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[Illustration]




_THE MAKERS OF CANADA_

CHAMPLAIN

BY

N.E. DIONNE


TORONTO
MORANG & CO., LIMITED
1912

_Entered according to Act of the Parliament of Canada in the year 1905,
by Morang & Co., Limited, in the Department of Agriculture._




CONTENTS


_CHAPTER I_                                         Page
CHAMPLAIN'S FIRST VOYAGE TO AMERICA                    1

_CHAPTER II_
ACADIA--STE. CROIX ISLAND--PORT ROYAL                 17

_CHAPTER III_
THE FOUNDING OF QUEBEC                                39

_CHAPTER IV_
CHAMPLAIN'S VOYAGES OF 1610, 1611, 1613               59

_CHAPTER V_
THE RÉCOLLETS AND THEIR MISSIONS                      81

_CHAPTER VI_
WAR AGAINST THE IROQUOIS, 1615                       101

_CHAPTER VII_
FUR TRADE                                            119

_CHAPTER VIII_
CHAMPLAIN, THE JESUITS AND THE SAVAGES               143

_CHAPTER IX_
THE COMPANY OF NEW FRANCE OR HUNDRED ASSOCIATES      167

_CHAPTER X_
THE CAPITULATION OF QUEBEC, 1629                     187

_CHAPTER XI_
THE LAST EVENTS OF 1629                              199

_CHAPTER XII_
QUEBEC RESTORED                                      211

_CHAPTER XIII_
THE JESUIT MISSIONS IN NEW FRANCE                    227

_CHAPTER XIV_
THE GROWTH OF QUEBEC                                 243

_CHAPTER XV_
CONCLUSION                                           261

CHRONOLOGICAL APPENDIX                               283

INDEX                                                289




INTRODUCTION


In undertaking to write a biography of Samuel Champlain, the founder of
Quebec and the father of New France, our only design is to make somewhat
better known the dominant characteristics of the life and achievements
of a man whose memory is becoming more cherished as the years roll on.

Every one will admire Champlain's disinterested actions, his courage,
his loyalty, his charity, and all those noble and magnificent qualities
which are rarely found united in one individual in so prominent a
degree. We cannot overpraise that self-abnegation which enabled him to
bear without complaint the ingratitude of many of his interpreters, and
the servants of the merchants; nor can we overlook, either, the charity
which he exercised towards the aborigines and new settlers; the
protection which he afforded them under trying circumstances, or his
zeal in promoting the honour and glory of God, and his respect for the
Récollet and Jesuit fathers who honoured him with their cordial
friendship. His wisdom is evidenced in such a practical fact as his
choice of Quebec as the capital of New France, despite the rival claims
of Montreal and Three Rivers, and his numerous writings reveal him to us
as a keen and sagacious observer, a man of science and a skilful and
intrepid mariner. As a cosmographer, Champlain added yet another laurel
to his crown, for he excelled all his predecessors, both by the ample
volume of his descriptions and by the logical arrangement of the
geographical data which he supplied. The impetus which he gave to
cartographical science can scarcely be overestimated.

Naturalist, mariner, geographer, such was Samuel Champlain, and to a
degree remarkable for the age in which he lived. It is, perhaps,
unnecessary to dwell upon the morality of the virtuous founder. The
testimony of the Hurons, who, twenty years after his death, still
pointed to the life of Champlain as a model of all Christian virtues, is
sufficient, and it is certain that no governor under the old régime
presented a more brilliant example of faith, piety, uprightness, or
soundness of judgment. A brief outline of the character of Champlain has
been given in order that the plan of this biography may be better
understood. Let us now glance at his career more in detail.

Before becoming the founder of colonies, Champlain entered the French
army, where he devoted himself to the religion of his ancestors. This
was the first important step in his long and eventful career. A martial
life, however, does not appear to have held out the same inducements as
that of a mariner. An opportunity was presented which enabled him to
gratify his tastes, when the Spanish government sent out an armada to
encounter the English in the Gulf of Mexico. Champlain was given the
command of a ship in this expedition, but his experience during the war
served rather as an occasion to develop his genius as a mariner and
cosmographer, than to add to his renown as a warrior.

God, who in His providence disposes of the lives of men according to His
divine wisdom, directed the steps of Champlain towards the shores of the
future New France. If the mother country had not completely forgotten
this land of ours, discovered by one of her greatest captains, she had,
at least, neglected it. The honour of bringing the king's attention to
this vast country, which was French by the right of discovery, was
reserved for the modest son of Brouage.

While Pierre du Gua, Sieur de Monts, was wasting his years and expending
large sums of money in his fruitless efforts to colonize the island of
Ste. Croix and Port Royal, Champlain's voyage to Acadia and his
discovery of the New England coast were practically useful, and in
consequence Champlain endeavoured to assure de Monts that his own
efforts would be more advantageously directed to the shores of the St.
Lawrence, for here it was obvious that the development of the country
must commence.

Champlain's next step was to found Quebec. With this act began our
colonial history, the foundation of a Canadian people with its long line
of heroic characters distinguished by their simplicity and by their
adherence to the faith of their fathers. Quebec was founded, but nothing
more was accomplished at the moment owing to the lack of means. The
trials of Champlain now commenced. Day by day he had to contend against
his own countrymen. The attractions of fur trading were too great for
the merchants to induce them to settle down and develop the country
around them, and they were unwilling to fulfil their promises or to act
in accordance with the terms of their patents.

During the next twenty years Champlain crossed the ocean eighteen times.
Each voyage was made in the interest of the colony, and he sought by
every means in his power, by prayers and petitions, to obtain the
control of the commerce of the country so as to make it beneficial to
all. In spite of his extraordinary exertions and the force of his will,
he foresaw the fatal issue of his labours.

The settlers were few in number, bread and provisions were scarce, and
the condition of the infant colony was truly deplorable. At this
distressing period a British fleet arrived in the harbour of Quebec.
What was to be done? The rude fortress of St. Louis could not withstand
the assault of an armed fleet, even if it were well defended. But
Champlain had no ammunition, and he, therefore, adopted the only course
open to him of capitulating and handing over the keys of the fort to the
commander, Kirke. Champlain then left Quebec and returned to France.
Bitter was this journey to him, for it was like passing into exile to
see the familiar heights of Quebec fade into the distance, the city of
his foundation and the country of his adoption.

We have an idea of his sorrow during the three years that England
maintained supremacy in Canada, for he says that the days were as long
as months. During his enforced sojourn in France, Champlain exerted all
his energies to revive interest in the abandoned colony. His plan was to
recover the country by all means. Finally success crowned his efforts,
and the treaty of St. Germain-en-Laye gave back to France the young
settlement. Champlain recrossed the sea and planted the lily banner of
France upon the heights of Cape Diamond.

In the year 1635 Champlain was taken ill, and died on Christmas Day,
after having devoted forty years of his life to the promotion of the
religion and commercial interests of the land of his ancestors, but he
bequeathed to the Canadian people the priceless heritage of Quebec, and
the memory of a pure and honest heart.

Before Champlain's death, however, Quebec had commenced to develop. On
the Beauport coast might be seen the residences of many of the settlers
who arrived from the province of Perche in 1634. On the shores of the
river Lairet, the Jesuits had built a convent, where the young Indians
received instruction; and agriculture had received some attention.
Robert Giffard had established a colony at Beauport which formed the
nucleus of a population in this section of the country. Near Fort St.
Louis the steeple of Notre Dame de la Recouvrance gave witness that
Champlain had fulfilled his promise to build a church at Quebec if the
country was restored to her ancient masters.

