH VON FALKENHAYN

Chief of the General Staff of the German Army

(_Photo from Ruschin._)]


STRONG REINFORCEMENTS

On the morning of the 29th I had another interview with General Foch,
who informed me that strong reinforcements were hourly arriving to
support General Putz, and urged me to postpone issuing orders for any
retirement until the result of his attack, which was timed to commence
at daybreak on the 30th, should be known. To this I agreed, and
instructed Sir Herbert Plumer accordingly.

No substantial advance having been made by the French, I issued orders
to Sir Herbert Plumer at one o'clock on May 1 to commence his
withdrawal to the new line.

The retirement was commenced the following night, and the new line was
occupied on the morning of May 4.

I am of opinion that this retirement, carried out deliberately with
scarcely any loss, and in the face of an enemy in position, reflects
the greatest possible credit on Sir Herbert Plumer and those who so
efficiently carried out his orders.

The successful conduct of this operation was the more remarkable from
the fact that on the evening of May 2, when it was only half
completed, the enemy made a heavy attack, with the usual gas
accompaniment, on St. Julien and the line to the west of it.

An attack on a line to the east of Fortuin was made at the same time
under similar conditions.

In both cases our troops were at first driven from their trenches by
gas fumes, but on the arrival of the supporting battalions and two
brigades of a cavalry division, which were sent up in support from
about Potijze, all the lost trenches were regained at night.

On May 3, while the retirement was still going on, another violent
attack was directed on the northern face of the salient. This was also
driven back with heavy loss to the enemy.

Further attempts of the enemy during the night of the 3d to advance
from the woods west of St. Julien were frustrated entirely by the fire
of our artillery.

During the whole of the 4th the enemy heavily shelled the trenches we
had evacuated, quite unaware that they were no longer occupied. So
soon as the retirement was discovered the Germans commenced to
entrench opposite our new line and to advance their guns to new
positions. Our artillery, assisted by aeroplanes, caused him
considerable loss in carrying out these operations.

Up to the morning of the 8th the enemy made attacks at short
intervals, covered by gas, on all parts of the line to the east of
Ypres, but was everywhere driven back with heavy loss.

Throughout the whole period since the first break of the line on the
night of April 22 all the troops in this area had been constantly
subjected to violent artillery bombardment from a large mass of guns
with an unlimited supply of ammunition. It proved impossible whilst
under so vastly superior fire of artillery to dig efficient trenches,
or to properly reorganize the line, after the confusion and
demoralization called by the first great gas surprise and the
subsequent almost daily gas attacks. Nor was it until after this date
(May 8) that effective preventatives had been devised and provided. In
these circumstances a violent bombardment of nearly the whole of the
5th Corps front broke out at 7 A.M. on the morning of the 8th, which
gradually concentrated on the front of the Division between north and
south of Frezenberg. This fire completely obliterated the trenches and
caused enormous losses.

The artillery bombardment was shortly followed by a heavy infantry
attack, before which our line had to give way.


SIR H. PLUMER'S STORY[3]

[Footnote 3: General Sir Herbert Charles Onslow Plumer, K.C.B., was
born in 1857. He entered the York and Lancaster Regiment in 1876, and
served with distinction in the Sudan and South Africa. He was Q.M.G.
and third military member of the Army Council, 1904-5, and commanded
the 5th Division Irish Command, 1906-9. He was knighted in 1906.]

I relate what happened in Sir Herbert Plumer's own words:

"The right of one brigade was broken about 10.15 A.M.; then its
centre, and then part of the left of the brigade in the next section
to the south. The Princess Patricia's Canadian Light Infantry,
however, although suffering very heavily, stuck to their fire or
support trenches throughout the day. At this time two battalions were
moved to General Headquarters second line astride the Menin road to
support and cover the left of their division.

"At 12.25 P.M. the center of a brigade further to the left also broke;
its right battalion, however, the 1st Suffolks, which had been refused
to cover a gap, still held on, and were apparently surrounded and
overwhelmed. Meanwhile, three more battalions had been moved up to
reinforce, two other battalions were moved up in support to General
Headquarters line and an infantry brigade came up to the grounds of
Vlamertinghe Chateau in corps reserve.

"At 11.30 A.M. a small party of Germans attempted to advance against
the left of the British line, but were destroyed by the 2d Essex
Regiment.

"A counter-attack was launched at 3.30 P.M. by the 1st York and
Lancaster Regiment, 3d Middlesex Regiment, 2d East Surrey Regiment, 2d
Royal Dublin Fusiliers, and the 1st Royal Warwickshire Regiment. The
counter-attack reached Frezenberg, but was eventually driven back and
held up on a line running about north and south through Verlorenhoek,
despite repeated efforts to advance. The 12th London Regiment on the
left succeeded at great cost in reaching the original trench line, and
did considerable execution with their machine gun.

"The 7th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders and the 1st East Lancashire
Regiment attacked in a northeasterly direction toward Wieltje, and
connected the old trench line with the ground gained by the
counter-attack, the line being consolidated during the night.

"During the night orders were received that two Cavalry Divisions
would be moved up and placed at the disposal of the 5th Corps, and a
Territorial Division would be moved up to be used if required.

"On the 9th the Germans again repeated their bombardment. Very heavy
shell fire was concentrated for two hours on the trenches of the 2d
Gloucestershire Regiment and 2d Cameron Highlanders, followed by an
infantry attack which was successfully repulsed. The Germans again
bombarded the salient, and a further attack in the afternoon succeeded
in occupying 150 yards of trench. The Gloucesters counter-attacked,
but suffered heavily, and the attack failed. The salient being very
exposed to shell fire from both flanks, as well as in front, it was
deemed advisable not to attempt to retake the trench at night, and a
retrenchment was therefore dug across it.

"At 3 P.M. the enemy started to shell the whole front of the center
Division, and it was reported that the right Brigade of this Division
was being heavily punished, but continued to maintain its line.

"The trenches of the Brigades on the left center were also heavily
shelled during the day and attacked by infantry. Both attacks were
repulsed.

"On the 10th instant the trenches on either side of the Menin-Ypres
road were shelled very severely all the morning. The 2d Cameron
Highlanders, 9th Royal Scots, and the 3d and 4th King's Royal Rifles,
however, repulsed an attack made, under cover of gas, with heavy loss.
Finally, when the trenches had been practically destroyed and a large
number of the garrison buried, the 3d King's Royal Rifles and 4th
Rifle Brigade fell back to the trenches immediately west of
Bellewaarde Wood. So heavy had been the shell fire that the proposal
to join up the line with a switch through the wood had to be
abandoned, the trees broken by the shells forming an impassable
entanglement.

"After a comparatively quiet night and morning (10th-11th) the hostile
artillery fire was concentrated on the trenches of the 2d Cameron
Highlanders and 1st Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders at a slightly
more northern point than on the previous day. The Germans attacked in
force and gained a footing in part of the trenches, but were promptly
ejected by a supporting company of the 9th Royal Scots. After a second
short artillery bombardment the Germans again attacked about 5.15
P.M., but were again repulsed by rifle and machine-gun fire. A third
bombardment followed, and this time the Germans succeeded in gaining
a trench--or rather what was left of it--a local counter-attack
failing. However, during the night the enemy were again driven out.
The trench by this time being practically non-existent, the garrison
found it untenable under the very heavy shell fire the enemy brought
to bear upon it, and the trench was evacuated. Twice more did the
German snipers creep back into it, and twice more they were ejected.
Finally, a retrenchment was made, cutting off the salient which had
been contested throughout the day. It was won owing solely to the
superior weight and number of the enemy's guns, but both our infantry
and our artillery took a very heavy toll of the enemy, and the ground
lost has proved of little use to the enemy.

"On the remainder of the front the day passed comparatively quietly,
though most parts of the line underwent intermittent shelling by guns
of various calibers.

"With the assistance of the Royal Flying Corps the 31st Heavy Battery
scored a direct hit on a German gun, and the North Midland Heavy
Battery got on to some German howitzers with great success.

"With the exception of another very heavy burst of shell fire against
the right Division early in the morning the 12th passed uneventfully.

"On the night of the 12th-13th the line was reorganized, the center
Division retiring into Army Reserve to rest, and their places being
taken in the trenches by the two Cavalry Divisions; the Artillery and
Engineers of the center Division forming with them what was known as
the 'Cavalry Force,' under the command of General De Lisle.

"On the 13th, the various reliefs having been completed without
incident, the heaviest bombardment yet experienced broke out at 4.30
A.M., and continued with little intermission throughout the day. At
about 7.45 A.M. the Cavalry Brigade astride the railway, having
suffered very severely, and their trenches having been obliterated,
fell back about 800 yards. The North Somerset Yeomanry, on the right
of the Brigade, although also suffering severely, hung on to their
trenches throughout the day, and actually advanced and attacked the
enemy with the bayonet. The Brigade on its right also maintained its
position; as did also the Cavalry Division, except the left squadron,
which, when reduced to sixteen men, fell back. The 2d Essex Regiment,
realizing the situation, promptly charged and retook the trench,
holding it till relieved by the cavalry. Meanwhile a counter-attack by
two cavalry brigades was launched at 2.30 P.M., and succeeded, in
spite of very heavy shrapnel and rifle fire, in regaining the original
line of trenches, turning out the Germans who had entered it, and in
some cases pursuing them for some distance. But a very heavy shell
fire was again opened on them, and they were again compelled to retire
to an irregular line in rear, principally the craters of shell holes.
The enemy in their counter-attack suffered very severe losses.

"The fighting in other parts of the line was little less severe. The
1st East Lancashire Regiment were shelled out of their trenches, but
their support company and the 2d Essex Regiment, again acting on their
own initiative, won them back. The enemy penetrated into the farm at
the northeast corner of the line, but the 1st Rifle Brigade, after a
severe struggle, expelled them. The 1st Hampshire Regiment also
repelled an attack, and killed every German who got within fifty yards
of their trenches. The 5th London Regiment, despite very heavy
casualties, maintained their position unfalteringly. At the southern
end of the line the left brigade was once again heavily shelled, as
indeed was the whole front. At the end of a very hard day's fighting,
our line remained in its former position, with the exception of the
short distance lost by one cavalry division. Later, the line was
pushed forward, and a new line was dug in a less exposed position,
slightly in rear of that originally held. The night passed quietly.

"Working parties of from 1,200 to 1,800 men have been found every
night by a Territorial Division and other units for work on rear
lines of defence, in addition to the work performed by the garrisons
in reconstructing the front line trenches which were daily destroyed
by shell fire.

"The work performed by the Royal Flying Corps has been invaluable.
Apart from the hostile aeroplanes actually destroyed, our airmen have
prevented a great deal of aerial reconnaissance by the enemy, and have
registered a large number of targets with our artillery.

"There have been many cases of individual gallantry. As instances, may
be given the following:

"During one of the heavy attacks made against our infantry gas was
seen rolling forward from the enemy's trenches. Private Lynn, of the
2d Lancashire Fusiliers, at once rushed to the machine-gun without
waiting to adjust his respirator. Single-handed he kept his gun in
action the whole time the gas was rolling over, actually hoisting it
on the parapet to get a better field of fire. Although nearly
suffocated by the gas, he poured a stream of lead into the advancing
enemy and checked their attack. He was carried to his dug-out, but,
hearing another attack was imminent, he tried to get back to his gun.
Twenty-four hours later he died in great agony from the effects of the
gas.

"A young subaltern in a cavalry regiment went forward alone one
afternoon to reconnoiter. He got into a wood 1,200 yards in front of
our lines, which he found occupied by Germans, and came back with the
information that the enemy had evacuated a trench and were digging
another--information which proved most valuable to the artillery as
well as to his own unit.

"A patrol of two officers and a non-commissioned officer of the 1st
Cambridgeshires went out one night to reconnoiter a German trench 350
yards away. Creeping along the parapet of the trench they heard sounds
indicating the presence of six or seven of the enemy. Further on they
heard deep snores apparently proceeding from a dug-out immediately
beneath them. Although they knew that the garrison of the trench
outnumbered them they decided to procure an identification.
Unfortunately in pulling out a clasp knife with which to cut off the
sleeper's identity disc, one of the officer's revolvers went off. A
conversation in agitated whispers broke out in the German trench, but
the patrol crept safely away, the garrison being too startled to fire.

"Despite the very severe shelling to which the troops had been
subjected, which obliterated trenches and caused very many casualties,
the spirit of all ranks remains excellent. The enemy's losses,
particularly on May 10 and 13, have unquestionably been serious. On
the latter day they evacuated trenches (in face of the cavalry
counter-attack) in which were afterwards found quantities of equipment
and some of their own wounded. The enemy have been seen stripping our
dead, and on three occasions men in khaki have been seen advancing."


JOINT BRITISH AND FRENCH ATTACKS

The fight went on by the exchange of desultory shell and rifle fire,
but without any remarkable incident until the morning of May 24.
During this period, however, the French on our left had attained
considerable success. On May 15 they captured Steenstraate and the
trenches in Het Sas, and on May 16 they drove the enemy headlong over
the canal, finding 2,000 German dead. On May 17 they made a
substantial advance on the east side of the canal, and on May 20 they
repelled a German counter-attack, making a further advance in the same
direction, and taking 100 prisoners.

On the early morning of May 24 a violent outburst of gas against
nearly the whole front was followed by heavy shell fire, and the most
determined attack was delivered against our position east of Ypres.

The hour the attack commenced was 2.45 A.M. A large proportion of the
men were asleep, and the attack was too sudden to give them time to
put on their respirators.

The 2d Royal Irish and the 9th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders,
overcome by gas fumes, were driven out of a farm held in front of the
left Division, and this the enemy proceeded to hold and fortify.

All attempts to retake this farm during the day failed, and during the
night of May 24-25 the General Officer Commanding the left Division
decided to take up a new line which, although slightly in rear of the
old one, he considered to be a much better position. This operation
was successfully carried out.

Throughout the day the whole line was subjected to one of the most
violent artillery attacks which it had ever undergone; and the 5th
Corps and the Cavalry Divisions engaged had to fight hard to maintain
their positions. On the following day, however, the line was
consolidated, joining the right of the French at the same place as
before, and passing through Wieltje (which was strongly fortified) in
a southerly direction on to Hooge, where the cavalry have since
strongly occupied the chateau, and pushed our line further east.

In pursuance of a promise which I made to the French
Commander-in-Chief to support an attack which his troops were making
on May 9 between the right of my line and Arras, I directed Sir
Douglas Haig to carry out on that date an attack on the German
trenches in the neighborhood of Rougebanc (northwest of Fromelles) by
the 4th Corps, and between Neuve Chapelle and Givenchy by the 1st and
Indian Corps.

The bombardment of the enemy's positions commenced at 5 A.M.

Half an hour later the 8th Division of the 4th Corps captured the
first line of German trenches about Rougebanc, and some detachments
seized a few localities beyond this line. It was soon found, however,
that the position was much stronger than had been anticipated and that
a more extensive artillery preparation was necessary to crush the
resistance offered by his numerous fortified posts.

Throughout May 9 and 10 repeated efforts were made to make further
progress. Not only was this found to be impossible, but the violence
of the enemy's machine-gun fire from his posts on the flanks rendered
the captured trenches so difficult to hold that all the units of the
4th Corps had to retire to their original position by the morning of
May 10.


GENERAL PLAN OF ATTACK

The 1st and Indian Divisions south of Neuve Chapelle met with no
greater success, and on the evening of May 10 I sanctioned Sir Douglas
Haig's proposal to concentrate all our available resources on the
southern point of attack.

The 7th Division was moved round from the 4th Corps area to support
this attack, and I directed the General Officer Commanding the First
Army to delay it long enough to insure a powerful and deliberate
artillery preparation.

The operations of May 9 and 10 formed part of a general plan of attack
which the Allies were conjointly conducting on a line extending from
the north of Arras to the south of Armentieres; and, although
immediate progress was not made during this time by the British
forces, their attack assisted in securing the brilliant successes
attained by the French forces on their right, not only by holding the
enemy in their front, but by drawing off a part of the German
reinforcements which were coming up to support their forces east of
Arras.

On May 15 I moved the Canadian Division into the 1st Corps area and
placed them at the disposal of Sir Douglas Haig.

The infantry of the Indian Corps and the 2d Division of the 1st Corps
advanced to the attack of the enemy's trenches which extended from
Richebourg L'Avoué in a south-westerly direction.

Before daybreak the 2d Division had succeeded in capturing two lines
of the enemy's trenches, but the Indian Corps were unable to make any
progress owing to the strength of the enemy's defenses in the
neighborhood of Richebourg L'Avoué.


BATTLE OF FESTUBERT

At daybreak the 7th Division, on the night of the 2d, advanced to the
attack, and by 7 A.M. had entrenched themselves on a line running
nearly north and south, halfway between their original trenches and La
Quinque Rue, having cleared and captured several lines of the enemy's
trenches, including a number of fortified posts.

As it was found impossible for the Indian Corps to make any progress
in face of the enemy's defenses, Sir Douglas Haig directed the attack
to be suspended at this point and ordered the Indian Corps to form a
defensive flank.

The remainder of the day was spent in securing and consolidating
positions which had been won, and endeavoring to unite the inner
flanks of the 7th and 2d Divisions, which were separated by trenches
and posts strongly held by the enemy.

Various attempts which were made throughout the day to secure this
object had not succeeded at nightfall in driving the enemy back.

The German communications leading to the rear of their positions were
systematically shelled throughout the night.

About 200 prisoners were captured on May 16.

Fighting was resumed at daybreak; and by eleven o'clock the 7th
Division had made a considerable advance, capturing several more of
the enemy's trenches. The task allotted to this Division was to push
on in the direction of Rue D'Ouvert, Chateau St. Roch and Canteleux.

The 2d Division was directed to push on when the situation permitted
toward the Rue de Marais and Violaines.

The Indian Division was ordered to extend its front far enough to
enable it to keep touch with the left of the 2d Division when they
advanced.

On this day I gave orders for the 51st (Highland) Division to move
into the neighborhood of Estaires to be ready to support the
operations of the First Army.

At about noon the enemy was driven out of the trenches and posts which
he occupied between the two Divisions, the inner flanks of which were
thus enabled to join hands.

By nightfall the 2d and 7th Divisions had made good progress, the area
of captured ground being considerably extended to the right by the
successful operations of the latter.

The state of the weather on the morning of May 18 much hindered an
effective artillery bombardment, and further attacks had,
consequently, to be postponed.

Infantry attacks were made throughout the line in the course of the
afternoon and evening, but, although not very much progress was made,
the line was advanced to the La Quinque Rue-Bethune Road before
nightfall.

On May 19 the 7th and 2d Divisions were drawn out of the line to rest.
The 7th Division was relieved by the Canadian Division and the 2d
Division by the 51st (Highland) Division.

Sir Douglas Haig placed the Canadian and 51st Divisions, together with
the artillery of the 2d and 7th Divisions, under the command of
Lieutenant-General Alderson, whom he directed to conduct the
operations which had hitherto been carried on by the General Officer
Commanding First Corps; and he directed the 7th Division to remain in
Army Reserve.

During the night of May 19-20 a small post of the enemy in front of La
Quinque Rue was captured.

During the night of May 20-21 the Canadian Division brilliantly
carried on the excellent progress made by the 7th Division by seizing
several of the enemy's trenches and pushing forward their whole line
several hundred yards. A number of prisoners and some machine guns
were captured.

On May 22 the 51st (Highland) Division was attached to the Indian
Corps, and the General Officer Commanding the Indian Corps took charge
of the operations at La Quinque Rue, Lieutenant-General Alderson with
the Canadians conducting the operations to the north of that place.

On this day the Canadian Division extended their line slightly to the
right and repulsed three very severe hostile counter-attacks.

On May 24 and 25 the 47th Division (2d London Territorial) succeeded
in taking some more of the enemy's trenches and making good the
ground gained to the east and north.

I had now reason to consider that the battle, which was commenced by
the First Army on May 9 and renewed on May 16, having attained for the
moment the immediate object I had in view, should not be further
actively proceeded with; and I gave orders to Sir Douglas Haig to
curtail his artillery attack and to strengthen and consolidate the
ground he had won.

In the battle of Festubert above described the enemy was driven from a
position which was strongly entrenched and fortified, and ground was
won on a front of four miles to an average depth of 600 yards.

The enemy is known to have suffered very heavy losses, and in the
course of the battle 785 prisoners and ten machine guns were captured.
A number of machine guns were also destroyed by our fire.

During the period under report the Army under my command has taken
over trenches occupied by some other French divisions.

I am much indebted to General D'Urbal, commanding the 10th French
Army, for the valuable and efficient support received throughout the
battle of Festubert from three groups of French 75 centimetre guns.

In spite of very unfavorable weather conditions, rendering observation
most difficult, our own artillery did excellent work throughout the
battle.

As an instance of the successful attempts to deceive the enemy in this
respect it may be mentioned that on the afternoon of May 24 a
bombardment of about an hour was carried out by the 6th Division with
the object of distracting attention from the Ypres salient.

Considerable damage was done to the enemy's parapets and wire; and
that the desired impression was produced on the enemy is evident from
the German wireless news on that day, which stated, "West of Lille the
English attempts to attack were nipped in the bud."

I have much pleasure in again expressing my warm appreciation of the
admirable manner in which all branches of the Medical Services now in
the field, under the direction of Surgeon-General Sir Arthur Sloggett,
have met and dealt with the many difficult situations resulting from
the operations during the last two months.

The medical units at the front were frequently exposed to the enemy's
fire, and many casualties occurred amongst the officers of the
regimental Medical Service. At all times the officers, non-commissioned
officers and men, and nurses carried out their duties with fearless
bravery and great devotion to the welfare of the sick and wounded.

The whole organization of the Medical Services reflects the highest
credit on all concerned.

I have once more to call your Lordship's attention to the part taken
by the Royal Flying Corps in the general progress of the campaign, and
I wish particularly to mention the invaluable assistance they rendered
in the operations described in this report, under the able direction
of Major-General Sir David Henderson.

The Royal Flying Corps is becoming more and more an indispensable
factor in combined operations. In co-operation with the artillery, in
particular, there has been continuous improvement both in the methods
and in the technical material employed. The ingenuity and technical
skill displayed by the officers of the Royal Flying Corps in effecting
this improvement have been most marked.

Since my last dispatch there has been a considerable increase both in
the number and in the activity of German aeroplanes in our front.
During this period there have been more than sixty combats in the air,
in which not one British aeroplane has been lost. As these flights
take place almost invariably over or behind the German lines, only one
hostile aeroplane has been brought down in our territory. Five more,
however, have been definitely wrecked behind their own lines, and many
have been chased down and forced to land in most unsuitable ground.

In spite of the opposition of hostile aircraft, and the great number
of anti-aircraft guns employed by the enemy, air reconnaissance has
been carried out with regularity and accuracy.

I desire to bring to your Lordship's notice the assistance given by
the French military authorities, and in particular by General
Hirschauer, Director of the French Aviation Service, and his
assistants, Colonel Bottieaux and Colonel Stammler, in the supply of
aeronautical material, without which the efficiency of the Royal
Flying Corps would have been seriously impaired.

In this dispatch I wish again to remark upon the exceptionally good
work done throughout this campaign by the Army Service Corps and by
the Army Ordnance Department, not only in the field, but also on the
lines of communication and at the base ports.

To foresee and meet the requirements in the matter of ammunition,
stores, equipment, supplies, and transport has entailed on the part of
the officers, non-commissioned officers and men of these services a
sustained effort which has never been relaxed since the beginning of
the war, and which has been rewarded by the most conspicuous success.

The close co-operation of the Railway Transport Department, whose
excellent work, in combination with the French Railway Staff, has
ensured the regularity of the maintenance services, has greatly
contributed to this success.

The degree of efficiency to which these services have been brought was
well demonstrated in the course of the second battle of Ypres.

The roads between Poperinghe and Ypres, over which transport, supply
and ammunition columns had to pass, were continually searched by
hostile heavy artillery during the day and night; whilst the passage
of the canal through the town of Ypres, and along the roads east of
that town, could only be effected under most difficult and dangerous
conditions as regards hostile shell fire. Yet, throughout the whole
five or six weeks during which these conditions prevailed the work was
carried on with perfect order and efficiency.


THE "NEW" BRITISH ARMY

Since the date of my last report some divisions of the "New" Army have
arrived in this country.

I made a close inspection of one division, formed up on parade, and
have at various times seen several units belonging to others.

These divisions have as yet had very little experience in actual
fighting; but, judging from all I have seen, I am of opinion that they
ought to prove a valuable addition to any fighting force.

As regards the infantry, their physique is excellent, whilst their
bearing and appearance on parade reflects great credit on the officers
and staffs responsible for their training. The units appear to be
thoroughly well officered and commanded. The equipment is in good
order and efficient.

Several units of artillery have been tested in the firing line behind
the trenches, and I hear very good reports of them. Their shooting has
been extremely good, and they are quite fit to take their places in
the line.

The Pioneer Battalions have created a very favorable impression, the
officers being keen and ingenious, and the men of good physique and
good diggers. The equipment is suitable. The training in field works
has been good, but, generally speaking, they require the assistance of
Regular Royal Engineers as regards laying out of important works. Man
for man in digging the battalions should do practically the same
amount of work as an equivalent number of sappers, and in riveting,
entanglements, etc., a great deal more than the ordinary infantry
battalions.

During the months of April and May several divisions of the
Territorial Force joined the Army under my command.

Experience has shown that these troops have now reached a standard of
efficiency which enables them to be usefully employed in complete
divisional units.

Several divisions have been so employed; some in the trenches, others
in the various offensive and defensive operations reported in this
dispatch.

In whatever kind of work these units have been engaged, they have all
borne an active and distinguished part, and have proved themselves
thoroughly reliable and efficient.

The opinion I have expressed in former dispatches as to the use and
value of the Territorial Force has been fully justified by recent
events.

The Prime Minister was kind enough to accept an invitation from me to
visit the Army in France, and arrived at my Headquarters on May 30.

Mr. Asquith made an exhaustive tour of the front, the hospitals and
all the administrative arrangements made by Corps Commanders for the
health and comfort of men behind the trenches.

It was a great encouragement to all ranks to see the Prime Minister
amongst them; and the eloquent words which on several occasions he
addressed to the troops had a most powerful and beneficial effect.

As I was desirous that the French Commander-in-Chief should see
something of the British troops, I asked General Joffre to be kind
enough to inspect a division on parade.

The General accepted my invitation, and on May 27 he inspected the 7th
Division, under the command of Major-General H. de la P. Gough, C.B.,
which was resting behind the trenches.

General Joffre subsequently expressed to me in a letter the pleasure
it gave him to see the British troops, and his appreciation of their
appearance on parade. He requested me to make this known to all
ranks.

The Moderator of the Church of Scotland, the Right Rev. Dr. Wallace
Williamson, Dean of the Order of the Thistle, visited the Army in
France between May 7 and 17, and made a tour of the Scottish regiments
with excellent results.

In spite of the constant strain put upon them by the arduous nature of
the fighting which they are called upon to carry out daily and almost
hourly, the spirit which animates all ranks of the Army in France
remains high and confident.

They meet every demand made upon them with the utmost cheerfulness.

This splendid spirit is particularly manifested by the men in
hospital, even amongst those who are mortally wounded.

The invariable question which comes from lips hardly able to utter a
sound is, "How are things going on at the front?"

In conclusion, I desire to bring to your Lordship's special notice the
valuable services rendered by General Sir Douglas Haig in his
successful handling of the troops of the First Army throughout the
Battle of Festubert, and Lieutenant-General Sir Herbert Plumer for his
fine defence of Ypres throughout the arduous and difficult operations
during the latter part of April and the month of May.

I have the honor to be your Lordship's most obedient servant,

J.D.P. FRENCH,
Field-Marshal, Commanding-in-Chief,
the British Army in France.




France's "Eyewitness" Reports


HILGENFIRST

_The following details published in Paris on July 11 by an official
"Eyewitness" with the French army of the desperate fighting which
resulted in the capture of the summit of Hilgenfirst, more than 3,000
feet high, in the Langenfeldkopf region, in the Vosges Mountains, are
given in an account of the struggle written by an official eyewitness
with the French army._

In the fight for the capture of the eminence of Hilgenfirst, one
company of our advance guard which forced a breach in the German lines
was cut off from its battalion as the result of a German
counter-attack. This company, nevertheless, succeeded in maintaining
the conquered position four days until finally relieved.

On June 14 the Sixth Company of the Seventh Battalion crawled from its
trenches and deployed toward a clearing in the woods opposite. It then
charged, taking the German trenches. The Germans fled to the woods,
leaving a quick-firer. Our men immediately began fortifying the
position, but our sentries reported that German patrols had been seen
encircling the French. Other companies were ordered forward
immediately to support the one in the trench.

Meanwhile large German reinforcements had been brought up, making it
impossible to reach our men. The captain in the trench, realizing that
he was surrounded, ordered some of his men to form a hollow square and
defend the position while others dug trenches on four sides. The
Germans attacked in great force with quick firers and rifles, but
withdrew at nightfall after a battle lasting two hours. Our men
defending the position numbered 137, including five officers. One
officer and twenty-seven men were wounded.

The following day, despite a well-directed fire from our main
positions, the Germans again attacked in large numbers, advancing in
columns of four. The situation now began to look critical, but at the
crucial moment a hail of shrapnel from our 75.8 completely decimated
one advancing column. The edge of the wood out of which the column
advanced was piled high with German bodies and the remainder of the
force scattered in flight.

In the afternoon the Germans again prepared for an attack, but the
attempt was frustrated by our infantry fire. During the night the
captain told off men to rest in squads, the others being constantly on
the alert. At dawn a second lieutenant and a few men surprised a small
German scouting detachment of twenty men commanded by a
non-commissioned officer. Our men threw themselves upon the Germans,
killing the officer and two men, the others taking to their heels at
top speed.

At 10 o'clock the main body of our troops succeeded in establishing
communications with the isolated company which called for help in the
provincial dialect. We answered that we would attack at nightfall, but
that the attack would be preceded by a heavy bombardment.

Accordingly, they constructed heavy bomb-proof shelters on the four
sides of the square and anxiously waited. At 9 o'clock the attack was
begun with artillery, quick firers and rifles, but it was insufficient
to drive out the Germans, who had in the meanwhile established
well-protected trenches and, with an excellent telephone system, made
any surprise movement impossible.

The company's rations were now becoming very low. Delirious cries of
the wounded added to the discomfiture of the men. The following
morning a German patrol tried to take the position by storm, and some
of the men succeeded even in mounting the parapet. These were driven
off by a quick firer which had been captured from the Germans. On
other advancing troops of the enemy huge boulders, dug from the
hillside, were rolled down and we succeeded in dispersing the attack.

Another attack was prepared by us for that night, but the danger was
great on account of the narrowness of the position occupied by the
company. The captain of the company was ordered to light fires at the
opposite ends of his position, so that our artillery could better
regulate its fire, as there was great danger of killing our own men.

The artillery opened a crushing fire, and the Germans began to
retreat. As they passed the company's position their men were mowed
down by the exactness of the fire of our troops, and finally the brave
company was delivered.

The general in command of the army in the Vosges said, in
complimenting the men for their bravery, the company henceforth should
be called "Company Sid Ibrahim."

[Illustration: Battle line in the Vosges, July 20]


BATTLE OF FONTENELLE

_The official French "Eyewitness" at the front reported on July 18
giving details of the French success in the battle of Fontenelle, in
the Vosges. The scene of the conflict is in the neighborhood of the
village of Senones and the forest of Ormont, and the ground is
described as undulating and cut by deep ravines._

_It was in this region, says the observer, that the Germans, after the
battle of the Marne, look up a position on a summit commanding the
surrounding countryside. This hill was Height 627, which is known as
Fontenelle._

On June 22, after severe losses, the enemy succeeded in occupying
Fontenelle, says the observer. Although we counter-attacked
vigorously, taking 142 prisoners, the enemy held the summit. General
Van Kuderzen, in a report dated July 3, said that after a careful
inspection of the German works and trenches he finally believed that
the hill had been transformed into an impregnable fortress, and that
its capture would necessitate tremendous losses.

On July 8 all necessary preparations for the attack had been
completed. The same day, at nightfall, three columns, aided by a
remarkably accurate artillery fire, took a portion of the enemy's
trenches. In the center we also attacked, forcing the enemy to the
west of Launois in ten minutes. The attack on the left proceeded more
slowly, but, aided by gathering darkness, we took possession of the
northwestern portion of the hill.

At daybreak not only the whole of the summit had been retaken, but a
majority of the German defenses as far as the road from Launois to
Moyen-Moutier. Thanks to our artillery, all preparations for
counter-attacks were immediately stopped.

During the battles of July 8 and 9 we took 881 prisoners, including 21
officers. When questioned the prisoners gave great praise to our
excellent artillery marksmanship, saying: "We did not believe there
could be such a hell of fire."


BETWEEN BETHUNE AND ARRAS

_An Associated Press dispatch dated on the heights of Notre Dame de
Lorette, near Arras, July 10, gave the following account of the 120
days' fight ended successfully by the use of high explosives:_

After fighting 120 days for the hill country between Bethune and
Arras, the French forces are in possession of all the eminences
looking out upon the plain of Flanders. Lille, Douai, and Chambrai all
are visible from here.

Every position along the broad national road between Arras and Bethune
has been won except Souchez, and last night another quarter mile of
trenches in the Souchez web was torn away. The attack was made under
parachute rocket lights, the French burning bluish white and the
Germans greenish white, covering the scene of the desperate conflict
with a ghastly glow.

The most desperate fighting has been along the short ten-mile front
from Arras to Aix-Noulette, which began March 9 with the taking of a
few hundred yards of trenches on the watershed of Notre Dame de
Lorette, where there are the ruins of an old Merovingian military
road. Every day since then some section of the German trenches has
been taken, lost, or retaken.

Each side has been employing formidable artillery both of small and
heavy calibre, the French guns being somewhat more numerous and served
with unlimited quantities of high explosive shells.

A correspondent of The Associated Press today went through five or six
miles of the trenches formerly held by the Germans and reconstructed
by the French, who now have abandoned them to move forward. Upward of
100,000 Germans have fallen or been captured in these trenches,
according to the French official count, since the second week of
March. The French losses, the correspondent was confidentially
informed, while serious, have been much smaller than those of the
Germans. There are thickets of little crosses made of twigs tied
together, marking the graves between the trenches. Some of these
graves have been torn up by the shell fire.

Almost every square yard of this region is marked by miniature craters
caused by exploding shells. Spots where shells penetrated the earth
without exploding are indicated by signs bearing the words "Live
Shell."

One line of the German works was just below the summit of a steep
slope which, from the nature of the ground, could not be shelled
without danger to the French position a little higher up. The Germans
were sheltered in dugouts under the hillside, and their French
assailants, sliding or jumping down into the trenches, were shot or
bayoneted from caves. The line was finally taken by tossing grenades
by the basketful into the trenches until most of the defenders in the
concaved shelters were killed or wounded. Every curve or angle in the
miles of labyrinthine cuttings has its story of tragedy and heroism.

In the party which went over this ground and into the firing trenches
within calling distance of the German lines with The Associated Press
correspondent were Owen Johnson, Arnold Bennett, Walter Hale and
George H. Mair, the last representing the British Foreign Office. As
they approached the lines one shell from a four-inch gun burst within
twenty-five yards of them, while others exploded only thirty or forty
yards away. This incident seemed greatly to amuse the soldiers in the
trenches, who laughed heartily at the embarrassment of the civilians.

The visitors were invited by the soldiers into their shelters, which
are dry caves with narrow entrances and with clay floors covered with
matting or sacking and faintly illuminated by the light which filters
in from the entrance or by bits of candle on the inside. Men who had
been on duty throughout the night were sleeping in these caves.

The men on the firing line express the utmost confidence that what was
done yesterday and this morning they can keep on doing until the war
has been won. They never hear the vague, unverified reports circulated
in Paris, sometimes of tremendous and impossible victories, sometimes
sinister hints of disaster. They know what they have done since March
9, when they were ordered to act on this part of the Aisne. They talk
as a matter of course of another winter campaign, because, they say,
it will take another year to break the German power.


ARRAS' GRASS-GROWN STREETS

_An Associated Press dispatch of July 9 from Arras via Paris reads:_

Shells have been dropping into Arras at intervals today, as they have
been for 250 days. Each twenty-four hours a few more buildings crumple
or burn, although the Fire Department still is efficient in
extinguishing flames.

One thousand civilians out of a former population of 35,000 are still
here. There were 4,000 in December when The Associated Press
correspondent first visited the town. A few scores of the inhabitants
have been killed or wounded, while the others have been persuaded by
the military authorities to go away. None of those remaining thinks of
sleeping anywhere except in a cellar. The rest of their time they
spend out of doors, when no shells are falling.

The streets, which formerly were filled with traffic, are now
grass-grown. Two postmen deliver the mail, which comes regularly once
a day by military post. Several shops located underground are open for
business. Displayed on cellar doors are baskets of fresh vegetables,
which can be bought at about the same prices as in Paris. Inside the
principal grocery are many standard brands of American, French, and
British canned goods.

About half the outer walls of the beautiful City Hall are still
standing, but there remains only one jagged corner of the imposing
belfry which once adorned the great square of Arras. A citizen
occupying a cellar on the other side of the square counted the shells
which struck the belfry, and says it took 360 to shatter the beautiful
bit of architecture.


ARRAS CATHEDRAL

_An Associated Press dispatch from Paris dated July 13 reports:_

Since June 27 the Germans have systematically bombarded various parts
of Arras with projectiles of all calibres, says an official
communication given out today by the French War Department.

On June 27 the bombardment was extremely violent and was executed by
six-inch, eight-inch and seventeen-inch guns, between the hours of 8
A.M. and 2 P.M., and between 6 P.M. and 7:30 P.M. The fire was
directed particularly at the citadel and neighboring streets.

On July 3, toward 6:30 o'clock in the evening, a further bombardment
took place in which incendiary shells were used, and they started a
most violent fire.

On July 5 at 4:30 P.M., the statement continues, the enemy recommenced
its bombardment of the city, concentrating its fire upon the environs
of the cathedral, more especially upon St. Vaast, the ancient Bishop's
palace, which had been transformed into a museum. Incendiary shells
set the building on fire, and the use of fuse shells from three-inch
and four-inch guns prevented our organizing to combat the fire, which
soon assumed great proportions and completely destroyed the palace.
During the night there was an intermittent bombardment.

On July 6, about 7 A.M., shells fell on the Cathedral, the roof of
which took fire, and, despite the efforts of our troops, was entirely
consumed, as were the Cathedral organs.

The departmental archives, which had been deposited in the Palace of
St. Vaast, had been placed in the cellar of the palace before the
bombardment and were saved. The sacred ornaments and part of the
furnishings in the Cathedral were removed.


IN THE FECHT VALLEY

_The French official "Eyewitness" reported on July 15 the French
victory in the battle of Metzeral in upper Alsace, as follows:_

The operations by which our troops captured the towns of Metzeral and
Sondernach, which are situated in the Fecht Valley, have been
remarkable because of the means employed and the results obtained, and
as the Alpine troops have been forced to surmount all possible
difficulties.

_Metzeral, the eyewitness explains, is situated in a valley surrounded
by high hills, the sides of which dropped precipitously down to the
Fecht region. On these hills was stationed artillery, to the rear of
which, within easy access, large reinforcements could be massed and
brought to the front when needed. He continued:_

From prisoners we learned that the Germans considered their position
impregnable. It was surrounded by several lines of trenches and barbed
wire entanglements. We made long preparations for the attack,
concentrating troops and bringing supplies up the Vosges through
winding, narrow, and hastily constructed roads, twenty miles in
length. New trenches were dug, mines laid, and various other details
attended to.

On June 15, after prolonged and heavy artillery fire on both sides of
the valley, the attack was begun against Hill 830, on which we
captured trenches situated on the slopes, taking two companies
prisoners. A portion of the trenches on Braunkopf also fell into our
hands.

At Eichwald we gained less, as here the German fortifications were
strongest. At Anlass, also, although many grenades were thrown, the
fortifications were of such a character as to make it impossible to
break through.

On the day following the attack was resumed, with the purpose of
gaining us all the positions on Braunkopf and Hill 830. We began at
this point to encircle Eichwald, as the road to Metzeral now lay open.
The Germans remained at Anlass, where our attack always stopped, and
with their fire across the valley on Braunkopf made it impossible for
us to proceed.

All our efforts were now concentrated on Anlass. We attacked on June
18 and 19, and on the 20th the German positions fell into our hands.
Our troops continued on down the valley, capturing 6 officers, 11
non-commissioned officers, and 140 men.

An attack directed at the same time against Winterhagel, situated to
the south of Anlass, was marked by a sad incident. A small group of
chasseurs who succeeded in breaking through the barbed-wire
entanglements found themselves under a crossfire of quick-firers. The
men tried to construct a shelter with the tools they carried. The
Germans cried "Surrender!" Not one man answered. The quick-firers
accomplished their work, and the men were found lying with faces to
the ground, as if they had dropped when drawn up in line for parade.

Our attacks were now centred on Metzeral. The factory at Steinbruck
was taken on the night of June 17, and a battalion entered Altenkof
the day following. On June 21 our men came down from Braunkopf,
surrounded the village on the north, and took the railway station. The
Germans in Metzeral, threatened with capture, placed quick-firers in
several houses to protect their retreat and prepared to set the place
on fire. Our artillery quickly demolished the houses in which German
artillery had been placed, and our troops entered the flaming streets
from the north and west. The village was burned.

On the two following nights, while our troops harassed the retreating
enemy, Winterhagel and Sondernach fell into our hands and our line was
established along the length of the valley of the Fecht as far as
Sondernach.

The action resulted in the capture of 20 officers, 53 non-commissioned
officers, and 638 men.




The Crown Prince in the Argonne


_An Associated Press dispatch from Paris stated on June 30 that the
German attempt to divert the attention of the French from the latter's
offensive in the region north of Arras has been productive of gains in
the Argonne, where a three-days' bombardment of the French trenches
was followed by the capture of French positions near Bagatelle.
Elsewhere, particularly on the Yser, to the north of Arras, north of
Verdun and near Metzeral in Alsace, there have been artillery
exchanges without notable results._

_The dispatch recorded the following French official communication,
issued June 30:_

In the Argonne, after a bombardment lasting three days, the Germans
attacked our positions on the road between Binarville and Le Four de
Paris, but were twice repulsed. They succeeded only in their third
attack in gaining a foothold in some parts of our lines near
Bagatelle, and they were everywhere else thrown back after a violent
engagement.

There has been a bombardment on the front north of Verdun, in the Bois
d'Ailly, as well as in the region of Metzeral.

_On July 4 Berlin's official report said:_

In the Argonne the Germans continue their offensive. Our booty has
increased considerably, and amounted on July 1 and 2 to 2,556
prisoners--among them 37 officers--25 machine guns, 72 mine throwers,
and one revolver gun.

_It was reported from London on July 14 that the attack of the German
Crown Prince's army in the Argonne, having for its objective the
investment of the French forts of the Verdun area, had resulted in an
advance of two-thirds of a mile and the capture of 2,581 prisoners and
several pieces of artillery, according to German official reports. A
communique issued in Paris, while admitting the German success,
asserts that nowhere did the assailants gain more than a quarter of a
mile and announces that the Crown Prince's offensive had been
definitely checked._

_Following is the text of the German official statement of July 14:_

In the Argonne a German attack resulted in complete success northeast
of Vienne-le-Château. Our troops took by storm the enemy positions in
the hills extending over a width of three kilometers (about a mile and
three-quarters) and a depth of one kilometer. Hill No. 285, La Fille
Morte, is in our possession. Two thousand five hundred and eighty-one
uninjured prisoners, including fifty-one officers, fell into our
hands. In addition, 300 wounded were taken under our care. Two field
cannon, two revolver cannon, six machine guns, and a large quantity of
tools were captured. Our troops advanced as far as the positions of
the French artillery and rendered eight cannon useless. These are now
standing between the French and German lines.

[Illustration: Scene of the German Crown Prince's drive in the
Argonne.]