The colony was now entering upon an era of prosperity, and that harmony
and happiness which Champlain had longed for in his life, and which
occupied his thoughts even in death, were destined to be realized.

                                                  N.E.D.




CHAPTER I

CHAMPLAIN'S FIRST VOYAGE TO AMERICA


Samuel Champlain, the issue of the marriage of Antoine Champlain and
Marguerite Le Roy, was born at Brouage, now Hiers Brouage, a small
village in the province of Saintonge, France, in the year 1570, or
according to the _Biographie Saintongeoise_ in 1567. His parents
belonged to the Catholic religion, as their first names would seem to
indicate.

When quite young Samuel Champlain was entrusted to the care of the
parish priest, who imparted to him the elements of education and
instilled his mind with religious principles. His youth appears to have
glided quietly away, spent for the most part with his family, and in
assisting his father, who was a mariner, in his wanderings upon the sea.
The knowledge thus obtained was of great service to him, for after a
while he became not only conversant with the life of a mariner, but also
with the science of geography and of astronomy. When Samuel Champlain
was about twenty years of age, he tendered his services to Marshal
d'Aumont, one of the chief commanders of the Catholic army in its
expedition against the Huguenots.

When the League had done its work and the army was disbanded in 1598,
Champlain returned to Brouage, and sought a favourable opportunity to
advance his fortune in a manner more agreeable, if possible, to his
tastes, and more compatible with his abilities. In the meantime
Champlain did not remain idle, for he resolved to find the means of
making a voyage to Spain in order "to acquire and cultivate
acquaintance, and make a true report to His Majesty (Henry IV) of the
particularities which could not be known to any Frenchmen, for the
reason that they have not free access there." He left Blavet at the
beginning of the month of August, and ten days after he arrived near
Cape Finisterre. Having remained for six days at the Isle of Bayona, in
Galicia, he proceeded towards San Lucar de Barameda, which is at the
mouth of the river Seville, where he remained for three months. During
this time he went to Seville and made surveys of the place. While
Champlain was at Seville, a _patache_, or advice boat, arrived from
Porto Rico bearing a communication addressed to the king of Spain,
informing him that a portion of the English army had put out to sea with
the intention of attacking Porto Rico.

The king fitted out twenty ships to oppose the English, one of which,
the _Saint Julien_, was commanded by Provençal, Champlain's uncle.
Champlain proposed to join the expedition under his uncle, but Provençal
was ordered elsewhere, and General Soubriago offered the command of the
_Saint Julien_ to Champlain, which he gladly accepted.

The armada set sail in the beginning of January, 1599, and within six
days, favoured by a fresh breeze, the vessels sighted the Canary
Islands. Two months and six days later the armada drew near to the
island called La Désirade, which is the first island approached in this
passage to the Indies. The ships anchored for the first time at Nacou,
which is one of the finest ports of the Guadeloupe. After having passed
Marguerite Island and the Virgins, Champlain proceeded to San Juan de
Porto Rico,[1] where he found that both the town and the castle or
fortress had been abandoned, and that the merchants had either made
their escape or had been taken prisoners. The English army had left the
town and had taken the Spanish governor with them, as he had surrendered
on the condition that his life should be spared.

On leaving Porto Rico the general divided the galleons into three
squadrons, and retained four vessels under his own command. Three were
sent to Porto Bello, and three, including Champlain's vessel, to New
Spain. Champlain arrived at Saint Jean de Luz eight days afterwards,
although the place is fully four hundred leagues from Porto Rico. This
fortress bore the name of San Juan d'Ulloa. Fifteen days afterwards we
find Champlain setting sail for Mexico, situated at a distance of over
one hundred leagues from San Juan.

Champlain was evidently very much interested in this country, and his
description is that of an enthusiast: "It is impossible to see or desire
a more beautiful country than this kingdom of New Spain, which is three
hundred leagues in length, and two hundred in breadth.... The whole of
this country is ornamented with very fine rivers and streams ... the
land is very fertile, producing corn twice in the year ... the trees are
never devoid of fruit and are always green." The voyage to Mexico
occupied a month, and Champlain gave an animated description of the city
of Mexico, of its superb palaces, temples, houses and buildings, and
well laid streets, as well as of the surrounding country.

After leaving Mexico, Champlain returned to San Juan de Luz, and from
there sailed in a _patache_ to Porto Bello, "the most pitiful and evil
residence in the world." The harbour, however, was good, and well
fortified. From Porto Bello to Panama, which is on the sea, the distance
is only seventeen leagues, and it is interesting to read Champlain's
description:--

"One may judge that if the four leagues of land which there are from
Panama to this river were cut through, one might pass from the South
Sea to the ocean on the other side, and thus shorten the route by more
than fifteen hundred leagues; and from Panama to the Straits of Magellan
would be an island, and from Panama to the New-found-lands would be
another island, so that the whole of America would be in two islands."

It is thus seen that the idea of connecting the Atlantic ocean with the
Pacific by cutting through the Isthmus of Panama is not a modern one, as
it was promulgated by Champlain over three hundred years ago.

At this time Spain was in great need of a good transportation service at
the isthmus. The treasures of Peru were sent to Europe by the Panama
route to Porto Bello, from where the ships sailed to the old continent.
The route between the Pacific coast and the Gulf of Mexico was
exceedingly bad. Sometimes the merchants forwarded European goods to
Panama, having them transported to Chagres. Here they were landed in
boats and conveyed to Cruces. From Cruces to Panama mules were employed
for the remainder of the journey. It was, however, the route taken by
travellers visiting Peru, Chili, New Granada, Venezuela, and other
Spanish possessions on the Pacific coast. The most regular connection
between the two oceans was from Fort Acapulco to Vera Cruz, through
Mexico. If Spain had adopted a better line of communication with her
western territories in the New World she might have derived vast
treasure from that source. In the year 1551 Lopez de Gomara, the author
of a "History of Indies," a work written with care and displaying
considerable erudition, proposed to unite the two oceans by means of
canals at three different points, Chagres, Nicaragua and Tehuantepec.
Gomara's proposals were not acted upon, and the honour of carrying out
the project was reserved for France. Ferdinand de Lesseps, who succeeded
in connecting the Mediterranean Sea with the Red Sea, was the man who,
after the lapse of centuries, seriously interested his fellow-countrymen
in boring the Isthmus of Panama.

Champlain returned to San Juan de Luz, where he remained for fifteen
days, and he then proceeded to Havana, the rendezvous of the army and of
the fleet. Eighteen days later he embarked in a vessel bound for
Cartagena, where there was a good port, sheltered from all winds. Upon
his return to Havana Champlain met his general and spent four months in
collecting valuable information relating to the interesting island of
Cuba. From Havana he proceeded past the Bahama channel, approached
Bermuda Island, Terceira, one of the Azores, and sighted Cape St.
Vincent, where he captured two armed English vessels, which were taken
to Seville.

Champlain returned to France in March, 1601, having been absent on his
first voyage for a period of two years and two months, during which time
he collected much valuable information. He also published a small
volume containing plans, maps and engravings, fairly well executed for
the time, and now exceedingly scarce. The manuscript of this volume is
still preserved; it covers one hundred and fifteen pages with sixty-two
drawings, coloured and surrounded with blue and yellow lines. It appears
to have been written between the years 1601 and 1603.[2]

The first voyage of Champlain across the Atlantic, though important from
a military standpoint, did not suffice to satisfy the ambition of a man
whose thoughts were bent upon discovery and colonization. Champlain was
a navigator by instinct, and in his writings he gave to nautical science
the first place.

"Of all the most useful and excellent arts," he writes, "that of
navigation has always seemed to me to occupy the first place. For the
more hazardous it is, the greater the perils and losses by which it is
attended, so much the more is it esteemed and exalted above all others,
being wholly unsuited to the timid and irresolute. By this art we obtain
a knowledge of different countries, regions and realms. By it we
attract and bring to our own land all kinds of riches; by it the
idolatry of Paganism is overthrown and Christianity proclaimed
throughout all the regions of the earth. This is the art which won my
love in my early years and induced me to expose myself almost all my
life to the impetuous waves of the ocean, and led me to explore the
coasts of a portion of America, especially those of New France, where I
have always desired to see the lily flourish, together with the only
religion, Catholic, Apostolic and Roman."

After his return to France in the year 1601, Champlain received a
pension, together with the appointment of geographer to the king. Pierre
de Chauvin, Sieur de Tontuit, who had unsuccessfully endeavoured to
establish a settlement at Tadousac, died at this time, while Champlain
was residing in Paris. Here he had the good fortune to meet Aymar de
Chastes, governor of the town and château of Dieppe, under whose orders
he had served during the latter years of the war with the League.

De Chastes, who had resolved to undertake the colonization of Canada,
obtained a commission from the king, and formed a company, composed of
several gentlemen and the principal merchants of Rouen. François Gravé,
Sieur du Pont, who had already accompanied Chauvin to Tadousac, was
chosen to return there and to examine the Sault St. Louis and the
country beyond.

"Going from time to time to see the Sieur de Chastes," writes
Champlain, "judging that I might serve him in his design, he did me the
honour to communicate something of it to me, and asked me if it would be
agreeable to me to make the voyage, to examine the country, and to see
what those engaged in the undertaking should do. I told him that I was
very much his servant, but that I could not give myself license to
undertake the voyage without the commands of the king, to whom I was
bound, as well by birth as by the pension with which His Majesty
honoured me to enable me to maintain myself near his person, but that,
if it should please him to speak to the king about it, and give me his
commands, that it should be very agreeable to me, which he promised and
did, and received the king's orders for me to make the voyage and make a
faithful report thereof; and for that purpose M. de Gesvres, secretary
of his commandments, sent me with a letter to the said Du Pont-Gravé,
desiring him to take me in his ship and enable me to see and examine
what could be done in the country, giving me every possible assistance."

"_Me voilà expédié_," says Champlain, "I leave Paris and take passage on
Pont-Gravé's ship in the year 1603, the 15th of the month of March." The
voyage was favourable for the first fifteen days, but on the 30th a
heavy storm arose, "more thunder than wind," which lasted until April
16th. On May 6th the vessel approached Newfoundland, and arrived at
Tadousac[3] on the 24th. Here they met with about one hundred Indians,
under the command of Anadabijou, who were rejoicing on account of their
recent victory over the Iroquois. The chief made a long harangue,
speaking slowly. He congratulated himself upon his friendship with the
French nation, and stated that he was happy to learn that the king was
anxious to send some of his subjects to reside in the country and to
assist them in their wars. Champlain was also informed that the
Etchemins, the Algonquins, and the Montagnais, to the number of about
one thousand, had lately been engaged in warfare with the Iroquois, whom
they had vanquished with the loss of one hundred men.

On June 9th following, Champlain witnessed the spectacle of a grand
feast given by the Indians in commemoration of their victory. The
celebration consisted of dances, songs, speeches and games. Tessoüat,
the _sagamo_ of the Ottawas, was the chief captain, and took a prominent
part in the demonstration.

After a long description of these public festivities, Champlain gives
ample details of the manners and customs of the Indians, especially of
their superstitions. The Indians believed that a God existed who was the
creator of all things, but they had a curious manner of explaining the
creation of man. "When God had made everything," they said, "He took a
quantity of arrows and fixed them in the earth, whence came men and
women, who have increased ever since." The _sagamo_ said they believed
in the existence of a God, a son, a mother and a sun; that God was the
greatest of the four; that the son and the sun were both good; that the
mother was a lesser person, and so was the father, who was less bad.

The Indians were convinced that their deity had held communication with
their ancestors. One day five Indians ran towards the setting sun where
they met God, who asked them, "Where are you going?" "We are going to
seek our life," they replied. Then God said, "You will find it here."
But they did not hear the divine word, and went away. Then God took a
stone and touched two of them, and they were immediately turned into
stones. Addressing the three other Indians, God asked the same question,
"Where are you going?" and He was given the same answer. "Do not go
further," said the divine voice, "you will find your life here." Seeing
nothing, however, they continued their journey. Then God took two sticks
and touched two of them, and they were at once turned into sticks. The
fifth Indian, however, paused, and God gave him some meat, which he ate,
and he afterwards returned to his countrymen.

These Indian tribes had their jugglers, whom they called _pilotois_,
from the Basques, or _autmoins_, which means a magician. These jugglers
exercised great sway over the Indians, who would not hesitate to kill a
Frenchman if the jugglers decided that it was necessary.

In spite of their superstitions Champlain believed that it would be an
easy task to convert the Indians to Christianity, especially if the
French resided near them. This desirable end was not to be attained
without great difficulty, as Champlain soon realized, for the
missionaries toiled for many years before their efforts were crowned
with success.

Champlain now proceeded to explore the river Saguenay for a distance of
twelve to fifteen leagues, and he thus describes the scenery:--

"All the land I have seen is composed of rocks, covered with fir woods,
cypress, birch, very unpleasing land, where I could not find a league of
plain land on each side." He also learned from the Indians of the
existence of Lake St. John, and of a salt sea flowing towards the north.
It was evidently Hudson Bay to which these northern tribes directed
Champlain's attention, and if they had not seen it themselves they had
probably heard of its existence from the Indians dwelling around the
southern or south-western shores of the bay, who came annually to
Nemiscau Lake to trade their furs. This lake was half way between Hudson
Bay and the river St. Lawrence. The Kilistinons and other Indians of the
north had regular communication with their _congénères_ scattered along
the shores of the St. Maurice and the several rivers which flow into
Lake St. John.

When the French arrived in Canada with Chauvin, in the year 1600, they
began to monopolize the fur trade of all the Indian nations, but some
years later the English established themselves on the shores of Hudson
Bay, and prosecuted the trade for their own benefit.

Champlain could not, evidently, have been in possession of any exact
information as to the existence of this large bay, as he was searching
for a northern passage to Cathay, the great _desideratum_ of all the
navigators and explorers of the time.

After having promised to aid the various tribes gathered at Tadousac in
their wars, Champlain and Pont-Gravé proceeded to Sault St. Louis. This
expedition lasted fifteen days, during which they saw Hare Island, so
named by Jacques Cartier, and the Island of Orleans. The ship anchored
at Quebec where Champlain stopped to make a short description of the
country watered by the St. Lawrence, and they then proceeded to Sault
St. Louis. Here Champlain gathered much valuable information relating to
lakes Ontario and Erie, the Detroit River, Niagara Falls, and the rapids
of the St. Lawrence. Returning to Tadousac, he determined to explore
Gaspesia, and proceeded to visit Percé and Mal Bay, where he met Indians
at every turn. He also was informed by Prévert, from St. Malo, who was
exploring the country, of the existence of a copper mine.