_The official statement issued at Berlin on July 15 says:_

The French made repeated attempts yesterday, which lasted into the
night, to recapture the positions we took from them in the Forest of
Argonne. Notwithstanding the employment of large quantities of
ammunition and of strong forces recently brought up, all their attacks
broke down. In many places there was bitter fighting with hand
grenades and encounters at close quarters.

The enemy paid for his unsuccessful efforts with extraordinarily heavy
losses. The number of French prisoners has been increased to 68
officers and 3,688 men.

The success of our troops was all the more remarkable as, according to
corresponding statements made by prisoners, the French had prepared
for a great attack against our positions on the Argonne front on July
14, their national festival day.

_The text of the German official statement published July 16 is as
follows:_

French attacks delivered yesterday and the day before to the west of
the Argonne Forest failed in the face of the North German Landwehr,
who inflicted large and sanguinary losses on the enemy in bitter
hand-to-hand fighting. We captured 462 prisoners.

Since June 20 our troops have fought continually in the Argonne and to
the west of that forest, with the exception of short interruptions. In
addition to the gain in territory and booty in materials a total of
116 officers and 7,009 French prisoners has been reached up to the
present.

On our front which joins the Argonne to the east, lively artillery
battles are in progress. Attacks made by the enemy in this region were
repulsed without difficulty.

_In a dispatch from Berlin, dated July 16, by Wireless to Sayville,
N.Y., it is reported that in the news items given out by the Overseas
News Agency was the following:_

German military tacticians point out that the German victory in the
Forest of Argonne, in France, is of special importance, as it shows
that the connections toward Western France are gradually being cut.

The large amount of war materials captured by the Germans in the last
battle illustrates the importance attributed to the positions by the
French commanders. The French, however, were unable to resist the
terrific offensive of the Crown Prince's army.

[Illustration]




Gallipoli's Shambles

Allied Operations Around the Turks' Fortress of Achi Baba

     The subjoined narratives, official and semi-official, show
     clearly the formidable nature of the Allies' land
     undertaking in the attempt to force the passage of the
     Dardanelles. It will be noted that Compton Mackenzie, the
     novelist, has temporarily replaced E. Ashmead-Bartlett as
     the British press "eyewitness" on the peninsula, and that
     General Sir Ian Hamilton's reports have for the first time
     begun to appear. A notable sketch of his career appears in
     the Atlantic Monthly for July by the pen of Alfred G.
     Gardiner. A poet and a man of romantic ancestry and taste,
     experienced in commands in India, in Egypt, and in South
     Africa, General Hamilton was called by the late Lord Roberts
     the ablest commander in the field. For his qualities of
     daring and inspiration, as well as for his coolness in
     directing the complex movements of the battlefield, he was
     chosen for this most dangerous and bloody of enterprises
     against the German-officered Turks.[4]

     Mr. Mackenzie estimates the losses of the Turks up to June
     30 at not less than 70,000. Prime Minister Asquith in the
     House of Commons, on July 1, announced that the British
     naval and military losses up to May 31 aggregated 38,635
     officers and men. Yet the great fortress of Achi Baba, by
     that time one of the most powerful in the world, was untaken
     up to July 20, and the French and British Allies held but a
     small corner of the area to be conquered.

[Footnote 4: His first report, covering the actions from March 13,
when he left London, to May 20, is here omitted because other official
reports covering the same period were printed in the June and July
numbers of CURRENT HISTORY.]


BATTLE OF THE LONGEST DAY

By Compton Mackenzie

Authorized Press Representative at the Dardanelles.

Dardanelles, via Alexandria,
June 30, 1915.

The battle of the Fourth of June ended with substantial progress on
our centre, although on our left and on our right, notwithstanding the
most violent charges and counter-charges, we were unable to
consolidate some of our initial gains. The reason of this may be found
in the natural strongholds of the Turkish flanks, natural strongholds
that are helped by the most elaborate fortifications.

The British and French line from the Aegean to the Dardanelles is
confronted by rising ground that culminates in the centre with the
flat summit of Achi Baba, 800 ft. high. On either side the ground
falls away to the sea in ravines and dry watercourses (_deres_), which
the Turks have had time to make impregnable to any except those superb
troops that are now fighting to pass over them.

There is no room upon the Gallipoli Peninsula to find weak points, and
we are now in the position of having to storm an immensely strong
fortress, the advanced works of which, by an amazing feat of arms, we
already hold, and the glacis of which has to be crossed before we move
forward to the assault upon the bastion of Achi Baba and beyond to the
final assault upon the very walls of that fortress, the Kilid Bahr
Plateau.

Farther up the coast the Australians and New Zealanders have made a
lodgment upon one of the strongest advanced works of the Kilid Bahr
Plateau. As seen from the northwest here they threaten the
communications of the "fortress" and are drawing against them a large
part of the garrison. This is composed of the flower of the Turkish
Army, and, notwithstanding casualties that must already amount to
70,000, the troops are fighting with gallantry--with desperation,
indeed, because they realize that when the bastion of Achi Baba falls
the occupation of the Kilid Bahr Plateau becomes a mere question of
time, and that when Kilid Bahr falls the doom of Constantinople is at
hand. In view of the difficulties--were it not for the landing one
would be tempted to say the impossibilities--which confront our men,
the gain of a score of yards in the Gallipoli Peninsula may fairly
represent for the purposes of comparison a gain of 500 yards in the
Western theatre of war. Therefore, to find its importance the gain of
500 yards on June 4 must be measured with affairs like Neuve Chapelle;
and the few quiet days that succeeded may be accepted as repose.

[Illustration: Map of Gallipoli Peninsula, showing the mountainous
nature of the terrain, and Achi Baba.]

After a violent effort on the night of June 11 to 12 there was a
brilliant little action by the Border Regiment and the South Wales
Borderers which resulted in the gain of two trenches. On the 16th the
enemy, led by a Turkish and a German officer, made an assault on the
trenches of the 88th Brigade, but were driven off with loss. However,
that night the trenches gained by the two regiments on the 11th were
heavily bombed, so heavily that our men were forced to retire about 30
yards and dig themselves in. At dawn we were able to enfilade with
machine-guns the vacated trenches.

Then the Dublin Fusiliers charged with the bayonet, and once more gave
us possession of our gains at heavy cost to the Turks, whose dead
filled one trench.

On the evening of the 18th the enemy bombarded very heavily another
portion of our trenches on this side of the line. They were evidently
attempting in miniature our own methods of Neuve Chapelle and June 4,
as immediately after the bombardment they were seen to be massing for
an attack. However, the imitation ended rather abruptly at this point,
and the affair petered out.

On the evening of the 19th the Turks by a fierce attack, managed to
get into an awkward salient which had remained in our hands after June
4. For some time there was great difficulty in recovering this, but
the 5th Royal Scots and a company of the Worcesters, led by
Lieut.-Colonel Wilson of the former regiment, made a glorious attack,
and drove out the Turks.

Of the Royal Scots, one can add nothing but that they are Edinburgh
Territorials brought in by the fortune of war to make the twelfth
regiment of the immortal 29th Division whose deeds since April 25
might have stirred the ghost of Homer to sing their valour.

Mention has been made already of the difficulties that oppose our
advance upon the two flanks. On June 21 it was determined to
straighten the line upon the extreme right, and at 1.30 A.M. the
preliminary bombardment began. The dawn had been clear, but soon a
curtain of silver, through which gleamed the ghost of the rising sun,
hung over the Kereves Dere. This was the smoke of bursting shells.
Slowly as the sun climbed up the curtain became more substantial. Then
it seemed to droop and sweep along the hollows like a vanishing mist
of dawn, and during a respite the thin blue smoke of the bivouac fires
came tranquilly up into the still air. The respite was very brief, and
the bombardment began again with greater fierceness than before. The
75's drummed unceasingly. The reverberation of the 125's and of the
howitzers shook the observation post. Over the Kereves Dere, and
beyond, upon the sloping shoulders of Achi Baba, the curtain became a
pall. The sun climbed higher and higher. All that first mirage of
beauty had disappeared, and there was nothing but the monstrous shapes
of bursting shells, giants of smoke that appeared one after another
along the Turkish lines. All through the morning the cannonade went
on.

By noon the Second Division of the French had on the left stormed and
captured all the Turkish trenches of the first two lines. Even the
Haricot Redoubt, with its damnable entanglements and its maze of
communicating trenches, was in French hands. On the right, however,
the First Division, after reaching their objective, had been
counter-attacked so effectively that they had fallen back. Again they
advanced; again they took the trenches; again they were driven out. It
began to look as if the victory upon the left would be fruitless, that
the position would become an untenable salient and the Haricot Redoubt
revert to the enemy.

At this moment a message was sent to say that the trenches must be
recaptured, and, when recaptured, held. There were still five hours of
daylight for this battle of the longest day. British guns and
howitzers were asked for and were lent at once. The bombardment was
resumed throughout that afternoon, and at half-past five it seemed as
if every gun on earth were pouring shells on the Turkish lines.

At six o'clock the third assault was delivered. In one trench there
was a temporary shortage of ammunition, but the enemy fought even with
stones and sticks and fists. A battalion came hurrying up from the
Turkish right to reinforce it, was caught on open ground by the
drumming 75's, and it melted away. Six hundred yards of Turkish
trenches were taken, and still the bombardment was continued in order
to ward off the counter-attack that was anticipated.

The smoke of the shells, which at dawn had been ethereal, almost
translucent, was now, in the sunset, turbid and sinister, yet the
sunset was very splendid, flaming in crimson streamers over Imbros,
tinting the east with rosy reflections and turning the peaks of Asia
to sapphires. It had a peculiar significance on this longest day of
the year, crowning as it did those precious five hours of daylight
that, for the French, had been fraught with such achievement. Slowly
the colour faded out, and now, minute by minute, the flashes of the
guns became more distinct; the smoke was merged in the gathering dusk,
and away over the more distant Turkish lines the bursts of shrapnel
came out like stars against the brief twilight. One knew the anxiety
there would be in the darkness that now was falling upon this 21st of
June, but in the morning we heard gladly that the enemy's
counter-attacks had failed, and that our Allies were indeed firmly
established.

The Turkish casualties were at least 7,000. One trench, 200 yards long
and 10 feet deep, was brimming over with the dead. They were valiant
those dead men. French officers who have fought in the West say that,
as a fighting unit, one Turk is worth two Germans; in fact, with his
back to the wall, the Turk is magnificent. The French casualties were
marvellously few considering what a day it had been, what an enemy was
being attacked, and how much had been gained.

The right of the line now commands Kereves Dere, and the profile of
Achi Baba seems to write itself less solidly against the sky.


ATTACK BY LAND AND SEA

_The British Press Bureau on June 30, 1915, issued the following:_

General Sir Ian Hamilton reports that the plan of operations on the
28th was to throw forward the left of his line southeast of Krithia,
pivoting on a point about one mile from the sea, and after advancing
on the extreme left for about half a mile to establish a new line
facing east on ground thus gained. This plan entailed the capture in
succession of two lines of the Turkish trenches east of the Saghir
Dere, and five lines of trenches west of it. The Australian Corps was
ordered to co-operate by making a vigorous demonstration.

The action opened at nine o'clock with a bombardment by heavy
artillery. The assistance rendered by the French in this bombardment
was most valuable.

At 10.20 the Field Artillery opened fire to cut wire in front of
Turkish trenches, and this was effectively done. The effect on the
enemy's trench near the sea was great. The very accurate fire of his
Majesty's ships Talbot, Scorpion and Wolverine succeeded in keeping
down his artillery fire from that quarter.

At 10.45 a small Turkish advanced work in the Saghir Dere known as the
Boomerang Redoubt was assaulted. This little fort, which was very
strongly sited and protected by extra strong wire entanglements, has
long been a source of trouble. After special bombardment by trench
mortar, and while bombardment of surrounding trenches was at its
height, part of the Border Regiment at the exact moment prescribed
leapt from their trenches as one man like a pack of hounds, and
pouring out of cover raced across, and took the work most brilliantly.

The artillery bombardment increased in intensity till 11 A.M., when
the range was lengthened, and infantry advanced. The infantry attack
was carried out with great dash along the whole line.

West of Saghir Dere three lines of trenches were captured with little
opposition. The trenches were full of dead Turks, many buried by the
bombardment, and one hundred prisoners were taken in them.

East of the Ravine the Royal Scots made a fine attack, capturing the
two lines of trenches assigned to their objective, but the remainder
of the Brigade on their right met with severe opposition and were
unable to get forward.

At 11.30 the Royal Fusiliers led its Brigade in the second phase of
the attack west of the Ravine. The Brigade advanced with great
steadiness and resolution through the trenches already captured, and
on across the open, and taking two more lines of trenches reached the
objective allotted to them, the Lancashire Fusiliers inclining
half-right and forming line to connect with our new position east of
the Ravine.

The northernmost objective had now been attained, but the Gurkhas
pressing on under the cliffs captured an important knoll still further
forward, actually due west of Krithia. This they fortified and held
during the night, making our total gain on the left precisely one
thousand yards.

During the afternoon the trenches, a small portion of which remained
uncaptured on the right, were attacked, but the enemy held on
stubbornly supported by machine-guns and artillery, and the attacks
did not succeed.

During the night the enemy counter-attacked the furthest trenches
gained, but was repulsed with heavy loss. A party of Turks, who
penetrated from the flank between two lines of captured trenches, was
subjected to machine-gun fire at daybreak, suffered very heavily, and
the survivors surrendered.

Except for a small portion of trench already mentioned, which is still
held by the enemy, all and more than was hoped for from operations has
been gained. On the extreme left the line has been pushed forward to a
specially strong point well beyond the limit of the advance originally
contemplated.

All engaged did well, but certainly the chief factor in the success
was the splendid attack carried out by the 29th Division, whose
conduct on this, as on previous occasions, was beyond praise.


AUSTRALIANS IN ACTION

_The British Press Bureau states on July 1 that, in continuation of
his last message respecting the British advance in the Gallipoli
Peninsula, Sir Ian Hamilton had reported as follows:_

Further details have now been received with regard to the part played
by the Australian and New Zealand Army Corps in the operations of the
29th. As previously stated, the General Officer Commanding the
Australian and New Zealand Army Corps was instructed to undertake
operations with a view to preventing the enemy in his front from
detaching troops to the southern area.

Between 11.30 A.M. and 12 noon the action was opened, His Majesty's
ships Humber, Pincher, and Chelmer engaging enemy's heavy guns. At 1
P.M. part of the Second Light Horse Brigade and the Third Infantry
Brigade moved out on the right of the position, advancing some 700
yards, when the enemy was encountered in strength. Meanwhile the
artillery engaged the enemy's reserves, which were collecting in the
ravine opposite right centre, by shelling them effectively with guns
and howitzers.

About 2.30 P.M. the enemy appeared to be preparing a counter-attack
against the left of our advanced troops, but on howitzer and
machine-gun fire being turned on the enemy's attacks were easily
repulsed. The retirement of the advanced troops was begun at 3 P.M.,
well covered by rifle, machine-gun, and artillery fire, and the troops
were all back in the trenches between 4.30 and 5.30 P.M.

Our machine-guns and artillery did considerable execution. Naval gun
fire also gave valuable assistance. Demonstrations made after dark at
8.45 and 11.30 P.M. with flares, star shell, and destroyer bombardment
were successfully carried out.

The Eighth Corps report 180 prisoners taken since the morning of the
28th, namely, 38 of the Sixteenth Regiment, 139 of the Thirty-third
Regiment, and three of the Thirteenth Regiment. A Circassian prisoner
carried a wounded private of Royal Scots into our lines under fire.


ATTACKED BY THE TURKS

_Sir Ian Hamilton reported, as published by the British Press Bureau
on July 6, the following details of the attack made by the Turks on
the night of 29th-30th June:_

About 2 A.M. searchlights of His Majesty's ship Scorpion discovered
half a Turkish battalion advancing near the sea northwest of Krithia.
Scorpion opened fire, and few of the enemy got away. Simultaneously
the enemy attacked the knoll we captured due west of Krithia,
advancing from a nullah in close formation in several lines. The
attack came under artillery and enfilade rifle fire, and the enemy
lost heavily. The foremost Turks got within forty yards of the
parapet, but only a few returned.

The Turks made several heavy bomb attacks during the night, our troops
being twice driven back a short distance. Early in the morning we
regained these trenches by bayonet attack, and they have since been
strengthened.

At 5.30 A.M. 2,000 Turks, moving from Krithia into the ravine, were
scattered by machine-gun fire. The operations reflect great credit on
the vigilance and accurate shooting of His Majesty's ship Scorpion.
The Turkish losses in the nullah and ravine are estimated at 1,500 to
2,000 dead.

About 10 P.M. on the 30th of June the Turks again attacked with bombs
a portion of the most northerly trench captured by us on 28th. An
officer of the Gurkhas being wounded, not dangerously as it turned
out, the men became infuriated, flung all their bombs at the enemy,
and then charging down out of the trench used their kukris for the
first time and with excellent effect. About dawn the Turks once more
attempted an attack over the open, but nearly the whole of these
attacking forces, about half a battalion, were shot down, and a final
bomb attack, though commenced, failed utterly.

Further reports from Australia and New Zealand Corps, as to the
enemy's attack on 29th-30th on our right flank, state that the action
commenced by very heavy fire from midnight till 1.30 A.M., to which
our men only replied by a series of cheers. The Turks then launched
their attack, and came right on with bayonet and bombs. Those who
succeeded in getting into our saps were instantly killed; the
remainder were dealt with by bomb and rifle fire from the 7th and 8th
Light Horse. By 2 A.M. the enemy broke, and many were killed while
withdrawing. The enemy's attack was strongest on his right. They were
completely taken aback by a concealed sap constructed well ahead of
our main line, and the dead are lying thickly in front of this. Some
got into the sap and several across it; all these were wiped out by
fire from the main parapet farther back.

Following the defeat of this attack, the enemy attacked at 3 A.M. on
our left, and 30 men came over the parapets in front of the right of
Quinn's Post. These were duly polished off. Prisoners brought in state
that three fresh battalions were employed in the main attack, which
was made by the personal order of Enver Pasha, who, as they definitely
assert, was present in the trenches on June 29. This is confirmed by
the statement of an intelligent Armenian prisoner captured on that
date. According to him, stringent orders were recently issued that no
further attacks were to be made, because if the Turks remained on the
defensive the British would be forced to attack, and would suffer as
severely as the Turks had hitherto suffered. But Enver Pasha, when he
arrived in the northern section, overrode this instruction, and orders
were received by the prisoner's regiment that the Australians were to
be driven into the sea.

On July 2, after a heavy bombardment of our advanced positions by high
explosives and shrapnel, lasting half an hour, the enemy infantry
advanced, but were driven back to the main nullah about a mile to our
front by the accurate shooting of His Majesty's ship Scorpion and by
our rifle and machine-gun fire. About 7 P.M. the Turkish artillery
recommenced their bombardment, under cover of which two battalions
emerged from the nullah to the northeast of our most advanced trench
and commenced an attack across the open, advancing in two regular
lines. At the outset very effective shrapnel fire from the 10th
Battery Royal Field Artillery caused great execution among the
attackers. Gurkha supports then advanced, and there being insufficient
room in trenches took up a position on some excavated earth in rear,
whence deadly rifle fire was poured into the advancing lines. Turkish
officers could be seen endeavouring to get their men forward, but they
would not face the fire and retreated in disorder after suffering
heavy casualties.

The ground in front of our trenches in every direction can be seen
covered with Turkish dead, and patrols sent out at night report that
the valleys and ravine are also full of them. There can be no possible
doubt that the enemy's losses have been very heavy. After checking and
counter-checking reports from all sources, I put down their total
casualties between June 28 and July 2 at 5,150 killed and 15,000
wounded. The number of killed is, therefore, approximately correct,
while the wounded is an estimate based partly on the knowledge of the
number already reported arrived at Constantinople, and on experience
of proportion of wounded to killed in previous engagements. Since June
29 the total amount of Turkish arms and ammunition collected is 516
rifles, 51 bayonets, 200 sets of equipment, 126,400 rounds of
ammunition, 100 bombs.

The following is an extract from captured divisional orders: "There is
nothing that causes us more sorrow, increases the courage of the
enemy, and encourages him to attack more freely, causing us great
losses, than the losing of these trenches. Henceforth commanders who
surrender these trenches, from whatever side the attack may come,
before the last man is killed will be punished in the same way as if
they had run away. Especially will the commanders of units told off to
guard a certain front be punished if, instead of thinking about their
work, supporting their units and giving information to the higher
command, they only take action after a regrettable incident has taken
place.

"I hope that this will not occur again. I give notice that if it does
I shall carry out the punishment. I do not desire to see a blot made
on the courage of our men by those who escape from the trenches to
avoid the rifle and machine-gun fire of the enemy. Henceforth I shall
hold responsible all officers who do not shoot with their revolvers
all the privates who try to escape from the trenches on any pretext.
Commander of the 11th Div., Colonel Rifaat."

To the copy from which this extract was taken the following note is
appended: "To Commander of the 1st Battalion. The contents will be
communicated to the officers, and I promise to carry out the orders
till the last drop of our blood has been shed. Sign and return.
Signed. Hassan, Commander, 127th Regiment. Then follow signatures
company commanders."


HEAVY TURKISH LOSSES

_The British Press Bureau on July 7 issued this report by General Ian
Hamilton:_

The night of July 3-4 was quiet in the northern section, but at 4 A.M.
the enemy started a heavy bombardment of the trenches. All the guns
previously used against us, and some new ones, were in action, but the
bombardment died away about 6 A.M. without doing much damage. During
the bombardment about twenty 11.2-inch shells were dropped from a
Turkish battleship in the strait.

In the southern section the Turks kept up a heavy musketry fire along
the whole line during the night and did not leave their trenches. At 4
A.M. their batteries started the most violent bombardment that has yet
been experienced. At least 5,000 rounds of artillery ammunition were
expended by them.

Meanwhile this shelling of our lines on the peninsula proved the
preliminary to a general attack on our front with special efforts at
certain points. The principal effort was made at the junction of the
Royal Naval Division section with that of the French.

Here, at 7.30 A.M., the Turks drove back our advanced troops and
assaulted a portion of the line held by the Royal Naval Division. Some
fifty Turks gained a footing in our trench, where, nevertheless, some
men of the Royal Naval Division held on to our supports, and the men
who had retired counter-attacked immediately and hurled the Turks out
of the trench again.

Another attack on the right of the Twenty-ninth Division section, was
practically wiped out by rifle and machine-gun fire. On our left the
Turks massed in a nullah, to the northeast of our newly-captured
trenches, and attempted several attacks. None of these was able to get
home owing to the steadiness of our troops and our effective artillery
support. The bombardment died down toward 11 A.M., though it was
resumed at intervals.

Not only was the result a complete failure, but while our losses were
negligible and no impression was made on our line, the enemy added a
large number to his recent very heavy casualties. It seems plain from
the disjointed nature of his attack that he is finding it difficult to
drive his infantry forward to face our fire.


SLAUGHTER BY CANNON LIGHT

_In a dispatch by George Renwick to The London Daily Chronicle, dated
at Lemnos, July 11, the following description of fighting, followed by
heavy Turco-German casualties, appeared:_

The heaviest fighting which has taken place on Gallipoli Peninsula
since the allied forces landed there began late on Tuesday and lasted
well into Wednesday. It resulted in a swing forward of the southern
line of the allied armies for five furlongs and in the infliction of
staggering losses on the enemy. Those who were in the battle place the
Turco-German casualties at 7,000 killed and from 14,000 to 15,000
wounded. Many prisoners were taken.

The whole army in the southern part of the peninsula was engaged, and
the Australians and New Zealanders further north also played a part.
The victory marks a definite stage in the initial work of throwing
forces around Achi Baba, which may now be described as one of the
strongest fortresses in the world.

The Allies had been resting in comparative tranquillity and the Turks
had evidently become persuaded the enemy was experiencing a shortage
of ammunition. This belief convinced them of the excellent opportunity
of driving the invaders into the sea. Late Tuesday night the first
signs of the enemy's movement were detected. No time was lost in
flashing a warning message to headquarters. The French were soon alert
and the artillery at that portion of the line against which the attack
was being prepared was quickly and strongly reinforced.

French and British machine guns were rushed to the front until a
perfect wall of heavy and light guns was in position. Then there came
a short interval of silence and waiting, almost oppressive. Suddenly
the stillness was broken by a tremendous burst of shells from the
Turkish guns, and for a time shrapnel poured down on the French front.
But the men were safely positioned in dugouts and little loss
resulted. From the strait loud booming began. The battered Goeben was
at work again, and during the bombardment she pounded our right with
some forty 11-inch shells. Many did not burst--they were apparently of
Turkish manufacture.

This hail of shells lasted just an hour and a half and was the
severest bombardment to which our lines have been subjected during the
weeks of struggle on the peninsula. No sooner had the heavy fire
ceased than great solid masses of Turks leaped forward to the attack.
On they came, the silence unbroken save for their shouts, until they
reached a point within sixty or seventy yards of the French position.
Then from 200 well placed machine guns a devastating answering fire
burst from our Allies' trenches, and the rifles joined in, 20,000 of
them. The big guns flared and cast a lurid light over the scene.




Italy's War on Austria

Second Month Closes with Offensive Operations in Swing Against Gorizia

     On July 23, after two months of her war against Austria, an
     appraisement may be taken of Italy's extensive and
     business-like preparation for the conflict. Rapidly the
     passes leading to the Trentino, Carinthia, Friuli, and the
     valley of the Isonzo were secured, almost over night; and
     then, with the regularity of a railway time-table, the
     Italians began their hard, patient work, in hitherto
     impassable regions, of neutralizing the Trentino, so as to
     make impossible an invasion from that territory, and of
     linking up their columns along the Isonzo, so that now, at
     the beginning of August, a battle-front of seventy-five
     miles extending from Tarvis to the Adriatic, is ready to
     move eastward in the direction of Klagenfurt, beyond which
     there are no Austrian fortifications until Vienna is
     reached, 170 miles away--about as far as Cape Cod is from
     New York City. The right flank of this battle-front has been
     developed along the Carso plateau so as to neutralize, as
     the Trentino was neutralized, the Peninsula of Istria with
     the great commercial port of Trieste, the naval base of
     Pola, and the Hungarian Free City of Fiume.


The Italian field of activity saw during the week ended July 24 the
blazing out of the Italian offensive. Italy apparently was then
satisfied that all the passages by means of which Austria could pour
troops to attack her rear are effectively stopped and has therefore
begun a determined advance along the Isonzo front from Tarvis to the
Adriatic, with the object of breaking down completely Austria's first
defensive screen. The battle is, as is natural, centring around
Gorizia.

Once Gorizia falls, the Italian problem in so far as Trieste is
concerned, will be near solution. The Italians have made notable
advances in Cadore and along the Isonzo, on the plateau of Carso. But
Gorizia must be taken before a decided local victory can be recorded.
The fighting has not progressed as yet to the point where definite
information is available, but in late July it seemed to have reached
the culminating stage. The surroundings of Gorizia, which is the key
to the Isonzo district and the junction of five main roads and four
main railway lines, are protected with all manner of fortifications.
The official report from Rome on June 25 recorded the Italian
occupation of Globna, north of Plava, and of the edge of the plateau
between Sagrado and Monfalcone. From that date reports from Vienna
recorded continuous and heavy Italian attacks from the bridgehead at
Goritz to the sea. The correspondent of the Berliner Tageblatt at the
Isonzo front reported on July 7 that the second great Italian
offensive had forced its way into the Austrian line at Podzora--a
height covering the bridgehead at Goritz--and at Vermegliano, between
Doberdo and Monfalcone. A Geneva dispatch, dated July 14, reported the
capture by the Italians of two miles of trenches in the Carnic Alps,
the Alpine troops dragging their artillery to an altitude of 6,600
feet near Roskopel, and capturing to the south of Gorizia two
important forts. On July 16 a dispatch from Rome told of a war council
at the front held by King Victor Emmanuel and Premier Salandra, with
Count Cadorna, Chief of the General Staff, and General Porro, his
chief assistant. A Vienna official dispatch of that date reported
increased artillery activity in the coast district and in Carinthia.
Two passes at a height of over 10,000 feet were taken by the Italians
at Venerodolol and Brizio, as reported July 17, and on July 18 they
began an advance in Cadore, attacking a ring of powerful forts at a
great height at Paneveggio, San Pelegrino, Monet, Livinallongo, and
Tresassi, while Goritz was shelled from land and air.

[Illustration: The Austro-Italian frontier, the scene of the
fighting.]

Then began, on July 20, a great general Italian assault on a 75-mile
line from Tarvis to the Adriatic shore. A dispatch from Turin from the
correspondent of The London Daily Chronicle announced a victorious
advance by the Italians on the Carso plateau, east of Sagrado, with
the capture of 2,000 Austrian prisoners. The War Office in Rome
reported on July 21 that while the Italian defense continued to
develop energetically in Cadore, and the artillery was effectively
working in Carnia, the struggle in the Isonzo zone continued with
increasing intensity. Toward Goritz the Italians gained part of the
line of the heights which form the right bank of the river commanding
the town and the Isonzo bridges. On the Carso Plateau the Austrians
were reported driven from some trenches, and 3,500 prisoners and much
material captured. On July 22 the fall of Goritz and Tolmino was
reported to be near, the War Office in Rome announcing a development
of the offensive "along the whole front from Monte Nero to the Carso
Plateau. Vienna reported that the heavy attacks were being repulsed.
But on July 23 the official report from Rome for the first time
declared that the Italian armies in the battle along the whole Isonzo
front were achieving success," which was "constantly becoming more
clearly apparent." On July 24 a dispatch from Udine said that General
Cadorna was personally directing the battle in the presence of King
Victor Emmanuel and the Duke of Aosta. A Milan dispatch to The London
Daily News on July 25 reported the evacuation of Goritz by the
Austrian General Staff in view of the imminence of its fall. Below
appears a prospective account of Italy's formidable task, written on
July 1 by an Italian correspondent of The London Morning Post.




The Task of Italy

[By a Special Correspondent of The London Morning Post]


Cormons, July 1.

The Italian battle for the conquest of the fortified lines on the
Isonzo and the entrenched camps of Gorizia is one of the most
important in the European conflict. The battle of the Isonzo is not to
be regarded as a mere episode, but a prolonged siege over a front of
more than a hundred miles of a natural fortress, consisting of a chain
of precipitous mountains. Perhaps never before in a European war has
the value of individual qualities been shown so conclusively as by the
Italian troops in this war. The very steep cliffs, which are almost
perpendicular, along the course of the river are almost impossible to
scale. The mountain passes which open along the river are very few and
also narrow. In addition the geological nature of that district,
composed of strong walls of granite towers, which dominate the River
Isonzo, is favorable to its defence.

To this natural defense have been added strong fortifications built by
the Austrians during past years in anticipation of being used for the
subjugation of Italians at some time or other. Finally, during the
last nine months of Italy's neutrality the Austrians have employed the
latest technical improvements in defensive warfare, and I have never
seen their equal during my excursions to the front in France and
Belgium, not even at Antwerp. This remark applies especially to Carso
and Gorizia.

The artillery officers of the Italian Military Staff whom I met at the
front have explained to me the nature of the Austrian defensive works.
Upon the Carso and around Gorizia the Austrians have placed
innumerable batteries of powerful guns mounted on rails and protected
by armor plates. Numerous other artillery advantages are possessed by
the Austrians in the form of medium and smaller guns, though the
efficiency of their action is modified by the long distances
separating the armies.

In view of these advantages possessed by the Austrians, the Italians
have accomplished marvels and are worthy of great admiration. The
infantry is much exposed while crossing large and deep rivers. With
the exception of the two positions of Podgora and Sabotino, all the
Austrian line on the Isonzo has been taken by the Italians.

To the conquest of Gorizia are directed the efforts of the Eastern
Italian Army. The Italian infantry which crossed the Isonzo ran
against a net of trenches which the Austrians had excavated and
constructed in cement all along the edge of the hills which dominate
the course of the river. These trenches, already occupying a position
nearly impregnable because so mountainous, are defended by every
modern protective device. They are armed with numerous machine-guns
surrounded by wire entanglements, through which runs a strong electric
current. These lines of trenches follow without interruption from the
banks of the Isonzo to the summit of the mountains which dominate it.
They form a kind of formidable staircase, which must be conquered step
by step with enormous sacrifice. The Italian troops have accomplished
this marvel.

The crossing of the Isonzo and the conquest of the first mountainous
positions were accomplished by the Italians in four strategic places:
At Caporetto, at Tolurino, at Plava, and at Sagrado. These four
places, situated in the strong line of Austrian defense, are about
twenty miles distant from one another. The chain of fortifications of
which Gorizia is a center was broken in these four essential points.
The immediate effect has been the disorganization of the defensive
plans of the enemy. The crossing of the river was accomplished
generally at night, and was conducted with a rapidity which took the
enemy by surprise. Complete regiments crossed in the night upon light
bridges constructed in a short time by the engineers, whose technical
skill was equal to their audacity. These "bridge-heads," which were
constructed with incredible courage, made possible an attack by the
reinforcements which followed them. When these came in contact with
the lower lines of the Austrian trenches they attacked the defenders
in such a way that the latter were unable to impede seriously the more
important work of the construction of strong bridges.




Two Devoted Nations

By MAURICE MAETERLINCK

     The subjoined letter, dedicated by the Belgian writer to
     stricken Poland, was received on July 12, 1915, by the
     Polish Relief Committee of New York, of which Mme. Marcella
     Sembrich is President.


In the Name of Belgium I Bring the Homage of a Martyred Nation to the
Nation Crucified:

Of all the people engaged in this frightful war, Poland and Belgium
will have suffered most, and we must add (though all the horrors of
war are most revolting) they will have suffered most innocently. They
are two victims of their innocence and grandeur of soul.

In misfortune and in glory their fates are the same. One, in
sacrificing herself wholly to a cult, to an unparalleled passion for
honor, has by breaking the first blow of barbarous invasion probably
saved Europe, just as the other, the older sister, in grief and
heroism several centuries ago saved Europe many times.

They are now joined forever in the memory of men. Across the combats
and the sorrows which they are now enduring their hands meet in the
same sacrifice, in the same invincible hope. Today these countries are
but ruins. Nothing remains of them. They appear to be dead. But we,
who are their sons and who know them as we know our mother, we know,
we feel in our hearts, that they were never more alive, never purer,
never more beautiful.

After having offered to the world a great example of pride, of
abnegation, of heroism, they are again giving to it a deeper lesson, a
more valuable, a more efficacious one. They are proving that no
misfortune counts, that nothing is lost while the soul does not
abdicate. The powers of darkness will never prevail against the forces
of light and love that are leading humanity towards the heights which
victory is already making clear to us on the horizon.




Rumania, Serbia, Bulgaria, Greece

Comment About Continued Neutrality from the Balkan and Russian
Capitals


An elaborate argument that Italy is about to co-operate with the
Allies at the Dardanelles in order to influence Greece and the Balkan
States generally to intervene against the Germanic Powers appeared in
The Frankfurter Zeitung near the close of June. A dispatch from
Bucharest on July 12 announced that Austria had made concessions to
Rumania in the hope of averting intervention by that Power,
accompanying the offer with an ultimatum setting a month for Rumania's
reply. The German Social-Democratic paper Vorwaerts published on July
17 a statement that Rumania had definitely refused to permit German
arms and ammunition to traverse her territory to Turkey. This shows a
distinct turning away from the German propaganda in that kingdom,
which on May 26 spoke through the editorial columns of Moldova, a
daily of Bucharest, as follows:

     We must tread in the path opened to us by the late King
     Carol and the great Rumanian statesmen. We must always be
     attached to the Central European Powers, from which we shall
     secure the fulfillment of our aspirations, on that day when
     we shall move against Russia.

From Lupte, a Nationalist daily of Bucharest, a definite declaration
of the kingdom's policy was demanded on June 4:

     The smaller a nation is the more dangerous to her existence
     are diplomatic intrigues. Mr. Bratiano's Government has for
     the past eight months been coquetting with Petrograd as well
     as with Berlin and Vienna. With which side are we in this
     war? The two belligerent groups are asking this and the same
     question is asked of Bulgaria and Greece. We must have a
     sound national policy, for in this most modern war there is
     no profit in the old Machiavellian tactics.

That a crisis is approaching in Balkan affairs is clearly indicated in
an editorial warning headed "Beware, ye Balkan Peoples!" appearing on
May 29 in Dnevnik, an independent Bulgarian daily of Sofia. It says:

     The lust of Europe for territorial aggrandizement becomes
     every day more pronounced. From a struggle for self-defense
     this has become a war of conquest. Germany has appropriated
     Belgium, Russia fights for the Bosporus and Constantinople,
     Italy has almost taken Albania--with the approval of
     Austria, as we have discovered. The westernmost edge of the
     Balkan Peninsula has fallen; tomorrow the easternmost
     extremity will fall, together with Constantinople. Will the
     European Powers then spare us?... What the United States of
     America did for the preservation of their independence
     against foreign conquest we Balkan peoples must do unless we
     would see our doom sealed.

"The Dangers of a Neutral Policy" is the theme of Mir, the organ of
the Bulgarian Nationalist Party of Sofia, which on May 29 said: "If
Bulgaria remains neutral to the end of the war, she runs the risk of
being condemned to live forever within the narrow limits she has
today, hemmed in on every side. The duty of the Balkan States is to
act in a war which will solve all pending political and national
problems."

Serbia's jealousy of Italy, despite that nation's late adhesion to the
Allies, was voiced on May 25 by Politika, a Nationalist daily of
Belgrade, which accuses Italy of trying to profit at Serbia's expense.
The Entente Powers must pay for Italian aid, this paper says; and
Italy may be "satisfied with Savoy, Corsica, Malta, Tunis, Algiers,
Asia Minor, or Egypt."

[Illustration: Balkan Newspapers

In the left upper corner, the Bulgarian daily Narodai Prava (National
Rights) of Sofia, semi-official organ of the Bulgarian Government of
Dr. B. Radoslavoff; upper right, the Athenian daily Athinæ (Athens),
representing the extreme anti-Venizelists; at lower right, the daily
Politika (Politics), an independent paper of Belgrade, Serbia; lower
left, the Bucharest (Rumania) daily Dimineata (Morning), an
Interventionist paper, and, at center, the Constantinople Khavar
(Star), a Pro-Islamist daily.]

The Ottoman Empire being under martial law, comment by the Turkish
papers regarding military and political events is restricted by the
Government. But Enver Pasha, the all-powerful young Turk leader, and
his colleague for the Interior, Talaat Bey, early in May gave an
interview printed in the Vienna Neue Freie Presse. Enver Pasha
predicts the collapse of the Allied campaign on the Gallipoli
Peninsula, where the French and British hold a small corner against
overwhelming odds. "The bringing thither of provisions is extremely
difficult," he says, and "even the drinking water for the troops must
be brought from the ships." Both he and Talaat Bey report the morale
of the Turkish troops to be excellent, "as many of the older officers
have been replaced by energetic young men."

Greece is in suspense. The Kairoi, an independent daily of Athens,
said on June 22 that, while Greece does not forget her debt to the
three protective powers, France, England, and Russia, she must
nevertheless weigh the promise of Germany to give full protection to
Greek interests in the event of her continued neutrality. "Just how
Germany keeps her promises," this paper says, is "shown by Cavalla,
the Macedonian city allotted to Greece after the second Balkan war at
the express instance of the Kaiser;" and it notes that the Entente
Powers are now eager to cede this territory to Bulgaria. The Embros,
an independent daily of Athens, prophesied on June 22:

     We can afford to follow events with growing solicitude and
     remain neutral as long as we may. Whether or not we maintain
     this neutrality to the end our action can change neither the
     fortunes of Greece nor the position of other Powers. It is
     to be presumed that the power driving this giant conflict to
     the conclusion has more remote motives and that to all
     appearance, the war will end without any of the participants
     suffering a crushing defeat.

While Russian aspirations are generally considered to be in harmony
with those of the Balkan kingdoms, the following extracts from Russian
papers representing varying shades of Muscovite opinion show now an
unfavorable or critical attitude. Thus the foremost organ of the
Panslavist Party, the Russian weekly Slavianski Izvestija, April No.
8, disapproved the Bulgarian plea to give Thrace and Adrianople
through Russian influence. Of the Macedonian question this paper
said:

     Bulgarians expect that Russia will get for them Macedonia
     Thrace, and Dobrudja, to reward their honest labors. Alas,
     they must learn that not every day, but every hour,
     Macedonia is receding from their grasp. For Russia the
     Macedonian question hardly exists. If Macedonia finds it
     hard to be under heroic and benevolent Serbia, what would
     become of her on the day when she should fall into the hands
     of Bulgaria? And should we Russians, in order to assure
     Macedonia such a future, grieve now our dear ally Serbia?

The semi-official Novoye Vremya of Petrograd commented on May 27, on
the statement of the Bulgarian Premier Radoslavoff published in
Vienna, that Bulgaria cannot engage to intervene without a formal
treaty, a policy, it believes, that says but one thing, namely: "You
Russians tricked us Bulgarians once; you shall not trick us again."
This attitude of Bulgaria shows, the Novoye Vremya thinks, "how
thick-headed and insensate its people are." The Birjevaja Viedomosti,
a standpat Russian daily of Petrograd, on May 23 warned Serbia that,
whereas the war began in her behalf and on her account rivers of blood
are flowing, her complaints of the allotment of Dalmatia to Italy
should not "assert principles which have nothing to do with
actualities." The same newspaper says of the whole Balkan situation:

     The German policy of von Buelow, having failed in Rome, is
     courting failure in Bucharest. In fact, all the German
     promises to Rumania seem to go no further than sharpening
     the Rumanian appetite for Russian Bessarabia, while holding
     out as a last bait the cession of a small parcel of
     Bukowina--supposing the Hungarians never consent to yielding
     Transylvania to Rumania.

     On the other hand, Germany promises Bulgaria the Turkish
     province of Thrace and Serbian and Greek Macedonia; but
     these compensations have as much value as the cessions of
     Corsica and Nice and Tunis in the early days of the war.

But Germany cannot give to Bulgaria Serbian Macedonia so long as the
Austrian armies are not masters of the whole of Serbia; she cannot
give her Thrace because Turkey objects to such cession, and Turkey is
her ally; and, finally, she cannot urge Greece too closely to cede
Cavalla to Bulgaria, because such a pressure may bring a contrary
result, i.e. make Greece to declare herself openly an ally of the
Entente. Therefore both Bulgaria and Rumania must perforce side with
the great European Alliance. Had Italy remained neutral matters would
be different, but as it is now Bulgars and Rumanians, and the Balkan
peoples in general, have to fight with us, unless they want the
diplomacy of the Entente to disappoint utterly the ever-growing
appetite of these small nationalities....

It will be noted that all the opinions quoted concerning the Balkans
relate to the division of territory as the price of neutrality or
intervention.




Dr. Conybeare's Recantation

By SIR WALTER RALEIGH


_To the Editor of the [London] Times:_

Sir,--During a recent visit to America I saw Dr. Conybeare's letter in
a paper called the _Vital Issue_. All who know Dr. Conybeare know him
to be honest and frank, and to be very deeply distressed by the
sufferings and cruelties of the war. After my return, I wrote to him,
pointing out that his letter is being widely circulated in America,
and that the material points in his accusation of Sir Edward Grey and
Mr. Asquith have been answered. I enclose Dr. Conybeare's reply, for
which he desires the fullest publicity.

Yours faithfully,

WALTER RALEIGH.

The Hangings, Ferry Hinksey, near Oxford, July 1, 1915.

       *       *       *       *       *

Banbury-road, Oxford, June 30.

Dear Sir Walter Raleigh,--During the past week I have been studying
afresh the published records of the diplomatic transactions of last
July, and on my return to Oxford I find your kind letter, and
therefore take the liberty of addressing this to yourself. My new
study has forced upon me the conviction that in my letter to a friend
residing in America, which, against my wishes and injunctions, was
published there, apart from the deplorable tone of my allusions to Sir
E. Grey and Mr. Asquith, I was quite wrong in imputing the motives
which I did, especially to the former. It does appear to me, as I read
these dispatches over again, that Sir Edward throughout had in view
the peace of Europe, and that I ought to have set down to the awful
contingencies with which he was faced many passages which I was guilty
of grossly misinterpreting. I was too ready to forget that in the
years of the Balkan wars it was after all he alone who, by his patient
and conciliatory treatment of the situation, held in check the
antagonistic forces which last July he was ultimately unable to
control. I was too ready to ascribe to want of good will on his part
results which harsh necessity entailed on him; and I deeply regret
that I mistook his aims and, in my endeavour to be fair to the enemy,
was grossly unjust to him. I am only anxious to undo, if it be still
possible, some of the harm which my hasty judgment and intemperate
language has caused.

If you think it would do any good to print this, I beg you to send it
to _The Times_ and _Morning Post_, whose remarks led me to go back
once more to the documentary sources. Second thoughts are best, and if
I had only kept my American letter till the morning for revision, I
should first have struck out all the vituperation and all the
imputation of motives, and have ended by never sending it at all.

I remain yours very sincerely,

FRED. C. CONYBEARE.




The Case of Muenter

Attack on Mr. Morgan's Life and the Setting of Fire-Bombs on Ships


That a group of bankers in New York City, headed by J.P. Morgan &
Company, was negotiating with the British Treasury authorities for the
flotation in the United States of $100,000,000 of the new British war
loan was announced in the newspapers on July 3, 1915. Mr. Morgan's
firm had handled contracts to furnish war munitions to the Allies,
amounting to $500,000,000, and this had been widely published. On the
morning of July 3 J.P. Morgan was attacked and wounded with a revolver
at his country estate on East Island, near Glen Cove, Long Island, by
Erich Muenter, alias Frank Holt. Holt was an Instructor in German at
Cornell University; Muenter was a Harvard instructor for whom the
police had been seeking since the spring of 1906 on a charge of
murdering his wife. After his suicide in jail on July 6, Professor
C.N. Gould, of the University of Chicago, and Professor Hugo
Muensterberg, of Harvard, among others, identified Holt and Muenter as
the same person.

Muenter's insane attack on Mr. Morgan, because he had failed to "use
his influence to prevent the exportation of arms and ammunition,"
followed the wrecking of the United States Senate reception room in
the Capitol at Washington on July 2 by the explosion of an infernal
machine set by Muenter. On July 6 a trunk owned by Muenter containing
twenty pounds of explosives was found in New York. During his stay in
jail Muenter wrote to his wife that two ships were to sink at sea on
July 7, if his calculations went right, naming the Philadelphia and
the Saxonia. The ships were duly warned by wireless, but no bombs were
found aboard them, nor were any confederates of Muenter discovered. On
July 7 the steamship Minnehaha reported by wireless a "fire caused by
explosion" under control.

Incendiary bombs had been discovered aboard four freight steamships
sailing from New York for Havre in April and May. On July 12 Secretary
of the Navy Daniels, acting on advices received from The New Orleans
Picayune, directed the naval radio station at Arlington, Virginia, to
flash a warning to all ships at sea to be on the lookout for bombs
supposed to have been placed on board certain vessels, and warning
particularly the steamers Howth Head and Baron Napier that information
had come to the Navy Department that explosive bombs might have been
placed on those two vessels. All ships were requested to try to
communicate with the Howth Head and the Baron Napier. On July 11 a
written threat to assassinate J.P. Morgan, Sir Cecil Spring-Rice, the
British Ambassador, and destroy by bombs British ships clearing from
American ports, thus carrying out some of the plans of Erich Muenter,
was reported in a letter signed "Pearce," who styled himself a partner
and intimate associate of Muenter. This letter was received by The New
Orleans Times-Picayune.

Two more "Pearce" letters were received on July 13 by an afternoon
newspaper of New Orleans and by its Chief of Police, saying that Erich
Muenter had taught the writer the use of explosives. On the same day
the Samland of the Atlantic Transport Line and the Strathlay,
chartered by the Fabre Line, survived attempts to destroy them by fire
bombs, and on July 15 "Pearce" threatened in another letter to destroy
the Rochambeau. A bomb thought to be intended for the Orduna in a car
loaded with coal consigned to the Cunard Line was discovered at
Morrisville, N.J., on July 18. The Washington Times, the Philadelphia
Public-Ledger and the Brooklyn Eagle received on July 16, 19 and 20,
respectively, letters from "Pearce" declaring that henceforth persons
leaving America on British ships would do so at their peril, and
harking back to the German Embassy's warning before the Lusitania was
torpedoed. On July 26 an SOS call was received at the Fire Island
station, at the Brooklyn Navy Yard, and by the coast guard ship
Mohawk, but the distressed ship's appeal for help was broken off
before her name or position could be given. "Pearce's" letter to The
Brooklyn Eagle reads as follows:

"Sir: You people of Brooklyn have already had one experience with the
work of our men, and so, perhaps, it will be unnecessary to say more
than a few words of warning. The Kirkoswald affair is still fresh in
your memory; therefore, we will not waste words discussing this
matter. The purpose of this communication is to warn the American
citizens living in your vicinity to keep clear of British vessels
sailing from Brooklyn, New York, New Orleans, Savannah, Newport News,
and Montreal. Our men are now operating from each of these ports, and
Americans will do well to heed this warning ere it is too late.

"The Imperial German Government derives no satisfaction or profit from
the killing of neutral Americans, and we are instructed to go to great
lengths in order to give timely warnings to all Americans who
contemplate voyages to Europe within the next two months. The
explosive operations will supplement the submarine operations, which
have proved inadequate to prevent the enemy from importing munitions
from America.

"We earnestly advise Americans who find it imperative to travel to
Europe to sail only on vessels flying the American flag. Such steamers
as those of the American Line, for instance, will be perfectly immune
from either submarine or explosive operation. The Imperial German
Government will, if requested, offer no objection to the American
Government pressing into service the interned German vessels if the
American vessels are found to be unable to accommodate the traffic to
Europe. By publishing this warning American lives may be spared.

"The circumstances under which this communication is written make it
impossible for us to affix our proper signatures; therefore, we trust
that you will accept for a signature our pen name.

"PEARCE."




Devotion to the Kaiser


_The annual general conference of the clergy of the North German
Lutheran Churches met in Berlin during the week of June 24, 1915, and
sent the following "telegram of devotion" to the Kaiser:_

"Your Imperial and Royal Majesty will most graciously deign to accept
this most humble blessing and the assurance of true German devotion
from the preachers of the North German Evangelical Conference
assembled in conference. We raise our eyes with respect and love to
your Majesty, the powerful and purposeful leader of the German nation.
We are filled with the consciousness that the sources of German power
are unconquerable, not only because of the complete union of the
German princes and peoples, but because of the unexampled spirit of
sacrifice which animates rich and poor alike, and, before all else,
because we are a praying nation.

"However great the pressure of our enemies may be on our victorious
armies, the army of those who are praying at home will wrestle all the
more earnestly in prayer, praying before God's throne for victory."




Scientists and the Military

Movement in Great Britain and the United States to Consult Civilian
Experts


Early in June, H.G. Wells, the "novelist of science," wrote to the
London Times a letter urging the necessity of mobilizing Great
Britain's scientific and inventive forces for the war. On June 22 The
London Times printed a second letter from Mr. Wells proposing the
establishment of a bureau for inventors--"a small department
collateral rather than subordinate to the War Office and Admiralty."
At the annual meeting in London of the British Science Guild on July
1, eminent scientists and chemists, Sir William Mather, Sir William
Ramsay, Sir Boverton Redwood, Sir Philip Magnus, Professor Petry, Sir
Ronald Ross, Sir Archibald Geikie and Sir Alexander Pedler, condemned
the attitude adopted by the British Government toward science in
connection with the war, and demanded that in future greater use
should be made of the opportunities afforded by scientific knowledge
in the prosecution of the struggle. A letter conveying this opinion
was sent by these scientists to Prime Minister Asquith. On July 18 it
was announced in London that a number of eminent scientists and
inventors had been appointed to assist Admiral Lord Fisher, as
Chairman of the Invention Board, to co-ordinate and encourage
scientific work in relation to the requirements of the British navy.
Lord Bryce was said to be instrumental in this undertaking.

In the United States a similar movement was in progress. THE NEW YORK
TIMES published on May 30 an interview with Thomas A. Edison declaring
that in its preparations for war the American Government should
"maintain a great research laboratory, jointly under military and
naval and civilian control." In this could be developed the
"continually increasing possibilities of great guns, the minutiae of
new explosives, all the technique of military and naval progression,
without any vast expense." If any foreign power should seriously
consider an attack upon this country "a hundred men of special
training quickly would be at work here upon new means of repelling the
invaders," Mr. Edison said; "I would be at it, myself."

Secretary of the Navy Daniels thereupon wrote to Mr. Edison a
congratulatory letter, saying: "I think your ideas and mine coincide
if an interview with you recently published in THE NEW YORK TIMES was
correct." He added:

     One of the imperative needs of the navy, in my judgment, is
     machinery and facilities for utilizing the natural inventive
     genius of Americans to meet the new conditions of warfare as
     shown abroad, and it is my intention if a practical way can
     be worked out, as I think it can be, to establish at the
     earliest moment a department of invention and development,
     to which all ideas and suggestions, either from the service
     or from civilian inventors, can be referred for
     determination as to whether they contain practical
     suggestions for us to take up and perfect....

     What I want to ask is if you would be willing, as a service
     to your country, to act as an adviser to this board, to take
     such things as seem to you to be of value, but which we are
     not, at present, equipped to investigate, and to use your
     own magnificent facilities in such investigation if you feel
     it worth while.

The consequence was Mr. Edison's appointment to head an advisory board
of civilian inventors and engineers for a Bureau of Invention and
Development created in the Navy Department. After a conference with
Mr. Edison Secretary Daniels on July 19 wrote to eight leading
scientific societies asking each of them to select two members to
serve on the Naval Advisory Committee, and as a first fruit of the
movement it was announced on July 23 that at the request of Mr.
Edison, the American Society of Aeronautic Engineers had been formed
with Henry A. Wise Wood as President and Orville Wright, Glenn H.
Curtiss, W. Starling Burgess, Peter Cooper Hewitt, Elmer A. Sperry and
John Hays Hammond, Jr., as Vice-presidents.




Hudson Maxim on Explosives


THE NEW YORK TIMES _on July 11 printed an interview with Hudson Maxim,
the inventor of explosives, in which Mr. Maxim said:_

Modern war is a warfare of explosives. The highly developed methods of
defense, designed especially against explosives, are practically proof
against everything but them.

Attacking forces must disemburrow the defending forces; they must be
blasted out of the ground. This warfare amounts, literally, to that.
It is as if boys hunted woodchucks with dynamite.

Each of the hard-won successes of the war has been a victory for
well-placed high explosives. In the last fight around Przemysl the
Germans fired in one hour, from field guns, 200,000 shells carrying
high explosives.

Reports indicate that the result of this was literally unprecedented.
It actually changed the topography of the country. Valleys were dug
and hills razed.

Recently Lloyd George used an expressive phrase. "The trenches," he
said, "were sprayed with exploding shells."

Such "spraying" only could be possible through the use of an
incredible number of explosive projectiles.

America's plants for the production of explosives, cartridges,
shrapnel, and rifles have so increased their capacity that we have
today ten times the capacity which we had at the time of the war's
outbreak, and, for certain things, the increase has been even greater.
By the middle of next winter our capacity will be thirtyfold what it
was at the beginning of the war.

Thus the fighting among other nations has done much toward preparing
us for war, and, therefore, much toward insuring international peace
for us, but even our tremendous contribution to the supplies of the
Allies amounts to only about 2 per cent. of what they are consuming,
and the war has not been running a year.

This indicates that if we should suddenly be involved in warfare with
a great power we should be whipped unless we devised means for the
increase of our productivity of war supplies, especially explosives
and all ammunition materials, by a hundredfold.

The consumption of war material has been unprecedented, and this
indicates what may be expected in future wars. In trench fighting, for
example, it is estimated that four times as many rifles as men are
required. The fighting man must have two because one quickly gets hot
and becomes unusable; he must have a third so that he may still have
two if one is hit by the return fire or otherwise rendered
inefficient; he must have the fourth so that at least one of his
weapons may be in the arms hospital undergoing repairs if necessary,
and be ready for him in case one of his others is demolished. This
development of modern warfare means that a million modern soldiers
need four million modern rifles.

This indicates the enormous necessities which would devolve upon this
country in case we were forced into a war. During the past week I have
received a cable from an old friend in England who has been selling
war munitions to the Allies. He asked me how quickly I could get a
million rifles made in the United States. The best bids I have been
able to obtain have guaranteed a first delivery at the end of one
year and final deliveries at the end of three years.

One of the chief developments in the matter of explosives has been the
fact that the United States has found it possible to teach Europe much
during this war in regard to smokeless powder. Several years ago the
du Pont Powder Company developed a smokeless rifle powder which
permits the firing of more than 20,000 rounds from an ordinary army
rifle without destroying its accuracy.

When the du Ponts developed their new rifle powder the best European
powder destroyed the rifling and accuracy of the gun at about 3,000
rounds. This American invention, therefore, has increased the life of
military rifles by sevenfold. Say that an equipment of military rifles
cost at the rate of, say, $20 each, and we will find that this means a
saving of, roughly, $100,000,000 in the equipment of a million men
with one rifle each, and, as they need four rifles each, it means a
saving of $400,000,000.

American smokeless powder for cannon also has its advantages. It
erodes the guns much less than any European powder except, possibly,
that of the Germans. They have a pure nitro-cellulose powder somewhat
similar in quality to that of the United States, but ours has an
advantage in being multi-perforated, whereby a higher velocity is
insured at a lower pressure with, in consequence, a lessened erosive
effect upon the guns.

In the early nineties I made the discovery that tri-nitro-cellulose,
when combined with pyro-nitro-cellulose, could be much more readily
gelatinated and made an excellent smokeless powder, while powder made
from pure nitro-cellulose would warp and crack all to pieces in
drying. The present German powder is made from such a compound of
tri-nitro-cellulose and soluble nitro-cellulose.

Nevertheless, this compound is a makeshift as compared with the
nitro-cellulose used by this Government. Ours is a far better
explosive, and is less erosive on the guns, because the gases which it
generates are not so hot. We have the best smokeless powder in the
world, and, after this war is over, our powder will be universally
used.




Thor!

By BEATRICE BARRY


    I am the God of War--yea, God of Battle am I,
    And the evil men speak about me has moved me to fierce reply.
      Does not the surgeon's knife
      Torture--to save a life?
    So, for the life of nations, men learn to fight and die--
          Even die!

    Craven through love or fear do the weak of the earth await me
    Tensely, with bated breath--yea, teaching their sons to hate me.
      Lured by my rolling drum,
      Nevertheless they come
    Proudly, their youth and manhood offering up to sate me!

    You who would grudge me aught but harvest of woe and shame--
    Answer me, you who hate me, cursing my very name--
      When was a serf made free,
      Save and alone through me?
    When was a tyrant vanquished, save through my purging flame?

    After an age of peace do your sons wax soft, their weakness
    Shown in a love of ease, of sensuousness, and sleekness;
      Then, lest a nation die,
      Loud rings my battle-cry!
    Lo, they forsake snug warmth for desolate cold and bleakness!

    I am the God of War--yea, God of Battle am I,
    And the bolts of my savage anger I hurl from a threatening sky.
      Speak of me as you will,
      Swift though I be to kill,
    I have made men of weaklings--I teach men how to die--
          Even I!




"I am the Gravest Danger"

By George Bernard Shaw


_In a cablegram to_ THE NEW YORK TIMES, _dated July 17, 1915, it is
reported that an article by George Bernard Shaw in The New Statesman
begins with a review of Professor Gilbert Murray's book, "The Foreign
Policy of Sir Edward Grey," and ends with the following characteristic
reference to himself:_

"Like other Socialists, I have been too much preoccupied with the
atrocities of peace and the problems they raise to pay due attention
to the atrocities of war, but I have not been unconscious of the
European question and I have made a few shots at solutions from time
to time. None of these have been received with the smallest approval,
but at least I may be permitted to point out that they have all come
out right.

"I steadily ridiculed anti-armament agitation, and urged that our
armaments should be doubled, trebled, quadrupled, as they might have
been without costing the country one farthing that we were not wasting
in the most mischievous manner.

"I said that the only policy which would secure the peace of Europe
was a policy of using powerful armament to guarantee France against
Germany and Germany against Russia, aiming finally at a great peace
insurance league of the whole northwest of Europe with the United
States of America in defense of Western democratic civilization
against the menace of the East and possible crusades from primitive
black Christians in Africa.

"When the war broke out I said some more things which were frantically
contradicted and which have all turned out to be precisely true. I set
the example of sharp criticism of the Government and the War Office,
which was denounced as treasonable and which now proves to be the only
way of saving our army from annihilation, the Government having
meanwhile collapsed and vanished, as every ordinarily self-possessed
person foresaw that it must.

"One fact seems established by this beyond doubt; to wit, that I am
the gravest public danger that confronts England, because I have the
strange power of turning the nation passionately away from the truth
by the simple act of uttering it. The necessity for contradicting me,
for charging heroically in the opposite direction to that pointed out
by me, is part of the delirium of war fever.

"Sir Edward Grey, on the other hand, is spoken well of by all men, but
he, too, is the victim of a mysterious fate. He is, as Professor
Murray has repeatedly testified, the most truthful of men, yet he
never opens his mouth without deceiving us. He is the most loyal of
simple, manly souls, yet he is accused of betraying every country and
every diplomatist who trusted him. He is the kindest of men, and yet
he has implicated us in the tortures of Denshawai and brought upon us
the slaughters of Armageddon.

"Clearly, there are two men in England who must be sent into permanent
retirement. Depend on it, there is something fundamentally wrong with
them. It is a pity, for they are stuffed with the rarest of
virtues--though I say it, who should not. One of them is Sir Edward
Grey and the other is G.B.S."




THE EUROPEAN WAR AS SEEN BY CARTOONISTS


[American Cartoon]

[Illustration: The Postscript

_--From The Tribune, New York._]


[German Cartoon]

[Illustration: The Paper Blockade

_--From Lustige Blaetter, Berlin._

"Look out there, mate; don't puff so hard, or you'll smash up
Churchill's blockade!"]


[American Cartoon]

[Illustration: Donnerwetter!

_--From The World, New York._

Germany Dishonored: None Drowned.]


[German Cartoon]

[Illustration: The Powder Chest

_--From Lustige Blaetter, Berlin._

John Bull: "Don't be afraid, Mister Moneymaker. There's no safer way
to travel to Europe than on my peaceful vessel!"]


[English Cartoon]

[Illustration: In the Eastern Arena

_--From Punch, London._

It was the policy of the _retiarius_ to retreat in order to gather his
net together for a fresh cast.]


[French Cartoon]

[Illustration: Circumstances Alter Cases

_--From La Revue Hebdomadaire, Paris._

When Wilson's daughter is aboard one of these days it won't be a
laughing matter.]


[German Cartoon]

[Illustration: A Risky Road

_--From Jugend, Munich._

Destruction awaits them even though the wheels are made of dollars.]


[American Cartoon]

[Illustration: Sherman Was Right!

_--From The Sun, New York._

"Close up these factories! Be neutral!"]


[Italian Cartoon]

[Illustration: On the Bosporus

_--From Numero, Turin._

The last serenade.]




The Belligerents' Munitions

Growing Problems of Germany and Her Opponents in Supplying Arms

     The threatened strike in the Krupp works at Essen, Germany,
     simultaneously with the strike of the Welsh coal miners and
     the walkout in the Remington Arms Factory in the United
     States, would tend to show that labor in the belligerent and
     neutral countries is seeking advantages under the strain of
     the enormous output of munitions to feed the war. Only in
     France, whose people are making supreme sacrifices, and in
     Russia, whose factories are not yet organized for the
     nation, does industrial peace prevail. In England the
     Munitions bill, with its proposals for compulsory
     arbitration and for limiting profits unweakened, was passed
     on July 1st. The bill retained, also, the power for the
     Government to proclaim the extension of its strike-stopping
     authority to other trades than the munitions trades.

     An account of the conditions relating to labor in the
     various countries, beginning with the speech, in part, of
     Lloyd George, introducing the Munitions bill in the House of
     Commons on June 20, appears below.


A Volunteer Army of Workers

By Lloyd George, British Minister of Munitions

_Addressing the House of Commons on June 20, 1915, Mr. Lloyd George
said, in part:_

What I want to impress not merely upon the House but on the country is
that the duration of the war, the toll of life and limb levied by the
war, the amount of exhaustion caused by the war, the economic and
financial effect--and in order to understand the whole depth and
meaning of the problem with which we are confronted I would state the
ultimate victory or defeat in this war--depend on the supply of
munitions which the rival countries can produce to equip their armies
in the field. That is the cardinal fact of the military situation in
this war. (Cheers.)

I heard the other day on very good authority--and this will give the
House an idea of the tremendous preparations made by the enemy for
this war and of the expansion which has taken place even since the
war--that the Central European Powers are turning out 250,000 shells
per day. That is very nearly eight million shells per month. The
problem of victory for us is how to equal, how to surpass, that
tremendous production. (Hear, hear.)

The Central European Powers have probably attained something like the
limits of their possible output. We have only just crossed the
threshold of our possibilities. In France I had the privilege of
meeting M. Thomas, the Under Secretary for War, a man to whose great
organizing capacity a good deal of the success of the French
provisions of war is attributable, and I am very reassured not merely
as to what France is doing and what France can do but as to what we
can do when I take into account what France has already accomplished.

Let us see the position France is in. Her most important industrial
provinces were in the hands of the enemy. Seventy per cent. of her
steel production was in the hands of the enemy. She had mobilized an
enormous army and therefore had withdrawn a very considerable
proportion of her population from industry. She is not at best as
great an industrial country as we are. She is much of an agricultural
and pastoral country. It is true that we have certain disadvantages
compared with France, and they are important. She has not the same
gigantic Navy to draw upon the engineering establishments of the
country. That makes a very great difference. She has more complete
command over her labor. That makes an enormous difference, not merely
in the mobility of labor and the readiness with which she can transfer
that labor from one center to another, but in the discipline which
obtains in the workshops. She has another advantage with her arsenals,
which at the outbreak of war corresponded to the magnitude of her
Army--a huge Army. We had a small Army to provide for. She, in
addition to that, had undoubtedly a very great trade with other
countries in the production of munitions of war. These are the
advantages and disadvantages. Still, knowing these things and taking
them all into account, the surplus of our engineering resources
available for the materials of war is undoubtedly greater than that of
France, and if we produce these things within the next few months as
much as they are likely to produce the Allies would not merely equal
the production of the Central Powers, but they would have an
overwhelming superiority over the enemy in the material essential to
victory. That is the first great fact I would like to get into the
minds of all those who can render assistance to the country.

Germany has achieved a temporary preponderance of material. She has
done it in two ways. She accumulated great stores before the war. She
has mobilized the whole of her industries after the war, having no
doubt taken steps before the war to be ready for the mobilization of
the workshops immediately after war was declared. Her preponderance in
two or three directions is very notable. I mention this because it is
essential they should be understood in inviting the assistance of the
community to enable us to compete with this formidable enemy. The
superiority of the Germans in material was most marked in their heavy
guns, their high explosive shells, their rifles, and perhaps most of
all their machine-guns. These have turned out to be about the most
formidable weapons in the war. They have almost superseded the rifle
and rendered it unnecessary.

The machinery for rifles and machine-guns takes eight and nine months
to construct before you begin to turn a single rifle or machine-gun.
The Germans have undoubtedly anticipated the character of the war in
the way no other Power has done. They realized it was going to be a
great trench war. They had procured an adequate supply of machinery
applicable to those conditions. The professional man was essentially a
very conservative one--(hear, hear)--and there are competent soldiers
who even today assume that his phase is purely a temporary one, that
it would not last long, and we shall be back on the old lines.

I have no doubt much time was lost owing to that opposition. The
Germans never harbored that delusion, and were fully prepared to
batter down the deepest trenches of the enemy with the heavy guns and
high explosives, and to defend their own trenches with machine-guns.
That is the story of the war for ten months. We assumed that victory
was rather due as a tribute from fate, and our problem now is to
organize victory, and not take it for granted. (Cheers.) To do that
the whole engineering and chemical resources of this country--of the
whole Empire--must be mobilized. When that is done France and
ourselves alone, without Italy or Russia, can overtop the whole
Teutonic output.

The plan on which we have proceeded until recently I explained to the
House in April. We recognized that the arsenals then in existence were
quite inadequate to supply the new Army or even the old Army, giving
the necessary material and taking into account the rate at which
ammunition was being expended. We had, therefore, to organize new
sources of supply, and the War Office was of opinion that the best
method of attaining that object was to work through existing firms,
so as to have expert control and direction over companies and
workshops, which up to that time had no experience in turning out
shells and guns and ammunition of all sorts. There was a great deal to
be said for that. There was, first of all, a difficulty unless
something of that kind was done of mobilizing all the resources at the
disposal of the State. The total Army Estimates were £28,000,000 in
the year of peace. They suddenly became £700,000,000. All that
represents not merely twenty or twenty-five times as much money; it
means twenty or twenty-five times as much work. It means more than
that, because it has to be done under pressure. The sort of business
which takes years to build up, develop, strengthen, and improve has
suddenly to be done in about five, six, seven, or eight months. The
War Office came to the conclusion that the best way of doing that was
to utilize the skill of existing firms which were capable of doing
this work. The War Office staff are hard-working, capable men, but
there are not enough. There is one consideration which cannot be left
out of account, and that is that men who are quite equal to running
long-established businesses run on old-established lines, may not
always be adequate to the task of organizing and administering a
business thirty times its size on novel and original lines.

To be quite candid, the organizing firms--the armament firms--were
also inadequate to the gigantic task cast upon them of not merely
organizing their own work but of developing the resources of the
country outside. They could not command the stock, and sub-contracting
has undoubtedly been a failure. Sub-contracting has produced something
like 10,000 shells a month. We have only been at it a few days, and we
have already placed with responsible firms orders for 150,000 shells a
month. In a very short time I am confident it will be a quarter of a
million or 300,000. (Cheers.) It is a process of inviting business men
to organize themselves and to assist us to develop the resources of
their district.

We have secured a very large number of business men; many business men
are engaged in organizing and directing their own business, business
which is just as essential to the State in a period of war as even the
organization of this office; but still there are the services of many
able business men which are available, and we propose to utilize them
to the full, first, in the Central Office to organize it; secondly, in
the localities to organize the resources there; and, thirdly, we
propose to have a great Central Advisory Committee of business men to
aid us to come to the right conclusions in dealing with the business
community.

I should like just to point out two or three of the difficulties, in
order to show the steps which are taken to overcome them. The first
difficulty, of course, is that of materials. There is, as I pointed
out, material of which you have abundance in this country, but there
are others which you have got to husband very carefully, and there is
other material on which you have got to spend a considerable sum of
money in order to be able to develop it at a later stage. With regard
to this question, I think that it might be necessary ultimately for us
to take complete control of the Metal Market, so that available
material should not be wasted on non-essential work. (Hear, hear.) To
a certain extent we have done that.

I should like to say a word with regard to raw material for
explosives. We are building new factories so that the expansion of
explosives shall keep pace with that of shells, and in this respect,
again, I should like to dwell upon the importance of keeping up our
coal supplies in this country. It is the basis of all our
high-explosives, and if there were a shortage for any reason the
consequences would be very calamitous.

Sometimes we do not get the best in these yards through the slackness
of a minority and sometimes through regulations, useful, perhaps
essential, in times of peace for the protection of men against undue
pressure and strain, but which in times of war have the effect of
restricting output. If these are withdrawn no doubt it increases the
strain on the men, and in a long course of years they could not stand
it. But in times of war everybody is working at full strain, and
therefore it is difficult to exaggerate the importance of suspending
restrictions which have the effect of diminishing the output of war
material.

The fourth point is that the danger of having stoppages of work by
means of strikes and lock-outs ought to be removed during the time of
the war. (Hear, hear.) I should have liked to have seen strikes and
lock-outs during the war made impossible in any trade, and I do not
despair of getting the assent of those who object to compulsory
arbitration under normal conditions to a temporary application of that
principle during the period of the war.

The next step is one in which the Trade Unions are concerned. There
was a very frank discussion between the leaders of the Trade Unions
and myself, and I was bound to point out that if there were an
inadequate supply of labor for the purpose of turning out munitions of
war which are necessary for the safety of the country compulsion would
be inevitable.

They put forward as an alternative that the Government should give
them the chance of supplying that number of men. They said, "Give us
seven days, and if in seven days we cannot get the men we will admit
that our case is considerably weakened." They asked us to place the
whole machinery of Government at their disposal, because they had not
the organization to enlist the number. We have arranged terms upon
which the men are to be enlisted, and tomorrow morning the seven days
begin. Advertisements will appear in all the papers, an office has
been organized, and the Trade Union representatives are sitting there
in council directing the recruiting operations. I am not sure, but I
believe my honorable friend Mr. Brace is the Adjutant-General.
Tomorrow we hope to be able to make a start. We have 180 town halls in
different parts of the country placed entirely at our disposal as
recruiting offices. We invite the assistance of everybody to try to
secure as many volunteers as they possibly can--men who are not
engaged upon Government work now, skilled men--to enroll themselves in
the Trade Union army for the purpose of going anywhere where the
Government invited them to go to assist in turning out different
munitions of war. If there are any honorable friends of mine who are
opposed to compulsion, the most effective service they can render to
voluntarism is to make this army a success. (Cheers.) If we succeed by
these means--and the Board of Trade, the Munitions Department, and the
War Office are placing all their services at the disposal of this new
recruiting office--if within seven days we secure the labor, then the
need for industrial compulsion will to that extent have been taken
away.


CALL TO BRITISH WORKERS

_In a special cable dispatch to_ THE NEW YORK TIMES, _dated June 24,
appeared the following:_

"England expects every workman to do his duty," is the new rendering
of Nelson's Trafalgar signal which is being flagged throughout the
country today. Lloyd George has issued an appeal to organized labor to
come forward within the next seven days in a last supreme effort on
behalf of the voluntary system, and if it fails nothing remains but
compulsion.

The appeal is being put before them by advertisements in newspapers,
by speeches from labor leaders, and by meetings throughout the
country. A new workmen's army is being recruited just as Kitchener's
army was, and only seven days are given to gather together what may be
termed a mobile army of industry. It is estimated that a quarter of a
million men well equipped for the purposes required are available
outside the ranks of those already engaged in the manufacture of
munitions. Nearly two hundred industrial recruiting offices throughout
the country opened at six o'clock last night, and, judging by reports
already to hand, the voluntary system seems again likely to justify
itself.

"To British Workmen: Your skill is needed," runs one advertisement.
"There are thousands of skilled men who are burning to do something
for King and country. By becoming a war munitions volunteer each of
them can do his bit for his homeland. Get into a factory and supply
the firing line."

Posters and small bills with both an artistic and literary "punch" are
being prepared and sent out for distribution. Newspapers with special
working class clientèle are making direct appeals to their readers.


TEN THOUSAND MEN A DAY

_Mr. H.E. Morgan, of the War Munitions Ministry, said in an interview
printed by The London Daily Chronicle on July 1:_

The War Munition Volunteers have amply justified their formation.
During the last two days the enrolments throughout the country have
averaged ten thousand skilled and fully qualified mechanics, who are
exactly the type of worker we want. So far as the men are concerned,
the voluntary principle in industrial labor has triumphed.

We have already transferred a large number of skilled mechanics from
non-war work to munition making, and daily the number grows. London
compares excellently with other places as regards the number of
volunteers, but naturally most of the men are coming from the great
engineering centres in the North and Midlands.


A REGISTER OF 90,000

_In a London dispatch of the Associated Press, dated July 16, this
report appeared:_

After upward of a fortnight's work in the six hundred bureaus which
were opened when the Minister of Munitions, David Lloyd George, gave
labor the opportunity voluntarily to enroll as munitions operatives,
closed today with a total registration of ninety thousand men.
Registration hereafter will be carried out through the labor
exchanges.

More men are needed, but the chief difficulty now is to place them on
war work with a minimum of red tape. H.G. Morgan, assistant director
of the Munitions Department, said today that this problem was causing
some unrest among the workers, but that the transfers would take time,
for the Government was anxious not to disturb industry more than
necessary.

"The problem almost amounts to a rearrangement of the whole skilled
labor of the country," said Mr. Morgan. "This, of course, will take
considerable time."


THE CAMPAIGN CONTINUED

_A cable dispatch from London to_ THE NEW YORK TIMES _said on July
15:_

The Daily Chronicle says that a campaign to urge munition workers to
even greater efforts is to open today with a meeting at Grantham, and
next week meetings will be held at Luton, Gloucester, Stafford,
Preston, and other centres. In the course of the next few weeks
hundreds of meetings will take place in all parts of the Kingdom.

The campaign has been organized by the Munitions Parliamentary
Committee, the secretaries of which have received the following letter
from Munitions Minister Lloyd George:

"I am glad to hear that members of the House are responding so
enthusiastically to my pressing appeal to them to undertake a campaign
in the country to impress upon employers and workers in munitions
shops the urgent and even vital necessity for a grand and immediate
increase in the output of munitions of war."

Professor Mantoux has been asked by the French Munitions Minister to
keep in touch with the campaign and to report from time to time as to
the results achieved. It is felt that what affects England affects
France, and later a similar campaign may be inaugurated in that
country.

Sixty members of Parliament have promised to speak at the meetings.


COAL STRIKE IN WALES

_Most of the coal for Great Britain's navy comes from South Wales, and
the supply was reduced by the enlistment of sixty thousand Welsh
miners in the army. The labor crisis was first threatened three months
ago, when the miners gave notice that they would terminate the
existing agreements on July 1, and, in lieu of these, they proposed a
national program, giving an all-around increase in wages. The owners
objected to the consideration of the new terms during the war and
asked the miners to accept the existing agreements plus a war bonus.
After a series of conferences the union officials agreed to recommend
a compromise, which was arranged through the Board of Trade. The
miners, however, voted yesterday against this, and the Government was
obliged to take action._

_On July 16 the Associated Press cabled from London:_

The Executive Committee of the South Wales Miners' Federation, most of
the members of which are opposed to the strike, came to London today
and conferred with Walter Runciman, President of the Board of Trade,
who, it is understood, made new proposals for a settlement of the
trouble, which will be considered at a meeting in the morning.

There is no indication of any weakening on the part of the men. Even
the men in one district who last night decided to resume work reversed
their decision, and not a pick was moving today.

However, the impression still prevails that a few days will see an end
of the walkout. It is not believed that the introduction of the
Munitions of War act can force the men to return to work, for it is
impossible to bring 150,000 men before the courts to impose fines for
contravening the act.

In fact, the resort to this measure is believed rather to have made
the situation worse, and the men's demands now include its withdrawal
so far as coal mining is concerned.

_An Associated Press dispatch from Cardiff, Wales, on July 20
reported:_

Subject to ratification by the miners themselves through delegates who
will assemble tomorrow, representatives of the Government and of the
coal mine owners on the one hand, and the Executive Committee of the
South Wales Miners' Federation on the other, agreed today to terms
that, it is thought, will end the coal miners' strike, which, since
last Thursday, has tied up the South Wales coal fields and menaced the
fuel supply of the navy.

The terms arrived at grant a substantial increase in wages and involve
concessions to the strikers which are considered by their Executive
Committee as tantamount to an admission of the miners' claims on
nearly all the outstanding points. Tonight the delegates were visiting
their districts, canvassing the sentiment there preparatory to
tomorrow's vote.

If tomorrow's meeting should bring a settlement of the strike the
thanks of the country will go chiefly to David Lloyd George, the
Munitions Minister, for it was his arrival here last night that paved
the way for breaking the deadlock between the miners and the mine
owners.

If the vote tomorrow is favorable to ending the strike, two hundred
thousand men will return to work immediately and agree to abide by the
terms of the settlement until six months after the termination of the
war.


AMMUNITION IN FRANCE

_M. Millerand, French Minister of War, after the Senate had approved,
on June 29, the bill appropriating $1,200,000,000 for war expenses of
the third quarter of the year, reported as quoted by the Associated
Press:_

From August 1 to April 1 France has increased her military production
sixfold. The curve for munitions has never ceased to mount, nor that
representing the manufacture of our 75s. I can give satisfying
assurances also regarding the heavy artillery and small arms. From the
1st of January to the 15th of May the other essentials of the war have
been equally encouraging. We are determined to pursue our enemies,
whatever arms they may employ.

_Yves Guyot, the economist and late Minister of Public Works in
France, said to_ THE NEW YORK TIMES _correspondent on July 3:_

France can hold her own against Germany. She herself makes all the
shells that play such havoc in the enemy's ranks, and she will keep on
making all she needs.

The munitions problem in France is not so acute as in England. In
France as soon as the war started we began turning out the shells as
fast as our factories could work. So, in a short time, they were going
full blast. We have been able to supply our army with ample ammunition
and to have shells enough to shake up the enemy whenever we put on
spurts.

It is vitally important that England has come to the realization of
the need of equipping her own army with adequate ammunition. Up to now
the English Army has been sadly handicapped, but with the energetic
Lloyd George in command the munitions output in the near future is
certain to bring a sudden change in the status of England in the war.

We in France being in such immediate contact with the horrors of war
had a stern sense of the necessity of fully equipping our army forced
upon us at the very beginning of the conflict. The only thing we have
lacked has been steel, and we have been getting some of that from our
old friend, the United States. France has steel plants, and they do a
tremendous amount of work, but altogether they do not turn out enough
for our ammunition works. So we had to turn elsewhere for some of this
product, and it was America that came to our aid.

We have got the steel with which to make shells. Our workmen are well
organized and the whole spirit prevailing among them is to help France
to win the bloodiest war of her history.

_The London Daily Chronicle in an interview with Albert Thomas, French
Minister of Munitions, quoted him as follows on July 8:_

It is our duty to organize victory. To this we are bending all our
energies. The war may be long; difficulties may reach us of which we
had no prevision at the start; but we shall keep on until the end.

We know how great are the resources of Britain. We know what immense
efforts she has put forth, which have been a surprise not only to us
but to the enemy as well, and we have every reason for believing and
knowing that these immense resources will continue to be used in the
service of the Allies.

Understand me, I do not say that our common task is an easy one, nor
do I say that we are on the eve of a speedy victory; but what I do say
is that be the struggle long or short, we are both ready to double, to
treble, to quadruple, and, if necessary, to increase tenfold the
output of munitions of war.

We have pooled our resources, and I, for one, have no doubt, that
these resources are great enough to stand any strain which we may be
called upon to put upon them; nor have I any fear of an ultimate
triumph. All the great moral forces of the world are on our side. The
Allies are fighting for the freeing of Europe from the domination of
militarism; and that is fighting into which every democrat can throw
himself heart and soul. Defeat in such a cause is unthinkable.


RUSSIAN INDUSTRIALISTS RALLY

_The Petrograd correspondent of the London Morning Post reported on
June 11th the annual assembly of leading members of the world of
commerce and industry, as follows:_

Speakers urged a general rally round the Rulers of the States, and
proposals were made that they should express collectively to the
Ministers the readiness of the whole industrial and mercantile class
represented at that congress to place themselves at the disposal of
the State for the purpose of making better provision for the war. The
example of England in instituting a Ministry of Munitions should serve
as a guide to Russia. A deputation, it was urged, should be appointed
to lay at the feet of the Emperor the heartfelt desire of all to
devote themselves to the sole purpose of obtaining victory over
Germanism and to expound the ideas of their class for the best means
of employing their resources. England had turned all its manufacturing
resources into factories of munitions of war, and Russia must do the
same.

Some speakers referred to the lack of capital for the proper
exploitation of the resources of the country, saying that this would
be especially felt after the war was over. The Congress, however,
declined to look beyond the all-important need of the moment, namely,
to direct the entire resources of the country to the achievement of
victory over Germanism.

The final sitting was attended by the President of the Duma, M.
Rodzjanko, whose speech was listened to with profound feeling. The
Congress passed with acclamation various patriotic resolutions, its
main decision being to establish immediately a Central Committee for
the provision of munitions of war. It is expected that by this means
Russia will be able to accomplish what England is believed to be
achieving in the same direction. Every factory and workshop throughout
the country is to be organized for the supply of everything needed by
the armies in the field.


SPEEDING GERMAN WORKMEN

_A "Neutral" correspondent of The London Daily Chronicle, just
returned from Germany, was thus quoted in a cable dispatch to_ THE NEW
YORK TIMES _on June 28:_

It is in towns, particularly industrial towns, where one sees how
entirely the German nation is organized for war. Into these towns an
enormous number of men have been drafted from the country to work in
factories, which are humming day and night with activity to keep up
the supply of all things necessary for the fighting line.

In general, the relations between capital and labor there have
experienced notable amelioration. Indeed, the impression one gains in
traveling about Germany is one of absolute settled industrial peace,
but I know this has only been secured because all parties know that
the first signs of dissatisfaction would be treated "with the utmost
rigor of the law."

At some of the largest factories men are often at work fifteen,
twenty, and even thirty hours on a stretch, with only short intervals
for rest. Though it is said that there are ample stocks of all kinds
of ammunition, there is noted daily and nightly a feverish haste in
the factories where it is made.

The Government has not officially taken over the factories, but it is
well known that all factory owners who want Government work can get
it, and, as this is almost the only profitable use to which factories
can just now be put, there is no lack of candidates for recognition as
army contractors.

Whenever a Government contract is given out there is a clause in the
contract which fixes rates of wages for every grade of workmen so that
any questions of increases that the men might raise are out of the
hands of the employer, and he points to the fact that both he and the
workmen are in the hands of the State. Strikes are therefore unknown,
a further deterrent being the knowledge that any man who does not do
his utmost without murmuring will quickly be embodied in some regiment
destined for one of the hottest places at the front.

In factories where Government work is being done wages are high, and
even in the few cases where wages of certain unskilled workers have
fallen, the men are allowed to work practically until they drop and so
make up by more hours what they have lost by the lowered rates.

There is keen competition to obtain work in the factories working for
the State, as the men engaged in these know almost certainly that for
some time at least they will not be sent to the front, which seems to
be the chief dread underlying all other thoughts and feelings.

For work done on Sunday wages are 50 per cent. higher than the usual
rate. The men are encouraged to work on Sundays and overtime on
weekdays and the prices of food are so high they need little
encouragement. Where women have taken the places of men their wages
are in most cases lower.


KRUPPS' IMPENDING STRIKE

_An Associated Press dispatch from Geneva on July 15 said:_

A report has reached Basle that a big strike is threatened at the
Krupp Works at Essen, Germany, the movement being headed by the Union
of Metallurgical Workmen and the Association of Mechanics. They demand
higher wages, the report says, because of the increased cost of living
and shorter hours because of the great strain under which they work.

The workmen, according to these advices, are in an angry mood and
threaten the destruction of machinery unless their demands are granted
immediately, as they have been put off for three months with promises.
Several high officials have arrived at the Krupp Works in an effort to
straighten out matters and calm the workmen, the advices add, and
Bertha Krupp is expected to visit the plant and use her great
influence with the workers.

The Frankfort Gazette, according to the news reaching Basle, has
warned the administration of the Krupp plant of the seriousness of the
situation, and has advised that the men's demands be granted.
Meanwhile, the reports state, several regiments have been moved to the
vicinity of the works to be available should the trouble result in a
strike.

_A dispatch to The London Daily Chronicle, dated Chiasso, July 16,
reported:_

According to a telegram from Munich to Swiss papers, the German
military authorities have informed the management and union officials
of the Krupps, where disputes occasioned by the increased cost of
living have arisen in several departments, that in no circumstances
will a strike be tolerated.

_On July 19 an Associated Press dispatch from Geneva reads:_

An important meeting was held at Essen yesterday, according to advices
received at Basle, between the administration of the Krupp gun works
and representatives of the workmen, in order to settle the dispute
which has arisen over the demands of the men for an increase in wages.

Directly and indirectly, about one hundred thousand men are involved.
Minor cases in which machinery has been destroyed have been reported.

The military authorities before the meeting, the Basle advices say,
warned both sides that unless an immediate arrangement was reached
severe measures would be employed.