Champlain carefully noted all the information he had received, and after
his return to Tadousac he sailed again for France on August 16th, 1603,
and reached Havre de Grâce, after a passage of twenty-one days. On his
arrival in France, he heard that Aymar de Chastes had died a few weeks
previously, on August 13th. This was a great loss to Canada, and
especially to Champlain, for he was convinced that the noble and
enterprising de Chastes was seriously disposed to colonize New France.
"In this enterprise," he says, "I cannot find a single fault, because it
has been well inaugurated." With the death of de Chastes, the project of
colonizing would undoubtedly have fallen through had not Champlain been
present to promote another movement in this direction. Champlain had an
interview with the king, and presented him with a map of the country
which he had visited, and placed in his hands a relation of his
voyage.[4] Henry IV was so favourably impressed that he promised to
assist Champlain in his patriotic designs.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] This island is only forty leagues in length and twenty in breadth,
and belonged to the Spanish from the date of its discovery by Ponce de
Léon in 1509, to 1598. When Champlain visited the island it had been
taken by George Clifford, Earl of Cumberland. During the same year Sir
John Berkeley commanded, but being unable to remain there, he deserted
the place, and joined Clifford near the Azores, when both went to
England, having lost about seven hundred men during their expedition.

[2] This volume is entitled _Brief Discours des choses plus remarquables
que Samuel Champlain de Brouage A reconneues aux Indes Occidentalles Au
voiage qu'il en a faict en icelles en l'année_ VeIIIJ. XXIX, _et en
l'année_ VIeJ, _comme ensuit_.

This manuscript was discovered by M. Féret, antiquarian, poet and
librarian, of Dieppe. The Hakluyt Society had it translated in 1859, and
published at London. In 1870 the Reverend Laverdière, librarian of the
Laval University, of Quebec, had it printed in French, with the designs,
coloured for the most part, with the complete works of Champlain. This
manuscript is supposed to have been preserved by a collateral descendant
of Aymar de Chastes.

[3] Tadousac means _breast_, and is derived from the Montagnais
_Totouchac_. Father Jérôme Lalemant says that the Indians called the
place _Sadilege_.

[4] This volume is entitled _Des Sauvages ou Voyage de Samuel Champlain
de Brouage, fait en la Nouvelle France, l'an mil six cent trois ... A
Paris ... 1604_.

Extremely rare. The original of the first edition is kept at the
Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris; this is the only copy known.

This volume contains a dedication to Charles de Montmorency, admiral of
France, a letter in verse from the Sieur de la Franchise, and an extract
from the _Privilège du Roi_, dated November 15th, 1603, signed by
Brigard.

The second edition does not differ much from the preceding, and its
title bears the date 1604. Purchas's _Pilgrims_ contains an English
version of this last edition. We find a synopsis of it in the _Mercure
François_, 1609, in the preface to the former called _Chronologie
Septennaire de l'Histoire de la paix entre les rois de France et
d'Espagne, 1598-1608_. This historical part has been borrowed by Victor
Palma Cayet for Champlain's Voyage, and its title is: _Navigation des
Français en la Nouvelle France dite Canada_.




CHAPTER II

ACADIA--STE. CROIX ISLAND--PORT ROYAL


Soon after the period mentioned at the close of the previous chapter,
Pierre du Gua, Sieur de Monts, Governor of Pont, a native of the ancient
province of Saintonge, who had served under Henry IV, obtained a
commission as "Lieutenant genéral au pays de Cadie, du 40° au 46°," on
the condition that his energies should be especially directed to the
propagation of the Catholic faith.

De Monts was a Huguenot; nevertheless he agreed to take with him to
America a number of Catholic priests, and to see that they were
respected and obeyed. Champlain was not satisfied with the choice of a
Protestant to colonize a country which he had intended to make solely
Catholic, and he states, "that those enterprises made hastily never
succeed."

De Monts was not a stranger to America. He had first visited the country
with Chauvin in 1600, but when he left Tadousac he was so discouraged
that he determined, in the event of his becoming master of the
situation, to attempt colonization only in Acadia, or on the eastern
borders of the Atlantic running towards Florida.

It was well known in France that Acadia was the richest and most
fertile part of the New World. Excellent harbours and good soil were
found there. Fish abounded near its coasts; its forests were numerous
and dense. An opinion existed that there were numerous mines, rich in
copper, coal and gypsum. This country was also the favourite of the
Normans, Britons and Basques, who for a hundred years had pursued their
callings as fishermen or traders without interruption.

De Monts, however, was unable to bear the expense of this undertaking
alone, and he consequently formed a company, composed of merchants of
Rouen, La Rochelle and other towns. To further the enterprise Henry IV
diminished the duty on merchandises exported from Acadia and Canada, and
granted to the company the exclusive privilege of fur trading for a
period of ten years, "from Cape de Raze to the 40°, comprising all the
Acadian coast, Cape Breton, Baie des Chaleurs, Percé Island, Gaspé,
Chisedec, Miramichi, Tadousac and Canada River, from either side, and
all the bays and rivers which flow within these shores."

Acadia of that day was not confined to the peninsula of our own time,
called Nova Scotia. It included that part of the continent which extends
from the river St. John to the Penobscot. These boundaries were the
cause of long quarrels and fierce and bloody wars between England and
France until they were finally settled by the Treaty of Utrecht. In the
early part of April, 1604, the king's proclamation confining the fur
trade to de Monts and his associates was published in every harbour of
France. Four ships were lying at anchor at Havre de Grâce, ready to
sail, and one hundred and twenty passages had been secured in two of the
ships. Pont-Gravé commanded one of the vessels of one hundred and twenty
tons burthen, and another vessel of one hundred and fifty tons was under
the charge of de Monts, who had taken on board Jean de Biencourt, Sieur
de Poutrincourt, a gentleman of Picardy, Samuel Champlain, some Catholic
priests and some Protestant ministers. Poutrincourt was going to America
with the intention of residing there with his family. He was a good
Catholic and a loyal subject. Champlain was attached to de Monts'
expedition as geographer and historian.

The rendezvous had been fixed at Canseau, but de Monts proceeded
directly to Port au Mouton on the Acadian coast, where he decided to
await the arrival of Pont-Gravé. In the meantime Champlain explored the
country from Port au Mouton to Port Sainte Marguerite, now called St.
Mary's Bay. This occupied a whole month. He also named Cape Négré, Cape
Fourchu and Long Island. Champlain reported to de Monts that St. Mary's
Bay was a suitable place to establish a settlement, and, following this
advice, the lieutenant-general proceeded with Champlain to this bay, and
further explored the Bay of Fundy, or French Bay. They soon perceived
the entrance to another splendid port, which is now known as Annapolis
Bay, or Port Royal.

Notwithstanding the authority of Lescarbot, Champlain was the first to
give this place the name of Port Royal, for he says himself, "I have
named this harbour Port Royal." When de Monts named the place La Baie
Française, Champlain did not hesitate to give to his chief the merit
which he deserved.

Three rivers flow into this splendid harbour: the Rivière de l'Equille,
so called from a little fish of the size of our _éperlan_ or _lançon_,
which is found there in large quantities; the river named St. Antoine by
Champlain, and a stream called de la Roche by Champlain, and de
l'Orignac by Lescarbot.

After having explored the harbour, Champlain traversed La Baie Française
to see whether he could discover the copper mine mentioned by Prévert of
St. Malo, and he soon arrived at a place which he named the Cape of Two
Bays, or Chignecto, and perceived the High Islands, where a copper mine
was found.

On May 20th an expedition started from the Port of Mines, in search of a
place suitable for a permanent settlement. Proceeding towards the
south-west they stopped at the entrance of a large river, which was
named St. John, as it was on St. John's day that they arrived there. The
savages called the river Ouigoudi. "This river is dangerous," writes
Champlain, "if one does not observe carefully certain points and rocks
on the two sides. It is so narrow at its entrance and then becomes
broader. A certain point being passed it becomes narrower again, and
forms a kind of fall between two large cliffs, where the water runs so
rapidly that a piece of wood thrown in is drawn under and not seen
again. But by waiting till high tide you can pass this fall very easily.
Then it expands again to the extent of about a league in some places
where there are three islands."

Champlain did not explore the river further, but he ascertained a few
days later that the Indians used the river in their journeys to
Tadousac, making but a short portage on the way.

As preparations had shortly to be made for winter quarters, de Monts
decided to proceed southwards, and the party at length came to a number
of islands at the entrance of the river Ste. Croix, or Des Etchemins.
One of these islands was chosen for their establishment, and named Ste.
Croix, "because," says Lescarbot, "they perceived two leagues above this
island two streams flowing into the channel of the river, presenting the
appearance of a cross." De Monts at once commenced to fortify the place
by forming a barricade on a little inlet, which served as a station on
which he set up a cannon; it was situated halfway between the mainland
and the island of Ste. Croix. Some days afterwards all the French who
were waiting in St. Mary's Bay disembarked on the island. They were all
eager and willing to work, and commenced to render the place habitable.
They erected a storehouse and a residence for de Monts, and built an
oven and a hand-mill for grinding wheat. Some gardens were also laid
out, and various kinds of seeds were sown, which flourished well on the
mainland, though not on the island, which was too sandy.

De Monts was anxious to ascertain the location of a mine of pure copper
which had been spoken of, and accordingly he despatched Champlain, with
a savage named Messamouet, who asserted that he could find the place. At
about eight leagues from the island, near the river St. John, they found
a mine of copper, which, however, was not pure, though fairly good.
According to the report of the miner, it would yield about eighteen per
cent. Lescarbot says that amidst the rocks, diamonds and some blue and
clear stones could be found as precious as turquoises. Champdoré, one of
the carpenters, took one of these stones to France, and had it divided
into many fragments and mounted by an artist. De Monts and Poutrincourt,
to whom they were presented, considered these gems so valuable that they
offered them to the king. A goldsmith offered Poutrincourt fifteen crown
pieces for one of them.

Agriculture did not flourish on the island of Ste. Croix, which is about
half a league in circumference. The rays of the sun parched the sand so
that the gardens were entirely unproductive, and there was a complete
dearth of water. At the commencement there was a fair quantity of wood,
but when the buildings were finished there was scarcely any left; the
inhabitants, consequently, nearly perished from cold in the winter. All
the liquor, wine and beer became frozen, and as there was no water the
people were compelled to drink melted snow. A malignant epidemic of
scurvy broke out, and of seventy-nine persons thirty-five died from the
disease and more than twenty were at the point of death.

This disease proved one of the obstacles to rapid colonization in New
France. It was epidemic, contagious and often fatal. It is a somewhat
remarkable fact that the epidemic was prevalent amongst the French only
when they were established on the soil, being rarely discovered on
ship-board. Jacques Cartier had experienced the horrors of this disease
in the winter of 1535-6, when out of his one hundred and ten men
twenty-five died, and only three or four remained altogether free from
attack. During the year 1542-3, Roberval saw fifty persons dying of the
disease at Charlesbourg Royal. At Ste. Croix the proportion of deaths
was still greater, thirty-five out of seventy-nine. There was a
physician attached to de Monts' party, but he did not understand the
disease, and therefore could not satisfactorily prescribe for it. De
Monts also consulted many physicians in Paris, but he did not receive
answers that were of much service to him.

At the commencement of the seventeenth century scientific men
distinguished scurvy on land from scurvy on sea. They laboured under the
false impression that the one differed from the other. Champlain called
the disease _mal de terre_. It is certain, however, that the symptoms
did not vary in either case, as we may ascertain from the descriptions
furnished by Jacques Cartier and Champlain.

The position of the settlement was soon proved to be untenable, and de
Monts was certainly to blame for this unhappy state of affairs. Why did
he abandon Port Royal, where he had found abundant water? Champlain,
however, defends the action of his chief.

"It would be very difficult," he says, "to ascertain the character of
this region without spending a winter in it, for, on arriving here in
summer, everything is very agreeable in consequence of the woods, fine
country, and the many varieties of good fish which are found." We must
not forget, however, that the climate of this island differed very
little from that of Tadousac, which had greatly disappointed de Monts,
and that his sole object in settling in a more southern latitude was to
avoid the disagreeable consequences of the climate.

Champlain made a plan of the island of Ste. Croix, indicating the
buildings constructed for the habitation of the settlers. We observe
many isolated tenements forming a large square. On one side was the
residence of Champlain, of Champdoré and d'Orville, with a large garden
opposite. Near d'Orville's residence was a small building set apart for
the missionaries. On the other side may be seen the storehouse, de
Monts' dwelling, a public hall where the people spent their leisure, and
a building for Boulay and the workmen. In an angle of the large square
were the residences of Genestou, Sourin, de Beaumont, La Motte, Bourioli
and Fougeray. A small fort is shown at one end of the island, approached
by a pathway. The chapel of the priest Aubry was located near the cannon
of the fort. Such was the plan of the first Acadian settlement. Much
expense had been incurred for a very poor result.

De Monts was the directing spirit of the colony, and in spite of his
noble attempts, he realized that his efforts were fruitless and that he
would have to try another place for a permanent settlement. By the
direction of his chief, Champlain accordingly undertook to explore the
seacoast of Norembega.

De Monts has found a defender in Moreau, who held that Ste. Croix was
only intended for winter quarters. If this had been his intention, we
can scarcely believe that he would have incurred so great an expense in
building a number of houses. Lescarbot, whose testimony is most
valuable, says: "When we go into a country to take possession of land we
don't stop on islands to imprison ourselves. If that island had been
supplied with rivers or streams, if the soil had been favourable to
agriculture, it would have been half wrong." But this island lacked the
very first element essential to life, fresh water.

Towards the middle of May, 1605, every one's attention was directed
towards France, as the ships which had been expected for over a month
had not yet arrived. De Monts then determined to send his party to Gaspé
in two large boats to join Pont-Gravé. At this juncture, however,
Pont-Gravé arrived at Ste. Croix with his crew, comprising forty men.

De Monts and Pont-Gravé held a consultation and decided to seek a more
suitable place for a settlement, rather than to return to France. De
Monts was still under the impression that the best plan was to attempt
to settle in the vicinity of Florida, although the result of Champlain's
exploration along the coast of the Norembega[5] was considered
unsatisfactory.

Let us now examine what Champlain had accomplished during the month of
September, 1604.