The Krupp officials are understood to have granted a portion of the
demands of the employees, which has brought about a temporary peace,
but the workmen still appear to be dissatisfied, and many have left
the works.

A strike would greatly affect the supply of munitions, and for this
reason the military have adopted rigorous precautions.

_On the same date the following brief cable was sent to_ THE NEW YORK
TIMES _from London:_

A telegram to The Daily Express from Geneva says many men have already
left the Krupp works because they are unable to bear the strain of
incessant labor, and would rather take their chances in the trenches
than continue work at Essen under the present conditions.

Some minor cases of sabotage have already been reported.


REMINGTON ARMS STRIKE

_In a special dispatch to_ THE NEW YORK TIMES, _dated Bridgeport,
Conn., July 14, appeared the following news of labor trouble in the
American munitions factory:_

One hundred workmen, twenty guards, and the Bridgeport police reserves
took a hand in a riot tonight at the new plant of the Remington Arms
Company, where it is planned to make small arms for the Allies. The
riot brings to fever heat the labor excitement of the last week, which
yesterday caused the walkout of the structural ironworkers at the
plant and today a walkout of the millwrights and the ironworkers on
the new plant of the sister company, the Remington Union Metallic
Cartridge Company.

The three thousand workmen have been stirred into a great unrest in
the last week by some unseen influence. Major Walter W. Penfield,
U.S.A., retired, head of the arms plant, says pro-Germans are back of
the strike. This the labor leaders deny.

_On July 15 the spread of the strike was reported in a special
dispatch from Bridgeport to_ THE NEW YORK TIMES:

The strike at the giant new plant of the Remington Arms Company under
construction to make arms for the Allies, as well as, it is supposed,
for the United States Government, spread today from the proportions of
a picayune family labor quarrel to an imminent industrial war which
would paralyze Bridgeport, curtailing the shipment of arms and
ammunition from this centre, and which threatens to spread to other
cities in the United States, especially to those where munitions of
war are being manufactured.

_On July 20_ THE NEW YORK TIMES _published the demands of the workmen
at the Remington Arms plant, as outlined by J.J. Keppler,
vice-president of the Machinists' Union:_

Mr. Keppler was asked to tell concisely just what the unions wanted.

"There are at present," he replied, "just three demands. If the strike
goes further the demands will increase. The demands are:

"1. Recognition of the millwrights as members of the metal trade
unions and not of the carpenters', and fixing of the responsibility
for the order some one gave for the millwrights to join the
carpenters' union, an attempt on the part of the Remington or the
Stewart people to dictate the international management of the unions.

"2. A guarantee of a permanent eight-hour day in all plants in
Bridgeport making war munitions. This carries with it a demand for a
guarantee of a minimum wage and double pay for overtime.

"3. That all men who go on strike will be taken back to work."

In addition, of course, Mr. Johnston demands that Major Penfield
retract his charge of German influence being back of the strike.

_A check, if not a defeat, administered to the fomenters of the strike
was reported to_ THE NEW YORK TIMES _in a Bridgeport dispatch dated
July 20, as follows:_

John A. Johnston, International vice-president of the Iron Workers'
Union, and J.J. Keppler, vice-president of the Machinists', were on
hand to inaugurate the big strike. All of Bridgeport's available
policemen were on duty at the plant.

As the whistle blew the crowd surged about the gates, where barbed
wire and guards held them back. Five minutes passed, ten, twenty, and
12.30 saw Keppler and Johnston pacing up and down before the plant
awaiting their men. At 1 o'clock not a machinist had issued from the
portals. The hoarse whistle blew, calling back the two thousand
workers to their task, and Keppler and Johnston and the rest were left
in wonder.

A cog had slipped in this way:

Before the noon whistle blew, Major Walter G. Penfield, works manager
of the plant, placed guards at all the exits to ask the machinists to
wait a few minutes. They did. The foreman told them that, on behalf of
the Remington Company, Major Penfield desired to assure them a
permanent eight-hour day, beginning August 1, and to guarantee a
dollar a day increase in pay.




The Power of the Purse

How "Silver Bullets" Are Made in Britain

By Prime Minister Asquith

     For the first time in the financial history of Great
     Britain, Prime Minister Asquith declared in his Guildhall
     speech of June 29, an unlimited and democratic war loan was
     popularized, appealing to all classes, including the
     poorest, and advertising the sale through the Post Office of
     vouchers for as low as 5 shillings to be turned into stock.
     His speech was intended also to initiate a movement for
     saving and thrift among the people as the only secure means
     against national impoverishment by the war.

     A statement by Reginald McKenna, the Chancellor of the
     Exchequer, in the House of Commons on July 13, showed that
     approximately £600,000,000, or $3,000,000,000, had been
     subscribed, making this the greatest war loan raised in the
     history of any nation. The total number of subscribers
     through the Bank of England was 550,000, aggregating
     £570,000,000, or $2,850,000,000, while 547,000 persons had
     subscribed $75,000,000 through the Post Office. Besides this
     no estimate of the small vouchers taken out had been made,
     and the Post Office subscriptions had not been closed. The
     gigantic total, Mr. McKenna said, represented only new
     money, and not any stock which will be issued for purposes
     of conversion. Prime Minister Asquith's speech appears in
     full below.


_In his speech in the Guildhall, London, on June 29, 1915, Mr. Asquith
said:_

This is, I think, the third time since the war began that I have had
the privilege of addressing you in this hall. On the first occasion,
as far back as September last, I came here to appeal to you to supply
men to be trained to fight our battles at the front. Today I have come
to ask you here in the City of London for what is equally necessary
for the success of our cause--for the ways and means which no
community in the Empire is better qualified to provide, to organise,
and to replenish.

This is the costliest war that has ever been waged. A hundred years
ago our ancestors spent eight hundred millions to vindicate, as we are
vindicating today, the freedom of Europe, in a war which lasted the
best part of 20 years, which brings out a rough average of
considerably less than a million pounds a week. Our total expenditure
today approaches for one year a thousand millions, and we are spending
now, and are likely to spend for weeks and months to come, something
like three million pounds a day. Our daily revenue from taxation, I
suppose, works out less than three-quarters of a million per day.

Those are facts which speak for themselves, and they show the urgent
necessity, not only for a loan, but for a national loan--a loan far
larger in its scale, far broader in its basis, and far more imperious
in its demand upon every class and every section of the community than
any in our history.

For the first time in our financial experience no limit has been
placed on the amount to be raised; and that means that every citizen
in the country is invited to subscribe as much as he can to help us to
a complete and speedy victory. I need not dwell on its attractiveness
from the mere investor's point of view. Indeed, the only criticism
which I have heard in or outside the House of Commons is that it is
perhaps a little too generous in its terms. That is a fault, if it be
a fault, upon the right side.

For £100 in cash you get £100 in stock, with interest at 4-1/2 per
cent. on the credit of the British Exchequer. The loan is redeemable
in thirty years, when every subscriber, or those who succeed him, must
get his money back in full, and the Government retain an option to
repay at the end of ten years. That is the earliest date on which any
question of re-investment can arise. Further, the stock or bonds will
be accepted at par, with an allowance for accrued interest as the
equivalent of cash, for subscription to any loan that the Government
may issue in this country throughout the war.

I want especially to emphasise that this is for the first time in our
financial history a great democratic loan. The State is appealing to
all classes, including those whose resources are most limited, to step
in and contribute their share to meet a supreme national need. The
Post Office will receive subscriptions for £5, or any multiple of £5,
and will sell vouchers for 5s. and upwards which can be gradually
accumulated, and by December 1st next turned into stock of the new
loan.

Every advantage which is given to the big capitalist is granted also
in the same degree to the smallest supporter of the country's credit
and finance. And, under such conditions, I am confident that the
success of the loan as a financial instrument ought to be, and indeed
is now, absolutely secured. (Cheers.)

This meeting was called not only to advertise the advantages of the
War Loan, but to initiate a concerted national movement for what may
be called war economy. My text is a very simple one. It is this:
"Waste on the part either of individuals or of classes, which is
always foolish and shortsighted, is, in these times, nothing short of
a national danger." According to statisticians, the annual income of
this country--I speak of the country and not of the Government--the
annual income of this country is from two thousand two hundred and
fifty to two thousand four hundred millions, and the annual
expenditure of all classes is estimated at something like two thousand
millions. It follows that the balance annually saved and invested,
either at home or abroad, is normally between three hundred and four
hundred millions.

Upon a nation so circumstanced, and with such habits, there has
suddenly descended--for we did not anticipate it, nor prepared the way
for it--the thundercloud of war--war which, as we now know well, if we
add to our own direct expenditure the financing of other countries,
will cost us in round figures about a thousand millions in the year.
Now how are we, who normally have only three hundred or four hundred
millions to spare in a year, to meet this huge and unexpected
extraordinary draft upon our resources?

The courses open are four. The first is the sale of investments or
property. We have, it is said, invested abroad something like four
thousand millions sterling. Can we draw upon that to finance the war?
Well, there are two things to be said about any such suggestion. The
first is that our power of sale is limited by the power of other
countries to buy, and that power, under existing conditions, is
strictly limited.

The second thing to be said is this: That, if we were to try, assuming
it to be practicable, to pay for the war in this way, we should end it
so much poorer. The war must, in any case, impoverish us to some
extent, but we should end it so much poorer, because the income we now
receive, mainly from goods and services from abroad, would be
proportionately, and permanently, reduced. I dismiss that, therefore,
as out of the question.

Similar considerations seem to show the impracticability on any
considerable scale of a second possible expedient, namely, borrowing
abroad. The amount that could be raised in any foreign market at this
moment, in comparison with the sum required, is practically
infinitesimal, and, if it were possible on any considerable scale, we
should again have to face the prospects of ending the war a debtor
country, with a huge annual drain on our goods and our services, which
would flow abroad in the payment of interest and the redemption of
principal. That again, therefore, for all practical purposes, may be
brushed aside.

There is a third course--payment out of our gold reserve, but that
need only be stated to be discarded. We cannot impair the basis of the
great system of credit which has made this City of London the
financial centre and capital of the world.

There remains only one course, the one we have come here today to
advocate, and to press upon our fellow-countrymen--to diminish our
expenditure and to increase our savings.

If you save more you can lend the State more, and the nation will be
proportionately enabled to pay for the war out of its own pocket. A
second proposition, equally simple, and equally true, is this. If you
spend less, you either reduce the cost and volume of our imports, or
you leave a larger volume of commodities available for export.

The state of the trade balance between ourselves and other countries
at this moment affords grounds--I do not say for anxiety, but for
serious thought. If you look at the Board of Trade returns for the
first five months--that is, to the end of the month of May--of the
present year--you will find, as compared with the corresponding period
of last year, that our imports have increased by thirty-five and a
half millions; while our exports and re-exports have decreased by
seventy-three and three-quarter millions. What does that mean? It
means a total addition in five months of our indebtedness to other
countries of nearly a hundred and ten millions, and if that rate were
to continue till we reached the end of a completed year, the figure of
indebtedness would rise to over two hundred and sixty millions.

That is a serious prospect, and I want to ask you, and those outside,
how can that tendency be counteracted? The answer is a very simple
one--by reducing all unnecessary expenditure, first, of imported
goods--familiar illustrations are tea, tobacco, wine, sugar, petrol; I
could easily add to the list--and that would mean that we should have
to buy less from abroad; and next, as regards goods which are made at
home--you can take as an illustration beer--setting a larger quantity
free for export, which means that we have more to sell abroad, and
enable capital and labour here at home to be more usefully and
appropriately applied. That may seem a rather dry and technical
argument--(laughter)--but it goes to the root of the whole matter.

If you ask me to state the result in a sentence, it is this: All money
that is spent in these days on superfluous comforts or luxuries,
whether in the shape of goods or in the shape of services, means the
diversion of energy which can be better employed in the national
interests, either in supplying the needs of our fighting forces in the
field or in making commodities for export which will go to reduce our
indebtedness abroad.

And, on the other hand, every saving we make by the curtailment and
limitation of our productive expenditure increases the resources which
can be put by our people at the disposal of the State for the
triumphant vindication of our cause.

I said our cause. That, after all, is the summary and conclusion of
the whole matter. We are making here and throughout the Empire a great
national and Imperial effort, unique, supreme. The recruiting of
soldiers and sailors, the provision of munitions, the organisation of
our industries, the practice of economy, the avoidance of waste, the
accumulation of adequate war funds, the mobilisation of all our
forces, moral, material, personal--all these are contributory and
convergent streams which are directed to and concentrated upon one
unifying end, one absorbing and governing purpose.

It is not merely with us a question of self-preservation, of
safeguarding against hostile design and attack the fabric which has
withstood so many storms of our corporate and national life. That in
itself would justify all our endeavours. But there is something even
larger and worthier at stake in this great testing trial of our
people.

There is not a man or a woman among us but he or she is touched even
in the faintest degree with a sense of the higher issues which now
hang in the balance, who has not, during this last year, become
growingly conscious that, in the order of Providence, we here have
been entrusted with the guardianship of interests and ideals which
stretch far beyond the shores of these islands, beyond even the
confines of our world-spread Empire, which concern the whole future of
humanity. (Cheers.)

Is right or is force to dominate mankind? Comfort, prosperity, luxury,
a well-fed and securely sheltered existence, not without the
embellishments and concentrations of art and literature, and perhaps
some conventional type of religion--all these we can purchase at a
price, but at what a price! At the sacrifice of what makes life,
national or personal, alone worth living. My Lord Mayor and citizens
of London, we are not going to make that sacrifice (loud and prolonged
cheers, the audience rising and waving their hats). Rather than make
it, we shall fight to the end, to the last farthing of our money, to
the last ounce of our strength, to the last drop of our blood. (Loud
cheers.)




Cases Reserved

By SIR OWEN SEAMAN

[From Punch.]

     "The Government are of opinion that the general question of
     personal responsibility shall be reserved until the end of
     the War."--_Mr. Balfour in the House._


    Let sentence wait. The apportionment of blame
      To those who compassed each inhuman wrong
    Can bide till Justice bares her sword of flame;
            But let your memories be long!

    And, lest they fail you, wearied into sleep,
      Bring out your tablets wrought of molten steel;
    There let the record be charáctered deep
            In biting acid, past repeal.

    And not their names alone, of high estate,
      Drunk with desire of power, at whose mere nod
    The slaves that execute their lust of hate
            Laugh at the laws of man and God;

    But also theirs who shame their English breed,
      Who go their ways and eat and drink and play,
    Or find in England's bitter hour of need
            Their chance of pouching heavier pay;

    And theirs, the little talkers, who delight
      To beard their betters, on great tasks intent,
    Cheapening our statecraft in the alien's sight
            For joy of self-advertisement.

    Today, with hands to weightier business set,
      Silent contempt is all you can afford;
    But put them on your list and they shall get,
            When you are free, their full reward.




New Recruiting in Britain

By Field Marshal Earl Kitchener, Secretary of State for War

     State registration of all persons, male and female, between
     the ages of fifteen and sixty-five, the particulars to
     include each person's age, work, and employers, and his
     registering to be accompanied by an invitation that he
     volunteer for work for which he may have special fitness,
     was the provision introduced in the House of Commons on June
     29, 1915, and passed by that body on July 8. In explaining
     the bill's intent its introducer, Mr. Walter Long, who is
     President of the Local Government Board, replied on July 9
     to the objection of critics who saw in it the first steps to
     compulsory service. He said that the National Register stood
     or fell by itself. So far as the use of it went, so far as
     the adoption of compulsion went, he declared frankly that
     the Prime Minister would be the last man in England to say,
     in the face of the situation in which Britons found
     themselves, anything which would prevent the Government
     adopting compulsory service tomorrow if they believed it to
     be right and necessary in order to bring this war to an end.
     Their hands were absolutely free. On the same day Earl
     Kitchener opened a recruiting campaign with a speech in the
     London Guildhall, which appears in part below.


_The Lord Mayor of London, in calling upon Lord Kitchener, said the
Empire had indeed been highly fortunate in having him at the head of
the War Office in this great national crisis. Earl Kitchener was
received with cheers as he said:_

Hitherto the remarks that I have found it necessary to make on the
subject of recruiting have been mainly addressed to the House of
Lords; but I have felt that the time had now come when I may with
advantage avail myself of the courteous invitation of the Lord Mayor
to appear among you, and in this historic Guildhall make another and a
larger demand on the resources of British manhood. Enjoying as I do
the privilege of a Freeman of this great City--(hear, hear!)--I can be
sure that words uttered in the heart of London will be spread
broadcast throughout the Empire. (Cheers.) Our thoughts naturally turn
to the splendid efforts of the Oversea Dominions and India, who, from
the earliest days of the war, have ranged themselves side by side
with the Mother Country. The prepared armed forces of India were the
first to take the field, closely followed by the gallant
Canadians--(cheers)--who are now fighting alongside their British and
French comrades in Flanders, and are there presenting a solid and
impenetrable front against the enemy. In the Dardanelles the
Australians and New Zealanders--(cheers)--combined with the same
elements, have already accomplished a feat of arms of almost
unexampled brilliancy, and are pushing the campaign to a successful
conclusion. In each of these great Dominions new and large contingents
are being prepared, while South Africa, not content with the
successful conclusion of the arduous campaign in South-West Africa, is
now offering large forces to engage the enemy in the main theatre of
war. (Cheers.) Strengthened by the unflinching support of our
fellow-citizens across the seas, we seek to develop our own military
resources to their utmost limits, and this is the purpose which brings
us together today.

Napoleon, when asked what were the three things necessary for a
successful war, replied: "Money, money, money." Today we vary that
phrase, and say: "Men, material, and money." As regards the supply of
money for the war, the Government are negotiating a new loan, the
marked success of which is greatly due to the very favorable response
made by the City. To meet the need for material, the energetic manner
in which the new Ministry of Munitions is coping with the many
difficulties which confront the production of our great requirements
affords abundant proof that this very important work is being dealt
with in a highly satisfactory manner. (Cheers.) There still remains
the vital need for men to fill the ranks of our Armies, and it is to
emphasize this point and bring it home to the people of this country
that I have come here this afternoon. When I took up the office that I
hold, I did so as a soldier, not as a politician--(loud cheers)--and I
warned my fellow countrymen that the war would be not only arduous,
but long. (Hear, hear.) In one of my earliest statements made after
the beginning of the war I said that I should require "More men, and
still more, until the enemy is crushed." I repeat that statement today
with even greater insistence. All the reasons which led me to think in
August, 1914, that this war would be a prolonged one hold good at the
present time. It is true we are in an immeasurably better situation
now than ten months ago--(hear, hear)--but the position today is at
least as serious as it was then. The thorough preparedness of Germany,
due to her strenuous efforts, sustained at high pressure for some
forty years, have issued in a military organization as complex in
character as it is perfect in machinery. Never before has any nation
been so elaborately organized for imposing her will upon the other
nations of the world; and her vast resources of military strength are
wielded by an autocracy which is peculiarly adapted for the conduct of
war. It is true that Germany's long preparation has enabled her to
utilize her whole resources from the very commencement of the war,
while our policy is one of gradually increasing our effective forces.
It might be said with truth that she must decrease, whilst we must
increase.

It would be difficult to exaggerate the value of the response that has
been made to my previous appeals, but I am here today to make another
demand on the manhood of the country to come forward to its defence. I
was from the first unwilling to ask for a supply of men in excess of
the equipment available for them. I hold it to be most undesirable
that soldiers, keen to take their place in the field, should be thus
checked and possibly discouraged, or that the completion of this
training should be hampered owing to lack of arms. We have now happily
reached a period when it can be said that this drawback has been
surmounted, and that the troops in training can be supplied with
sufficient arms and material to turn them out as efficient soldiers.

When the great rush of recruiting occurred in August and September of
last year, there was a natural difficulty in finding accommodation for
the many thousands who answered to the call for men to complete the
existing armed forces and the New Armies. Now, however, I am glad to
say we have throughout the country provided accommodation calculated
to be sufficient and suitable for our requirements. Further, there was
in the early autumn a very natural difficulty in clothing and
equipping the newly raised units. Now we are able to clothe and equip
all recruits as they come in, and thus the call for men is no longer
restricted by any limitations, such as the lack of material for
training.

It is an axiom that the larger an army is, the greater is its need of
an ever-swelling number of men of recruitable age to maintain it at
its full strength; yet, at the very same time the supply of those very
men is automatically decreasing. Nor must it be forgotten that the
great demand which has arisen for the supply of munitions, equipment,
etc., for the armed forces of this country and of our Allies also, as
well as the economic and financial necessity of keeping up the
production of manufactured goods, involves the retention of a large
number of men in various trades and manufactures, many of whom would
otherwise be available for the Colors. In respect of our great and
increasing military requirements for men, I am glad to state how much
we are indebted to the help given to the Recruiting Staff of the
Regular Army and to the Territorial Associations throughout the
country by the many Voluntary Recruiting Committees formed in all the
counties and cities, and in many important boroughs for this purpose.

The public has watched with eager interest the growth and the rapidly
acquired efficiency of the New Armies, whose dimensions have already
reached a figure which only a short while ago would have been
considered utterly unthinkable. (Cheers.) But there is a tendency,
perhaps, to overlook the fact that these larger armies require still
larger reserves, to make good the wastage at the front. And one cannot
ignore the certainty that our requirements in this respect will be
large, continuous, and persistent; for one feels that our gallant
soldiers in the fighting line are beckoning, with an urgency at once
imperious and pathetic, to those who remain at home to come out and
play their part too. Recruiting meetings, recruiting marches, and the
unwearied labors of the recruiting officers, committees, and
individuals have borne good fruit, and I look forward with confidence
to such labors being continued as energetically as hitherto.

But we must go a step further, so as to attract and attach individuals
who from shyness--(laughter)--or other causes--(renewed
laughter)--have not yet yielded to their own patriotic impulses. The
Government have asked Parliament to pass a Registration Bill, with the
object of ascertaining how many men and women there are in the country
between the ages of fifteen and sixty-five eligible for the national
service, whether in the navy or army, or for the manufacture of
munitions, or to fulfil other necessary services. When this
registration is completed we shall anyhow be able to note the men
between the ages of nineteen and forty not required for munition or
other necessary industrial work and therefore available, if physically
fit, for the fighting line. Steps will be taken to approach, with a
view to enlistment, all possible candidates for the Army--unmarried
men to be preferred before married men, as far as may be. (Loud
cheers.) Of course, the work of completing the registration will
extend over some weeks, and meanwhile it is of vital and paramount
importance that as large a number of men as possible should press
forward to enlist, so that the men's training may be complete when
they are required for the field. I would urge all employers to help
in this matter, by releasing all men qualified for service with the
Colors and replacing them by men of unrecruitable age, or by women, as
has already been found feasible in so many cases.

When the registration becomes operative I feel sure that the
Corporation of the City of London will not be content with its earlier
efforts, intensely valuable as they have been, but will use its great
facilities to set an example of canvassing for the cause. This canvass
should be addressed with stern emphasis to such unpatriotic employers
as, according to returns, have restrained their men from enlisting.

What the numbers required are likely to be it is clearly inexpedient
to shout abroad. (Hear, hear.) Our constant refusal to publish either
these or any other figures likely to prove useful to the enemy needs
neither explanation nor apology. It is often urged that if more
information were given as to the work and whereabouts of various
units, recruiting would be strongly stimulated. But this is the
precise information which would be of the greatest value to the enemy,
and it is agreeable to note that a German Prince in high command
ruefully recorded the other day his complete ignorance as to our New
Armies. (Laughter and cheers.)

But one set of figures, available for everybody, and indicating with
sufficient particularity the needs of our forces in the field, is
supplied by the casualty lists. With regard to these lists,
however--serious and sad as they necessarily are--let two points be
borne in mind, first, that a very large percentage of the casualties
represents comparatively slight hurts, the sufferers from which in
time return to the front; and, secondly, that, if the figures seem to
run very high, the magnitude of the operations is thereby suggested.
Indeed, these casualty lists, whose great length may now and again
induce undue depression of spirits, are an instructive indication of
the huge extent of the operations undertaken now reached by the
British forces in the field.




American War Supplies

By George Wellington Porter

     The subjoined article appraising the stimulation given to
     the war industries of the United States by the European
     conflict appeared originally in THE NEW YORK TIMES of July
     18.


Within the last ten months contracts for war supplies estimated to
exceed $1,000,000,000 have been placed in the United States.

When war was declared last August this country was suffering from
acute industrial depression; many factories shut down, others
operating on short time, and labor without employment. After the
paralyzing effect of the news that war was declared had worn away,
business men here realized the great opportunity about to be afforded
them of furnishing war supplies which must soon be in demand. Their
expectations were soon fulfilled, as almost immediately most of the
Governments sent commissions to the United States. Some had orders to
buy, while others were authorized to get prices and submit samples.

It was not long until mills and factories were being operated to
capacity, turning out boots and shoes, blankets, sweaters, socks,
underwear, &c. The manufacturers of these articles were merely
required to secure additional help in order to increase their plants'
production.

The situation was different in relation to filling orders for arms and
ammunition. At first, as was natural, this business was placed with
concerns engaged in the manufacture of these commodities. Shortly they
were swamped with orders, and to be able to fill them plants were
enlarged, new equipment added, and additional help employed.

More and more orders came pouring in, and, as the arms and munition
houses were by this time up to and some over capacity, acceptance by
them of further business was impossible. Here, then, was the
opportunity for the manufacturers of rails, rivets, electrical and
agricultural machinery, locomotives, &c., to secure their share of
this enormous business being offered. The manner in which they arose
to the occasion is striking testimony of the great resourcefulness,
efficiency, ingenuity, and adaptability of the American manufacturer.

The question of labor was of minor importance, due primarily to the
fact that many thousands of men were without employment and anxious to
secure work, and secondarily for the reason that skilled labor was not
an essential factor. Most of the work is done by machinery and in a
short period of time a mechanic of ordinary intelligence will become
proficient in running a machine. The necessary trained labor could be
secured without difficulty. Numbers of highly trained employes at
Government arsenals are now with private arms and ammunition concerns.
The labor problem therefore was negligible. However, three serious
difficulties had yet to be overcome by the manufacturers wishing to
engage in this new line of business--the securing of new machinery,
raw materials, and capital.

The larger concerns had machinery and apparatus on hand suitable to
most of the work, but much new machinery was needed, especially for
the manufacture of rifles, and needed in a hurry. Time is the essence
of these war supplies contracts, and, as many manufacturers agreed to
make early deliveries, it was up to them to secure this new machinery
and have it installed without delay; otherwise they could not
manufacture and make deliveries as agreed to.

In this event they would suffer the penalty for non-fulfillment, as
stipulated in the bond given by them to the purchaser at the time of
signing the contract. These bonds are known as "fulfillment bonds"
and are issued by responsible surety companies, usually to the amount
of 5 per cent. of the total contract price, on behalf of the vendors,
guaranteeing their deliveries and fulfillment of the contract.

In the earlier stages of this war supply business the question of his
ability to secure raw materials with which to manufacture arms and
ammunition or picric acid--this latter being used to manufacture
higher explosives--was of no great concern to the manufacturer taking
an order; but as orders came pouring in from abroad for ever larger
amounts of supplies it was clearly evident that the demand for raw
materials would shortly equal, if not exceed, the supply thereof. This
condition was soon brought about, and today is one to be most
seriously reckoned with by the manufacturer before accepting a
contract.

Some of the materials needed with which to manufacture the supplies
are mild carbon steel for the barrels, bayonets, bolt, and locks;
well-seasoned ash or maple, straight-grained, for the stocks; brass,
iron, powder, antimony, benzol or phenol, sulphuric acid, nitric acid,
and caustic soda, &c. Of these various materials the most difficult to
secure are those used in the manufacture of picric acid.

Today it is almost impossible to secure phenol, certainly in any
considerable quantities, and it is almost as difficult to secure
sulphuric acid and nitric acid. Germany has been the source of supply
in the past for picric acid. Before the war it sold around 35 cents to
40 cents per pound, dry basis; recently it has sold at over $2 per
pound for spot, that is immediate delivery, and is quoted at from
$1.25 to $1.60 per pound for early future deliveries.

Antimony is becoming so scarce, never having been produced in any
great quantity in this country, that in the new contracts being
submitted for shrapnel shell it is stipulated that some other
hardening ingredients may be substituted in the bullets, either
totally or partly replacing the antimony.

Brass is essential to the manufacture of cartridges. The term "brass"
is commonly understood to mean an alloy of copper and zinc.

Up to a short time ago electrolytic copper was selling at 20-1/2 cents
a pound, lead at 7 cents a pound, commercial zinc at 29-1/2 cents a
pound. Zinc ore, from which spelter is obtained, reached the price of
$112 a ton. American spelter was nearly $500 a ton, compared with $110
a ton before the war. Spelter was almost unobtainable. In England the
situation was acute, the metal there being quoted only nominally at
around $550 a ton for immediate delivery.

Within the last few days prices have dropped materially, but how long
they will remain at these lower levels it is impossible to predict. If
the war continues for any length of time the demand for all these
metals is certainly bound to increase, and this will automatically
again send up prices.

The world's production of spelter in 1913 (the latest authentic
figures obtainable) was 1,093,635 short tons. Of this the United
States produced 346,676 tons, or 31.7 per cent.; Germany, 312,075
tons, or 28.6 per cent.; Belgium, 217,928 tons, or 19.9 per cent.;
France and Spain, 78,289 tons; and Great Britain, 65,197 tons. The
world's production of spelter in 1913 exceeded that of 1912 by 25,590
tons, or 2.2 per cent. The greatest increase was contributed by
Germany, which exceeded its production of 1912 by 4.4 per cent. The
United States made a gain of 2.3 per cent. The excess of the world's
production over consumption in 1913 was only 27,316 tons.

As can be seen from the above figures, Germany has control of
practically one-half, possibly now over one-half, of the world's
production of spelter. Her position with respect to iron and coal is
equally strong, the United States not included. In 1913 Germany's
production of pig iron was 19,000 tons; Great Britain, 10,500 tons;
France, 5,225 tons; Russia, 4,475 tons; Austria and Belgium, over
2,000 tons each; Italy, negligible. She has captured a large
proportion of the coal resources of France as well. Her strength is
her own plus that of conquered territory.

Before a contract for war supplies is let, more particularly with
reference to contracts for arms and ammunition, the manufacturer is
requested to "qualify." This means he must show his ability to "make
good" on the contract he wishes to secure. If he is now or has been in
the past successfully engaged in the manufacture of the particular
article in question, this is usually sufficient; if it is out of his
regular line, then he must prove to the satisfaction of the War
Department or the purchasing agent, as the case may be, that he has
the technical knowledge necessary for its production. In either event
he must have an efficient organization, suitable plants, with proper
equipment and men to operate same; also the necessary raw materials in
hand or under option to purchase.

In most instances the manufacturer taking these war orders has been
obliged to enlarge his plants, add new machinery and purchase raw
materials so as to be able to handle the business. This meant the
expenditure of large amounts of money on his part.

He did not have to depend, however, upon his own normal financial
resources, as the contracts carry a substantial cash payment in
advance, usually 25 per cent. of the total contract price. This
advance payment is deposited in some New York bank simultaneously with
the manufacturer's depositing a surety bond guaranteeing his
deliveries, and upon the manufacturer executing an additional surety
bond guaranteeing his responsibility he could draw down all or any
part of the cash advance he might wish to use for his immediate needs.

Before issuing these bonds the surety companies make rigid examination
as to the ability of the manufacturer to fulfill his contract. The
commission charged for issuing these bonds is from 2-1/2 to 5 per
cent. on the amount involved. The demand for bonds has been so great
during the last six months that it has taxed to the limit the combined
resources of all the surety companies in the country.

The remaining part of the contract price is usually guaranteed by
bankers' irrevocable letters of credit or deposits made with New York
banks, to be drawn against as the goods are delivered, f.o.b. the
factory--that is, free on board the cars--or f.a.s. the seaboard--that
is, free alongside ship--as the terms may provide.

Banks here are beginning to purchase bank acceptances or bank-accepted
bills of exchange, and in this manner payment is also being made to
American manufacturers for goods sold to the Allies. For example, when
a purchasing agent in Paris places an order for ammunition here he
makes arrangements whereby the manufacturer will be authorized to draw
on a New York banking institution at a stipulated maturity, and after
acceptance of his drafts by such banking institution he could then
negotiate these time drafts with his own banker--thus making them,
less the discount, equivalent to cash--through whom they could be
rediscounted by the Federal Reserve banks. These bank-accepted bills
are discounted at a nominal rate of interest.

Before the war we were a debtor nation; today we are rapidly becoming,
if we have not already become, a creditor nation. A year ago we were
selling abroad only about as much goods as we were buying; now the
balance of trade is greatly in our favor, due to the enormous export
of foodstuffs and war supplies of all kinds. Monthly our exports are
exceeding our imports by many millions of dollars. This indicates that
foreign nations are going into debt to us.

At the time of writing this article foreign exchange was quoted as
follows: London exchange, sterling, 4.76-1/2; Paris exchange, franc,
5.45-3/4. By paying down $4.76-1/2 in New York you can get £1 in
London, which on a par gold basis is equivalent to $4.86 in London. By
paying down 94-1/2 cents in New York you can get the equivalent to 100
cents in Paris.

We now come to another interesting phase of this war supply business,
namely, how some persons thought these war orders could be secured and
how they are actually being placed. Almost immediately after the
declaration of war, most of the belligerent Governments dispatched
"commissions" to the United States. Some had orders to buy, and
others were authorized to get prices and submit samples. In an
incredibly short period of time it became generally known that foreign
Governments were shopping and buying in our markets. The knowledge of
this fact brought about a condition unique in our business life.

Men in all walks of life, from porters, barbers, clerks in offices, to
doctors, lawyers, real estate agents, merchants, Wall Street brokers
and bankers, seemed suddenly imbued with the idea of securing or
bringing about the placing of a war order. Self-appointed agents,
middlemen and brokers sprang up over night like mushrooms, each and
every one claiming he had an order or could get an order for war
supplies; or, as the case might be, he personally knew some
manufacturer, or he knew a friend who had a friend who knew a
manufacturer, who in turn wished to secure a contract. An official in
one of our large steel companies told me some weeks ago that among
others who had called at his company's offices, asking prices on
shrapnel, was an undertaker.

In most instances the lack of salesmanship experience, to say nothing
of any knowledge of the business and how the particular articles are
manufactured, was of no consequence to the self-appointed agent in his
mad desire for business.

The lobbies of our New York hotels were filled with horsemen and
would-be horsemen, some months ago, almost every State being
represented as far west as California; also with manufacturers and
manufacturers' agents, all eager to secure a "war contract," be it for
horses, shrapnel, rifles, picric acid, guncotton, toluol, cartridges,
boots, shoes, sweaters, blankets, machinery and materials, &c. The
very atmosphere of Manhattan Island seems impregnated with "war
contractitis." We breathe it, we think it, we see it, we talk it, on
our way downtown, at our offices and places of business, at our clubs,
on our way home at night, in our homes, and I have been told that some
have even slept it, the disease taking the shape of a nightmare.

The day of the broker, if indeed he ever had one in this business, is
passed. The original commissioners have been withdrawn, or those who
have been kept here are now acting as inspectors and have been
replaced by purchasing agents. The firm of J.P. Morgan & Co. has been
acting as purchasing agent for the English Government for some months
past, is now acting in like capacity for the French Government, and
has also done considerable buying for the Russian Government.

In order properly to handle this vast volume of business, a separate
department was created, known as the Export Department. Connected with
this department are experts in all lines--men who are thoroughly
familiar with the various Governments' requirements, who know what
prices should be paid, who are in close touch with each market, and
who understand fully the materials they are buying.

There are a few more concerns, among which are one or two banks, trust
companies, and Wall Street houses, which also have formed separate
organizations for the purpose of purchasing war supplies for the
Allies. As all these concerns are in close touch with the
manufacturers and will only deal directly with them, the brokers and
middlemen have very little, if any, chance of doing business.

[Illustration]




Magazinists of the World on the War

Condensed from the Leading Reviews

     While the armies and generals of the belligerents are trying
     to execute by force the policies of their respective
     Governments, their publicists are not less busy in the work
     of voicing the national aspirations. Moreover, such a
     critical examination of the status of each armed Power, from
     its own standpoint and in comparisons and contrasts with its
     opponents, has never been conducted before the peoples of
     the world. It is a time of national heart-searchings, both
     among the warring nations and of neutrals whose destinies
     are only less affected. Résumés of this great process as
     reflected in the world's leading reviews appear below,
     beginning with the British publications.


Germany's Long-Nourished Powers

That Germany has been preparing forty years for this war is flatly
contradicted by J. Ellis Barker in his article entitled "The Secret of
Germany's Strength," appearing in the Nineteenth Century and After for
July.

Not forty years, but for 260 years, since Frederick William, the Great
Elector, came to the Prussian throne, the slow-growing plants of
German efficiency and thoroughness have steadily unfolded, Mr. Barker
says, in the administrative, military, financial, and economic policy
that make modern Germany. It was the Great Elector who "ruthlessly and
tyrannously suppressed existing self-government in his possessions,
and gave to his scattered and parochially minded subjects a strong
sense of unity," thus clearing the way for his successors. Frederick
William I. founded in the Prussia prepared by his grandfather "a
perfectly organized modern State, a model administration, and created
a perfectly equipped and ever ready army." Of him Mr. Barker says:

     The German people are often praised for their thoroughness,
     industry, frugality, and thrift. These qualities are not
     natural to them. They received them from their rulers, and
     especially from Frederick William the First. He was an
     example to his people, and his son carried on the paternal
     tradition. Both Kings acted not only with thoroughness,
     industry, frugality, and economy, but they enforced these
     qualities upon their subjects. Both punished idlers of every
     rank of society, even of the most exalted. The regime of
     Thorough prevailed under these Kings who ruled during
     seventy-three years. These seventy-three years of hard
     training gave to the Prussian people those sterling
     qualities which are particularly their own, and by which
     they can easily be distinguished from the easy-going South
     Germans and Austrians who have not similarly been
     disciplined.

While the Great Elector prepared the ground, and King Frederick
William I. firmly laid the foundations, "Frederick the Great erected
thereon the edifice of modern Germany." Mr. Barker adds:

     Among the many pupils of Frederick the Great was Bismarck.
     It is no exaggeration to say that the writings which
     Frederick the Great addressed to posterity are the _arcana
     imperii_ of modern Germany. Those who desire to learn the
     secret of Germany's strength, wealth, and efficiency, should
     therefore most carefully study the teachings of Frederick
     the Great.

     Frederick's "Political Testament" of 1752 addressed to his
     successors begins with the significant words:

     "The first duty of a citizen consists in serving his
     country. I have tried to fulfil that duty in all the
     different phases of my life."

Frederick William I. looked out for the education of his successors in
his own militarist ideals. Instructing Major Borcke in 1751 on the
tutoring of his grand-nephew, the Heir-Presumptive of Prussia, he
wrote:

     It is very important that he should love the Army. Therefore
     he must be told at all occasions and by all whom he meets
     that men of birth who are not soldiers are pitiful wretches.
     He must be taken to see the troops drilling as often as he
     likes. He ought to be shown the Cadets, and be given five or
     six of them to drill. That should be an amusement for him,
     not a duty. The great point is that he should become fond of
     military affairs, and the worst that could happen would be
     if he should become bored with them. He should be allowed to
     talk to all, to cadets, soldiers, citizens and officers, to
     increase his self-reliance.

A thorough monarchist, who noted that "when Sweden was turned into a
republic it became weak," Frederick the Great preached a doctrine not
different from that which inspires the speeches of Kaiser Wilhelm II.
when he said in his "Political Testament" of 1752:

     As Prussia is surrounded by powerful states my successors
     must be prepared for frequent wars. The soldiers must be
     given the highest positions in Prussia for the same reason
     for which they received them in ancient Rome when that State
     conquered the world. Honors and rewards stimulate and
     encourage talent and praise arouses men to a generous
     emulation. It encourages men to enter the army. It is
     paradoxical to treat officers contemptuously and call theirs
     an honored profession. The men who are the principal
     supports of the State must be encouraged and be preferred to
     the soft and insipid society men who can only grace an
     ante-chamber.

Mr. Barker comments on the fact that in 1776, thirteen years after the
ruinous Seven Years' War, Frederick the Great had accumulated
financial resources sufficient to pay for another war lasting four
years, and that he pursued the food policy of his fathers "which is
still pursued by the Prusso-German Government." Moreover, he first
exalted the German professor:

     A hundred and fifty years ago Prussia was a land peopled by
     boors. Now it is a land peopled by professors, scientists,
     and artists. Frederick the Great was the first Prussian
     monarch to realize that science and art increase the
     strength and prestige of nations. Hence, he began
     cultivating the sciences and arts, and his successors
     followed his example. As science and art were found to be
     sources of national power, they were as thoroughly promoted
     as was the army itself, while in this country [England]
     education remained amateurish. Men toyed with science and
     the universities rather taught manners than efficiency.

The lesson of this centuries-old efficient governmental machine is a
supreme one to democratic England, Mr. Barker thinks. Not that it is
hopeless for a democracy to compete with a highly organized monarchy,
for has not Switzerland shown that "a democracy may be efficient,
business-like, provident, and ready for war?" England, on the other
hand, has been a lover of luxury and ease. She must gird up her loins
and fight or die. The Anglo-Saxon race is fighting for its existence,
and delay is dangerous:

     War is a one-man business. Every other consideration must be
     subordinated to that of achieving victory. When the United
     States fought for their life, they made President Lincoln
     virtually a Dictator. The freest and most unruly democracy
     allowed Habeas Corpus to be suspended and conscription to be
     introduced, to save itself. Great emergencies call for great
     measures. The War demands great sacrifices in every
     direction. However, if it leads to England's modernization,
     to the elimination of the weaknesses and vices of
     Anglo-Saxon democracy, if it leads to the unification and
     organization of the Empire, the purification of its
     institutions, and the recreation of the race, the gain may
     be greater than the loss, the colossal cost of the War
     notwithstanding. The British Empire and the United States,
     the Anglo-Saxon race in both hemispheres, have arrived at
     the turning point in their history. The next few months will
     confirm their greatness or mark the beginning of their fatal
     decline.


"To Avenge"

Stern is the denunciation of W.S. Lilly, in the same issue of The
Nineteenth Century and After, upon the atrocities recounted in an
article on German atrocities in France by Professor Morgan, appearing
in the next preceding number. Mr. Lilly quotes Thomas Carlyle's
sarcastic words about the "blind loquacious prurience of
indiscriminate Philanthropism" that commands no revenge for great
injustice. He says:

     Apart from the "fierce and monstrous gladness," with which
     the German people have welcomed the hellish cruelty of their
     soldiery, they must be held responsible for its crimes.
     General von Bernhardi, indeed, assures them that "political
     morality differs from individual morality because there is
     no power above the State." And they have been given over to
     a strong delusion to believe this lie. Above the State is
     the Eternal Rule of Right and Wrong: above the State is the
     Supreme Moral Governor of the Universe; yes, above the State
     is God. Let us proclaim this august verity though in France
     Atheism has been triumphant; in England Agnosticism is
     fashionable; in Lutheran Germany--worst of all--evil has
     been enthroned in the place of good, and "devils to adore
     for deities" is the proper cult.

The resolution of the old Roman patriot that "Carthage must be
destroyed" is quoted by this writer. He adds:

     As stern a resolution is in the minds and on the lips of all
     true lovers of their country and of mankind, be they English
     or French, Russian, Italian, Japanese, and I do not hesitate
     to add American. German militarism must be utterly destroyed
     and the monstrous creation of blood and iron overthrown.
     Such is the plainest dictate of the instinct of
     self-preservation. It is also the plainest dictate of
     justice. Germany must be paid that she has deserved. When
     the triumphant Allies shall have made good their footing on
     her soil, they will not indeed rival her exploits or
     violating women and butchering children, of murdering
     prisoners and wounded, of slaying unoffending and peaceful
     peasants, of destroying shrines of religion and learning.
     But they will assuredly shoot or hang such of the chief
     perpetrators of these and the like atrocities as may fall
     into their hands. They will strip her of ill-gained
     territory. They will empty her arsenals and burn her war
     workshops. They will impose a colossal indemnity which will
     condemn her for long years to grinding poverty. They will
     confiscate her fleet. They will remove the treasures of her
     galleries and museums, and take toll of her libraries, to
     make compensation for her pillage and incendiarism in
     Belgium. The measure of punishment is always a matter of
     difficulty. But surely anything less than this would be
     wholly disproportionate to the rank offences of Germany. The
     reckoning, the retribution, the retaliation to be just must
     be most stern. The victorious Allies, who will be her
     judges, will not be moved by "mealymouthed philanthropies."
     "Justice shall strike and Mercy shall not hold her hands:
     she shall strike sore strokes, and Pity shall not break the
     blow."