He left Ste. Croix on September 5th, in a _patache_, with twelve sailors
and two savages as guides. On the first day he covered twenty-five
leagues and discovered many islands, reefs and rocks. To another island,
four or five leagues in length, he gave the name of Ile des Monts
Déserts[6], which name has been preserved. On the following day
Champlain met some hunting Indians of the Etchemin tribe, proceeding
from the Pentagouet River to the Mount Desert Islands. "I think this
river," says Champlain, "is that which several pilots and historians
call Norembègue, and which most have described as large and extensive,
with very many islands, its mouth being in latitude 43°, 43', 30''....
It is related also that there is a large, thickly-settled town of
savages, who are adroit and skilful, and who have cotton yards. I am
confident that most of those who mention it have not seen it, and speak
of it because they have heard persons say so, who know no more about it
than they themselves.... But that any one has ever entered it there is
no evidence, for then they would have described it in another manner, in
order to relieve the minds of many of this doubt."

Champlain's description is written from personal knowledge, because he
had seen the Pentagouet River.[7] The country which it passes through is
agreeable, but there was no town or village, and no appearance of
either, with the exception of a few deserted cabins of the Souriquois or
Micmacs.

Here Champlain met two Souriquois chiefs, Bessabé and Cabahis, and
succeeded in making them understand that he had been sent by de Monts to
visit their country, and to assure them of the friendship of the French
for the Souriquois. Champlain continued his journey southwards, and two
days later he again met Cabahis, of whom he asked particulars as to the
course of the river Norembègue. The chief replied "that they had already
passed the fall, which is situated at about twenty leagues from the
mouth of the river Penobscot. Here it widens into a lake, by way of
which the Indians pass to the river Ste. Croix, by going some distance
overland and then entering the river Etchemin. Another river also enters
the lake, along which they proceed for some days until they gain another
lake and pass through it. Reaching the end of it they again make a land
journey of some distance until they reach another small river, the mouth
of which is within a league of Quebec." This little river is the
Chaudière, which the Indians follow to reach Quebec. On September 20th
Champlain observed the mountains of Bedabedec, and after having
proceeded for ten or twelve leagues further he decided to return to Ste.
Croix and wait until the following year to continue his explorations.
His opinion was that the region he had explored was quite as
unfavourable for a settlement as Ste. Croix.

On June 18th, 1605, de Monts, at the head of an expedition consisting of
Champlain, some gentlemen, twelve sailors and an Indian guide named
Panonias and his wife, set out from the island of Ste. Croix to explore
the country of the Armouchiquois, and reached the Pentagouet River in
twelve days. On July 20th they made about twenty leagues between
Bedabedec Point and the Kennebec River, at the mouth of which is an
island which they named _La Tortue_.

Continuing their journey towards the south they observed some large
mountains, the abode of an Indian chief named Aneda. "I was satisfied
from the name," says Champlain, "that he was one of his tribe that had
discovered the plant called _aneda_, which Jacques Cartier said was so
powerful against the malady called scurvy, which harassed his company as
well as our own when they wintered in Canada. The savages have no
knowledge at all of this plant, and are not aware of its existence,
although the above mentioned savage has the same name." This supposition
was unfounded, because if this Indian had been of the same origin as the
aborigines who acquainted Jacques Cartier with the virtue of the
_aneda_ plant in cases of scurvy, he would have understood the meaning
of the word. _Aneda_ is the Iroquois word for the spruce tree, but there
is no evidence to prove that Champlain was ever aware that it was a
specific. Had he known of its efficacy he would have certainly employed
it.

At Chouacouet de Monts and Champlain received visits from many Indians,
differing entirely from either the Etchemins or the Armouchiquois. They
found the soil tilled and cultivated, and the corn in the gardens was
about two feet in height. Beans, pumpkins and squash were also in
flower. The place was very pleasant and agreeable at the time, but
Champlain believed the weather was very severe in the winter.

The party proceeded still further south, in sight of the Cap aux Iles
(Cape Porpoise), and on July 17th, 1605, they came to anchor at Cape St.
Louis,[8] where an Indian chief named Honabetha paid them a visit. To a
small river which they found in the vicinity they gave the name of Gua,
in honour of de Monts. The expedition passed the night of the 18th in a
small bay called Cape St. Louis. On the 19th they observed the cape of a
large bay, which they distinguished by the title of Ste. Suzanne du Cap
Blanc, and on July 20th they entered a spacious harbour, which proved
to be very dangerous on account of shoals and banks; they therefore
named it Mallebarre.

Five weeks had now elapsed since the expedition had left Ste. Croix, and
no incident of importance had occurred. They had met many tribes of
Indians, and on each occasion their intercourse was harmonious. It is
true that they had not traversed more than three degrees of latitude,
but, although their progress was slow, their time was well spent. De
Monts was satisfied that it would be easier to colonize Acadia than this
American coast, and Champlain was still convinced that Port Royal was
the most favourable spot, unless de Monts preferred Quebec.

The expedition returned to Ste. Croix in nine days, arriving there on
August 3rd. Here they found a vessel from France, under the command of
Captain des Antons, laden with provisions, and many things suitable for
winter use. There was now a chance of saving the settlers, although
their position was not enviable.

De Monts was determined to try the climate of Port Royal, and to
endeavour to establish a settlement there. Two barques were fitted out
and laden with the frame work of the buildings at Ste. Croix. Champlain
and Pont-Gravé had set out before to select a favourable site around the
bay, well sheltered from the north-west wind. They chose a place
opposite an island at the mouth of the river de l'Equille, as being the
most suitable. Every one was soon busily engaged in clearing the ground
and in erecting houses. The plan of the settlement, says Champlain, was
ten fathoms long and eight fathoms wide, making the distance around
thirty-six fathoms. On the eastern side was a storehouse occupying the
width of it, with a very fine cellar, from five to six feet deep. On the
northern side were the quarters of Sieur de Monts, comfortably finished.
In the backyard were the dwellings of the workmen. At the corner of the
western side was a platform, upon which four cannon were placed, and at
the eastern corner a palisade was constructed in the shape of a
platform. There was nothing pretentious or elegant about these
buildings, but they were solid and useful.

The installation of the new settlement being now complete, de Monts
returned to France, leaving Pont-Gravé in command. During the absence of
de Monts, Champlain determined to pursue his discoveries along the
American coast, and in this design he was favoured by de Monts, as the
latter had not altogether abandoned his idea of settling in Florida. The
season, however, was too far advanced, and Champlain therefore stopped
at the river St. John to meet Schoudon, with whom he agreed to set out
in search of the famous copper mine. They were accompanied by a miner
named Jacques, and a Slavonian very skilful in discovering minerals. He
found some pieces of copper and what appeared to be a mine, but it was
too difficult to work. Champlain accordingly returned to Port Royal,
where several of the men were suffering from scurvy. Out of forty-five,
twelve died during the winter. The surgeon from Honfleur, named
Deschamps, performed an autopsy on some of the bodies, and found them
affected in the same manner as those who had died at Ste. Croix. Snow
did not fall until December 20th, and the winter was not so severe as
the previous one.

On March 16th, 1606, Champlain resumed his explorations, and travelled
eighteen leagues on that day. He anchored at an island to the south of
Manan. During the night his barque ran ashore and sustained injuries
which it required four days to repair. Champlain then proceeded to Port
aux Coquilles, seven or eight leagues distant, where he remained until
the twenty-ninth. Pont-Gravé, however, desired him to return to Port
Royal, being anxious to obtain news of his companions whom he had left
sick. Owing to indisposition, Champlain was obliged to delay his
departure until April 8th.

Champlain and Pont-Gravé intended to return to France during the summer
of 1606. Seeing that the vessels promised by de Monts had not arrived,
they set out from Port Royal to Cape Breton or Gaspé, in search of a
vessel to cross the Atlantic, but when they were approaching Canseau,
they met Ralleau, the secretary of de Monts, who informed them that a
vessel had been despatched under the command of Poutrincourt, with
fifty settlers for the country. They, therefore, returned to Port Royal,
where they found Poutrincourt, who as lieutenant-general of de Monts
intended to remain at Port Royal during the year.

On September 5th, Champlain left Port Royal on a voyage of discovery.
Poutrincourt joined the expedition, and they took with them a physician,
the carpenter Champdoré, and Robert Gravé, the son of François. This
last voyage, undertaken to please de Monts, did not result in anything
remarkable. They first paid a visit to Ste. Croix, where everything
remained unchanged, although the gardens were flourishing. From Ste.
Croix the expedition drifted southwards, and Champlain pointed out the
same bays, harbours, capes and mountains that he had observed before.
Schoudon, chief of the Etchemins, and Messamouet, captain of the
Micmacs, joined the party, and proceeded with them as far as Chouacouet,
where they intended to form an alliance with Olmechin and Marchim, two
Indian chiefs of this country.

On October 2nd, 1606, the expedition reached Mallebarre, and for a few
days they anchored in a bay near Cape Batturier, which they named Port
Fortuné (Chatham). Five or six hundred savages were found at this place.
"It would be an excellent place," says Champlain, "to erect buildings,
and lay the foundation of a state, if the harbour was somewhat deeper
and the entrance safer." Poutrincourt stopped here for some days, and
in the meantime visited all the surrounding country, from which he
returned much pleased.

According to a custom peculiar to the French since the days of Jacques
Cartier, de Monts had planted a large cross at the entrance of the
Kennebec River, and also at Mallebarre. Poutrincourt did the same at
Port Fortuné. The Indians seemed annoyed at this ceremony, which they
evidently considered as an encroachment upon their rights as
proprietors. They exhibited symptoms of discontent, and during the night
they killed four Frenchmen who had imprudently stayed ashore. They were
buried near the cross. This the Indians immediately threw down, but
Poutrincourt ordered it to be restored to its former position.

On three different occasions the party attempted to pursue their
discoveries southwards, but they were prevented each time by a contrary
wind. They therefore resolved to return to Port Royal, which was
rendered imperative both by the approach of winter and the scarcity of
provisions. The result of the voyage was not altogether satisfactory.
Champlain had perhaps held a degree further south than on the former
occasion, but he had not discovered anything of importance.

On their return to Port Royal, the voyagers were received with great
ceremony. Lescarbot, a Parisian lawyer, who had arrived some time
before, and some other Frenchmen, went to meet them and conducted them
to the fort, which had been decorated with evergreens and inscriptions.
On the principal door they had placed the arms of France, surrounded
with laurel crowns, and the king's motto: _Duo protegit unus_. Beneath
the arms of de Monts was placed this inscription: _Dabit Deus his quoque
finem_. The arms of Poutrincourt were wreathed with crowns of leaves,
with his motto: _In via virtuti nulla est via_. Lescarbot had composed a
short drama for the occasion, entitled, _Le Théâtre de Neptune_.

The winter of 1606-07 was not very severe. The settlers lived happily in
spite of the scurvy, from which some of them died. Hunting afforded them
the means of providing a great variety of dishes, such as geese, ducks,
bears, beavers, partridges, reindeer, bustards, etc. They also organized
a society devoted to good cheer called, _Ordre du Bon Temps_, the
by-laws of which were definite, and were fixed by Champlain himself. The
Indians of the vicinity who were friendly towards the French colony were
in need of food, so that each day loaves of bread were distributed
amongst them. Their _sagamo_, named Membertou, was admitted as a guest
to the table of Poutrincourt. This famous Souriquois, who was very old
at that time--probably a hundred years, though he had not a single white
hair--pretended to have known Jacques Cartier at the time of his first
voyage, and claimed that in 1534 he was married, and the father of a
young family.

Lescarbot, who was an able man and a good historian, records the
particulars above related, besides many other interesting facts
concerning Port Royal which appear to have escaped Champlain's
observation. Lescarbot was an active spirit in the life of the first
French colony in Acadia. He encouraged his companions to cultivate their
land, and he worked himself in the gardens, sowing wheat, oats, beans,
pease, and herbs, which he tended with care. He was also liked by the
Indians, and he would have rejoiced to see them converted to
Christianity. Lescarbot was a poet and a preacher, and had also a good
knowledge of the arts and of medicine. Charlevoix says: "He daily
invented something new for the public good. And there was never a
stronger proof of what a new settlement might derive from a mind
cultivated by study, and induced by patriotism to use its knowledge and
reflections. We are indebted to this advocate for the best memoirs of
what passed before his eyes, and for a history of French Florida. We
then behold an exact and judicious writer, a man with views of his own,
and who would have been as capable of founding a colony as of writing
its history."

With the departure of Lescarbot and Champlain the best page of the
history of Port Royal is closed. The two men left on September 2nd,
1607, on board the _Jonas_, commanded by Nicholas Martin. They stopped
at Roscoff in Basse-Bretagne, and the vessel arrived at Havre de Grâce
in the early days of October.

Poutrincourt, his son Biencourt, and Lescarbot made a pilgrimage to Mont
St. Michel, and Champlain went to Brouage, his native country, having
sojourned in America for three years and five months.

FOOTNOTES:

[5] Norembega was the name applied at that time to a vast tract of
country whose limits were nearly unknown. There was a river and a cape
called Norembega. The river is now the Penobscot, and the cape is the
southern extremity of the Acadian peninsula.

[6] The Indians called this island _Pemetig_, which means _the island
which is ahead_. The French settled here in 1613, and founded St.
Sauveur on the north-eastern coast, in a splendid harbour which is
to-day known as Bar Harbour. The remains of many of the French who were
killed during the contest with the English, were interred at Point
Fernald. At the point nearest the mainland there is a bridge of seven
hundred feet in length, which communicates with the town of Trenton.

[7] Champlain called the river _Peimtegoüet_. This word means _the place
of a river where rapids exist_. The English have given their preference
to the word _Penobscot_, which comes from the Indian _Penaouasket, the
place where the earth is covered with stones_.

[8] The Pilgrim Fathers, the founders of New England, landed at this
place, which they named Plymouth, to preserve the name of the English
city from which they had sailed.




CHAPTER III

THE FOUNDING OF QUEBEC


After his return to France, as before described, Champlain had an
interview with de Monts, and laid before him the journal which he had
prepared of his explorations in America, together with plans of the
ports and coasts which he had minutely examined during his visits.
Champlain proposed to de Monts to continue his explorations, and
advanced some reasons for prosecuting an enterprise upon which a large
sum had been already expended, and which he was persuaded would
ultimately afford the means of repairing their fortunes. De Monts, owing
to the failure of his own efforts as a colonizer, was not at first
inclined to listen to Champlain's proposals, but he was finally
convinced of the wisdom of his suggestions, and appointed him lieutenant
of an expedition to Quebec for the purpose of trading with the Indians.
The expedition was to return to France during the same year. De Monts
obtained another commission from the king, dated at Paris, January 9th,
1608, which gave him the monopoly of the fur trade in the lands, ports
and rivers of Canada for a period of one year. Two vessels were equipped
for this expedition, the _Don de Dieu_, captain Henry Couillard, and
the _Lévrier_, captain Nicholas Marion. Champlain was given the command
of the former vessel, and Pont-Gravé was in command of the latter. The
_Lévrier_ sailed from France on April 5th, and the _Don de Dieu_ eight
days later. The two vessels proceeded directly to Tadousac, without
calling at Percé, according to the usual custom.