The Pope, the Vatican, and Italy

In The Fortnightly Review for July E.J. Dillon is sweeping in his
arraignment of the new Pope Benedict XV. and the Vatican, of the Pope
because of his "neutrality in matters of public morality," and of the
Vatican because of its hostility to the cause of Allies. Toward
martyred Belgium and suffering France the Pope "has been generous in
lip sympathy and promises of rewards in the life to come," Mr. Dillon
says; but he has "found no word of blame for their executioners." Mr.
Dillon personally offered Benedict XV. "some important information on
the subject which seemed adequate to change his views or modify his
action," but he "turned the conversation to other topics." In fairness
he adds that "personally Benedict XV. had been careful to keep aloof
from Buelow and his band," and has neither said nor done anything
blameworthy with the sole exception of the interview and message which
he was reported to have given "to an American-German champion of
militarism at the instigation of his intimate counsellor, Monsignor
Gerlach"--an interview, by the way, which the Pope has since expressly
repudiated.

Monsignor Gerlach, Mr. Dillon says, is "one of the most compromising
associates and dangerous mentors that any sovereign ever admitted to
his privacy," and continues:

     Years ago, the story runs, Gerlach made the acquaintance of
     a worldly minded papal Nuntius in the fashionable salons of
     gay Vienna, and, being men of similar tastes and
     proclivities, the two enjoyed life together, eking out the
     wherewithal for their costly amusements in speculations on
     the Exchange. When the Nuntius returned to Rome, donned the
     Cardinal's hat, and was appointed to the See of Albano as
     Cardinal Agliardi, he bestowed a canonry on the boon
     companion who had followed him to the eternal city. The
     friendship continued unabated, and was further cemented by
     the identity of their political opinions, which favored the
     Triple Alliance. Gerlach became Agliardi's tout and
     electioneering agent when that Cardinal set up as candidate
     for the papacy on the death of Leo XIII. But as his chances
     of election were slender, the pair worked together to defeat
     Rampolla, who was hated and feared by Germany and Austria.
     Their bitter opponent was Cardinal Richard, a witty French
     prelate who labored might and main for Rampolla, and told me
     some amusing stories about Agliardi. Some years ago
     Gerlach's name emerged above the surface of private life in
     Rome in connection with what the French term _un drame
     passionel_, which led to violent scenes in public and to a
     number of duels later on. That this man of violent
     Pan-German sentiments should be the Pope's mentor and guide
     through the labyrinth of international politics seems a
     curious anachronism.

Although Cardinal della Chiesa, shortly before he became Benedict XV.,
was spoken of as the inheritor of Rampolla's Francophile leanings, it
is "now conjectured that at the Conclave this legend secured from his
not only the votes of the Teutonic Cardinals, who knew what his
sentiments really were, but also those of the French and Belgians, who
erroneously fancied that they knew," Dr. Dillon says. He does not
hesitate to believe that the Pope is "at heart a staunch friend of
Austria and a warm admirer of Germany, whom he looks upon as the
embodiment of the principle of authority and conservatism." For the
Vatican his words are more unsparing:

     The Vatican, as distinguished from the Pope, was and is
     systematically hostile to the Allies. Its press organs,
     inspired by an astute and influential Italian ecclesiastic
     named Tedeschini, by Koeppenberg, a rabid German convert,
     and by the Calabrian Daffina, organized a formidable
     campaign against the King's Government and their supposed
     interventionist leanings. Its agents, including the priest
     Boncampagni and the German Catholics Erzberger, Koeppenberg,
     and others, were wont to meet in the Hôtel de Russie to
     arrange their daily plan of campaign, and when at last the
     people rose up against Giolitti and his enormities, the
     Vatican had its mob in readiness to make
     counter-demonstrations, and was prevented from letting it
     loose only by the superhuman efforts of decent Catholics and
     orderly citizens. It is a fair thing to add that the
     attitude of the Roman Catholic clergy throughout Italy has
     with some few exceptions been consistently patriotic. Even
     the bishops and archbishops of the provinces have deserved
     well of their King and country, while their flocks have left
     nothing to be desired on the score of loyalty and
     patriotism.

Buelow's mission to Italy and his relations with Giolitti, the
defeated abettor of Austria in the business preceding Italy's
declaration of war, when they encountered the statecraft of Sonnino
and Salandra, are given in this version of Buelow's playing of his
"trump card":

     Although the die was cast and Italy's decision taken, he had
     the Austrian concessions greatly amplified, and he offered
     them, _not to the King's Government_, but to Giolitti, his
     secret ally, who was not in office, but was known to be the
     Dictator of Italy. And Giolitti accepted them on the
     condition, to be fulfilled after the Cabinet's fall, that
     the territory would be further enlarged and consigned to
     Italy before the end of the war. The increase of prestige
     which this concession would bestow on the tribune was to be
     his reward for co-operation with the German Ambassador.
     Giolitti having thus approved the offer, undertook to have
     it ratified by Parliament, _in spite of the engagements
     which the Cabinet had already entered into with the Allied
     Powers_. In this sense he spoke to the King, wrote a letter
     designed for the nation, and obtained the public adhesion of
     a majority of the Chamber which was not then sitting.
     Thereupon the Cabinet resigned and left the destinies of
     Italy in the hands of the King and the nation. On the part
     of the Cabinet this was a brilliant tactical move and a
     further proof of the praiseworthy moral courage which it had
     displayed throughout the crisis. Indeed, the firmness,
     perseverance, and dignified disregard of mild invective and
     more deliberate criticism manifested by Sonnino and
     Salandra, entitle these Ministers to the lasting gratitude
     of their country. For it should be borne in mind that they
     had against them not only the Senate, the Chamber, a section
     of the Press, the "cream" of the aristocracy, the puny sons
     and daughters of the leaders of the Risorgimento, but also,
     strange to say, the majority of Italian diplomatists in the
     capitals of the Great Powers, one of whom actually fell ill
     at the thought that Italy was about to fight shoulder to
     shoulder with the State to which he was accredited. It would
     be interesting to psychologists to learn how this
     diplomatist and one or two of his colleagues felt when a few
     days later they were serenaded by enthusiastic crowds whom
     they were constrained to address.


Are the Allies Winning?

In a Doubting Thomas article headed "Are We Winning?" the anonymous
"Outis" in The Fortnightly Review concludes that "the Allies are
winning, but very slowly. If their conquest is to be assured, Great
Britain's task is to mobilize every soldier and every workman, in
order to prove that whoever may fail, she at least does not intend to
desist until the final triumph is won." Moreover, the conquest must be
in the West "if anywhere," and he looks somewhat askance at the
Dardanelles adventure:

     A good many competent authorities have disliked the idea of
     the Dardanelles expedition, on the strength of a general
     principle applicable to all military operations. It is said
     that in every war there is one distinct objective, and that
     that should never be neglected for any subsidiary
     operations. Thus, in the present instance, our main effort
     is to drive the Germans out of France and Belgium, and then
     to attack them in their own territory. Anything which
     interferes with this or throws it, however temporarily, into
     the background, is held to be unwise, because it leads to
     the most dangerous of results in warfare--the dissipation of
     forces, which, if united, would win the desired success, but
     if disunited will probably fail. Thus we are told that we
     must not fritter away our energies in enterprises which,
     however important in themselves, are not comparable with the
     one unique preoccupation of our minds--the conquest of
     Germany in Europe.


Selling Arms to the Allies

Horace White has no two opinions in his article in The North American
Review for July as to the wisdom and justice of the practice of
American manufacturers in selling munitions which the Allies are using
to kill their Germanic enemies. Mr. White expresses it as the belief
of the great majority of people in the United States that Germany's
war is without sufficient cause, and that when she invaded Belgium she
"made herself the outlaw of the nations--a country whom no agreements
can bind." Therefore he can see why no limit should ever be put to the
world's expenditure for armaments "while one incorrigible outlaw is at
large." He adds:

     It is the opinion of most Americans that the most
     incorrigible and dangerous outlaw and armed maniac now
     existing is Germany, and that the first and indispensable
     step toward a restriction of armaments and a quiet world is
     to throttle and disarm her, and that no price is too great
     to pay for such a consummation. Any result of the present
     war which falls short of this will be the preliminary to a
     new armament and another war on a wider scale than the
     present one, since the United States will make preparations
     for the next one and most probably take part in it.

Hence proceeds Mr. White's justification for this neutral nation's
supplying the Allies with arms:

     Germany, by bursting her way through Belgium, was enabled to
     seize eighty to ninety per cent. of the coal and iron
     resources of France and the greater part of her apparatus
     for the production of arms. She holds also the entire
     resources of Belgium, both of raw material and finished
     product. The foul blow by which she possessed herself of
     these indispensable treasures had two consequences which she
     did not look for--the active hostility of England and the
     moral indignation of all other nations. In helping France to
     make good the loss which she sustained through such perfidy
     the American people think that they are doing God's service,
     and their only regret is that they cannot do more of it. If
     they had foreseen the present conditions they would have
     enlarged their gun factories and powder mills to meet the
     emergency more promptly.

     A German writer in the New York _Times_ of May 30, Mr. Vom
     Bruck, says: "If the German nation is wiped out with the
     help of American arms and ammunition no man of the white
     race in the United States would be able to think of such a
     catastrophe without horror and remorse." All of the
     contending nations say that they are fighting for existence,
     which means that if they do not win in the end they will be
     wiped out. With such an alternative staring us in the face
     very few tears would be shed by Americans, of any color, if
     both the Hohenzollerns and the Hapsburgs, with all their
     belongings, should be wiped off the face of the earth.


War and Non-Resistance

The pacifist "mollycoddle," as Theodore Roosevelt dubbed him in his
San Francisco Exposition speech, finds expression in these words of
Bertrand Russell in the August number of the Atlantic Monthly:

     All these three motives for armaments--cowardice, love of
     dominion, and lust for blood--are no longer ineradicable in
     civilized human nature. All are diminishing under the
     influence of modern social organization. All might be
     reduced to a degree which would make them almost innocuous,
     if early education and current moral standards were directed
     to that end. Passive resistance, if it were adopted
     deliberately by the will of a whole nation, with the same
     measure of courage and discipline which is now displayed in
     war, might achieve a far more perfect protection for what is
     good in national life than armies and navies can ever
     achieve, without demanding the carnage and waste and welter
     of brutality involved in modern war.

But it is hardly to be expected, Mr. Russell reluctantly concludes,
that progress will come in this way, because "the imaginative effort
required is too great." He adds:

     It is much more likely that it will come, like the reign of
     law within the state, by the establishment of a central
     government of the world, able and willing to secure
     obedience by force, because the great majority of men will
     recognize that obedience is better than the present
     international anarchy.

     A central government of this kind would command assent not
     as a partisan, but as the representative of the interests of
     the whole. Very soon resistance to it would be seen to be
     hopeless and wars would cease. Force directed by a neutral
     authority is not open to the same abuse or likely to cause
     the same long-drawn conflicts as force exercised by
     quarreling nations, each of which is the judge in its own
     cause. Although I firmly believe that the adoption of
     passive instead of active resistance would be good if a
     nation could be convinced of its goodness, yet it is rather
     to the ultimate creation of a strong central authority that
     I should look for the ending of war. But war will end only
     after a great labor has been performed in altering men's
     moral ideals, directing them to the good of all mankind, and
     not only of the separate nations into which men happen to
     have been born.


"Good Natured Germany"

The leading article in the June issue of the Süddeutsche Monatshefte
(Munich) is by Dr. George Grupp, one of Germany's most able scholars,
and is entitled, "Never Can Germany be Overcome if She be United." Dr.
Grupp finds evidences for this assertion all through history, and
quotes some of the earliest commentators and historians to this
effect:

     As early as 1487 Felix Fabri, a Dominican of Ulm wrote: "Si
     Germani essent ubique concordes, totum orbem domarent." (If
     the Germans were united they would conquer the whole world.)

     The sentence is an echo of the fiery address which one
     Aeneas Silvius, later to become pope, delivered to the
     German princes after the fall of Constantinople, and from
     which Felix Fabri himself gives a quotation....

     To Germany alone the Greeks looked for any considerable
     help. An evidence of this is the beautiful and often quoted
     remark of the Athenian Laonikos Chalkokondylas: "If the
     Germans were united and the princes would obey, they would
     be unconquerable and the strongest of all mortals."

     We encounter similar statements very frequently, both
     earlier and later, from the Roman courtier Dietrich von
     Nieheim and from the humanists, from the Alsatian Wimpheling
     and Sebastian Brant, from the Swabian Nauclerus and the
     Frank Pirckheimer. "What could Germany be," they cry, "if
     she would only make use of her own strength, exploit her own
     resources for herself! No people on earth could offer her
     resistance!"

Dr. Grupp claims that Germany's lack of unity has resulted only from
her rule of goodwill toward all, within her borders as well as
without.

     It never occurred to the Germans as to other peoples to
     disturb the peaceful development of their neighbors. They
     allowed mighty powers to build themselves up unmolested and
     to rise above Germany's head. In their internal affairs they
     observed the same principle of justice; no line, no class,
     no province, no grant succeeded in obtaining so oppressive
     an ascendancy, that other lines and classes, other provinces
     and grants were simply annihilated. The unfortunate
     consequence was lack of unity.

     Nowhere were or are there so many cultural centres, so many
     different movements, tendencies, parties. This great
     multifariousness of the German life was recognized and
     admired by others. But this very multifariousness had its
     darker side, the fatal, much deplored lack of unity.

Through the centuries, Dr. Grupp claims, Germany has been altogether
too good-natured, allowing other nations to all but bleed her to
death.

     In her peaceable disharmony Germany has dreamed along
     carelessly and good-naturedly for centuries until the abrupt
     awakening when she saw a yawning abyss opened up at her
     feet. Good-naturedly she has allowed herself to be plundered
     and faithfully she has fought other nations' battles. As
     early as the 15th century the humanists remarked the fact
     that alien states gladly took German soldiers into their
     service, and later on it was worse than that. Foreign
     countries gladly waged their wars on German territory. Here
     was decided for the most part the fate of the Spanish
     world-empire, here France and England battled for supremacy.
     The Seven Years' War was not only a question of Schleswig;
     it was a question of whether North America and even far-away
     India should be French or English.

     Now the condition is suddenly reversed; the Germans are
     fighting for themselves, and the fact arouses the limitless
     rage of their opponents. Let us console ourselves with the
     fact that even in the Middle Ages it was said: "Teutonici
     nullius amici," in spite of their peaceableness.


Italy's Defection

Dr. Eduard Meyer has contributed an article to the Süddeutsche
Monatshefte (Munich) on "Ancient Italy and the Rise of the Italian
Nation." Dr. Meyer is professor of history in the University of
Berlin, and is a brother of Dr. Kuno Meyer who recently attracted much
attention in this country by severing his connection with Harvard
University because of a prize "war poem" written by one of the
undergraduates. A postscript reflects Dr. Meyer's present feeling
toward Italy's defection:

     The views which I have presented in this article are the
     fruit of long years of study and research; and I feel myself
     constrained to state explicitly that they are in no wise
     influenced by the events which we have experienced during
     the last few weeks. But it may be that a short postscript is
     necessary.

     Italy has not won her present national unity by reason of
     her own strength; she owes it to the combinations of the
     changing world-situation and the victories of foreign
     powers, which her statesmen have known how to use to the
     best advantage.

According to Dr. Meyer, Italy's claim to be one of the great powers is
not based on any actual ability to uphold that claim; it merely
happens that her assertion has not been challenged.

     She has claimed for herself the status of a great power on a
     par with the other large nations of the world; but she has
     not possessed the inner strength of herself to support such
     a claim without the help of stronger powers.

     In August, 1914, Italy had the opportunity to decide her
     fate. If she could have made the choice then, if she could
     have gone into the world-war with all the might that she
     possessed and, staking her whole existence, have fought
     toward the highest goal, she might have won for herself a
     powerful and self-sufficient place in the world.

On account of his many utterances since the outbreak of the war,
Ludwig Thoma's März (Munich), a weekly founded by him, has attracted
much attention. An article entitled "Italy's Defection," in a recent
issue, is most bitter in tone, accusing Italy of long-standing
intrigue and treachery.

     We know that Italy went still further from the fact that at
     the renewal of the alliance in 1912 in Paris she expressly
     announced that she would not march against France. It will
     be remembered how quick the French army command was to take
     stock of relations on the southeastern border, with the
     result that in the very first days of mobilization their
     troops were called from the Savoy Alps and by the eighth of
     August were giving battle on the Alsatian border.

     But Italy still guarded the neutrality which she had
     proclaimed and with apparent reasonableness she was able to
     hold that the letter of the Triple Alliance did not compel
     her to enter the conflict. Laughing in her sleeve she could
     even give it out that her sympathetic neutrality would
     sufficiently guarantee to her allies certain suspended
     contracts of an economic nature. Neutral Italy furnished
     Germany to a considerable extent with products of its own
     land and others which were not unwelcome.

     That the mobilization of an Italian army on France's borders
     might have been able to decide the war as far back as
     September, is a consideration which, in the face of this
     hypocritical neutrality, one cannot face without driving
     one's nails into one's flesh!

It was through the connivance of England that Italy weakly found
herself forced to enter the war against her former allies.

     Sir Edward Grey found the way to do it. Italy learned that
     England was no longer in a situation to hold the Straits of
     Gibraltar and the Suez Canal open and was obliged to take
     over the control of Italian imports. Even before this
     British agents had control of the port of Genoa and there
     was no doubt that through most irritating measures on
     England's part which skillfully concealed the motive behind
     them, a blow would be struck at the very roots of Italy's
     existence and famine would set in. Presently the Italian
     politicians and the crown were confronted with a dilemma
     which left them the choice only between war and
     revolution....

     Not every people has the political government which it
     deserves; the Italian people are the victims of a
     government, essentially undeserved but traditionally
     faithless.

     But Mars is now shaking the dice and behind the curtain of
     the future Revolution stands waiting.


Apologies for English Words

An indication of the height to which the "Gott Strafe England" feeling
has climbed in Germany is shown in the following announcement by the
management of Die Woche (Berlin):

     TO OUR READERS!

     Many readers of Die Woche have taken offense at the words
     "Copyright by ..." (in English) and demand that this English
     formula be rendered hereafter in German. This desire,
     springing from patriotic motives, is easily understood, but
     unfortunately cannot be carried out for the form "Copyright
     by ..." is demanded by the American copyright law in this
     form. If we did not print these words in English, which is
     the official language of the United States, our copyright in
     America would be void and the protection both of ourselves
     and our writers would be forfeited.


Germanic Peace Terms

[From the Budapest Correspondent of The London Morning Post.]

To the Revue de Hongrie, the only French paper in Budapest, Count
Andrássy contributes an article for July entitled "Les garanties d'une
paix durable," and discusses the peace terms the Central Empires are
to put forward in the event of final victory. He objects to the idea
of annexation or anything more than "boundary corrections," and says:

     Our war is a defensive war, which will achieve its aim when
     our enemies have been expelled from our territory and their
     ring has been broken. This aim could be best served by
     making peace with one or other of our enemies and winning
     him over to our cause. This would be of immense advantage to
     the future of civilization and ensure us against the horrors
     of a prolonged war. A separate peace would be the best
     chance for certain Powers to change their international
     policy. To my mind the issues of this war will greatly
     change the attitude of some hostile States toward us, and
     will bring about more intimate relations between them and
     ourselves, besides widening the foundations of the alliance
     between Hungary and her allies. And this is to be the rock
     upon which the European balance of power is to rest in the
     future. Our war is not a war of conquest, and the boundary
     changes of which some people speak are not the _sine qua
     non_ of a good peace. Therefore I do not even wish to speak
     about certain territorial alterations, which, nevertheless,
     might be necessary.

Regarding the question of England and nationality, Count Andrássy
says:

     Victory no doubt affords us the right to demand the
     alteration of the map of Europe, yet, this not being our aim
     and not to our interest, we can be satisfied with certain
     compensations, as no doubt our enemies would not spare us if
     they were victorious. Lloyd George said that the States are
     to be shaped in the future according to nationalities, which
     means that the Monarchy is to be disrupted. An English
     scholar not long ago expressed the same view, and, in fact,
     in England this idea is being impressed upon the people.
     This policy is sounded in a country which dominates so many
     millions of alien nationalities. If England speaks in this
     way, though she is not in direct conflict with us, what can
     we expect from Russia or Italy? Everyone knows that Russia
     wants Galicia, the Bukovina, Màramaros; Serbia wants Bosnia,
     Herzegovina, Croatia, Slavonia, and the Banat; Italy they
     won to their side by promising her our territory;
     Transylvania is promised to the one who cares to take it;
     henceforth, if we wish to defend it, we shall have to
     prepare for a new attack from another quarter. Yet nothing
     would be more alien to our thoughts than that if victorious
     we should annex foreign territory, for we would have
     seriously to consider if such conquest would be to our
     advantage or not. The same policy ought to be applied in
     Germany. Though her enemies would not spare her either, she
     must be cautious not to go too far in her appetites, and
     should seek for monetary compensations. Most of all she has
     to be careful not to claim territory, which would mean
     everlasting unrest and a new irredentism. It would be a bad
     policy even to touch the Balkans, for such interference
     would sooner or later bring Russia back to the Balkans, and
     the peoples there, menaced in their independence by us,
     would turn to Russia. We would thus place nations used to
     independence under alien rule, and such an act would neither
     be a wise nor a paying policy.

As regards Italy, Count Andrássy has also a solution which is quite
generous. He says:

     We would not do well if we were influenced by just revenge
     and turned our eyes on Italian territory. To force territory
     from a country whose people are so patriotic would be a
     source of weakness on our part. In the worst case, only
     boundary corrections can be thought of, and no conquest.
     Italy must recompense us by money and not territory, for not
     the Italian people, but its Government, committed a breach
     of faith against us.


France's Bill of Damages

The agricultural problem in France is the subject of an article by
Professor Daniel Zolla in La Revue Hebdomadaire (Paris). Professor
Zolla is a leader in the agricultural school at Grignon, and the main
part of his article is a discussion of France's agricultural losses
and how to repair them. He sums the present situation as follows:

     At the end of May the enemy were occupying territory
     amounting to about two million hectares. In this zone as in
     the regions invaded though immediately evacuated, the
     agricultural losses have been admittedly severe: harvests,
     livestock, implements, fodder, have been stolen or
     destroyed; the buildings, burned or ruined, will have to be
     entirely rebuilt. The soil itself, ploughed with trenches,
     dug up by shells, infested with weeds, has lost much of its
     fertility....

     In the invaded region which is one of the richest and most
     fertile in all France, the farming capital amounts at the
     least to five hundred francs per hectare, not counting the
     value of the buildings and of the land itself. For a total
     of two million hectares, the sum thus represented in the
     personal advances of farmers reach or surpass a billion, for
     in French Flanders and in Artois this minimum estimate of
     five hundred francs is greatly exceeded.

Concerning future indemnification for these losses, Professor Zolla
writes:

     It is the entire country at which the enemy wished to strike
     by ruining a certain number of the people; it is the country
     which should repair the ruin and indemnify the losses. Never
     will the principle of national solidarity apply with more
     justice and reason. The interest of the state can demand, it
     is true, that the victim who has become a creditor of the
     country shall not exact immediate payment of the sums due
     him. This is a question of the time needed to enable the
     country to pay and the representatives of the nation must be
     the judges of that.

     But admitting the principle, it will suffice if it be known
     that the Treasury accepts the liability; it will be
     sufficient if certain annuities are promised and managed so
     that the parties can procure through the ordinary avenues of
     credit, the necessary indemnities.

     This is the method which the National Assembly adopted in
     1873. A sum of one hundred and eleven millions voted as
     relief, was represented by twenty-six annuities including
     interest at five per cent. and redemption.

Professor Zolla admits that France is going to encounter a serious
difficulty in the scarcity of labor which is sure to follow the close
of the war. It is not too early, he advises, to begin working on the
solution of this problem so that France will be ready to meet it when
it arises:

     There are in the main, two methods by which the scarcity of
     farm labor can be offset:

     1. By multiplying the machines which replace manual labor,

     2. By modifying our agricultural methods so that preference
     is given to those which demand the least proportion of
     manual labor....

     All the associations which are fortunately so numerous in
     our country, all the agricultural societies, all the
     co-operative societies which are already formed, should
     double their efforts to put at the disposition of their
     members those implements which on account of their high
     price are not available for the individual farmer.

Prices will rise after the war, but this, argues Professor Zolla, will
be beneficial rather than otherwise.

     High prices will be offset by large production: this excess
     of production will, however, follow on the activity of the
     rural producer, and that activity will be maintained and
     increased by high prices which always insure large profits.

     In short, the rise in price wall be most favorable to the
     agricultural interests just at a time when the difficulties
     of obtaining labor will come to swell the necessary expenses
     of production. The crisis which might be in store is thus
     dissipated and the agricultural situation remains much as it
     was before the war--that is to say, very satisfactory.

     The losses undergone will be considerable in the invaded
     regions, the obstacles which the farmer must overcome will
     be great but not insurmountable, but success will recompense
     the valor and the hard labor of our countrymen. And to be
     just we must not forget that this will be made possible by
     the work of the French women in the fields.


A French Rejoinder

In the Revue des Deux Mondes (Paris), of which he is managing editor,
M. Francis Charmes, of the Académie Française, replies to a speech
made by von Bethmann-Hollweg before the Reichstag, in which the German
Chancellor expressed sympathy for the deluded French soldiers, who
had not an inkling of the true course which the war was taking. M.
Charmes ironically remarks:

     We do not publish, he [von Bethmann-Hollweg] claims, any of
     the German dispatches, so that opinion is quite
     unenlightened as to what is actually happening on the field
     of battle.

     One would think, according to M. de Bethmann-Hollweg, that
     the German dispatches are a source on which one can rely
     with full confidence, and one would imagine, too, since he
     had thus reproached us, that the German newspapers published
     the French dispatches.

     As a matter of fact, they do not and if it is necessary to
     hear both sides to know the truth then the Germans are quite
     ignorant of it. They are indeed very far removed from
     knowing it, and it is a constant surprise to our officers
     and our soldiers to discover when they question their
     prisoners, the profound illusions under which they labor.


Dr. von Bode's Polemic

Some time ago Dr. Wilhelm von Bode, the well-known director of the
Berlin Art Museums and Germany's authority in matters of art, issued a
justification of German conduct in Rheims and Louvain, which he
supported by a review of Germany's world-contribution to art. "The
German Science of Art and the War," was the title of the article.
Jacques Mesnil, writing in the Mercure de France, presents a reply to
Dr. von Bode's polemic.

He brands as infantile the reasoning by which Dr. Bode proves the
German soldier incapable of destroying a work of art. The German
professor stated that civilization, and with it art, could not have
survived were it not for the protection of German militarism. M.
Mesnil replies:

     M. Bode should have been able to separate a little better
     two things which have nothing to do with each other:
     strategy and the history of art. He should have explained
     the conduct of the soldiers by the service which is required
     of them; he should have pointed out precisely the point of
     view of the archaeologist as incompatible with that of the
     warrior and he should have freed of responsibility those
     who, loving the picturesque old cities and the pure
     creations of artists, could not sympathize with those who
     destroy them.

     Far from this, he has invoked the merits of German science
     to justify the outrages of the soldiery and in his eyes the
     fact that German savants have added to the progress of
     archaeology suffices to prove that the German army is
     incapable of destroying works of art.

Examination of Professor von Bode's claim that Germany leads the world
in the "science of art," would seem to M. Mesnil to show that the
German art-scientist is little more than a painstaking classifier, a
mere cataloguer.

     Taken as a whole, the art historians in Germany are a lot of
     excellent laborers, energetic and conscientious, who could
     render valuable service were they well directed. But it is
     precisely their direction which is at fault. Those among
     them who play the rôle of leader do not know how to
     distinguish the relative importance of the problems which
     come to their consideration; in confused multitude of facts,
     they follow a purely exterior and quite military order in
     their classifications; in the same way that a man in the
     army is a man only and that all the human units are in rigid
     divisions, so for the apostles of "the science of art" a
     fact is a fact and automatically falls under the head
     destined for it.


"Carnegie and German Peace"

An article in La Revue (Paris), "Carnegie and the German Peace," would
seem to indicate that France is not yet looking toward peace. The
article is by Jean Finot himself, the well-known editor and publisher
of La Revue, and it gives the pacifists short shrift indeed. The
American peace propaganda, M. Finot characterizes as "the attempt at
corruption," and he holds Mr. Carnegie responsible:

     Unfortunately Mr. Carnegie endeavors to keep them [his
     opinions regarding peace] alive by supporting them with
     considerable sums of money for their diffusion abroad. A
     movement for "a German peace" has thus sprung up in America
     and it is taking on more and more disquieting
     proportions....

     Mr. Carnegie has been accused and not perhaps without
     reason, of subsidizing many Germanophile publications and
     thus of aiding in the work of corruption which Germany and
     her agents are carrying on throughout the whole world.

The recent peace congress of women at The Hague comes in for some
strong language:

     The international congress of women pacifists seems to be
     due to Mr. Carnegie's generosity. This poisoning of public
     opinion, carried out systematically by his agents and his
     money, has become particularly odious. We do not suspect the
     honesty of his intentions, but we deplore his profound lack
     of comprehension of the events which have been taking place
     before his eyes.

     Among the American women noted for their talent and
     character, Miss Jane Addams occupies a prominent place. But
     it seems that her sturdy honesty was not sufficient to
     resist the temptation of putting herself at the heels of Mr.
     Carnegie. We are convinced the charges of other than purely
     disinterested motives against Miss Addams are wholly
     unjustified. But she has participated in the women's
     congress at The Hague under truly regrettable conditions.

M. Finot's references to Chautauqua and the part it plays in the
preparation of American opinion are veiled but none the less
suggestive:

     The important rôle which the Chautauqua conferences play in
     the United States is well known. These conferences of
     teachers which have so profound an influence on American
     opinion have been supported by Mr. Carnegie in the interests
     of realizing this idea of a precipitate peace, of a German
     peace. All manner of adventurers and seekers of easy
     fortunes have gathered around this strange deviation of the
     pacifist ideal represented by the multi-millionaire and the
     men of his stripe.


Russia's Supply of Warriors

In an article headed "Ought the War to Last Long--and Can It Last
Long?" V. Kuzmin-Karavaeff says in the Russian European Messenger for
June:

     It is, of course, impossible to say how long the war will
     last. But the case is altered if the question be put in
     another form: _Ought_ the war to last long, and _can_ it
     last long? The ten months which have elapsed make it
     entirely possible to answer it, for, in answering it, there
     is no need to guess at the thoughts, wishes, and hopes of
     the Germans which are bound up with the war.

     In the eyes of Russia and her Allies the present war has as
     its object the crushing and dispersing of "the nest of
     militarism," constructed in the centre of Europe by the hand
     of Bismarck and the vainglory of Wilhelm II. That was
     clearly defined last autumn by our diplomatic department.
     That is precisely the way in which it was and is defined by
     all classes of the Russian people, not excluding those who
     are represented by Kropotkin and Plekhanoff. The present war
     became far more for Germany than a war for the integrity of
     her territory, for her colonial interests, or for her
     commercial supremacy, from the moment when three--now
     four--great powers rose at her arrogant challenge. Germany
     is everywhere attacking, but, in reality, she is conducting
     a desperate war of defence for the organization of her
     existence, which, for the space of forty years, has rested
     on a nervous anticipation of war with her neighbors.
     Germany's offensive is a strategical manoeuvre. As a
     matter of fact, she is fighting like a wild animal
     surrounded on all sides. And, of course, she will carry on
     the war until the last degree of exhaustion is reached. She
     has accumulated within her many forces--technical forces.
     Mere technical forces cannot stand their ground in the end.
     But no little time must still elapse. And the war _must_
     continue for a long time still, if the "nest of militarism"
     is to be annihilated.

     But, on the other hand, _can_ it continue a long time? We
     Russians have a complete right to say, with conviction: Yes.
     Ten months of war have plainly demonstrated that we still
     possess a land which is still intact, and personal and
     economic forces.

     To the east of the Dnieper and Moscow the war is hardly felt
     at all. This is particularly true of the principal
     foundations of our life--the peasant country parts numbering
     their hundred millions. The villages have sent to the war
     millions of young men, and even fathers of families, heads
     of households. Many tears have already been shed in the
     country, and there are many orphans, many cripples. But the
     peasant countryside has not suffered economically. On the
     contrary, after ten months of war and closed liquor-shops,
     it has reconstructed itself and smartened itself up to a
     noteworthy degree. The fields have been sown. From among the
     huge mass only those laboring hands have been withdrawn for
     the war which would not have remained at home in any case,
     but would have been lured away to earn money elsewhere.

     The same thing is observable also in the towns. The masses
     in the towns have increased their deposits in the savings
     banks tenfold, while consuming more meat than before the
     war, and resorting less frequently to the loan banks.
     Information made its way out of Germany long ago to the
     effect that all the males there, with the exception of
     decrepit old men and small children, have been called to the
     army. The peculiar "crisis in men" in Berlin has frequently
     served as a subject of jest in the humorous press.

     In Russia, every railway station swarms with young, healthy,
     powerful porters who offer their services; every large
     restaurant has a host of waiters; the wharves on the Volga
     and, in conclusion, the mere throngs on the streets bear
     witness to the fact that nothing resembling the "crisis in
     men" exists with us. Numerous as have been the soldiers who
     have gone to the war, the supply of men who are capable of
     bearing arms is still colossally great with us.
     Consequently, we have the material to fill up losses in the
     army. And that being the case, we can go on with the war for
     a long time to come--for as long a time as may be necessary
     to bring it to a proper ending.

[Illustration: TAKE JONESCO

A Former Cabinet Minister, and Leader of Pro-Ally Party in Rumania

(_Photo from Central News._)]

[Illustration: DEMETRIOS GOUNARIS

Leader of the Neutralist Party, who Succeeded Venizelos as Premier of
Greece]


Austria and the Balkans

Germanic influences in the Balkan Peninsula are discussed by A.
Pogodin in the magazine Russian Thought. Mr. Pogodin says:

     Without having in view any acquisitions whatsoever in the
     northern part of the Peninsula, Russia is deeply interested
     in seeing to it that Germanic influence does not acquire
     preponderance there, because that influence, in its turn,
     has no aims save territorial acquisition. The Balkan
     Peninsula is admitted to be the most influential camp of
     Pan-Germanism for the colony desired by the Germanic world,
     from which it is but a step to Central Asia. And it was this
     plan that Russia was compelled to combat. Unfortunately, she
     resisted too feebly, and our diplomacy betrayed an extremely
     poor comprehension of Russian problems. Austria's snatching
     appetite was fully revealed in the formula of partition of
     the Peninsula into two spheres of influence: Austria was to
     have Serbia and Bosnia, Russia the Bulgarian provinces of
     the Ottoman Empire. We all know how that ended: Serbia was
     abandoned by Russia at the Berlin Congress, and had no
     choice but to throw herself into the arms of Austria, which
     wrought fearful demoralization in the land. Tens of years
     were required before little, tormented Serbia--which had
     not, nevertheless, lost her freshness of spiritual power
     "found herself," that is to say, turned again to Russia, and
     did not reject her even during the period of the
     persecutions of 1908 which followed. This constituted the
     great service rendered to his people by the King of Serbia,
     Peter. Serbia has not perished, has not fallen into ruin,
     and has shown herself able to endure a war with Turkey, as
     she is now bearing the incredible blows of Austria-Hungary.
     But Bulgaria, which rejected Russia, has been seized in the
     grip of internal disturbances; she stands distracted before
     her Slavonic duty, and knows not whither she must go or why.
     If, at the last moment, she has sufficient sense to find her
     only way of salvation, which is in friendship with Slavdom,
     that, again, will be to the credit of Russia.

     That is why, at the present moment, when the last act of the
     Balkan tragedy, begun long ago, is being played, we can look
     history in the face with calm eyes. Whatever may be formed
     after the end of this war, whether a Slavonic Federation, in
     which Russia could hardly take much interest, since she
     requires, first of all, the concentration of her own forces,
     or a series of independent, separate Slavonic kingdoms, we
     may say that, in having summoned the Slavs to unity, Russia
     has not deceived them, has not led them along a false road
     to destruction.


Italy's Publications in War-Time

Absolutely nothing is published in the Italian papers or reviews
concerning military or naval operations until the result of a given
movement is known. Meanwhile, what are Italians reading and what is
the intellectual food given them to sustain the wonderful sentimental
enthusiasm with which they welcomed the war?

Previous to Italy's declaration of war against Austria-Hungary, on May
24, the press in general dealt with the negotiations between the two
Governments from the point of view of domestic politics, which gave
foreigners the impression that Italy was only waiting to receive her
price to remain neutral until the end of the war. Austrian intrigue
and dilatoriness were alike criticized. Little was said about Germany
in regard to Italy, although her military methods in Belgium and
northern France, her raids on the defenseless coast towns of England,
and her submarine activities in the War Zone were severely condemned.
This censure, however, was entirely academic and objective. The
reviews republished a quantity of English, French, Russian, and even
American articles as to the causes of the war, and the illustrations
which accompanied them could hardly be considered pro-Teutonic. Only
the comic press--and this in spite of its augmenting circulation which
should have indicated to observers the sentiment that was elsewhere
suppressed--gave full vent to popular emotion.

The moment war was declared there was a complete change. To be sure
the "Green Book" was published in numerous 20-cent editions and sold
by the hundreds of thousands and the closing speeches of Italian and
Austrian diplomats were given in full with comments, yet little time
was wasted with explanations of the failure of the Italo-Austrian
negotiations and the meaning of the Seventh Article of the Triple
Alliance. The daily press, the weekly periodicals, and the monthly
reviews suddenly changed their objective expositions of Germany's
conduct in regard to others and began to expound, explain, and
elucidate, in an intimate subjective manner, how that conduct affected
Italy.

Austria was almost ignored. The anti-German riots at Milan and other
cities, where thousands of dollars worth of property was
systematically destroyed before the authorities could interfere,
showed the volcano that had been lying dormant beneath the surface.
Articles which must have been prepared months before suddenly appeared
in the press and reviews showing how Germany had come to control the
banks and steamship lines of the Peninsula and how German capital,
under the guise of promoting Italian enterprises, had laid hold of
vast industries whose profits went to fill the pockets of the Germans;
and, worst of all, how the savings of Italian immigrants in America
had gone, through the German-conducted banks, to enrich the same
persons without any contingent benefit to Italians.

Indeed, it almost seemed as though the press and reviews alike had
been organized as completely as had the army and navy for the
prosecution of the war with the sole object in view of preventing
Germany ever again from using the Peninsula as a territory for
exploitation. The propaganda for _Italia Irredenta_ suddenly sank into
insignificance beside the determination to throw off, once and for
all, the German commercial, industrial, and financial yoke, revealing
the abiding faith of the Italian people that their army would attend
to the former as completely as desirable and without the advice and
criticism of civilians. Faith in their King and their army and in
their ultimate success is not a matter for argument among Italians.

Meanwhile, the staffs of all publications, from editors to
compositors, have felt the weight of conscription--sacrifices they
enthusiastically make for the common cause. Their pages may be fewer
and some favorite contributors may be heard of no more, but they are
sure that the public will bear with them. On the other hand, a new
periodical has sprung into existence called La Guerra d'Italia nel
1915--The Italian War of 1915--the first number of which has just come
to hand. Its introduction accompanied with several well-made portraits
constructs the basis of Italy's action--how Italy having been tricked
through a fancied fear of France and the apparent unresponsiveness of
England into entering the Triple Alliance in 1882, had been forced to
remain there, possibly protected thereby from actual Austrian
aggression, but ever a prey to German exploitation. Then comes an
analysis of the Italo-Austrian negotiations, conducted directly and
through Prince von Bülow, the Special German Ambassador in Rome,
showing why these negotiations could not possibly have succeeded. Like
the Government itself the new periodical is in no haste to describe
military operations.

The first review to devote almost its entire space to the war was La
Vita Internazionale of Milan. The opening article is by the well-known
publicist E.T. Moneta. He begins:

     Without boast but with self-esteem secure, Italy has taken
     her place in the combat among the nations which for ten
     months have been fighting for the liberty of the people and
     the cause of civilization. The enthusiasm with which this
     announcement has been received in France, Russia, and
     England, and especially in martyred Belgium, is enormous.
     For they have all understood what decisive effect our army
     would produce on the destiny of the Great War.

     The fighters for liberty and civilization who have always
     hoped for an ultimate victory, today feel the certainty of
     that hope, and that the duration of the war with the loss of
     millions of other lives will be shortened. For this reason,
     from those governments and people, from their parliaments
     and from their press, from workingmen's societies and from
     institutions of learning there have come to our country warm
     words of admiration and of social unity. All these things
     form an added inspiration for us to do our best to hasten
     the end of this slaughter of men.

Signor Moneta goes on to compliment the diplomacy of Premier Salandra
for resigning from office and thus giving the people the opportunity
to show through their demonstrations that they desired war and to
silence once and forever the propaganda of Giolitti who had declaimed
in vain that the people did not want war, as they could secure by
negotiations unredeemed Italy--as though that were all.

Another article is by D. Giuseppe Antonini and is entitled "The German
Madness." Its subject, full of quotations from Treitschke, Nietzsche,
and Bernhardi, is not new to Americans. For Italians it may come as a
revelation. It demonstrates the formative influences which have found
expression in what is called "Prussian Militarism," as an attitude of
mind which believes in the supremacy of force over all things--over
goodness, virtue, kindness, and all else that make life worth living.
It declares that Prussian Militarism has so possessed all Germans that
not only their moral but their logical point of view has become
distorted, so that they behold nought but virtue in applying science
to bring about Mediaeval results. The conflict, he declares, is
between absolutism which pretends to be sufficient unto itself and
democracy which receives its power from the people, and that the
latter must win unless centuries of the power, by revolutions without
number, for the benefit of the masses are to end in failure.

Paolo Baccari deals with "The Supreme Duty." He says that the
intervention of Italy was not merely to complete Unification by
uniting all Italians of the Peninsula and the Adriatic littoral under
one flag and government, but to register herself as standing for
justice, law, and humanity against organized barbarity, injustice,
illegality, and inhumanity, which, if victorious, would not rest until
it had conquered the world. He calls the peace propaganda at this time
a "vile lie of conventionality" because its success could only mean
the victory of those forces which all honest nationalities and persons
condemn.

As to the other serious reviews, such as the Nuova Antologia and the
Rivista d'Italia, their June numbers, aside from expounding Italy's
relations to Germany, have not gone beyond academic discussion of the
causes of the war and the economic phases as revealed by the budgets
of France, England, and Russia, and the sacrifices that Italy must
endure in order to make her a worthy ally of these countries, all
putting forth their greatest efforts in the battle for the world's
salvation.

There are in Italy a large number of popular, well illustrated,
monthly magazines, which, taking it for granted that their readers
have already been thoroughly instructed as to the diplomatic phases of
the war, have started a campaign of education in regard to the war
itself. There are articles contrasting the armies of the days of
Garibaldi and the great King Victor Emmanuel with those of the
present. There are also articles, historical and descriptive,
sociological and economic, on Trieste, Trent, and other cities of
Unredeemed Italy, and historical monographs showing the bonds that
formerly bound Italy to England and to France which have now been
cemented anew, free from all Teutonic influence.

Among the magazines of this class are the Secolo XX, the Noi e il
Mondo, and La Lettura; all, whenever the occasion offers, deal
generously and enthusiastically with Italy's allies.

In all this published matter one thing has been revealed since Italy
entered the war. Previously all the Italian writers placed in the same
category of contempt the alleged attempts that were being made to
influence Italy by the Central Empires as well as by the Entente
Powers and unblushingly declared that if Italy ever entered the war it
would not be for the benefit of one party or the other but for the
benefit of herself alone. Now they frankly confess that the Entente
Powers made no attempt to influence Italy, knowing all the time that
when she was ready she would line up on their side.




Sweden and the Lusitania

By SWEDISH ARTISTS AND PROFESSORS


Stockholm, May 10, 1915.

English people know that the Swedish nation is practically unanimous
in supporting the Government in its policy of strict neutrality. Yet a
large section of the people, whether the majority or not we cannot
say, is anything but neutral in their feelings at the methods of
warfare which have been adopted in this terrible war, and have
culminated in the sinking of the Lusitania.

The misconception that war suspends all laws of humanity must prove
fatal to the future of civilization and disastrous for that human
solidarity that is of such vital interest to the smaller nations
especially.

(Signed)

SVANTE ARRHENIUS, Professor.
BARON ADELSWARD.
VICTOR ALMQUIST, Chief Director for State Prisons.
W. LECS, Professor.
KNUT KJELLBERG, Professor.
JULES AKERMAN, Professor.
TORGNY SEGERSTEDT, Professor.
ISRAEL HOLMGREN, Professor.
G. KOBB, Professor.
OTTOR ROSENBERG, Professor.
GUNNAR ANDERSSON, Professor.
GERHARD DE GEER, Professor.
OLOF KINBERG, M.D.
ALFRED PETREN, M.D.
JOHN TJERNELD, barrister.
TOR HEDBERG, author.
HJALMAR SODERBERG, author.
G. STJERNSTEDT, barrister.
IVAN HEDQUIST, actor at Royal Theatre.
IVAN BRATT, M.D.
T. FOGELQUIST, Rector.
MRS. EMILIA BROOME.
MISS SIGNE HEBBA.
CHRISTIAN ERIKSEN, sculptor.
LUDVIG MOBERG, M.D.
KARL NORDSTROM, artist.
NILS KREUGER, artist.
ARNOLD JOSEFSON, M.S.
CARL ELDH, sculptor.
MISS ALMA SUNDQUIST, M.D.




A Threatened Despotism of Spirit

By Gertrude Atherton

     The subjoined article, appearing as a letter to THE NEW YORK
     TIMES, was provoked by the appearance on hundreds of
     billboards in New York of flaring appeals to American women
     that they use their influence to prevent the further
     exportation of arms and munitions to the enemies of Germany.


New York, July 5, 1915.

_To the Editor of The New York Times:_

As I do not belong to any of the suffrage or other woman's
organizations in New York, may I say in your columns that for the
honor of my sex, if for no other reason, I hope the Mayor will consent
to the obliteration of those disingenuous posters addressing "American
citizens," and so cunningly worded and signed as to produce an
impression of representing the women of the United States? If the
people that are spending their thousands so freely had come out
frankly and stated that they were pro-German, and that the success of
their propaganda would mean defeat for the Allies, short of
ammunition, and victory for a nation that has nine-tenths of all the
ammunition in Europe, then at least we should have the sheep separated
from the goats; we could put it down to masculine influence over the
weaker female vessel, which at least was trying to be honest, and let
it go at that.

But I hold that such a poster, flaring from every billboard, is a
defamation of patriotic American women, and a distinct blow to the
cause of suffrage. It will not only antagonize men, who alone have the
power to grant the franchise in those States still obdurate, but
disgust thousands of women not yet won over to the cause, and far too
intelligent not to know the precise meaning behind those lying and
hypocritical words. For if that poster were really representative of
American women it would mean that American women were traitors to
their country, just as all pro-German American men, whatever their
descent, are traitors, whether they realize it or not. What was the
cause of the roar of indignation that went up all over the United
States on Aug. 1? Anti-Germanism? Not a bit of it. If Russia had made
the declaration of war the roar would have been as immediate and as
loud. It was the spontaneous protest of the spirit of democracy
against an arrogant autocracy that dared to plunge Europe into war and
the world into panic, without the consent of the people; the manifest
of a mediaeval power by an ambitious and unscrupulous group over
millions of industrious, peace-loving men who had nothing to gain and
all to lose.

It has been pointed out over and over again how diametrically opposed
are the German and American ideals; therefore, it seems incredible
that every American who champions the cause of a powerful and
sublimely egotistic nation does not realize that what he hopes to see
is not only the victory of the German arms in Europe, but the eventual
destruction of democracy, the annihilation of the spirit of America as
epitomized in the Declaration of Independence. I have not the least
apprehension of immediate war with Germany, any more than of physical
defeat at her hands did she, with the rest of Europe prostrate, make a
raid on our shores; but it seems hardly open to question that with
Europe Prussianized, we, the one heterogeneous race, and always ready
to absorb and imbibe from the parent countries, should lose, in the
course of half a century, our tremendous individual hustle, and
gratefully permit a benevolent (and cast iron) despotism (not
unnecessarily of our own make) to do our thinking, perhaps to select
our jobs and apportion our daily tasks.

For that is what it almost amounts to now in Germany, and it is for
this reason, no less than to escape military service, that so many
millions of Germans have immigrated to this country. Unlike the vast
majority of the bourgeois and lower classes, a kindly but stupid
people, they were born with an alertness of mind and an energy of
character which gave them the impetus to transfer themselves to a land
where life might be harder but where soul and body could attain to a
complete independence. Their present attitude is, however
unconsciously, hypocritical, but it is not altogether as traitorous as
that of the American born, who has not the excuse of that peculiar
form of sentimentality which has fermented in Germans at home and
abroad during this period of their Fatherland's peril. It is this
curious and wholly German brand of sentimentality which is the
cohering force in the various and extraordinarily clever devices by
which modern Germany has been solidified. It is a sentimentality
capable of rising to real exaltation that no other nation is capable
of, and that alone should make the American pro-German pause and
meditate upon a future United States where native individualism was
less and less reluctantly heading for the iron jaws of the
Prussianized American machine; and, furthermore, upon the weird
spectacle of the real gladiatorial contest--German sentimentality
wrestling in a death grapple with American downright unpicturesque
common sense.

During the seven years that I lived in Munich I learned to like
Germany better than any state in Europe. I liked and admired the
German people; I never suffered from an act of rudeness, and I never
was cheated out of a penny. I was not even taxed until the year before
I left, because I made no money out of the country and turned in a
considerable amount in the course of a year. When my maid went to the
Rathaus to pay my taxes, (moderate enough,) the official apologized,
saying that he had disliked to send me a bill, but the increased cost
of the army compelled the country to raise money in every way
possible. This was in 1908. The only disagreeable German I met during
all those years was my landlord, and as we always dodged each other in
the house or turned an abrupt corner to avoid encounter on the street,
we steered clear of friction. And he was the only landlord I had.

I left Munich with the greatest regret, and up to the moment of the
declaration of war I continued to like Germany better than any country
in the world except my own.

The reason I left was significant. I spent, as a rule, seven or eight
months in Munich, then a similar period in the United States, unless I
traveled. I always returned to my apartment with such joy that if I
arrived at night I did not go to bed lest I forget in sleep how
overjoyed I was to get back to that stately and picturesque city, so
prodigal with every form of artistic and aesthetic gratification. But
that was just the trouble. For as long a time after my return as it
took to write the book I had in mind I worked with the stored American
energy I had within me; then for months and in spite of good
resolutions and some self-anathema I did nothing. What was the use?
The beautiful German city so full of artistic delight was made to live
in, not to work in. The entire absence of poverty in that city of half
a million inhabitants alone gave it an air of illusion, gave one the
sense of being the guest of a hospitable monarch who only asked to
provide a banquet for all that could appreciate. I look back upon
Munich as the romance of my life, the only place on this globe that
came near to satisfying every want of my nature. And that is the
reason why, in a sort of panic, I abruptly pulled up stakes and left
it for good and all. It is not in the true American idea to be too
content; it means running to seed, a weakening of the will and the
vital force. If I remained too long in that lovely land--so admirably
governed that I could not have lost myself, or my cat, had I possessed
one--I should in no long course yield utterly to a certain resentfully
admitted tendency to dream and drift and live for pure beauty;
finally desert my own country with the comfortable reflection: Why all
this bustle, this desire to excel, to keep in the front rank, to find
pleasure in individual work, when so many artistic achievements are
ready-made for all to enjoy without effort? For--here is the point--an
American, the American of today--accustomed to high speed, constant
energy, nervous tenseness, the uncertainty, and the fight, cannot
cultivate the leisurely German method, the almost scientific and
impersonal spirit that informs every profession and branch of art. It
is our own way or none for us Americans.

Therefore, if loving Germany as I did, and with only the most
enchanting memories of her, I had not immediately permitted the
American spirit to assert itself last August and taken a hostile and
definite stand against the German idea (which includes, by the way,
the permanent subjection of woman) I should have been a traitor, for I
knew out of the menace I had felt to my own future, as bound up with
an assured development under insidious influences, what the future of
my country, which stands for the only true progress in the world
today, and a far higher ideal of mortal happiness than the most
benevolent paternalism can bestow, had in store for it, with Germany
victorious, and America (always profoundly moved by success owing to
her very practicality) disturbed, but compelled to admire.

The Germans living here, destitute as their race seems to be of
psychology when it comes to judging other races, must know all this;
so I say that they are traitors if they have taken the oath of
allegiance to the United States. If they have not, and dream of
returning one day to the fatherland, then I have nothing to say, for
there is no better motto for any man than: "My country, right or
wrong."




"Gott Mit Uns"

By C. HUNTINGTON JACOBS

[Harvard Prize Poem]

     Professor Kuno Meyer, of the University of Berlin, resigned
     his incumbency as Visiting Professor at Harvard University
     during the next season because of this poem, which was
     printed in _The Harvard Advocate_ of April 9th, last, and
     won the prize in a competition for poems on the war
     conducted by that publication. This announcement of it
     appeared editorially: "Dean Briggs and Professor Bliss
     Perry, the judges of the _Advocate_ war poem prize
     competition, have awarded the prize to C. Huntington Jacobs,
     1916."


    No doubt _ye_ are the people: Wisdom's flame
      Springs from _your_ cannon--yea from yours alone.
      God needs _your_ dripping lance to prop His throne;
    _Your_ gleeful torch His glory to proclaim.
    No doubt _ye_ are the people: far from shame
      Your Captains who deface the sculptured stone
      Which by the labor and the blood and bone
    Of pious millions calls upon His name.

    No doubt _ye_ are the folk; and 'tis to prove
      Your wardenship of Virtue and of Lore
      Ye sacrifice the Truth in reeking gore
    Upon your altar to the Prince of Love.
      Yet still cry we who still in darkness plod:
      "'Tis Antichrist ye serve and not our God!"




On the Psychology of Neutrals

By Friedrich Curtius

     Friedrich Curtius, of Strassburg, had attained such
     distinction at the beginning of the century that Prince
     Chlodwig of Hohenlohe-Schillingfürst, who succeeded Count
     Caprivi as Chancellor of the German Empire, on his
     retirement in 1900, asked Curtius to co-operate with him in
     the preparation of the _Memoirs_ (New York, The Macmillan
     Co., 1906) which have since become famous. But the joint
     work was brought to a sudden end by Prince Hohenlohe's
     death, and Friedrich Curtius devoted himself, for the next
     six or seven years, to the completion of the unfinished
     task. When the _Memoirs_ were finally published, first in
     America and then in Germany, they were so outspoken as to
     bring down on Prince Alexander Hohenlohe and Friedrich
     Curtius the disfavour of the Kaiser. This article by Curtius
     appeared originally in the Deutsche Revue, May, 1915.


"_All the world must hate or love; no choice remains. The Devil is
neutral._"

So sang Clemens Brentano in the year 1813. Today, we once more realize
that the attempt to remain neutral through a conflict which is
deciding the history of the world not only brings great spiritual
difficulties, but is even felt to be a downright moral impossibility,
just as the poet saw it a hundred years ago. Legal neutrality is, of
course, a simple thing. Every state can itself practice it, and impose
it as a duty on its citizens. One may even think that modern states
should go further in this direction than they do. The indifference of
the Government toward the business transactions of its citizens with
foreign states is a political anomaly, comprehensible in an age when
foreign policy in war and peace was viewed as something that concerned
the ruler only, but contradictory in a democratic age, when wars are
peoples' wars. Today, in all civilized states, the Government is
morally answerable for those activities of its subjects which have
international results. The American policy which permits the supply of
weapons to England but allows England to prevent the export of grain
to Germany, is a bad neutrality, morally untenable, a mere passivity,
which lacks the will to do right. Such a standpoint might exist in a
despotically governed state, but in a democratic Republic it is
incomprehensible. For, from a genuinely democratic point of view, it
does not signify whether the government or the citizens intervene to
help or to hinder in an armed conflict. If we venture to speak at the
right time of the development of international law, this, before all,
must be demanded: that neutral states shall forbid the export of
weapons, and that belligerents shall not hinder the import of
foodstuffs for civilian populations.

Meanwhile the insecurity of the international attitude of neutrals is
only a symptom of the difficulties to which neutrality of view is
subject. These begin with the outbreak of the war. Each belligerent
government believes itself to be in the right, and publishes a
collection of documents which seem to it fitted to prove this right.
This literature appearing in all the colours of the spectrum is really
aimed at neutrals. For the belligerent nations themselves have
weightier matters in hand than to sit in judgment upon their own
governments. But the neutrals find themselves to decide which side is
right. Yet this whole idea of a "just war" (coming to us from the
moral philosophy of the Schoolmen) which shall expiate an injustice,
as the judge punishes crimes, is antiquated. When, in the middle ages,
the citizens of a town were maltreated or robbed by the authorities or
citizens of another town, and the guilty party refused satisfaction,
then the consequent feud might be viewed as a modified criminal case,
and the right of the wronged town to help itself must be recognized.
In exactly the same way, differences over questions of inheritance
between independent states could only be decided by force, where, as
in a civil suit, each party was convinced of its own justice. But the
great wars of our time arise from causes which are different from
their immediate occasions, from opposed interests which can only be
decided by discovering which side has the power to enforce its will.
If one wishes to ascribe the blame for a war to one of the parties,
one need only ask which of them pursued an aim which could not be
reached through a peaceful understanding. In the present war, we
Germans have clear consciences, for we know, concerning ourselves and
our government, that we strove for nothing but the maintenance of our
position as a world-power, bought with heavy sacrifices, and the free,
peaceful expansion of our sphere of action in the world. On the other
hand, Russia desired to get to Constantinople ahead of Berlin and
Vienna, France desired to win back Metz and Strassburg, England
desired to destroy our sea-power and commerce--goals which could only
be reached over prostrate Germany. On this understanding, it would not
be difficult for neutrals to arrive at a clear and just judgment. But
as the belligerents themselves did not announce their purposes, but
much rather took pains to turn public attention from the causes to the
occasion of the conflict, the judgment of neutrals is affected by
this, and if they are really impartial in their view, they suffer
morally under the burden of an insoluble problem. But if outspoken
sympathy draws them toward one of the belligerent powers, then their
judgment is as little objective as that of the belligerents
themselves. Their pretended neutrality gives to their expressions a
loathsome Pharisaical aspect, because they come to a decision
according to their opinions as if they stood on a height above the
contestants and, from this lofty standpoint, were holding an
anticipated Last Judgment on kings and statesmen.

The same phenomena show themselves with regard to judgments concerning
methods of warfare. It goes without saying that each belligerent party
reports all the atrocities which are committed by its opponents and is
silent as to its own shortcomings. Once more, neutrals feel compelled
to form a judgment, and therefore, if they are conscientious, read the
reports of both sides, and, as a result, find themselves in a
desperate situation, because it is impossible, from the assertions and
counter-assertions of the belligerents, to ascertain the actual facts
of the case. In practice, mere chance decides which set of reports one
comes across. And the exact proof of details is impossible to the most
zealous newspaper-reader. Therefore one's judgment remains
vacillating, and one is likely to come to this conclusion: to believe
nothing at all. Naturally, the case is different here also, if one is
previously in sympathy with one party. Then one believes the reports
coming from that side, and leaves out of consideration those that
stand against them. In this case, again, neutrals become as one-sided
as belligerents, without having the indubitable right to be one-sided
which the belligerents have.

And finally, in the decisive question, neutrality is excluded.
Whatever judgments one may form as to the cause of the war, and as to
methods of waging it, the final outcome is always the decisive factor.
Only a completely demoralized and stupid man can boast, in cynical
indifference, that the result of the war leaves him cold. Where
spiritual life functions, wishes and prayers, hopes and fears, are
passionately involved in the course of the mighty conflict. For it is
not a question whether this or that nation shall experience more
pleasure or pain, but the form of all Europe and of the world, for
long periods to come, will be fixed by the decision of this war. That
cannot be a matter of indifference for any thinking human being. An
equilibrium of view, a real neutrality is as little possible here as
it would have been in the Persian or Punic wars, or, a hundred years
ago, in the revolt of Europe, against the domination of Napoleon. He
who, invoking the neutrality of his state, does not takes sides in
this decisive question, debases himself and his people with him. For
to stand indifferent, taking no part in the mightiest events of
history, is a degradation of humanity.

The neutrals in this world-war are, therefore, to be pitied rather
than esteemed happy. Either they are only legally uncommitted, but
have, in feeling and thought, taken the side of one of the belligerent
parties: in which case it must weigh heavily on their hearts not to be
able to come out openly for that side and to aid it with all their
power; or they hold to neutrality as a positive political ideal: then
the ethical solution of the dark questions of the right and wrong of
the war, and the methods of warfare become a torturing and hopeless
problem, and, in considering the future, the weakness and
impracticability of what one has accepted as a legal precept becomes
evident.

If the world-war should last much longer, then neutrality, as such,
will probably go bankrupt. The economic injuries of the war weigh on
neutrals as heavily as on belligerents. But they are far harder to
bear when one has nothing to hope from the outcome of the war, when
one must make continued sacrifices in sheer passivity, without knowing
why. One would finally fall into despair, and accept anything that
would bring this intolerable condition to an end. We hope that this
extremity will not be reached, but rather that the decision of the war
will come early enough to permit neutrals to preserve their attitude.
That this should happen, is the common interest of mankind. For, in
the collective life of civilized nations, neutrals have their own
mission. Just because they share only the sufferings of the war, but
do not partake of its inspiring and exalting forces, they are, of
necessity, opponents of war, the providential mediators of the idea of
peace, of international understanding, of the development and
strengthening of international law. They can, during and after the
conclusion of peace--if they unite and go forward with clearly formed
ideals--have a notable effect. It will, in part, depend on their
wisdom and firmness, whether it will be possible, within a conceivable
time, to heal the deep wounds of humanity and international comity.




Chlorine Warfare


_A Reuter dispatch, dated Amsterdam, June 26, 1915, reports that the
"Kölnische Zeitung," in a semi-official defence of the German
employment of gases, says:_

"The basic idea of the Hague agreements was to prevent unnecessary
cruelty and unnecessary killing when milder methods of putting the
enemy out of action suffice and are possible. From this standpoint the
letting loose of smoke-clouds which, in a gentle wind, move quite
slowly towards the enemy is not only permissible by international law,
but is an extraordinarily mild method of war. It has always been
permissible to compel the enemy to evacuate positions by artificially
caused flooding.

"Those who were not indignant, or even surprised, when our enemies in
Flanders summoned water as a weapon against us, have no cause to be
indignant when we make air our ally and employ it to carry stupefying
(_betäubende_) gases against the enemy. What the Hague Convention
desired to prevent was the destruction without chance of escape of
human lives _en masse_, which would have been the case if shells with
poisonous gas were rained down on a defenceless enemy who did not see
them coming and was exposed to them irremediably. The changing forms
of warfare make new methods of war continually necessary."




Rheims Cathedral

By Pierre Loti

     This article by Pierre Loti (Captain Viaud) originally
     appeared in L'Illustration as the last of a series of three
     entitled "Visions of the Battle Front," and is translated
     for THE NEW YORK TIMES CURRENT HISTORY by Charles Johnston.


To see it, our legendary and marvellous French basilica, to bid it
farewell, before its fall and irremediable crumbling to dust, I had
made my military auto make a detour of two hours on my return from
completing a service mission.

The October morning was foggy and cold. The hillsides of Champagne
were on that day deserted; with their vines with leaves of blackened
brown, damp with rain, they seemed all clad in a sort of shining
leather. We had also passed through a forest, keeping our eyes alert,
our weapons ready, for the possibility of marauding Uhlans. And at
last we had perceived the immense form of a church, far off in the
mist, rising in all its great height above the plots of reddish
squares, which must be the roofs of houses; evidently that was it.

The entrance to Rheims: defences of every kind, barriers of stone,
trenches, spiked fences, sentinels with crossed bayonets. To pass, the
uniform and accoutrements of a soldier are not enough. We must answer
questions, give the pass-words....

In the great city, which I had not visited before, I ask the way to
the cathedral, for it is no longer visible; its silhouette which, seen
from a distance, so completely dominates everything, as a giant's
castle might dominate the dwellings of dwarfs, its high gray
silhouette seems to have bent down to hide itself. "The cathedral,"
the people reply, "at first straight on; then you must turn to the
left, then to the right, and so on." And my auto plunges into the
crowded streets. Many soldiers, regiments on the march, files of
ambulance wagons; but also many chance passers-by, no more concerned
than if nothing was happening; even many well-dressed women with
prayer-books in their hands, for it is Sunday.

Where two streets cross, there is a crowd before a house, the walls of
which have been freshly scratched; a shell fell there, just now,
without any useful result, as without any excuse. A mere brutal jest,
to say: "You know, we are here!" A mere game, a question of killing a
few people, choosing Sunday morning because there are more people in
the streets. But, in truth, one would say that this city has
completely made up its mind to being under the savage field-glasses
ambushed on the neighboring hillsides; these passers-by stop a minute
to look at the wall, the marks of the bits of iron, and then quietly
continue their Sunday walk. This time it was some women, they tell us,
and little girls that this neat jest laid low in pools of blood; they
tell us that; and they think no more of it, as if it were a very small
thing in days like these.... Now the district becomes deserted; closed
houses, a silence, as of mourning. And at the end of a street, the
great gray doors appear, the high pointed arches marvellously
chiseled, the high towers. Not a sound, and not a living soul on the
square where the phantom basilica still sits enthroned, and an icy
wind blows there, under an opaque sky.

It still keeps its place as by a miracle, the basilica of Rheims, but
so riddled and torn that one divines that it is ready to founder at
the slightest shock; it gives the impression of a great mummy, still
upright and majestic, but which a mere nothing will turn to ashes. The
ground is strewn with precious relics of it. It has been hurriedly
surrounded with a solid barrier of white boards, within which its
holy dust has formed heaps: fragments of rose-windows, broken piles of
stained glass, heads of angels, the joined hands of saints. From the
top of the tower to the base, the charred stone has taken on a strange
color of cooked flesh, and the holy personages, still upright in rows
on the cornices, have been peeled, as it were, by the fire; they no
longer have faces or fingers, and, with their human forms, which still
persist, they look like the dead drawn up in files, their contours
vaguely indicated under a sort of reddish grave-clothes.

We make the circuit of the square without meeting anyone, and the
barrier which isolates the fragile and still admirable phantom is
everywhere solidly closed. As for the old palace adjoining the
basilica, the episcopal palace where the kings of France came to rest
on the day of their consecration, it is no longer anything more than a
ruin, without windows or roof, everywhere licked and blackened by the
flame.

What a peerless jewel it was, this cathedral, still more beautiful
than Notre Dame in Paris. More open and lighter, more slender also,
with its columns like long reeds, wonderful to be so fragile, and yet
to hold firm; a wonder of our French religious art, a masterpiece
which the faith of our ancestors had caused to blossom there in its
mystic purity, before they came to us from Italy, to materialize and
spoil everything, the sensual heaviness of what we have agreed to call
the Renaissance....

Oh! the coarse and cowardly and imbecile brutality of those bundles of
iron, launched in full flight against the lace-work, so delicate, that
had risen confidently in the air for centuries, and which so many
battles, invasions, scourges have never dared to touch!...

That great closed house, there, on the square, must be the
Archbishop's residence. I try ringing the bell at the entrance to ask
the favor of admission to the cathedral. "His Eminence," I am told,
"is at mass, but will soon return." If I am willing to wait.... And,
while I wait, the priest who receives me relates to me the burning of
the episcopal palace: "Beforehand, they had sprinkled the roofs with I
know not what diabolical substance; when they then threw their
incendiary bombs, the timbers burned like straw, and you saw
everywhere jets of green flame, which spread with the noise of
fireworks."

In fact, the barbarians had premeditated this sacrilege, and prepared
it long ago; in spite of their foolishly absurd pretexts, in spite of
their shameless denials, what they wished to destroy here was the very
heart of old France; some superstitious fancy drove them to it, as
much as their instinct of savages, and this is the task they plunged
into desperately, when nothing else in the city, or almost nothing,
suffered.

"Could not an effort be made," I said, "to replace the burned roof of
the cathedral?--to cover the vaulted roofs again as quickly as
possible? For without this they cannot resist the coming winter."

"Evidently," he said, "at the first snows, at the first rains, there
is a risk that everything will fall, the more so, as those charred
stones have lost their power of resistance. But we cannot even try
that, to preserve them a little, for the Germans never take their eyes
off us; at the end of their field-glasses, it is the cathedral, always
the cathedral; and as soon as a man ventures to appear on a turret, in
a tower, the rain of shells immediately begins again. No, there is
nothing to be done. It is in the hands of God."

Returning, the prelate graciously gives me a guide, who has the keys
of the barrier, and at last I penetrate into the ruins of the
cathedral, into the denuded nave, which thus appears still higher and
more immense. It is cold there; it is sad enough to make one weep.
This unexpected cold, this cold much keener than outside, is, perhaps,
what from the first takes hold of you, disconcerts you; instead of the
slightly heavy odor which generally fills ancient churches--the vapor
of so much incense that has been burned there, the emanations of so
many coffins that have been blessed there, of so many generations of
men that have crowded there, for agony and prayer--instead of this, a
damp and icy wind, which enters rustling through all the crevices of
the walls, through the breaches in the stained glass windows and the
holes in the vaulted ceilings. Those vaulted roofs, up there, here and
there smashed by grapeshot--one's eyes are immediately lifted up by
instinct to look at them, one's eyes are, as it were, drawn to them by
the up-springing of all these columns, as slender as reeds, which rise
in sheaves to sustain them; they have retreating curves of exquisite
grace, which seem to have been imagined, so as not to allow the
glances sent heavenward to fall back again. One never grows weary of
bending one's head back in order to see them, to see the sacred roofs
which are about to fall into nothingness; and they are up there also,
far up, the long series of almost aerial pointed arches, on which they
are supported, pointed arches indefinitely alike from one end of the
nave to the other, and which, in spite of their complicated carvings,
are restful to follow in their retreating perspective, so harmonious
are they.

And it is better to go forward beneath them with raised head, not too
carefully looking where one walks, for this pavement, rather sadly
sonorous, has recently been soiled and blackened by the charring of
human flesh. It is known that, on the day of the fire, the cathedral
was full of German wounded, stretched on straw beds which caught fire,
and it became a scene of horror worthy of a dream of Dante; all these
creatures, whose raw wounds were baked in the flames, dragging
themselves, screaming, on their red stumps, to try to reach the narrow
doors. One knows also the heroism of the ambulance bearers, priests
and nuns, risking their lives in the midst of the bombs, to try to
save these hapless brutes, whom their own brother Germans had not even
thought of sparing; however, they did not succeed in saving them all;
some remained, and were burned to death in the nave, leaving foul
clots on the sacred flagstones, where of old processions of kings and
queens slowly dragged their ermine mantles, to the music of the great
organ and the Gregorian chants....

"Look!" says my guide to me, showing me a large hole in one of the
aisles, "that is the work of a shell which they fired at us yesterday
evening; then come and see a miracle." And he leads me into the choir,
where the statue of Jeanne d'Arc, preserved, one would say, by some
special grace, is still there, intact, with eyes of gentle ecstasy.

The most irreparable loss is that of the great stained glass windows,
which the mysterious artists of the thirteenth century so religiously
composed, in meditation and dream, gathering the saints by hundreds,
with their translucent draperies, their luminous halos. There also
German scrap-iron rushed in great stupid bundles, crushing everything.
The masterpieces, which no one will ever reproduce, have scattered
their fragments on the flagstones, forever impossible to separate, the
golds, the reds, the blues, whose secret is lost. Ended, the rainbow
transparencies, ended, the graceful, naïve attitudes of all these holy
people, with their pale little ecstatic faces; the thousands of
precious fragments of these stained glass windows which, in the course
of centuries, had little by little become iris-tinted like opals, are
lying on the ground--where they still shine like jewels....

A whole splendid cycle of our history, which seemed to go on living in
this sanctuary, with a life almost terrestrial, though immaterial, has
just been plunged suddenly into the abyss of things that are ended,
whose very memory will soon perish. The Great Barbarity has passed by,
the modern barbarism from beyond the Rhine, a thousand times worse
than the ancient, because it is stupidly and outrageously
self-satisfied, and, in consequence, fundamental, incurable,
final--destined, if it be not crushed, to throw a sinister night of
eclipse over the world....

Verily, this Jeanne d'Arc in the choir has very strangely remained,
untouched, immaculate, in the midst of the disorder, with not even the
slightest scratch on her dress....




The English Falsehood

By Sven Hedin

     Early in the war Sven Hedin, the Swedish explorer and
     writer, visited the German front to see the world-war at
     first hand. "A People in Arms," published in Leipzig and
     dedicated to the German soldiers, is the result. A preface
     proclaims the author's neutrality as a Swede and announces
     that he "swears before God that I have written not a line
     which is not the truth and have depicted nothing which I
     have not witnessed with my own eyes." This article is one of
     his concluding sketches.


I should like to have seen how the troops of India stood the raw
autumn in Artois and Flanders. But the Indian prisoners at Lille were
transferred to the East in order to make room for fresh contingents.
I, myself, have experienced the difficulty of transplanting Indians to
a colder climate. On my last journey to Tibet I had two Kadschputs
from Cashmere with me. When we got into the mountains they nearly
froze to death, and my caravan leader, Muhamed Isa, declared they
would be about as useful as puppies. I had to send them back. The same
thing happened to me with my Indian cook; outside India he was
absolutely useless. In Tibet they live on meat, in India on
vegetables. How could he stand so sudden a change of both climate and
diet!

Now the press has been claiming that the English have ordered a full
contingent from India to Europe. I found it hard to believe but at the
front I learned that it was true. "How do you treat the Indian
soldiers?" I once asked a couple of officers. "We just arrest them,"
answered one, and the other added: "We don't need to do even that;
they will soon die in the trenches."

When I admit that I myself made a stupid blunder in thinking that
Indians could do service in Tibet, I am justified in claiming that
Lord Charles Beresford made ten times as stupid a blunder when he
expressed the hope of seeing "Indian lances roaming the streets of
Berlin and the little brown Gurkas making themselves comfortable in
the park of Sans Souci."

But the import of Indian troops is more than a stupid blunder--it is a
crime!

For almost a century and a half Great Britain has performed the
shining mission of acting as India's guardian; no other people
probably could successfully carry through so gigantic a task. Indian
troops have fought with honor against their neighbors, and, moreover
have assisted in maintaining order among the 300 millions of their
people.

But never has it occurred to an English government as now to the
Liberal government, to oppose black infidels to Christian Europeans!
That is a crime against culture, against civilization and against
Christianity. And if the English missionaries approve it, then are
they hypocrites and false bearers of the Gospel.

India's English rulers despise--and rightfully--all marital relations
between whites and Hindoos; the children of such marriages are
regarded as mules, and are often called such; they are neither horse
nor ass, they are half caste. In Calcutta they have their own quarter
and are allowed to live in no other part of the city. But--when it
comes to the question of overthrowing the "German barbarians," then an
alliance with the bronze-skinned people is good enough for England!

Is it one of the twentieth century's worthy advances in culture and
civilization that the unsuspecting Indian is brought hundreds of miles
over land and sea that he may on the battlefields of Europe drive to
destruction the first soldiers of the world, the German army? Even
though some may answer this question in the affirmative, I hold
unshaken to my assertion that such a course of action is the very
height of frightfulness! Not frightful to the German soldiers, for I
know what sort of feeling the Indian fighters have for them--respect
and sympathy!

And we aren't much nearer that "roaming about in the streets of
Berlin," and the lindens of Sans Souci are not yet waving above the
warriors from the slopes of the Himalayas.

What must these Indian troops think of their white masters? That the
future will show. Whoever has seen something of the land of a thousand
legends, who has ridden over the crests of the Himalayas, who has
dreamed in the moonlight before the Taj Mahal, who has seen the holy
Ganges slip gray and soft past the wharves of Benares, who has been
entranced by the train of elephants under the mango trees of
Dekkan--in short, whoever has loved India and admired the order and
security which prevails there under the English rule, he will need no
very powerful imagination to understand with what thoughts the Indian
soldiers will go back, and with what feelings their families and their
fellow countrymen in the little narrow huts on the slopes of the
Himalayas will listen to their accounts. Only with a shudder can we
think of this, for it must be said that here a crime against
civilization and Christianity has been done in the name of
civilization.

The question cannot be suppressed: Will the Indian contingent really
be used? Will not the white millions of Great Britain, Canada and
Australia suffice, to say nothing of the French, Belgians, Russians,
Serbians, Montenegrins and Japanese? Apparently not. In _The Times_ of
September 5th appears in large letters: The need for more men. Already
they are in need of more people to overthrow the Kultur of the "German
barbarians"! The English people must be educated by a special method
in order to understand both the cause and the aim of this war.
Otherwise the Englishman will stay at home and play, football and
cricket.

And what is this education of the people? In regard to this the
English press informs us daily. It is a systematic lie! The fatal
reality, that England is slowly sliding to catastrophe, must be hidden
by a strict censorship. The English people has no suspicion of
Hindenburg's victories. The development of the German operations in
Poland is translated into a victorious move of the Russians on Berlin!
The most shameful slander concerning the Kaiser is spread abroad! The
Germans are barbarians who must be annihilated, and the civilized
peoples of Servia, Senegambia and Portugal must take part in this
praiseworthy undertaking!

England carries on this war with a perversion of the truth, and truth
is as rare in the English press as lies in the German.

But do the people really believe what they read in the English
newspapers? Yes, blindly! I have been convinced of this by letters
received from England. An appeal signed by many scholars--among them
several Nobel prize winners--and sent to me, closes with the words:

     We regret deeply that under the unwholesome influence of a
     military system and its unrestrained dreams of domination,
     the country which we have once honored now has become
     Europe's common enemy and the enemy of all people who
     respect the rights of nations. We must carry to an end this
     war which we have entered. For us as for the Belgians it is
     a war of defense, which will be fought through for peace and
     freedom.

The old story of the splinter and the beam! Is England's rule of the
sea no military system then? Can there be conceived a more
far-reaching militarism than that which stretches out its conquests
over five continents? Which even clutches at the straw which
republican Portugal holds out and announces "the need for more men" in
the newspapers?

What was the Boer War then? An expression perhaps of this same humane
solicitude for the small states which now causes England to break the
lance for Belgium's independence?

It would be useless at this late day to attempt to determine what
would have been the course of the great war had England stayed out of
it. But this much is certain, that Belgium's loss of independence
would have lasted only until the conclusion of peace. The war would
then not have grown as now to be a world-war--to be the greatest and
most tragic catastrophe which the human race has ever suffered. No
nation has ever incurred a greater, a more comprehensive
responsibility than England! And one can only regret most deeply that
these men will have to bear now and in the world to come the full and
oppressive burden of that responsibility.




Calais or Suez?

Which Should be Germany's Objective?


_By special cable to_ THE NEW YORK TIMES _from London on July 1, 1915,
came the following information:_

Count von Reventlow, in last Sunday's Deutsche Tageszeitung, explains
the importance and meaning of Calais as a German objective in the west
and as a key to the destruction of the British Empire. Dr. Ernst
Jaeckh, in an article called "Calais or Suez," maintained that if an
English statesman had to make a choice he would undoubtedly give up
Calais and cling to Suez rather than give up Suez and control Calais.
Reventlow maintains there is no reality about this alternative.

About the importance of Suez, Jaeckh and Reventlow are agreed.
Reventlow for his part declares England's main interest in the
Dardanelles operations is the desire to protect Egypt and that this is
the explanation of all her efforts to range the Balkan countries
against Austria-Hungary, Germany, and Turkey. As translated in THE
TIMES he proceeds:

"These efforts are not yet at an end, and they will be continued with
a desperate expenditure of strength and all possible means. It was
believed that the Russian armies and influence exercised upon the
Balkan peoples would make Egypt safe. These hopes are now tottering or
vanishing. All the greater must be the energy of our triple alliance
in order completely to clear the way and then at the proper moment to
take it with firm determination to see the thing through. Here also we
see the correctness of our old argument, that for Germany and her
allies success lies in a long war and that time works for them if they
employ the time in working. Our forces are increasing with time and,
as has been said, Germany has the assured possibility of gaining time.
To strike our chief enemy at a vital point is worth the greatest
efforts and sacrifice of time, quite apart from the fact that we owe
it to the Turkish Empire to assist with all our strength in restoring
Egypt, which was stolen by England."

Reventlow then says that a comparison of "the Calais idea" with Suez
is as idle as the comparison of a chair with a table. He says Jaeckh
is mistaken in supposing Calais does not concern more than the south
coast of England or that it merely threatens one of many ways to and
from England. Reventlow says:

"This by no means completes the Calais idea. From a military or
political or economic point of view one should look at the matter with
the eyes of Great Britain and define the Calais idea as a possibility
for a seafaring continental power to conduct a war against Great
Britain from the continental coast channel and with all military
resources while holding open communication between the Atlantic Ocean
and the North Sea."

[Illustration: GENERAL LOUIS BOTHA

The Boer Commander Who Added German Southwest Africa to the British
Crown

(_Photo from Medem Photo Service._)]

[Illustration: DR. ANTON MEYER-GERHARD

Sent by Count Bernstorff to inform the Kaiser upon the state of
American Opinion

(_Photo from American Press Association._)]




Note on the Principle of Nationality

By John Galsworthy

     This article, dealing with the consequences of the war,
     originally appeared in La Revue of Paris, and is here
     reproduced by permission of Mr. Galsworthy.


In these times one dread lies heavy on heart and brain--the thought
that after all the unimaginable suffering, waste, and sacrifice of
this war, nothing may come of it, no real relief, no permanent benefit
to Europe, no improvement to the future of mankind.

The pronouncements of publicists--"This must never happen again,"
"Conditions for abiding peace must be secured," "The United States of
Europe must be founded," "Militarism must cease"--all such are the
natural outcome of this dread. They are proclamations admirable in
sentiment and intention. But human nature being what it has been and
is likely to remain, we must face the possibility that nothing will
come of the war, save the restoration of Belgium, (that, at least, is
certain;) some alterations of boundaries; a long period of economic
and social trouble more bitter than before; a sweeping moral reaction
after too great effort. Cosmically regarded, this war is a debauch
rather than a purge, and debauches have always to be paid for.

Confronting the situation in this spirit, we shall be the more
rejoiced if any of our wider hopes should by good fortune be attained.

Leaving aside the restoration of Belgium--for what do we continue to
fight? We go on, as we began, because we all believe in our own
countries and what they stand for. And in considering how far the
principle of nationality should be exalted, one must well remember
that it is in the main responsible for the present state of things. In
truth, the principle of nationality of itself and by itself is a quite
insufficient ideal. It is a mere glorification of self in a world full
of other selves; and only of value in so far as it forms part of that
larger ideal, an--international ethic, which admits the claims and
respects the aspirations of all nations. Without that ethic little
nations are (as at the present moment) the prey--and, according to the
mere principle of nationality, the legitimate prey--of bigger nations.
Germany absorbed Alsace-Lorraine, Schleswig, and now Belgium, by
virtue of nationalism, of an overweening belief in the perfection of
its national self. Austria would subdue Serbia from much the same
feeling. France does not wish to absorb or subdue any European people
of another race, because France, as ever, a little in advance of her
age, is already grounded in this international ethic, of unshakable
respect for the rights of all nations which belong, roughly speaking,
to the same stage of development. The same may be said of the other
western democratic powers, Britain and America. "To live and let
live," "to dwell together in unity," are the guiding maxims of the
international ethic, by virtue of which alone have the smaller
communities of men--the Belgiums, Bohemias, Polands, Serbias,
Denmarks, Switzerlands of Europe--any chance of security in the
maintenance of their national existences. In short the principle of
nationality, unless it is prepared to serve this international ethic,
is but a frank abettor of the devilish maxim, "Might is right." All
this is truism; but truisms are often the first things we forget.

The whole question of nationality in Europe bristles with
difficulties. It cannot be solved by theory and rule of thumb. What is
a nation? Shall it be determined by speech, by blood, by geographical
boundary, by historic tradition? The freedom and independence of a
country can and ever should be assured when with one voice it demands
the same. It is seldom as easy as all that. Belgium, no doubt, is as
one man. Poland is as one man in so far as the Poles are concerned;
but what of the Austrians, Russians, Germans settled among them? What
of Ireland split into two camps? What of the Germans in Bohemia, in
Alsace, in Schleswig-Holstein? Compromise alone is possible in many
cases, going by favor of majority. And there will always remain the
poignant question of the rights and aspirations of minorities. Let us
by all means clear the air by righting glaring wrongs, removing
palpable anomalies, redressing obvious injustices, securing so far as
possible the independent national life of homogeneous groups; but let
us not, dazzled by the glamour of a word, dream that by restoring a
few landmarks, altering a few boundaries, and raising a pæan to the
word Nationality, we can banish all clouds from the sky of Europe, and
muzzle the ambitions of the stronger nations.

In my convinced belief the one solid hope for future peace, the one
promise of security for the rights and freedom of little countries,
the one reasonable guarantee of international justice and general
humanity, lies in the gradual growth of democracy, of rule by consent
of the governed. When this has spread till the civilization of the
Western world is on one plane--instead of as now on two--then and then
only we shall begin to draw the breath of assurance. Then only will
the little countries sleep quietly in their beds. It is conceivable,
nay probable, that the despotic will of a perfect man could achieve
more good for his country and for the world at large in a given time
than the rule of the most enlightened democracy. It is certain that
such men occupy the thrones of this earth but once in a blue moon.

If proof be needed that the prevalence of democracy alone can end
aggression among nations, secure the rights of small peoples, foster
justice and humaneness in man--let the history of this last century
and a half be well examined, and let the human probabilities be
weighed. Which is the more likely to advocate wars of aggression?
They, who by age, position, wealth, are secure against the daily
pressure of life and the sacrifice that war entails, they who have
passed their time out of touch with the struggle for existence, in an
atmosphere of dreams, ambitions, and power over other men? Or they,
who every hour are reminded how hard life is, even at its most
prosperous moments, who have nothing to gain by war, and all, even
life, to lose; who by virtue of their own struggles have a deep
knowledge of, a certain dumb sympathy with, the struggles of their
fellow-creatures; an instinctive repugnance to making those struggles
harder; who have heard little and dreamed less of those so-called
"national interests," that are so often mere chimeras; who love, no
doubt, in their inarticulate way the country where they were born, and
the modes of life and thought to which they are accustomed, but know
of no traditional and artificial reasons why the men of other
countries should not be allowed to love their own land and modes of
thought and life in equal peace and security?

Assuredly, the latter of these two kinds of men are the less likely to
favor ambitious projects and aggressive wars. According as "the
people" have or have not the final decision in such matters, the
future of Europe will be made of war or peace; of respect or of
disregard for the rights of little nations. It is advanced against
democracies that the workers of a country, ignorant and provincial in
outlook, have no grasp of international politics. This is true in
Europe where national ambitions and dreams are still for the most part
hatched and nurtured in nests perched high above the real needs and
sentiments of the simple working folk who form nine-tenths of the
population of each country. But once those nests of aggressive
nationalism have fallen from their high trees, so soon as all Europe
conforms to the principle of rule by consent of the governed, it will
be found--as it has been already found in France--that the general
sense of the community informed by an ever-growing publicity (through
means of communication ever speeding-up) is quite sufficient trustee
of national safety; quite able, even enthusiastically able, to defend
its country from attack. The problem before the world at the end of
this war is how to eliminate the virus of an aggressive nationalism
that will lead to fresh outbursts of death. It is a problem that I,
for one, frankly believe will beat the powers and goodwill of all,
unless there should come a radical change of Governments in Central
Europe; unless the real power in Germany and Austria-Hungary passes
into the hands of the people of those countries, as already it has
passed in France and Britain. This is in my belief the only chance for
the defeat of militarism, of that raw nationalism, which, even if
beaten down at first, will ever be lying in wait, preparing secret
revenge and fresh attacks.

How this democratization of Central Europe can be brought about I
cannot tell. It is far off as yet. But if this be not at last the
outcome of the war, we may still talk in vain of the rights of little
nations, of peace, disarmament, of chivalry, justice, and humanity. We
may whistle for a changed world.

JOHN GALSWORTHY.




Singer of "La Marseillaise"

By H.T. SUDDUTH

     [The body of Claude Joseph Rouget de Lisle, who composed
     "The Marseillaise," was placed, on July 15, 1915, in the
     Hôtel des Invalides, Paris.]


    Up from the land of fair Provence,
      Land of the vineyard and olive green,
    Flushed with a new hope's radiance
      Glow of glorious visions seen,
    Joyous Marseilles' Battalion came,
    Singing a song since known to fame.

    List as the drums the quickstep beat!
      List to the Chant of Liberty!
    Ringing through dawn or noonday heat--
      "Allons enfants de la Patrie!"
    List to the chant on the dusty way,
    "Death to the tyrant! Vive le Marseillais!"

    Orchards and vineyards caught up the song,
      France seemed but waiting that martial lay,
    Born of poet's heart-beats strong!
      Sung by the sons of the South that day,
    Voicing the hero-soul of strife,
    Marching song of a nation's life!

    Days of Terror that chant ushered in,
      Falling of thrones and baubles and crowns--
    Bastille walls and guillotine,
      Sack of Tuileries, Temple frowns.
    Heard that Chant of the Marseillais,
    "Le jour de gloire est arrivé."

    Reds of the Midi! The song you sung
      Thrilled the hearts of all who heard!
    Song of a people with hearts tense-strung,
      Rhythm that every pulse quick stirred!
    Echoes that song as France now pays
    Honor to singer of "La Marseillaise!"




Depression--Common-Sense and the Situation

By Arnold Bennett

_Copyright, 1915, by Arnold Bennett_

     The pessimistic attitude toward the military situation
     assumed by a large part of British society, after the
     arrival of warm weather, without the heralded concerted
     advance of the Allies in France and Belgium, is dealt with
     by Mr. Bennett in the subjoined article, which appeared in
     the London Daily News of June 16, 1915. It is here
     reproduced by Mr. Bennett's express permission.


In a recent article I said that for reasons discoverable and
undiscoverable the military situation had been of late considerably
falsified in the greater part of the Press. This saying (which by the
way was later confirmed by the best military experts writing in the
Press) aroused criticism both public and private. That it should have
been criticised in certain organs was natural, for these organs had
certainly been colouring or manipulating their war news, including
casualties, chiefly by headlines and type, and even influencing their
expert analysis of war-news, to suit what happened to be at the moment
their political aims.

Even the invasion scare was last week revived by the "Daily Mail" as
an aid to compulsion. The "Daily Mail" asserted that, whatever we
might say, invasion was possible. True. It is. Most things are. But
invasion is responsibly held to be so wildly improbable that our
military, as distinguished from our naval, plans are permitted
practically to ignore the possibility. Compulsion or no compulsion,
those plans will be the same. They will be unaffected by any amount of
invasion-scaring, and therefore to try to foster pessimism in the
public by alarums about invasion is both silly and naughty.

Newspapers quite apart, however, there has been in the country a
considerable amount of pessimism which I have not been able to
understand, much less sympathise with; pessimism of the kind that
refuses to envisage the future at all. It has not said: "We shall be
beaten." But it has groaned and looked gloomy, and asked mute
questions with its eyes. It has resented confident faith and demanded
with sardonic superiority the reasons for such faith.

Of the tribe of pessimists I count some superlative specimens among my
immediate acquaintances. The explanation of their cases is, I contend,
threefold. First, they lack faith, not merely in the Allied arms, but
in anything. They have not the faculty of faith. Secondly, they
unconsciously enjoy depression, and this instinct distorts all
phenomena for them. Thus they exhibited no satisfaction whatever at
the capture of Przemysl full of men and munitions by the Russians,
whereas the recapture of Przemysl empty of men and munitions by the
Germans filled them with delicious woe. Thirdly, they lack patience,
and therefore a long-sustained effort gets on their nerves. Others I
can inoculate with my optimism, but the effect passes quickly, and
each succeeding reinoculation has been less and less effective, with
the monotonous questioning, ever more sardonic in tone: "How can you
be deluded by the official bulletins?" or: "What do you know about
war, to make you so cocksure?"

The truth is that I am not deluded by the official bulletins. I don't
know how long it is since I learnt to appreciate official bulletins at
their true value, but it is a long while ago. A full perception of
the delusiveness of official bulletins can only be obtained by reading
histories of the war. The latest I have read are those of Mr. John
Buchan and Mr. Hillaire Belloc. (Mr. Buchan's is good. Mr. Belloc's is
more than good: it is--apart from a few failures in style, due either
to fatigue or to the machinery of dictation--absolutely brilliant,
both militarily and politically. I am inclined to rate the last dozen
pages of Mr. Belloc's book as the finest piece of writing yet produced
by the war.) And when one compares, in these works, the coherent,
impartial, and convincing accounts of, say, the first month of the
war, with the official bulletins of the Allies during that month, one
marvels that even officialism could go so far in evasion and
duplicity, and the reputation of official bulletins is ruined for the
whole duration of the conflict. No wonder the contents of the Allied
newspapers in that period inspired the Germans with a scornful
incredulity, which nothing that has since happened can shake.

It is not that official bulletins are incorrect; they are incomplete,
and, therefore, misleading. The policy which frames them seems now to
be utterly established, but my motion that it is a mistaken policy
remains unaltered. When the policy is pushed as far as the suppression
of isolated misfortunes which flame in the headlines of the enemy
Press from Cologne to Constantinople, then I begin to wonder whether I
am living in three dimensions or in four.

If, then, he does not rely on the official bulletins, and he has no
military expertise, how is the civilian justified in being optimistic?
The reply is that the use of his common-sense may justify his
optimism. The realm of common-sense being universal, even war comes
within it. And the fact is that the major aspects of the war are no
more military than they are political, social, and psychological. Take
one of the most important aspects--the character of generals. It
cannot be denied that after ten months, confidence in Joffre has
increased. At the beginning of the war, when the German plan was
being exactly followed and was succeeding, when the Germans had an
immense advantage of numbers, when their reserves of men and munitions
were untouched, when everything was against us, and everything in
favour of the Germans, Joffre, aided by the British, defeated the
Germans. He defeated them by superior generalship. Common-sense says
that now, when the boot is on the other leg, Joffre will assuredly
defeat the Germans--and decisively, and common-sense is quite prepared
to wait until Joffre is ready. Again, take the case of the Grand Duke.
The Grand Duke has shown over and over again that he is an extremely
brilliant general of the first order. In the very worst days, when
everything was against him and everything in favour of the Germans, as
in the West, he held his own and he has continually produced many more
casualties in the German ranks than the Germans have produced in his
ranks. He still has many things against him, but it is not possible
reasonably to believe that the Grand Duke will let himself in for a
disaster. That he should avoid a disaster is all that the West front
demands of him at present.

On the other side, General von Moltke, head of the German Great
General Staff, has been superseded. What German General has advanced
in reputation? There is only one answer--von Hindenberg. Von
Hindenberg won the largest (not the most important) victory of the war
in the Battle of Tannenberg. He won it because the ground was
exceedingly difficult, and because he knew the ground far better than
any other man on earth. He was entitled to very high credit. He got
it. He became the idol of the German populace, and the bugbear of the
Allied countries. But he has done nothing since. Soon after Tannenberg
he made a fool of himself on the Russian frontier, and showed that
success had got into his head. He subsequently initiated several
terrific attempts, all of which were excessively costly and none of
which was carried through. If he has not ceased to be an idol, he has
at any rate ceased to be a bugbear.

As for the average intelligence of the opposing forces, it may be said
that Prussian prestige, though it dies very slowly, is dying, even in
the minds of our pessimists. Their zest for elaborate organization of
plan gave the Germans an immense advantage at the start, but it is
proved that, once the plan has gone wrong, they are at the best not
better in warfare than ourselves. Their zest for discipline, and their
reserves, have enabled them to stave off a catastrophe longer than
perhaps any other nation could have staved it off. But time is now
showing that excessive discipline and organization produce defects
which ultimately outweigh the qualities they spring from. The tenacity
of the Germans is remarkable, but does it surpass ours? Man for man, a
soldier of the Allies is better than a soldier of the Central
Powers--or ten thousand observers have been deceived. As for the
intelligence of the publics upon whose moral the opposing forces
ultimately depend, it is undeniable that the German public is
extremely hysterical, and far more gullible even than ourselves at our
very worst. The legends believed by the German public today are
ridiculous enough to stamp Germany for a century as an arch-simpleton
among nations. Its vanity is stupendous, eclipsing all previously
known vanities. The Great General Staff must know fairly well how
matters stand, and yet not the mere ignorant public, but the King of
Bavaria himself, had the fatuity as late as last week to talk about
the new territory that Germany would annex as a result of the war!

In numbers we in the West had got the better of them, and were slowly
increasing our lead, before Italy, by joining us, increased the
Allies' advantage at a stroke by over three-quarters of a million
fully mobilised men, and much more than as many reserves.

In financial resources there is simply no comparison between the enemy
and ourselves. We are right out of sight of the enemy in this
fundamental affair.

We lack nothing--neither leading, nor brains, nor numbers, nor
money--save ammunition. Does any pessimist intend to argue that we
shall not get all the ammunition we need? It is inconceivable that we
should not get it. When we have got it the end can be foretold like
the answer to a mathematical problem.

Lastly, while the Germans have nothing to hope for in the way of
further help, we have much to hope for. We have, for example, Rumania
to hope for; and other things needless to mention. And we have in hand
enterprises whose sudden development might completely change the face
of the war in a few hours; but whose failure would not prejudice our
main business, because our main business is planned and nourished
independently of them. One of these enterprises is known to all men.
The other is not. The Germans have no such enterprises in hand.

For all the foregoing argument no military expertise is necessary. It
lies on a plane above military expertise. It appeals to common-sense
and it cannot be gainsaid. I have not yet met anybody of real
authority who has attempted to gainsay it, or who has not endorsed it.
The sole question is, not whether we shall win or lose, but when we
shall win.

For this reason I strongly object to statesmen, no matter who they be,
going about and asserting to listening multitudes that we are fighting
for our very existence as a nation. We most emphatically are not. It
is just conceivable that certain unscrupulous marplots might by
chicane produce such domestic discord in this country as would
undermine the very basis of victory. I regard the thing as in the very
highest degree improbable, but it can be conceived. The result might
be an inconclusive peace, and another war, say, in twenty years, when
we probably _should_ be fighting for our very existence as a nation.
But we are not now, and at the worst shall not be for a long time,
fighting for our very existence as a nation. Nobody believes such an
assertion; pessimists themselves do not believe it. And when
statesmen give utterance to it in the hope of startling the
working-class into a desired course of conduct, they under-rate the
intelligence of the working-class and the result of such oratory is
far from what they could wish.

Our national existence is as safe as it has been any time this
century; indeed, it is safer, for its chief menace has received a
terrible blow, and the Prussian superstition is exploded. All that can
be urged is that we have an international job to finish; that in order
to finish it properly and within a reasonable period we must work with
a will and in full concord; and that if we fail to do this the job
will be botched, with a risk of sinister consequences to the next
generation. The notion that to impress the public it is necessary to
pile on the agony with statements that no moderately enlightened
person can credit, is a wrong notion, and, like all wrong notions, can
only do harm. The general public is all right, quite as all right as
the present Government or any other. Had it not been so we should not
be where we are today, but in a far less satisfactory position. Not
Governments, not generals, but the masses make success in these mighty
altercations. Read Tolstoi's "War and Peace."




The War and Racial Progress

[From the Morning Post of London, July 2, 1915]


Major Leonard Darwin, in his presidential address on "Eugenics During
and After the War" to the Eugenics Education Society at the Grafton
Galleries yesterday, said that our military system seemed to be
devised with the object of insuring that all who were defective should
be exempt from risks, whilst the strong, courageous, and patriotic
should be endangered. Men with noble qualities were being destroyed,
whilst the unfit remained at home to become fathers of families, and
this must deteriorate the natural qualities of the coming generations.
The chances of stopping war were small, and we must consider how to
minimize its evils. If conscription were adopted future wars would
produce less injury to the race, because the casualty lists would more
nearly represent a chance selection of the population; though whether
a conscript army would ever fight as well as our men were doing in
France was very doubtful. The injurious effects of the war on all
useful sections of the community should be mitigated. Military
training was eugenic if the men were kept with the colours only for
short periods. Officers must, of course, be engaged for long periods,
and amongst them the birth rate was very low. An increase of pay would
be beneficial in this respect, but only if given in the form of an
additional allowance for each living child. In the hope of increasing
the birth rate attempts were likely to be made to exalt the "unmarried
wife," a detestable term against which all true wives should protest.
If a change in moral standards was demanded in the hope that an
increase in the habit of forming irregular unions would result in an
increase in the population, that plea entirely failed because the
desired effect would not thus be produced. A special effort ought now
to be made on eugenic as well as on other grounds to maintain the high
standards of home life which had ever existed in our race, and which
had been in large measure the basis of our social and racial progress
in the past. If we did not now take some steps to insure our own
racial progress being at least as rapid as that of our neighbours, and
if our nation should in consequence cease in future to play a great
part in the noble and eternal struggle for human advancement, then the
fault would be ours.




The English Word, Thought, and Life

By Russian Men of Letters

     A group of sixty-seven Russian writers and publicists,
     comprising the best men of letters of the nation, with the
     exception of Vladimir Korolenko, who is at present in
     France, have signed a reply to the tribute to the writers of
     Russia by English men of letters, a translation of which was
     printed in CURRENT HISTORY for February, 1915. The text of
     the reply, given below, is taken from the Moscow daily
     newspaper, Outro Rossii; its translation into English by Leo
     Pasvolsky appeared in the New York Evening Post of June
     20th.


We have known you for a long time. We have known you since we Russians
came to a communion with Western Europe and began to draw from the
great spiritual treasury created by our brethren of Western Europe.

From generation to generation we have watched intently the life of
England, and have stored away in our minds and our hearts everything
brilliant, peculiar, and individual, that has impressed itself upon
the English word, the English thought, and the English life.

We have always wondered at the breadth and the manifoldness of the
English soul, in whose literature one finds, side by side, Milton and
Swift, Scott and Shelley, Shakespeare and Byron. We have always been
amazed by the incessant and constantly growing power of civic life in
England; we have always known that the English people was the first
among the peoples of the world to enter upon a struggle for civic
rights, and that nowhere does the word _freedom_ ring so proud and so
triumphant as it does in England.

With wonder and veneration, have we watched the English people, that
combines the greatest idealism with the most marvellous creative
genius, that constantly transforms words into deeds, aspirations into
actions, thoughts and feelings into institutions, go onward, from step
to step, reaching out into the heavens, yet never relinquishing the
earth, higher and higher along its triumphant road, still onward in
its work of creating the life of England.

Kingdoms and peoples, cultures and institutions, pass away like
dreams. But thoughts and words remain, whether they be of white men,
or black, or yellow, whether they be of Jews or of Hellenes, whether
they be inscribed on slabs of stone, or on boards of clay, or on
strips of papyrus. Words and thoughts live to the present day; they
still move us and uplift us, even though we have already forgotten the
names of those who spoke them. And we know that only the winged words
live on, the words that are intelligible to the whole of mankind, that
appeal to the whole of humanity, to the common human mind, the common
heart.

We know the vast power of the English word. We know what a marvellous
contribution the English writers have made to the life not of England
alone, but to that of the whole world, the whole humanity. It is with
a feeling of long-standing affection and veneration that we turn to
the ancient book, called "England," whose pages never grow yellow,
whose letters are never effaced, whose thoughts never become dim,
whose new chapters bear witness to the fact that the book is still
being written, that new pages are still being added, and that these
new pages are permeated with that same bright and powerful spirit of
humanity that illumines and enlivens the pages of the past.

We feel proud because you have recognized the great individual worth
of the Russian literature, and we are moved by your ardent expressions
of sympathy and friendship. You scarcely know what Lord Byron was to
us at the dawn of our literature, how our greatest poets, Poushkin and
Lermontov, were swayed by him. You scarcely know to what an extent the
Shakespearean Hamlet, the Prince of Denmark, has become a part of our
literature, how near to us is Hamlet's tragedy.

We, too, pronounce the names of Copperfield and Snodgrass with a
little difficulty, but the name of Dickens is as familiar to us and as
near to our hearts as the names of some of our own writers.

We trust, and we even permit ourselves to hope, that our friendship
will not end on the fields of battle, but that our mutual
understanding will continue to grow, as it lives on together with
those sincere and heartfelt words, with which you have addressed us.
We trust that it will be transformed into a spiritual unity between
us, a unity based on the universal achievements of the spirit of
humanity.

We trust even further. We trust that evil will finally become
extinguished in the hearts of men, that mutual ill-feeling will be
bitter and poignant no longer, and that, when ears of corn will be
again fluttering upon the fields, mutilated by trenches and ramparts,
and drenched in human blood, when wild flowers will begin to grow over
the countless unknown graves, time will come, when the nations that
are separated by such a tremendous gulf today, will come together
again upon the one great road of humanity and will turn back once more
to the great, universal words, that are common to all men.

We trust, and we hope.

Greetings to you.

(Signed)

L. ANDREEV,
K. ARSENIEV,
I. BUNIN,
U. BUNIN,
I. BELOUSOV,
M. GORKY,
V. VERESAEV,
A. GRUSINSKY,
N. DAVYDOV,
S. ELPATIEVSKY,
I. IGNATOV,
S. MELGUNOV,
A. SERAFIMOVICH,
N. TELESHOV,
I. SHMELEV,
N. MOROZOV,
COUNT A.N. TOLSTOY,
N. RUSANOV,
F. KRIUKOV,
A. GORNFELD,
A. PIESHECHONOV,
N. KAREYEV,
F. BATUSHKOV,
L. PANTELEYEV,
N. KOTLIAREVSKY,
V. MIAKOTIN,
V. VODOVOSOV,
P. SAKULIN,
OLNEM-TSEKHOVSKAYA,
A. KONI,
W. KRANIKHFELD,
B. LAZAREVSKY,
P. POTAPENKO,
TH. SOLOGUB,
T. SCHEPKINA-KUPERNIK,
W. BOGUCHARSKY,
K. BARANTSEVICH,
S. VENGEROV,
P. MILIUKOV,
A. PRUGAVIN,
M. KOVALEVSKY,
A. POSNIKOV,
E. LETKOVA-SULTANOVA,
D. OVSIANNIKO-KULIKOVSKY,
A. REMEZOV,
D. MEREZHKOVSKY,
Z. HIPPICS,
F. ZELINSKY,
N. TCHAIKOVSKY,
A. BLOK,
E. TCHIRIKOV,
A. PETRISCHEV,
I. BIELOKONSKY,
PRINCE A. SUMBATOV,
W. FRITCHE,
A. VESELOVSKY,
W. NEMEROVICH-DANCHENKO,
PRINCE E. TROUBETSKOY,
I. SHPAZHINSKY,
TH. KOKOSHKIN,
COUNT E.L. TOLSTOY,
N. TEMKOCSKY,
M. ARTISIBASHEV,
U. BALTRUSHAITIS,
U. AICHENWALD,
PRINCE D. SHAKHOVSKY,
W. BRUSOV.

[Illustration]




Evviva L'Italia

By William Archer

     Mr. Archer's article praising the Italian decision and
     purpose appeared originally in The London Daily News.


One of the most beautiful and memorable of human experiences is to
start, one fine morning, from some point in German Switzerland or
Tyrol and, in two or three days--or it may be in one swinging
stretch--to tramp over an Alpine pass and down into the Promised Land
below. It is of no use to rush it in a motor; you might as well hop
over by aeroplane. In order to savor the experience to the full, you
must take staff and scrip, like the Ritter Tannhäuser, and go the
pilgrim's way. It is a joy even to pass from the guttural and
explosive place names of Teutonia to the liquid music of the southern
vocables--from Brieg to Domo d'Ossola, from Göschenen to Bellinzona,
from St. Moritz to Chiavenna, from Botzen and Brixen to Ala and
Verona. It is a still greater joy to exchange the harsh, staring
colors of the north for the soft luminosity of the south, as you
zigzag down from the bare snows to the pines, from the pines to the
chestnuts, from the chestnuts to the trellised vineyards. And just
about where the vineyards begin, you come upon two wayside posts, one
of them inscribed "Schweiz" or "Oesterreich," the other bearing the
magic word "Italia." If your heart does not leap at the sight of it
you may as well about-turn and get you home again; for you have no
sense of history, no love of art, no hunger for divine, inexhaustible
beauty. For all these things are implicit in the one word, "Italy."

Alas! the charm of this excursion has from of old made irresistible
appeal to the northern barbarian. That has been Italy's historic
misfortune. For certain centuries, under the dominance of Rome, she
kept the Goths and Huns and Vandals aloof by what is called in India a
"forward policy"--by throwing the outworks of civilization far beyond
the Alpine barrier. But Rome fell to decay, and, wave upon wave, the
barbarian--generally the Teuton, under one alias or another--surged
over her glorious highlands, her bounteous lowlands, and her marvelous
cities. It is barely half a century since the hated Tedeschi were
expelled from the greater part of their Cisalpine possessions; and
now, in the fullness of time, Italy has resolved to redeem the last of
her ravished provinces and to make her boundaries practically
conterminous with Italian speech and race.

The political and military aspects of the situation have been fully
dealt with elsewhere; but a lifelong lover of Italy may perhaps be
permitted to state his personal view of her action. While the
negotiations lasted, her position was scarcely a dignified one. It
seemed that she was willing, not, indeed, to sell her birthright for a
mess of pottage, but to buy her birthright at the cost of complicity
in monstrous crime. Neither Italy nor Europe would have profited in
the long run by the substitution of "Belgia Irredenta" for "Italia
Irredenta." But now that she has repudiated the sops offered to her
honor and conscience, her position is clear and fine. She has rejected
larger concessions, probably, than any great power has ever before
been prepared to make without stroke of sword; and she has thrown in
her lot with the Allies in no time-serving spirit, but at a point when
their fortunes were by no means at their highest. This is a gesture
entirely worthy of a great and high-spirited people.

It is true that she had no guarantee for the promised concessions
except the "Teutonica fides," which has become a byword and a
reproach. But I am much mistaken if that was the sole or main motive
that determined her resort to arms. She took a larger view. She felt
that even if Germany, by miracle, kept her faith, the world, after a
German victory, would be no place for free men to live in. She was not
moved by the care for a few square miles of territory, more or less,
but by a strong sense of democratic solidarity and of human dignity.
After the events of the past ten months, she felt that, to a
self-respecting man or nation, German hate was infinitely preferable
to German love. It was, in fact, a patent of nobility.

And now that Italy is ranked with us against the powers of evil, it
becomes more than ever our duty to strain every nerve for their
defeat. We are now taking our share in the guardianship of the world's
great treasure house of historic memories and of the creations of
genius. We have become, as it were, co-trustees of an incomparable,
irreplaceable heritage of beauty. Italy has been the scene of many and
terrible wars; but since she emerged from the Dark Ages I do not know
that war has greatly damaged the glory of her cities. She has not, of
recent centuries, had to mourn a Louvain or a Rheims. But if the
Teuton, in his present temper, should gain any considerable footing
within her bounds, the Dark Ages would be upon her once more. What
effort can be too great to avert such a calamity!

I am not by way of being versed in the secrets of Courts; but I recall
today, with encouragement, a conversation I had some years ago with an
ex-Ambassador to Italy (not a British Ambassador) who had been on
intimate terms with the King, and spoke with enthusiasm of his
Majesty's character. He told me of his bravery, his devotion to duty,
his simple manners, his high intelligence. One little anecdote I may
repeat without indiscretion. A Minister of Education said to my friend
that when he had an interview with the King he felt like a schoolboy
bringing up to an exacting though kindly master a half-prepared
lesson; and when this was repeated to his Majesty, he smiled and said:
"Ministers come and go, but I, you see, am always here." He merited
far better than his grandfather (said my informant) the title of "il
Re Galantuomo." Under such a Chief of State Italy may, with high hope
and courage, set about her task of tearing away her unredeemed fringes
from that patchwork of tyrannies known as the Austrian Empire.




Who Died Content!

[From the Westminster Gazette]

     Rex and Wilfred Winslow were the first men who died on the
     field of German South West Africa. The epitaph on the cross
     on the grave ran thus:

       "Tell England ye that pass this monument,
       That we who rest here died content."

       --DAILY NEWSPAPER.


    Far the horizon of our best desires
        Stretches into the sunset of our lives:
    The wavering taper of the achieved expires,
        And only the irrevocable will survives.
    Content to die for England! How the words
        Thrill those who live for England, knowing not
    The stern, heroic passion that upgirds
        The loins of such as, ardent, for her fought.
    Content! It is a word that brooks no bounds,
        If from the heights and depths it takes its name:
    Upon the proud lips of great men it sounds
        As if the clear note from the Heavens came;
            A word that, sea-like, shrinks and grows again;
            A little word on lips of little men!

JOHN HOGBEN.




"The Germans, Destroyers of Cathedrals"

By Artists, Writers, Musicians, and Philosophers of France

     The subjoined extracts of official documents are translated
     from a book published in Paris by Hachette et Cie., the full
     title of which is "The Germans, Destroyers of Cathedrals and
     of Treasures of the Past: Being a Compilation of Documents
     Belonging to the Ministry of Public Instruction and Fine
     Arts." The official documents are offered to "the literary
     and artistic associations of foreign countries." The
     editorial notes and comment are reproduced from the original
     text.


To the Artistic and Literary Associations of Foreign Countries and to
all Friends of the Beautiful, in order that the System of Destruction
of the German Armies be brought to their knowledge, the present
Memorial is offered by:

Mme. JULIETTE ADAM.
PAUL ADAM.
M. ANQUETIN.
ANDRE ANTOINE, Founder of the Théâtre Libre.
PAUL APPELL, Dean of the Faculty of Sciences, member of the Institute.
MAURICE BARRES, Deputy, member of the Académie Française.
ALBERT BARTHOLOME.
JEAN BERAUD.
TRISTAN BERNARD.
ALBERT BESNARD, Director of the Académie de France at Rome, member of
  the Institute.
PIERRE BONNARD.
LEON BONNAT, member of the Institute, Director of the Ecole des Beaux-Arts.
EMILE-ANTOINE BOURDELLE.
ELEMIR BOURGES, member of the Académie Goncourt.
EMILE BOUTROUX, member of the Institute.
ADOLPHE BRISSON, President of the Association de la Critique.
ALFRED BRUNEAU.
Dr. CAPITAN, Professor at the Collège de France, member of the Académie
  de Médecine.
ALFRED CAPUS, member of the Académie Française.
M. CAROLUS-DURAN, member of the Institute.
GUSTAVE CHARPENTIER, member of the Institute.
CAMILLE CHEVILLARD, Director of the Concerts-Lamoureux.
PAUL CLAUDEL.
GEORGES CLEMENCEAU, Senator, former President of the Council.
ROMAIN COOLUS.
ALFRED CORTOT.
GEORGES COURTELINE.
P.A.J. DAGNAN-BOUVERET, member of the Institute.
CLAUDE DEBUSSY.
Mme. VIRGINIE DEMONT-BRETON.
JULES DESBOIS.
LUCIEN DESCAVES, member of the Académie Goncourt.
MAXIME DETHOMAS.
AUGUSTE DORCHAIN.
PAUL DUKAS.
J. ERNEST-CHARLES, President of the Société des Conférences Etrangères.
EMILE FABRE.
EMILE FAGUET, member of the Académie Française.
GABRIEL FAURE, member of the Institute, Director of the Conservatory of
  Music.
CAMILLE FLAMMARION, President of the Société Astronomique de France.
ROBERT DE FLERS.
ANDRE FONTAINAS.
PAUL FORT.
ANATOLE FRANCE, member of the Académie Française.
A. DE LA GANDARA.
FIRMIN GEMIER, Director of the Théâtre-Antoine.
ANDRE GIDE.
CHARLES GIRAULT, member of the Institute.
EDMOND GUIRAUD.
LUCIEN GUITRY.
EDMOND HARAUCOURT.
LOUIS HAVET, member of the Institute.
MAURICE HENNEQUIN, President of the Société des Auteurs et Compositeurs
  Dramatiques.
JACQUES HERMANT, President of the Société des Architectes Diplomes par
  le Gouvernement.
A.F. HEROLD.
PAUL HERVIEU, member of the Académie Française.
VINCENT D'INDY, Director of the Schola Cantorum.
M. INGHELBREGHT.
FRANCIS JAMMES.
FRANTZ JOURDAIN, President of the Syndicat de la Presse Artistique,
  President of the Autumn Salon.
GUSTAVE KAHN.
VICTOR LALOUX, member of the Institute.
HENRI LAVEDAN, member of the Académie Française.
GEORGES LECOMTE, President of the Société des Gens de Lettres.
Mlle. MARIE LENERU.
PIERRE LOTI, member of the Académie Française.
MAURICE MAGRE.
ARISTIDE MAILLOL.
PAUL MARGUERITTE, member of the Académie Goncourt.
HENRI MARTIN.
M. MATISSE.
MAX MAUREY.
Mme. CATULLE MENDES.
ANTONIN MERCIE, member of the Institute, President of the Société des
  Artistes Français.
STUART MERRILL.
ANDRE MESSAGER.
OCTAVE MIRBEAU, member of the Académie Goncourt.
CLAUDE MONET.
Mme. DE NOAILLES.
J.L. PASCAL, member of the Institute.
EDMOND PERRIER, President of the Institute, Director of the Muséum.
GABRIEL PIERNE, Director of the Concerts-Colonne.
M. PIOCH.
CHARLES PLUMET.
Mme. RACHILDE.
J.F. RAFFAELLI.
ODILON REDON.
GEORGES RENARD, Professor at the Collège de France.
JEAN RICHEPIN, member, of the Académie Française.
AUGUSTS RODIN.
ALFRED ROLL, President of the Société Nationale des Beaux-Arts.
J.H. ROSNY, aîné, member of the Académie Goncourt.
EDMOND ROSTAND, member of the Académie Française.
SAINT-GEORGES DE BOUHELIER.
CAMILLE SAINT-SAENS, member of the Institute.
GABRIEL SEAILLES.
PAUL SIGNAC, President of the Société des Artistes Indépendants.
M. STEINLEN.
FRANCIS VIELE-GRIFFIN.
ADOLPHE WILLETTE.

       *       *       *       *       *

To the Literary and Artistic Associations of Foreign Countries and to
all Friends of the Beautiful:

"_... It is not true that our troops brutally destroyed Louvain. It is
not true that we make war in contempt of the rights of mankind. Our
soldiers commit neither undisciplined nor cruel acts...._"

_MANIFESTO OF THE GERMAN INTELLECTUALS._

"_If the savants make science what it is, science does not make the
character of the savants what it is._"

_EDMOND PERRIER._

"_... Scientific barbarism_."

_EMILE BOUTROUX._


I.

If we were able--at this hour, when, through the act of the Teutonic
Empire, the world may witness unnamable deeds--if we were able to cite
the most odious of them, we should say that, after the massacre of
innocent people and all the assaults on the rights of mankind
committed by the German armies, the worst has seemed to us the
shameless manner in which the superior intellects beyond the Rhine
have dared to cover up these crimes. It is not that we ever believed
that from any corner of Germany there could come to us an appearance
of fellow-feeling, in these circumstances wherein no one has any other
right than that of giving himself body and soul to his native land. We
know that, before speaking for the universe, men threatened by the
enemy should be faithful to their flag, in the face of everything and
against everything--and with resolution. At no hour, therefore, have
we thought that German savants and artists could raise their voice to
repudiate their armies, when the latter were going to war with the
object of further extending their empire. But, at least, they should
keep silence, and before the horror of crimes to be judged especially
by the tribunal of the élite they should not have shown their
miserable enthusiasm. "You see," as a clear-sighted Dutch professor[5]
has well written on this point, "if these intellectuals were not
blinded they would rather have asked themselves if, in this war that
stains Europe with blood, the Prussian military authorities were not
losing for centuries the reputation of the great name of Germany." And
suppose it were even a small matter if they had lost only the great
name of Germany, that the epoch of Goethe, Kant, and Beethoven had
covered with glory. But with it they have vilified as well the noble
rôle of the philosopher, of the historian, of the savant, and of the
artist. In truth they have betrayed their own gods, and the
professions to which they belong can no longer be honored by them--so
far as the question of conscience goes, at least. And as for the
sacred thing called civilization, which is above our interests and our
vanities of an hour, they may have served it usefully by their
personal work in the past, but they were unequal to the task of
remaining its protectors when their mere silence would perhaps have
helped to save it.[6] They have thus shown that, with their more or
less sparkling black eagles and under the bedizenment of their Court
costumes, they are for the most part narrow fanatics or paid scribes
whose pen is only a tool in the hands of their master of a day. It is
not even sure whether through their cult of this "militarism," to
which they have given the most shameful blind-signature, they have not
hopelessly condemned it, by testifying that under the rule of the
German sabre human thought has no other course than to humiliate
itself!... But on the score of what they are worth in professional
morality and courage, agreement is certain today, everywhere.

[Footnote 5: Professor Dake.]

[Footnote 6: On the score of certain names important in Germany--names
not found under the manifesto of the Intellectuals--a question arises:
Were they not solicited as well to cover up these crimes, or did they
refuse? If the question were one of a simple memorial, carrying with
it no abdication of conscience, this point would be without
importance, for it would simply mean that a list, however long, could
not bring together all the men of renown of a country, and omissions
would often have to be laid to chance. But here a venomous manifesto
was to be signed, made up of violent lies and of arbitrary theories;
and with this in mind one may see a meaning in certain abstentions.
Without any possible doubt they are the act of courageous men, who,
feeling deeply where the truth is, will not ally themselves against
it; and by their resistance they do it honor.]

Their great affair--and that of every thinking German--is to object,
when spoken to of their crimes, either that they were born of
necessity or that they did not take place. As against these
allegations, unsupported by any proof, the most formal denials have
officially been given. But to the latter we shall now add the true
description of the facts. And we think that, in spite of the power and
the dogmatic authority of its élite, the activity of its emissaries in
all parts of the world, and, finally, all its vast apparatus of
conquest--military and civil--Germany cannot long make its stand
against the humble little truth, which advances, noiselessly but also
fearlessly, with the tenacious light in its hand that it received from
Reality--from unquenchable and ardent Reality.

We come to you armed with the facts. It is only these unanswerable
witnesses that we have wished to oppose to the gratuitous affirmations
of our colleagues beyond the Rhine. We might have taken you into the
mazes of twenty frightful dramas, for _at every place where the German
troops have advanced they have trodden under foot the rights of
mankind and counted as nothing the civilization and the patrimony of
nations_. We have thought it wiser to limit ourselves to the relation
of certain events bearing the seal of certainty.

Not all the cities which may have suffered have as yet opened their
gates to our brothers. Not being able to collect authentic testimony
there we prefer, then, not to speak of them--for the moment. But in
all those evacuated by the enemy, commissions[7] have hurried to
ascertain the losses on the spot. It is from these legal examinations
that we have written this report, which, in impartial fashion, makes
you the judges.

[Footnote 7: Throughout this work we shall often have recourse to the
reports of these commissions. At the end of the present volume will be
found certain of these documents, unpublished till now.]

Unhappy cities have been tortured in body and soul, that is to say, in
their population and in the works built by their hands, the immortal
relics of the dead. Of the miseries the people have suffered it is not
permitted us to speak. But as to those noble houses built with art
which have been destroyed, as to those constructions erected by our
ancestors for the edification of men of all classes, of all times, and
all countries, which are today but ruins; as to those masterpieces in
which all the elegant poetry of our race was realized and that
belonged to the civilized world, of which they were a glory and an
ornament, and which subsist as nothing but a mournful heap of
débris--of these we are not bound to keep silent. But not one
exaggerated word shall be uttered by us. The account we shall give is
established by high testimony and by irrefutable documents.

But let us cease all this preparation and come to the events of
Rheims.


(Page 59 of the book.)

DOCUMENTARY EVIDENCE.

APPENDIX I.

No. 1.

AT RHEIMS.

_M. Henry Jadart, Librarian of the City of Rheims and Curator of the
Museum of that city, was present at the bombardments of the 4th and
the 19th of September. He was well placed to enlighten us on the
destruction accomplished at the time._

_He was kind enough to send us the communication which we publish
below. From the testimony of M. Jadart, it will appear how many
monumental constructions at Rheims were mutilated or destroyed, and
how these attest, not less than the ruins of the cathedral, the
vandalism of the German armies:_

Friday, Sept. 4.--The bombardment, which took place suddenly from
half-past 9 till quarter-past 10 in the morning, caused some accidents
to the cathedral, more or less notable from the point of view of art,
(some stained glass more or less ancient, some slight scratches to the
statues;) at the Church of Saint-Rémi (ancient stained glass, tapestry
of the sixteenth century, pictures of the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries, altar screen, statues, south portal, and vault of transept)
and at the Museum of Fine Arts, Rue Chanzy, 8, (salle Henry Vasnier
broken in by a shell, about twenty modern pictures damaged.) Besides,
among the houses struck, the Gothic house, 57 Rue de Vesle, suffered
mutilation in the sculpture of a fireplace--it was entirely demolished
by the bombardment and fire of Sept. 19.

Saturday, Sept. 19.--This was the day of the great destruction by the
bombs and the fires caused in the cathedral, the ancient residence of
the Archbishop, in the houses of the Place Royale, and the Cérès
quarter. On the afternoon of this day and during the night from
Saturday to Sunday, flames consumed the most precious collections of
the city, at the Archbishop's palace and in private houses, an
inventory of which it will never be possible to prepare.

The top of the cathedral burned after the scaffolding of the northern
tower of the great portal had taken fire, toward 3 o'clock in the
afternoon. The statues and sculptures of this side of the same portal
were licked by the flames and scorched through and through. The eight
bells in this tower also were caught by the flames, and the whole
thing fell down near the cross aisle of the transept. The spire of the
Belfry of the Angel, at the apse, fell, and with it disappeared the
leaden heads which decorated its base. In the interior the sculptures
and the walls of the edifice were damaged by fire in the straw which
had been strewn about for the German wounded; the great eighteenth
century tympanums of the lateral doors, west side, were damaged
likewise. The thirteenth century stained glass suffered shocks from
the air and were perforated, in the rose windows as also in the high
windows of the nave. The pictures in the transept were spared, but the
choir stalls (eighteenth century work) were consumed--at the left on
entering.

Of the adjacent palace all the buildings were attacked by the flames
and are now nothing but ruined walls, save the chapel of the
thirteenth century, of which the main part subsists intact, and the
lower hall of the King's Lodge, under the Hall of Anointment, (of the
end of the fifteenth century.) The anointment rooms on the ground
floor, reconstructed in the seventeenth century, contained a great
number of historical portraits and furniture of various periods, which
were all a prey to the flames. It was the same in the apartments of
the Archbishops, which also contained numerous pictures and different
views of the city, transported from the Hôtel de Ville and intended
for the formation of a historical museum of Rheims. Precious
furniture, bronzes of great value--like the foot of the candelabra of
Saint Rémi and the candelabra of the Abbaye d'Igny--were also in these
apartments, of which nothing is left but the walls. The archaeological
collections of the city were consumed in the upper apartments, as also
a whole museum, organized and classified to represent the ethnography
of la Champagne by a thousand objects tracing back the ancient
industries, the trades, the arts, and usages of this province.
Finally, the rich library founded by Cardinal Gousset, offering superb
editions and assembled in a vast paneled hall, was totally burned up
in the modern building constructed for it at the expense of the State.

After the disasters to the arts at the cathedral and the palace, we
must note also the mansions and private houses, remarkable through
their architecture and their decoration, that were demolished, burned,
and annihilated. No. 1 Rue du Marc, Renaissance mansion--damage to the
sculptured ceiling and the sculptures of the court. Two pavilions of
the Place Royale, creations of the eighteenth century, are now only
calcined walls. The same fate overtook the Gothic house, 57 Rue de
Vesle, (of which mention was made above;) the house, 40 Rue de
l'Université, built in the eighteenth century; the house next to the
Ecu de Rheims, of the same period; the mansion at 12 Rue la Grue,
which was decorated with carved lintels and forged iron banisters; the
mansion at 19 Rue Eugène-Destenque, in the style of the Henri IV.
period, having a great stone fireplace and decorative paintings in one
gallery. Finally, in the Rue des Trois-Raisinets, the remains of the
monastery of the Franciscans, with a cloister, and the framework of a
granary of the Middle Ages.

These notes are really only observations to be completed later with
the aid of descriptions of ancient date, but they offer sure
information of the lamentable losses suffered by our unfortunate city
during the first month of its bombardment.

Paris, Jan. 20, 1915.


No. 2.

THE FIXED IDEA.

_From M. Auguste Dorchain we receive this striking observation:_

The idea of destroying the cathedral haunted them for a hundred years,
at least. Three dates, three texts, three proofs:

April, 1814, Jean-Joseph Goerres, an illustrious professor, the pious
author of a "Christian Mysticism," in four volumes, wrote, in the
Rheinische Merkur:

"Reduce to ashes that basilica of Rheims where Klodovig was anointed,
where that Empire of the Franks was born--the false brothers of the
noble Teutons; burn that cathedral!..."

Sept. 5, 1914, we read in the Berliner Blatt:

"The western group of our armies in France has already passed the
second line of defensive forts, except Rheims, whose royal splendor,
which dates back to the time of the white lilies, will not fail to
crumble to dust, soon, under the fire of our mortars."

Jan. 1, 1915. In the artistic and literary supplement of the Berlin
Lokal-Anzeiger M. Rudolf Herzog sings an ode "in honor of the
destruction of the Cathedral of Rheims":

"The bells sound no more in the cathedral with two towers. Finished is
the benediction!... With lead, O Rheims, we have shut your house of
idolatry!"

A lyric cry of the heart, when the national wish, a century old, is at
last accomplished.

No comment on these three texts--it suffices to bring them together.

AUGUSTE DORCHAIN.

Feb. 20, 1915.


No. 4.

LETTER OF M. L'ABBE DOURLENT.

_M. l'Abbé Dourlent, Curate Archpresbyter of the Cathedral of Senlis,
was one of the principal witnesses of the drama. So he has had to
speak of it several times. But up to now we had no written deposition
from him over his signature. Here is the document which comes from
this priest. It attests his courage and sincerity at the same time._

Diocese of Beauvais, Archpresbytery and Parish of Senlis, (Oise.)

SENLIS, Jan. 8, 1915.

Monsieur: You do me the honor to ask for my testimony as to the
actions of the enemy at Senlis at the time of the occupation, on the
2d of September.

I beg to send you my attestation, and express my confusion and regret
at not having been able to do so sooner.

On the 2d of September an engagement took place between the French and
German troops on the plain of Senlis from 10 o'clock till about
half-past 2, and it was ended by the bombardment of our beautiful
cathedral and a part of the city. The enemy entered the city about
half-past 3 and were received at the end of the Faubourg St. Martin by
a fusillade directed against them by delayed soldiers and a company
armed with machine guns, charged with arresting the pursuit of the
French Army, which was bending back toward Paris.

Immediately the superior officer, who was conversing with M. Odent,
the Mayor of Senlis, accused the civilians of having fired on the
German Army, and rendered him responsible for it. Then began the
burning of the whole Rue de la République. This untruth was
immediately spread about, and two hours after the affray a General
said at Villers-Saint-Frambourg what another General said next morning
at Nanteuil-le-Haudouin: That Senlis was burned because the civilians
had fired on the German Army. The thirty-seven hostages brought to
Chamant heard the same statement.

To this testimony I will add my own, which will only confirm what is
said above: As soon as the enemy arrived soldiers of the cyclist corps
obliged me to conduct them to the top of the belfry of our cathedral,
from which they pretended that they had been shot at. Their inspection
revealed nothing of what they thought to find, for I alone had the key
and I had confided it to no one. Some moments later I was consigned to
the Hôtel du Grand-Cerf as a hostage. The German General Staff had
gone to Chamant. Some hours later I accosted a superior officer and
asked him what I should do, seeing no one of whom I could inquire the
reason for my arrest. "Remain here, where you will at least be in
safety. Poor curate! Poor Senlis! But, then, why did you receive us as
you did? The civilians shot at us, and we were fired at from the tower
of your church. So Senlis is condemned. You see that street in flames?
(and, in fact, the Rue de la République was burning everywhere, 114
houses in ruins) well, this night the city itself will be entirely
burned down. We have the order to make of Senlis a French Louvain. At
Louvain the Belgians shot at us from their houses, from their
belfries--Louvain no longer exists. Tomorrow it will be the same with
your place. We admit fighting among soldiers, that is war; but we are
pitiless with civilians. Paris and the whole of France need a terrible
example which shall remind them that warfare by civilians is a crime
that cannot be too severely punished."

My energetic protest against the accusation concerning the cathedral
and my other doubts formulated against the intervention of civilians
(I did not know what was the nature of the engagement in the Faubourg)
seemed to interest the officer, who promised to make a report to the
General and to plead our cause. Thanks to God, the sentence was
repealed; our poor Mayor and ten hostages were shot, but the city was
spared.

Such are the facts, which I thought might be of interest in your
researches. I am at your orders to complete them if you need more.

I beg you, Sir, to accept the expression of my most respectful
sentiments.

(Signed.) DOURLENT.
Curate Archpresbyter of Senlis.


No. 5.

THE LIBRARY OF LOUVAIN.

_To close the series of depositions collected by us, here is that of
M. Paul Delannoy, Librarian of the University of Louvain. The few
lines he was kind enough to address to us will suffice to show the
extent of the treasure formerly at Louvain and also of the disaster
accomplished, which seems irreparable:_

The library of the University of Louvain possessed 500 manuscripts,
about 800 incunabulae, and 250,000 to 300,000 volumes. One noted
especially the original of the bull of foundation of the university in
1425, an example on vellum of the famous work of André Vésale, De
Humani Corporis Fabrica, an example given to the university by Charles
V., a precious manuscript by Thomas à Kempis. The bibliographical
curiosities were numerous; the collection of old Flemish bindings of
the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries contained some curious
specimens. The souvenirs of the ancient university, seals, diplomas,
medals, &c., were preciously guarded in cases. The old printed matters
of the sixteenth century formed an extremely rare treasury; all the
pieces, pamphlets, and placards on the reform of the Low Countries
were kept together in a "varia" volume, thus constituting a unique
ensemble. It was the same with a host of pieces relating to Jansenism.

The great halls of the books, with artistic woodwork, were jewels of
eighteenth century architecture; the Salle des Pas-Perdus of the
Halles Universitaires, with its vaults and capitals, has been
reproduced in manuals of art and archaeology.

The reading room of the library contained a whole gallery of portraits
of professors of the ancient university; this museum was a very
precious source for the literary history of the Low Countries.

PAUL DELANNOY.


No. 6.

THE TESTIMONY OF M. PIERRE LOTI.

_Finally, covering these various testimonies, and deriving from his
illustrious signature a character of high distinction, here is what M.
Pierre Loti writes us:_

More or less, everywhere in the north and east of our dear France, I
have seen with my eyes the German abominations, in which, without this
experience, I could not have believed.

In indignation and horror I associate myself with the protestations
above, as well as with all those, not yet formulated, which will come
out later on and which will always be below the monstrous reality.

PIERRE LOTI.

_So we may say that the present memorial, tempered many a time, is
less an excessive than a perfectly moderate picture._


APPENDIX II.

No. 1.

NOTRE DAME DE PARIS.

_It will be remembered that on the 11th of October a Taube, having
managed to penetrate the zone of Paris, flew over the city, hovered
just above Notre Dame, and dropped several bombs on the cathedral.
Note that this was on Sunday and that at the hour when this Taube
accomplished its disastrous mission there was in Notre Dame a very
great crowd of worshippers. None of them was hurt, but the distinction
was undeniably that of killing unarmed people and mutilating a marvel
of French art._

_Let us now read the first report, signed by M. Harancourt, who was
able to proceed to interesting discoveries on the very day of the
attempt:_

Musée des Thermes et de l'Hôtel de Cluny.
Sunday, Oct. 11, 1914.

To the Under Secretary of State for the Fine Arts, Service of Historic
Monuments.

As I reside in the arrondissement of Notre Dame, I got to the
cathedral some moments after the explosion of the bombs. In the
company of a Commissary of Police, of an architect of the city, of a
Canon, and of two Sergeants of the Fire Department, I examined the
damage caused in order to be able to advise the Service of Historical
Monuments immediately if the case should be urgent.

The bomb exploded on the west slope of the roof of the north transept,
a little above the gutter, near the clock. After having pierced the
lead covering it seems to have exploded only after having struck the
transverse beam, whose end is splintered. The explosion, having thus
taken place under the covering, pushed the edges of the tear outward,
making a hole in this covering through which a young person could
pass; six small beams were split round about. The bomb was loaded like
shrapnel, apparently with leaden bullets of different calibres, for
the roof is riddled with circular holes to a distance of twenty meters
from there. The holes are of various diameters, but none of the
bullets could be found. The nearest turret was damaged--several
ornaments were broken from it--the modern clockstand that incases the
big clock was riddled by pieces of shell. The bomb thrown at the apse
and which fell in the garden was not this time a shrapnel bomb, but an
incendiary bomb, which only threw out a sheet of flame. The third
having fallen into the Seine, toward the south side of the porch, it
is difficult to say whether it was a shrapnel bomb or an incendiary.

To sum up, the damage from the artistic point of view is almost nil;
it simply calls for some work by carpenters and roofers.

But the intention to harm the building is evident, and I have thought
that perhaps it would be well to take certain precautions to protect,
if possible, the fine fourteenth century statue of the Virgin that
stands near the pillar, and that it is not impossible perhaps to
transfer it to a safer place.

E. HARANCOURT,
Member of the Commission on Historical Monuments.


_A report from M. Paul Boeswillwald, Inspector General of Historical
Monuments, confirms the first statements:_

Historical Monuments, Cathedral of Paris.

PARIS, Oct. 12, 1914.

The Inspector General of Historical Monuments to the Under Secretary
of State for the Fine Arts.

I have the honor to report that I went this morning to Notre Dame to
examine the damage caused by the bomb thrown yesterday afternoon on to
the cathedral by a German aviator. The bomb struck the lower part of
the west slope of the top of the north transept, tearing the lead,
breaking a piece of the wooden frame, and smashing by its explosion
the crown of the pinnacle which cuts the balustrade at the right of
the flying buttress intermediary in the sexpartite vault of the
transept. Other effects of the explosion were the striking of some
stones and the leads of the dormer window which carries the frame of a
clock, as also some small windows. The fragments of the pinnacle fell
on the roof of the lower slope, where they made a deep imprint on the
lead cover without breaking it through.

The projectile was not an incendiary bomb, since the wood splintered
by it bears no trace of fire.

To resume, the damage is, fortunately, quite unimportant.

The order has been given to set aside all the fragments of stone
belonging to the decoration of the pinnacle, remains of crockets,
ornaments, &c.

(Signed) PAUL BOESWILLWALD.

_With all the friends of civilization and of art, we think that the
question of the slightness of the damage caused by this Taube is not
to be considered at all. But the fact of this Taube having
accomplished such a raid with the sole design of bombarding a
cathedral in a peaceful city, 100 kilometres off from the military
operations--is it not the most patent and evident demonstration of the
kind of Neronian dilettantism which, along with calculation, inspires
the crimes of the barbarians?_


APPENDIX III.

No. 1.

WHAT OUR PROVINCIAL CITIES ARE.

_Here is a page published by Anatole France apropos of the bombardment
of Soissons:_

I had just read in a newspaper that the Germans, who have been
bombarding Soissons these four months, have dropped eighty shells on
the cathedral. A moment later chance brought before me a book of M.
André Hallays, where I find these lines, which I take pleasure in
transcribing:

"Soissons is a white city, peaceful and smiling, that raises its tower
and pointed spires at the edge of a lazy river, at the centre of a
circle of green hills. The city and the landscape make one think of
the little pictures that the illuminators of our old manuscripts
lovingly painted.... Precious monuments show the whole history of the
French Monarchy, from the Merovingian crypts of the Abbaye de
Saint-Médard to the fine mansion erected on the eve of the Revolution
for the Governors of the province. Amid narrow streets and little
gardens a magnificent cathedral extends the two arms of its great
transept; at the north is a straight wall, and an immense
stained-glass window; at the south, that marvelous apse where the
ogive and the full centre combine in so delicate a fashion." ("Around
Paris," Page 207.)

That charming page from a writer who dearly loves the cities and
monuments of France brought tears to my eyes. It charmed my sadness. I
want to thank my colleague for it publicly.

The brutal and stupid destruction of monuments consecrated by art and
the years is a crime that war does not excuse. May it be an eternal
opprobrium for the Germans!


No. 2.

MARTYRDOM THAT ENNOBLES.

_To illustrate this memorial, which is first addressed to the Friends
of the Beautiful, and whose object is to touch the heart, we give a
sonnet of M. Edmond Rostand. It is entitled, "The Cathedral," and will
show that pride may be taken by the victim of violence, and that a
crime against the beautiful diminishes only the brute who commits it:_

Nought have they done but render it more immortal! The work does not
perish that a scoundrel has struck. Ask Phidias, then, or ask of Rodin
if before bits of his work men no longer say, "It is his!" The
fortress dies when once dismantled, but the temple shattered lives but
the more nobly; and our eyes, of a sudden, remember the roof with
disdain and prefer to see the sky in the lace work of the stone. Let
us give thanks, since till now we lacked what the Greeks possess on
the hill of gold--the symbol of beauty consecrated by insult! Let us
give thanks to the layers of the stupid cannon, since from their
German skill there results for them--shame; for us--a Parthenon!


No. 3.

A SOLEMN PROTEST.

_We mean the one issued on the 29th of October by the Académie
Française at one of its sessions, meeting under the Presidency of M.
Marcel Prévost, M. Etienne Lamy being Perpetual Secretary. The
President of the Republic, M. Raymond Poincaré, made it a point to be
present at this session, and here is the document that, after long
deliberation, was approved by the unanimous vote of the members
present:_

The Académie Française protests against all the affirmations by which
Germany lyingly imputes to France or to its allies the responsibility
for the war.

It protests against all the negations opposed to the evident
authenticity of the abominable acts committed by the German armies.

In the name of French civilization and human civilization, it
stigmatizes the violators of Belgian neutrality, the killers of women
and children, the savage destroyers of noble monuments of the past,
the incendiaries of the University of Louvain, of the Cathedral of
Rheims, and those who wanted also to burn Notre Dame.

It expresses its enthusiasm for the armies that struggle against the
coalition of Germany and Austria.

With profound emotion it salutes our soldiers who, animated by the
virtues of our ancestors, are thus demonstrating the immortality of
France.

_When these words were published they may have appeared excessive to
certain minds outside of the best-informed circles.... Since then
diplomatic documents have appeared, followed by various official
reports on German atrocities, and today the truth is known to all._


No. 4.

THE FRENCH POINT OF VIEW.

_On the 9th of November the President of the Council, M. René
Viviani, traveled to Rheims in order to deliver to the Mayor, M.
Langlet, the Cross of the Legion of Honor that his courage had gained
for him. On this occasion the President of the Council pronounced the
discourse from which the following is cited as exhibiting French
thought on the present war:_

As if it were really necessary to accentuate the rôle of France,
German militarism has raised its voice. It proclaims, through the
organ of those whose mission it is to think for it, the cult of force
and that history asks no accounts from the victor. We are not a
chimerical people, nor dreamers, we do not despise force; only we put
it in its place, which is at the service of the right. It is for the
right that we are contending, for that Belgium is struggling by our
side, she who sacrificed herself for honor; and for that, also, our
English and Russian allies whose armies, while waiting till they can
tread this unchained force under foot, oppose it with an invincible
rampart. France is not a preying country; it does not stretch out
rapacious hands to enslave the world. Since war has been forced upon
her, she makes war. Soon the legitimate reparations will come which
shall restore to the French hearth the souls that the brutality of
arms separated from it. Associated in a work of human liberation we
shall go on, allies and Frenchmen united in war and for peace, as long
as we have not broken Prussian militarism and the sword of murder with
the sword of freedom.

[Illustration]




Chronology of the War

Showing Progress of Campaigns on All Fronts and Collateral Events from
June 15, 1915, Up to and Including July 15, 1915.


CAMPAIGN IN EASTERN EUROPE

June 16--Austro-German drive toward Lemberg continues, although
Russians are moving reinforcements to their retreating line; only
section where Russians are checking the Teutonic allies is that
between the Dniester marshes and Zurawna; Austrian official statement
says that 108 Russian officers, 122,300 men, 53 cannon, and 187
machine guns were captured during the first fifteen days of June;
Russians estimate that 2,800,000 men are operating against them.

June 17--Austro-German drive at Lemberg continues from the west and
northwest; at one point Russians are retreating over their own
frontier toward Tarnogrod, four miles from the Galician border;
Austro-Germans have battered their way through Niemerow, thirty miles
northwest of Lemberg, and are advancing toward Jaworow, twenty-five
miles from Lemberg.

June 18--Austro-Germans are nearer Lemberg; the battle for the
Galician capital is raging along a fortified line at Grodek, sixteen
miles west of Lemberg; Austro-Germans drive Russians across the
frontier of Poland near Tarnogrod, which falls into the hands of the
Teutonic allies; Austrians penetrate ten miles into Bessarabia.

June 19--Austro-Germans make important gains in their drive on
Lemberg; they take the strongly fortified town of Grodek, and cross
the River Tanew; they take Komarno, twenty miles southwest of Lemberg.

June 20--Russians are in general retreat along their entire front west
of Lemberg; Mackensen's men take Russian trenches along a front of
nearly twenty-four miles northwest of Lemberg.

June 21--Austro-Germans take Rawa Ruska, and are now fighting east of
that town, the investment of Lemberg being almost complete; advance
forces of the Teutonic allies are within nine miles of the limits of
Lemberg; north and south of Lemberg the Russians are falling back
toward the city; on the Upper Dniester the Russians are beginning to
evacuate their positions.

June 22--Austro-German forces take Lemberg, capital of Galicia, which
has been held by the Russians since Sept. 3, and which they have
called Lvov, the Second Austrian Army, under General von
Boehm-Ermolli, entering first; Russians withdraw systematically and in
good order, leaving behind few prisoners and removing the Russian
documents from the city; Russians along practically the whole line in
Galicia are abandoning as much territory as they can cover in the
twenty-four hours each day, retreating in fairly good order.

June 23--Russians are retreating near Rawa Ruska and Zolkiew; Russians
are also retreating between the San and Vistula Rivers and in the hill
district of Kielce, Russian Poland; Montenegrins are marching against
Scutari, Albania, in three columns.

June 24--Russians are still retreating in Galicia.

June 25--Russians throw part of General Linsingen's army back across
the Dniester to the south bank; Petrograd reports that the Russian
armies, despite their weeks of retreat in Galicia, are practically
intact, and that they have inflicted vast losses on the
Austro-Germans, having captured 130,000 men, 60 cannon, and nearly 300
machine guns; severe fighting in Bessarabia.

June 27--Russians retreat in Galicia, both north and south of Lemberg;
Serbians capture Micharskaada, Austria, near Shabatz, taking much war
material.

June 28--Austro-Germans take the Galician town of Halicz and cross the
Dniester; Russians are falling back to the Gnila Lipa River; northeast
of Lemberg the Austro-Germans are forcing back the Russians, who are
forming along the Bug River; Montenegrins occupy the Albanian harbor
of Giovanni Medua and are now marching on Alessio.

June 29--Austro-Germans drive Russians across the Russian frontier
north of Lemberg, taking the town of Tomaszow, Poland; Austro-Germans
reach the Gnila Lipa River and the Bug River, near Kamionka; Rome
reports that the Montenegrins have entered Scutari, Albania.

June 30--To the north and northwest of Lemberg the Russians continue
to retreat; the Austro-Germans take another Polish town, Zawichost,
just over the frontier.

July 1--Austro-Germans continue their drive into Poland from Galicia,
and take the fortress of Zamost, twenty-five miles north of the
Galician frontier; east of Lemberg the Austrian troops are pressing
forward; von Mackensen's troops advance between the Vistula and Bug
Rivers; Austrian official statement says that during June the
Teutonic allies in Galicia captured 521 officers, 194,000 men, 93
guns, 164 machine guns, 78 caisson, and 100 military railway
carriages.

July 2--Austro-Germans continue to advance in Galicia and Poland.

July 3--Austro-Germans continue to advance as the Russians fall back
in good order; west of Zamosc the Russians are repulsed beyond the Por
River; east of Krasnik, the Austro-Germans capture Studzianki; it is
unofficially estimated by Berlin experts that from May 2 until June 27
the Russians left in the hands of the Germans 1,630 officers and
520,000 men as prisoners, 300 field guns, 770 machine guns, and vast
quantities of war material.

July 4--Linsingen's army is advancing toward the Zlota Lipa River, the
Russians falling back; along the Bug River Mackensen's armies are
attacking; Teutonic allies take the heights north of Krasnik; there is
fierce fighting in the Russian Baltic provinces.

July 5--Russians are making a desperate stand between the Pruth and
Dniester Rivers.

July 6--With the exception of certain sectors between the Vistula and
the Bug Rivers, the Austro-German drive seems to be losing its
momentum: the Russians are holding at most points along their line.

July 7--Russians, who have been strongly reinforced, check the
Austro-German advance toward the Lublin Railway, which threatens to
imperil Warsaw.

July 8--Russians hold up Austro-German attempt to outflank Warsaw from
the southwest; Austrians are compelled to retire north of Krasnik;
Austro-Germans are checked on the lower Zlota Lipa River.

July 10--Russians are delivering smashing blows against the Austrians,
commanded by Archduke Ferdinand, in Southern Poland.

July 12--On the East Prussian front, near Suwalki, the Germans take
2-1/2 miles of Russian trenches; in the Lublin region, Southern
Poland, the Russian troops, having completed their counter-offensive
movement, occupy the positions assigned to them on the heights of the
right bank of the River Urzendooka; Austrians repulse strong and
repeated Montenegrin attacks on the Herzegovina frontier.

July 13--The Austrians in the Lublin region are retreating toward the
Galician frontier and some of them have crossed the border into their
own territory.

July 15--Germans renew their drive on Warsaw from the north, and take
Przasnysz, a fortified town fifty miles north of Warsaw.


CAMPAIGN IN WESTERN EUROPE

June 16--British resume offensive near Ypres, north of Hooge,
capturing trenches along a front of 1,000 yards; French make gains
north of Arras, in the labyrinth, and near Souchez and Lorette;
French make progress in the Vosges, on both banks of the Fecht River.

June 17--After severe fighting for two days, during which the Germans
bring 220,000 men into action and the French fire 300,000 shells,
French make important gains near Souchez and at other points in the
sector north of Arras; French retain nearly all their gains, despite
furious counter-attacks.

June 18--A strong and concerted attack is being made by the British
and French upon the German front from east of Ypres to south of Arras;
British retain a first line of German trenches won east of Ypres.

June 19--French carry by assault the position of Fond de Buval, a
ravine west of the road between Souchez and Aix-Noulette, where
fighting has been in progress since May 9; French advance northwest of
the labyrinth; French advance farther on the Fecht River in Alsace,
Germans evacuating Metzeral, after setting it on fire.

June 20--Germans make a strong attack on the French lines in the
Western Argonne, the French stating that it was preceded by a
bombardment with asphyxiating projectiles.

June 21--French take trenches on the heights of the Meuse; in Lorraine
the French advance and take the works to the west of Gondrexon; in
Alsace the French are advancing beyond Metzeral in the direction of
Meyerhof.

June 22--It is officially announced that the French are in possession
of the labyrinth, for which furious fighting has been in progress day
and night since May 30; the labyrinth consists of a vast network of
fortifications built by the Germans between Neuville-St. Vaast and
Ecurie, north of Arras, forming a salient of the German line.

June 25--On the heights of the Meuse, at the Calonne trench, Germans
make a violent night attack, with the aid of asphyxiating bombs and
flaming liquids, and penetrate that portion of the former German
second line of defense recently taken by the French, but the French
retake the ground by a counter-attack.

June 26--Germans retake some of their trenches north of Souchez.

June 27--Violent artillery fighting occurs in Belgium and north of
Arras.

June 28--Severe artillery duels are fought along the front from the
Aisne to Flanders.

June 29--Heavy cannonading is in progress north of Arras, particularly
near Souchez.

June 30--Artillery actions are fought north of Arras and on the banks
of the Yser; in the Argonne the Germans gain a foothold at some points
of the French line near Bagatelle.

July 1--North of Arras and along the Aisne heavy artillery engagements
are being fought.

July 2--In the western part of the Argonne a German army under the
Crown Prince takes the offensive, and northwest of Le Four-de-Paris
German troops advance from one-eighth to one-fifth of a mile on a
three-mile front, taking war material and prisoners.

July 3--German artillery carries on severe bombardments along
practically the whole front; French repulse two German attacks in the
region of Metzeral.

July 4--Spirited artillery actions are fought in the region of
Nieuport and on the Steenstraete-Het Sase front.

July 5--Germans take trenches from the French at the Forest of Le
Prêtre; French repulse attacks north of Arras.

July 6--British gain near Ypres, expelling Germans from trenches near
Pilkem won during the gas assaults in April.

July 8--French take 800 yards of trenches north of the Souchez railway
station, Germans recapturing 100 yards; German counter-attacks on the
trenches southwest of Pilkem, recently taken by the British, are
repulsed by British and French artillery.

July 9--British press on north of Ypres, the Germans falling back
after a two-days' bombardment; in the Vosges, near Fontenelle, the
French advance.

July 10--French check the Germans north of Arras and the Belgians
check them on the Yser.

July 11--Artillery actions are in progress at Nieuport, in the region
of the Aisne, in Champagne, in the territory between the Upper Meuse
and Moselle, and in the Vosges: Arras and Rheims are again shelled.

July 13--German Crown Prince's army, attacking in force, is thrown
back by the French in the Argonne, the move being regarded by military
observers as the beginning of a new offensive against Verdun.

July 14--The German Crown Prince's army in the Argonne advances
two-thirds of a mile, the French then halting it.

July 15--Germans hold gains made in the Argonne.


ITALIAN CAMPAIGN

June 16--Along the Isonzo River, on the line from Podgora to
Montforton and to the intersection of the Monfalcone Canal, Austrians
are holding Italians in check by elaborate defenses, which include
intrenchments sometimes in several lines and often in masonry or
concrete, reinforced by metallic sheeting and protected by a network
of mines or batteries often placed below ground; Italians are
attacking Austrian positions at Goritz.

June 17--After a two-days' fight, Italians take the heights near
Plava, on the left bank of the Isonzo River; Italians operating in the
Trentino occupy Mori, five miles from Rovereto.

June 18--Austrians are taking the offensive from Mori and Rovereto
against the Italians at Brentonico, at Serravale, and in the Arsa
Valley; Austrians repulse Italians near Plava; Italians are shelling
Gradisca.

June 19--It is unofficially reported from Rome that the Italian army
now occupies 10,000 square kilometers of "unredeemed" territory, or
more than twice as much as Austria offered to Italy for remaining
neutral.

June 20--In the Monte Nero region, Italians take further positions;
Italians repulse two counter-attacks on the Isonzo.

June 21--Italians are making a general attack on Austrian positions;
Austrians repulse Italians east of the Fassa Valley; Austrians repulse
two attacks near Preva.

June 22--Italians have had heavy losses during the last four days in
attempting to take by assault Austrian positions along the Isonzo
River.

June 23--Italians gain possession of all the positions defending
Malborgeth in Carnia, after hard fighting, and are bombarding the
city.

June 24--Austrians take a general offensive, made possible by
extensive reinforcements, but fail to make gains; heavy artillery
fighting is in progress along the Isonzo.

June 25--Italians are advancing gradually along the Isonzo River and
have taken Globna, north of Plava, and on the lower Isonzo have taken
the edge of the plateau between Sagrado and Monfalcone.

June 27--West of the Monte Croce Pass the Italians occupy the summit
of Zeillenkofel, 2,500 feet high; official Italian report states that
at various points on the Isonzo River the Austrians are using shells
containing asphyxiating gases.

June 28--Italians have entered Austrian territory south of Riva, on
the western side of Lake Garda, through the Nota Vil passes about
5,000 feet high, and have descended the precipitous cliffs of Carone
Mountain, over 8,000 feet high, and have entered the Ledro Valley,
reaching the Ponale River.

June 29--Austrian artillery is active in the Tyrol and Trentino
regions.

June 30--Italians on the Carnic front capture three passes in the
Alps; Austrians repulse attacks in the Monfalcone and Sagrado
district, and near Plava.

July 1--Austrians repulse Italians northeast of Monfalcone.

July 2--Italians take the village of Tolmino, on the Isonzo, north of
Gorizia, but the Austrians hold the neighboring fortifications and are
bombarding the village.

July 3--Italians make slight gains along the Isonzo; Austrians repulse
repeated Italian attacks near Folazzo and Sagrado.

July 4--A battle is raging on the Isonzo River, between Caporetto and
Gradisca; Italians are advancing on the east bank between Plava and
Tolmino.

July 5--Italians are shelling the Austrian defensive works at
Malborgeth and Predil.

July 6--Austrian attacks in the Tyrol and Trentino region are
repulsed; Italians gain ground on the Carso plateau beyond the Isonzo.

July 7--Austrians repulse repeated and strong Italian attacks against
the Doberdo Plateau; Austrians hold the bridgehead at Goritz, despite
terrific bombardment by massed guns.

July 8--Italians repulse attacks in Carnia; Italians are slowly
advancing on the Carnic Plateau.

July 9--In the upper Ansici Valley the Italian artillery bombards
Platzwisce Fort; Italian artillery continues to bombard the defenses
of Malborgeth and Predil Pass.

July 12--Austrians are making desperate attempts to penetrate Italy
through the Carnic Alps, relying chiefly upon night attacks, but all
attacks have thus far been repulsed.

July 13--Attempt to invade Italian territory at Kreusberg is repulsed
with heavy loss.

July 14--Italians take two miles of Austrian trenches in the Carnic
Alps; Italians take two forts south of Goritz.


TURKISH CAMPAIGN

June 16--Turkish artillery damages Allies' positions at Avi Burnu.

June 17--British repulse Turks who attempt to retake trenches lost by
them a few days ago; a German officer leads the Turks.

June 20--Turks are undertaking offensive operations in the Caucasus;
Turks defeat Russians near Olti, Transcaucasia, fifty-five miles west
of Kars, capturing war material.

June 21--Turkish Asiatic batteries bombard allied columns on way to
new positions.

June 22--French attack Turkish lines along two-thirds of the entire
front on the Gallipoli Peninsula, infantry charges following a heavy
bombardment; on the left the French carry two lines of the Turkish
trenches and hold them against counter-attacks; to the right, after an
all-day battle, the French also take Turkish works, most of which are
wrecked by the French artillery; the French now hold the ground
commanding the head of the ravine of Kereves Dere, which had been
defended by the Turks for several months.

June 27--In the Caucasus region the Russians recently occupied the
town of Gob, twenty-five miles north of Lake Van, and Russian forces
are moving toward Biltis, Armenia, where Turkish forces are
concentrated.

June 30--Allies take several lines of Turkish trenches near Krithia.

July 2--Recent gains made by the Allies on the Gallipoli Peninsula are
held despite furious counter-attacks.

July 4--Turks deliver a general attack, preceded by a heavy
bombardment, against the Allies' line on the southern part of the
Gallipoli Peninsula, but are repulsed with severe losses.

July 7--In a furious fight on the southern part of the Gallipoli
Peninsula, British and French advance their lines five-eighths of a
mile, inflicting Turkish losses which they estimate at 21,000; the
advance is part of the work of throwing forces around Atchi Baba,
described as now being one of the strongest fortresses in the world.

July 9--Turkish forces, supported by Arabs, are threatening Aden.

July 13--Lively fighting between the Russians and Turks has occurred
recently north and south of Van Lake, Turkish Armenia, and south of
Olti, Transcaucasia, the Russians having the advantage.


CAMPAIGN IN AFRICA

June 19--French Minister of Colonies announces that on May 24, after
heavy fighting, French colonial troops forced the Germans to
capitulate at Monso, Kamerun, after taking position after position;
the French captured many prisoners, including considerable numbers of
white troops, and large amounts of stores; French troops continue an
offensive movement toward Besam, southeast of Lomis.

June 25--By land and water the British attack the German fortified
port of Bukoba, German East Africa, on Lake Victoria Nyanza,
destroying the fort, putting the wireless station out of action,
sinking many boats, and capturing and destroying guns.

July 8--All the German military forces in German Southwest Africa
surrender unconditionally to General Botha, commander of the forces of
the Union of South Africa.


NAVAL RECORD--GENERAL

June 18--Austrian squadron bombards Italian coast at the mouth of the
Tagliamento River, but withdraws on being attacked by Italian
destroyers; Austrian destroyer shells Monopoli; Austrian torpedo boat
sinks Italian merchantman Maria Grecia; Italian squadron, supported by
an Anglo-French contingent, bombards several islands of the Dalmatian
Archipelago, doing considerable damage.

June 21--Allied ships bombard Turkish batteries on Asiatic side of the
Dardanelles.

June 22--German warships in the Baltic Sea capture five Swedish
steamers, lumber laden, bound for England; French battleship St. Louis
bombards Turkish batteries on Asiatic side of the Dardanelles.

June 24--British torpedo gunboat Hussar bombards the ports of Chesmeh,
Lidia, and Aglelia, opposite Chios, destroying small Turkish vessels
and doing other damage.

June 26--Netherlands steamer Ceres is sunk by a mine in the Gulf of
Bothnia, crew being saved.

June 30--British torpedo boat destroyer Lightning is damaged off the
east coast of England by a mine or torpedo explosion, but makes
harbor; fourteen of the crew missing.

July 2--A battle occurs between Russian and German squadrons in the
Baltic, between the Island of Oeland and the Courland coast; after a
brief engagement the German squadron, outnumbered and outmatched in
strength, flees; the German mine layer Albatross is wrecked by Russian
gunfire and is beached by her crew; the Russian squadron then sails
northward, sighting another German squadron, which is also outmatched
in strength; the German ships flee after a thirty-minute fight, a
German torpedo boat being damaged; Dutch lugger Katwyk 147 is sunk by
a mine in the North Sea, ten of crew being lost.

July 6--Italy closes the Adriatic Sea to navigation by merchant
vessels of all countries.


NAVAL RECORD--SUBMARINES

June 16--German submarine sinks British steamer Strathnairn off Scilly
Isles, twenty-two of the crew being drowned; German submarines sink
British trawlers Petrel, Explorer, and Japonica.

June 17--Austrian submarine torpedoes and sinks Italian submarine
Medusa, this being the first instance on record of the sinking of one
undersea boat by another; German Admiralty announces the loss of the
submarine U-14, her crew being captured by the British; Athens reports
that a British submarine has torpedoed and sunk three Turkish
transports, loaded with troops, in the Dardanelles above Nagara;
German submarine sinks British steamer Trafford, crew being saved.

June 18--German submarine sinks British steamer Ailsa off Scotland,
crew being saved.

June 19--German Admiralty states that the submarine U-29, commanded by
Captain Weddigen, which was destroyed weeks ago, was rammed and sunk
by a British tank steamer flying the Swedish flag, after the tanker
had been ordered to stop; British Government makes an official
statement that the U-29 was sunk by "one of His Majesty's ships";
German submarine sinks British steamer Dulcie, one of the crew being
lost.

June 20--German submarine torpedoes British cruiser Roxburgh in the
North Sea; the damage is not serious and the cruiser proceeds to port
under her own steam.

June 21--German submarine sinks by gunfire the British steamer
Carisbrook, crew being saved.

June 22--It is officially announced at Petrograd that Russian
submarines have sunk a large Turkish steamer and two sailing vessels
in the Black Sea.

June 23--German submarine torpedoes and then burns Norwegian steamer
Truma, near the Shetland Islands, crew being saved.

June 26--Austrian submarine torpedoes and sinks an Italian torpedo
boat in the Northern Adriatic.

June 27--German submarine sinks British schooner Edith, crew being
saved.

June 28--German submarine U-38 sinks the British steamer Armenian, of
the Leyland Line, off the Cornwall coast, twenty-nine men being lost
and ten injured; among the dead are twenty Americans, employed as
attendants for the horses and mules composing the chief portion of the
Armenian's cargo; recital of one of the crew of the British submarine
E-11--the vessel which entered the Sea of Marmora and the harbor of
Constantinople, her commander being given the Victoria Cross and each
of the crew the Distinguished Service Medal--shows that the E-11 sank
one Turkish gunboat, one Turkish supply ship, one German transport,
three Turkish steamers, and six Turkish transports.

June 29--German submarine sinks British steamer Scottish Monarch,
fifteen of crew being lost; German submarines sink Norwegian steamers
Cambuskenneth and Gjeso, and Norwegian sailing vessel Marna; the crews
are saved.

June 30--British steamer Lomas is sunk by a German submarine, one man
being killed; British bark Thistlebank is sunk by a German submarine;
some of crew missing.

July 1--German submarines sink British steamers Caucasian and
Inglemoor, crews being saved; German submarine sinks Italian ship
Sardomene off Irish coast, two of crew being killed and several
wounded.

July 2--German submarines sink steamer Welbury, bark Sardozne, and
schooner L.C. Tower, all British, the crews being saved; captain of
the Tower says that the submarine which sank his ship was disguised
with rigging, two dummy canvas funnels, two masts, and a false bow and
stern, having the appearance of a deeply laden steamer; at the
entrance of Danzig Bay a Russian submarine blows up by two torpedoes a
German battleship of the Deutschland class, which is steaming at the
head of a German squadron, while a Russian destroyer rams a German
submarine.

July 3--German submarines sink the steamships Larchmore, Renfrew,
Gadsby, Richmond, and Craigard, all British, and the Belgian steamship
Boduognat, the crews being saved; Russian submarine in the Black Sea
sinks two Turkish steamers and one sailing ship.

July 4--German submarine sinks French steamer Carthage.

July 5--German submarines sink Norwegian bark Fiery Cross and British
schooner Sunbeam.

July 7--Nearly 20,000 vessels have entered or left the Port of
Liverpool since the German submarine blockade began, yet only 29 ships
have been captured or destroyed; Austrian submarine sinks Italian
armored cruiser Amalfi in Upper Adriatic, most of the officers and
crew being saved.

July 10--British steamer Ellesmere, Norwegian steamer Nordaas, and
Italian steamer Clio are sunk by German submarines; one of the crew of
the Nordaas is killed.


AERIAL RECORD

June 16--Official British statement shows that sixteen persons were
killed and forty injured by a Zeppelin raid on the northeast coast of
England on June 15, and that twenty-four persons were killed and forty
injured by a Zeppelin raid on the same coast on June 6; German
aeroplanes drop bombs on Nancy, St. Die, and Belfort.

June 17--Sub-Lieutenant Warneford, who won the Victoria Cross for
blowing a Zeppelin to pieces, is killed by the fall of his aeroplane
at Buc, France; French air squadrons bombard German reserve forces at
Givenchy and in the Forest of La Folie, dispersing troops about to
attack the French; squadron of Italian dirigibles bombards Austrian
positions at Monte Santo and intrenchments facing Gradisca, doing
considerable damage; the squadron also damages the Ovoladeaga station
on the railroad from Gorizia to Dornberg.

June 18--Italian dirigible bombards an ammunition factory near
Trieste.

June 19--In a duel between a French and a German aeroplane near Thann,
in Upper Alsace, fought at a height of 10,500 feet, the French aviator
kills the German.

June 20--Germans shoot down one allied aeroplane near Iseghem,
Flanders, and another near Vouziers, in Champagne.

June 21--Austrian naval planes bombard the railway stations at Bari
and Brindisi, doing considerable damage; allied aeroplanes bombard
Turkish batteries on Asiatic side of the Dardanelles.

June 22--British aeroplane drops three bombs on Smyrna, causing
seventy casualties in the garrison.

June 25--French aviators drop twenty bombs on the station of Douai,
fifteen miles northeast of Arras.

June 26--British aviators drop bombs near Roulers, Belgium, causing
the explosion of a large ammunition depot and the killing of fifty
German soldiers.

June 27--French aeroplane drops eight shells on the Zeppelin hangars
at Friedrichshafen.

July 1--French aeroplanes drop bombs on Zeebrugge and Bruges, but
slight damage is done.

July 2--Austrian aeroplane bombards the town of Cormons, Austria, now
in Italian hands, killing a woman and boy, and wounding five other
civilians.

July 3--German aeroplanes bombard a fort near Harwich, England, and
bombard a British torpedo boat destroyer flotilla; German aeroplanes
also bombard Nancy and the railroad station at Dombasle, southeast of
Nancy, severing railroad communication with the fort at Remiremont; a
German aeroplane forces a French aeroplane to alight near Schlucht;
German air squadron drops bombs on Bruges, doing slight damage; French
airmen bombard the railroad stations at Challerange, Zarren, and
Langemarck, in Belgium, and German batteries at Vimy and Beauraing,
doing considerable damage.

July 13--A French squadron of thirty-five aviators drops 171 bombs at
and near the railroad station strategically established by the Germans
at Vigneulles-les-Hattonchatel, where ammunition and other stores are
concentrated; the bombs start several fires; all the aeroplanes
return, though violently cannonaded; French squadron of twenty
aeroplanes bombards with forty shells the station at Libercourt,
between Douai and Lille; aeroplanes furnished with cannon, part of the
squadron, bombard a train.


AUSTRIA-HUNGARY

July 15--A Red Book issued by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs charges
cruelty and breaches of international law against the Allies.


BELGIUM

July 2--General von Bissing, German Governor-General, issues an order
forbidding, under penalty of fine or imprisonment, the wearing or
exhibiting of Belgian insignia in a provocative manner, and forbidding
absolutely the wearing or exhibiting of the insignia of the nations
warring against Germany and her allies.


CANADA

June 23--The Victoria Cross is conferred on three Canadians for
bravery near Ypres, while seventy other Canadians get the C.B., the
C.M.G., or the D.S.O.

July 10--The Canadian casualties since the beginning of the war total
9,982, of which the killed number 1,709.

July 14--Sir Robert Borden, Premier of Canada, now in London, on
invitation of Premier Asquith attends a meeting of the British
Cabinet, this being the first time a colonial minister has joined
British Cabinet deliberations.


FRANCE

June 21--Announcement is made in Paris that the French Postal Service
is handling mail in ninety towns and villages of Alsace, all of which
bear the names they had in 1870; the total amount of credits voted
since the beginning of the war exceeds $3,123,000,000; at present
France's war expenses are about $400,000,000 a month.

July 1--Ministry of War officially states that at no time during the
war has the French artillery used any shells whatever manufactured in
the United States, this statement being called forth by German
declarations that much American ammunition is being used by France.


GERMANY

June 18--Unofficial statement from Berlin shows that the prisoners
thus far taken by the German and Austro-Hungarian armies total
1,610,000, of whom 1,240,000 are Russians, and 255,000 French.

July 1--The Prussian losses alone to the end of June total 1,504,523.


GREAT BRITAIN

June 22--House of Commons unanimously gives a first reading to a bill
authorizing the raising by loan of $5,000,000,000, if that much be
necessary.

June 23--Minister of Munitions Lloyd George announces in the House of
Commons that he has given British labor seven days, beginning
tomorrow, in which to make good the promise of its leaders that men
will rally to the factories in sufficient numbers to produce a maximum
supply of munitions of war; failure will mean compulsion, he states.

July 1--John E. Redmond, leader of the Irish Nationalist Party, in a
speech at Dublin, states that up to June 16, 120,741 Irishmen from
Ireland had joined the army.

July 2--The Munitions Bill is passed in all its stages by the House of
Lords.

July 12--After more than a fortnight's work, the 600 labor bureaus
opened when Minister of Munitions Lloyd George gave labor a chance
voluntarily to enroll as munitions workers, closes with a total
registration of 90,000.

July 13--The total subscription to the war loan is close to
$3,000,000,000, subscribed by 1,097,000 persons, stated by Chancellor
of the Exchequer McKenna to be by far the largest amount subscribed in
the history of the world; Lord Lansdowne tells the House of Lords that
there are now about 460,000 British soldiers at the front.

July 15--Two hundred thousand Welsh coal miners strike, defying the
Ministry.


INDIA

July 4--There are repeated and insistent reports in Europe, chiefly
from German sources, that riots are occurring at various points in
India; it is stated that recently the Indian cavalry at Lahore
mutinied, killed their officers and British civilians, and pillaged
and destroyed hotels and houses; two battalions of troops ready to be
transported to Europe are also said to have mutinied and to have
dispersed, after shooting their officers; there are declared to have
been serious battles between police and mutinous troops in Madras.


RUMANIA

July 7--The Austro-Hungarian Minister to Rumania presents to the
Rumanian Prime Minister proposals offering Rumania certain concessions
in exchange for definite neutrality and facilities for supplying
Turkey with munitions of war; one month is given Rumania for decision.


SOUTH AFRICA

June 21--General Christian de Wet, one of the leaders of the South
African rebellion against the British Government, is found guilty of
treason on eight counts at Bloemfontein, Union of South Africa; he is
sentenced to six years' imprisonment and is fined $10,000.


UNITED STATES

June 16--A report is received by the State Department from Ambassador
Page on the injury to the Nebraskan on May 25, when she was struck by
either a torpedo or a mine; the report contains evidence tending to
show that she was torpedoed by a German submarine.

June 28--Text of the American note to the German Government on the
William P. Frye case, in reply to the last German note on this
subject, which note has just been delivered by Ambassador Gerard, is
made public in Washington.

June 29--Austro-Hungarian Minister of Foreign Affairs sends a note to
the American Ambassador at Vienna protesting against the exports of
arms from the United States.

July 2--A bomb wrecks the east reception room on the main floor of the
Senate wing of the Capitol Building at Washington just before
midnight, no one being injured.

July 3--J.P. Morgan is shot twice at his country estate on East
Island, near Glen Cove, L.I., by Frank Holt, a former instructor in
German at Cornell University, who, under arrest, states that he went
to the Morgan home to induce the banker to use his influence to stop
the exporting of munitions of war, the firm of J.P. Morgan & Co. being
the fiscal agent of the Allies in the United States; both revolver
bullets strike Mr. Morgan in the groin, the attending doctors stating
that no vital organ is affected; by his own confession, Holt is the
one who set the bomb that wrecked the Senate reception room in the
Capitol at Washington last night, saying that he wanted to call the
nation's attention to the export of munitions of war; extra
precautions are being taken by Secret Service men to guard President
Wilson, who is at Cornish, N.H.

July 6--Frank Holt kills himself in the Nassau County Jail at Mineola;
identifications show that Holt was Erich Muenter, a former Harvard
instructor, who murdered his wife by poison in Cambridge in 1906.

July 7--Government decides to take over the Sayville wireless plant at
once, in the interests of neutrality.

July 10--The text is made public of the German reply to the last
American note on submarine warfare and the sinking of the Lusitania;
the reply evades the cardinal points of the American note; makes new
proposals, and shows that the submarine war is to be continued; the
American press generally regards the reply as unsatisfactory.

July 15--Germany expresses formal regrets for the torpedoing of the
American steamship Nebraskan, stating it was due to a mistake, and
offers to pay damages.