On the arrival of the _Don de Dieu_ at Tadousac, Champlain found that
Pont-Gravé had been attacked by Captain Darache, a Basque, who continued
to trade furs with the Indians in spite of the king's commands. Darache
had brought all his guns to bear upon the _Lévrier_, and Pont-Gravé
being unable to defend himself, had offered no resistance, whereupon
Darache's crew had boarded the vessel and carried off the cannon and
arms, at the same time intimating that they would continue to trade as
they pleased. The arrival of Champlain, however, altered the situation,
and Darache was compelled to sign an agreement by which he pledged
himself not to molest Pont-Gravé, or to do anything prejudicial to the
interest of the king or of de Monts. It was also agreed that all
differences should be settled by the authorities in France. After this
agreement was effected through Champlain's intervention, the carpenters
of the expedition fitted out a small barque to convey to Quebec all the
articles necessary for the use of the future settlement.

[Illustration: Building the _Habitation_, Quebec, 1608

From the painting by C.W. Jefferys]

In the meantime Champlain visited the river Saguenay, where he met some
Indians from whom he gathered information concerning Lake St. John and
its tributaries. The information did not differ greatly from that which
he had obtained in the year 1603. Champlain set out from Tadousac on the
last day of June and arrived at Quebec on July 3rd, "Where I searched,"
he says, "for a place suitable for our settlement, but I could find none
more convenient or better situated than the point of Quebec, so called
by the savages, which was covered with nut trees."

Champlain was accompanied by thirty men, amongst whom may be named
Nicholas Marsolet, Étienne Brûlé, Bonnerme, a doctor, Jean Duval,
Antoine Natel and La Taille. These names are specially recorded.
Champlain immediately employed some workmen to fell trees in order to
commence the construction of an _Habitation_. One party was engaged in
sawing timber, another in digging a cellar and some ditches, while
another party was sent to Tadousac with a barque to obtain supplies
which had been retained in the ships. Such was the beginning of
Champlain's city. Nothing great, it will be admitted, for a settlement
which its founder hoped before long would become the great warehouse of
New France.

Until this date the merchants had traded with the Indians only in those
places where they could easily be met, and even Chauvin, who was
mentioned in a previous chapter, had not gone further than Tadousac.
Neither Three Rivers, nor the islands of Sorel at the entrance of the
Iroquois River, now called the Richelieu River, were known to French
navigators at this period, and although these places were easily
accessible to the aborigines, they were not so available as Quebec.

Champlain well understood the advantages of founding his city on a spot
naturally fortified and where he could readily defend himself against
the attack of an enemy, whose approach he expected sooner or later. The
first foes, however, whom Champlain had to encounter were not the
Indians, but his own countrymen, members of his crew who under various
pretexts sought to kill their chief and give the command of the
settlement to the Basques. Jean Duval, the king's locksmith, was the
leader of this conspiracy against Champlain, and associated with him
were four vicious sailors to whom he promised a part of the reward which
had been offered for this treason. The conspirators agreed to preserve
secrecy, and fixed the night of the fourth day for the assassination of
their chief.

On the day upon which the plot was to be put into execution, Captain Le
Testu[9] arrived from Tadousac in command of a vessel laden with
provisions, utensils, etc. After the vessel was unloaded, one of the
conspirators, a locksmith named Natel, approached the captain and
acquainted him with the details of the plot. Champlain also listened to
the man's account and promised to observe secrecy, although he took
precautions to frustrate the scheme by inviting the leader and the four
conspirators to an entertainment on board Captain Le Testu's barque.

The men accepted the invitation, and as soon as they were on board they
were seized and held in custody until the following day. The deposition
of each man was then taken by Champlain in the presence of the pilot and
sailors, and set down in writing, after which the "worthies" were sent
to Tadousac, where Champlain requested Pont-Gravé to guard them for a
time. Some days after the men were returned to Quebec, where they were
placed on trial for attempted murder.

The jury was composed of Champlain, Pont-Gravé, Le Testu, Bonnerme, the
mate and the second mate, and some sailors. The verdict was unanimous.
Duval was condemned to death on the spot as the instigator of the plot,
and the others were also sentenced to death, but their sentence was to
be carried out in France. Duval was strangled at Quebec, and his head
was placed on a pike which was set up in the most conspicuous part of
the fort. This was the second example of capital punishment in New
France. The first case recorded was at Charlesbourg Royal, or Cap-Rouge,
near Quebec, in the winter of 1542-3, when Michel Gaillon, one of
Roberval's companions, was put to death.

Champlain was invested with executive, legislative and judiciary powers,
but the founder of Quebec never abused the authority intrusted to him.
From this time every one fulfilled his duty day by day, and Champlain
was able to continue his work in peace.

The habitation was composed of three buildings of two stories, each one
of three fathoms long and two and a half wide. The storehouse was six
fathoms long and three wide, with a cellar six feet deep. There was a
gallery around the buildings, at the second story. There were also
ditches fifteen feet wide and six deep. On the outer side of the ditches
Champlain constructed several spurs, which enclosed a part of the
dwelling, at the point where he placed a cannon. Before the habitation
there was a square four fathoms wide and six or seven long, looking out
upon the river bank. Surrounding the habitation were very good gardens,
and an open space on the north side, some hundred and twenty paces long
and fifty or sixty wide.

During the first weeks after his installation, Champlain made an
investigation of the vicinity. "Near Quebec," he says, "there is a
little river coming from a lake in the interior, distant six or seven
leagues from our settlement. I am of opinion that this river, which is
north a quarter north-west from our settlement, is the place where
Jacques Cartier wintered, since there are still, a league up the river,
remains of what seems to have been a chimney, the foundation of which
has been found, and indications of there having been ditches surrounding
their dwelling, which was small. We found also, large pieces of hewn,
worm-eaten timber, and some three or four cannon balls. All these things
show clearly that there was a settlement there founded by Christians;
and what leads me to say and believe that it was that of Jacques Cartier
is the fact that there is no evidence whatever that any one wintered and
built a house in these places except Jacques Cartier at the time of his
discoveries."

This "little river coming from a lake in the interior," is evidently the
river St. Charles, called Ste. Croix by Cartier. Champlain's conjectures
about the place where Jacques Cartier wintered, are certainly correct.
It was near this spot also that the Jesuits erected their convent of
Notre Dame des Anges in 1626, namely, at two hundred feet from the
shore, where the river Lairet joins the St. Charles.

Pont-Gravé sailed for France on September 18th, 1608, leaving Champlain
with twenty-seven men, and provisions for the approaching winter at
Quebec. The carpenters, sawyers, and other workmen were employed in
clearing up the place and in preparing gardens.

Many Indians were encamped in the vicinity, who proved troublesome
neighbours, as they were constantly visiting the habitation, either to
beg food for their families or to express their fear of invisible
enemies. Champlain readily understood the character of these people, but
he was too charitable to refuse them assistance in their need; besides
he believed that they might easily be taught how to live and how to
cultivate the soil. It was a difficult task, however, to induce the
Indians to settle in any particular place. For generations they had led
a wandering life, subsisting on the products of their hunting and
fishing. This wild freedom was as necessary to their existence as the
open air, and all attempts to make them follow the habits of civilized
races seemed to tend towards their deterioration.

The early days of the French settlement at Quebec were distinguished by
nothing remarkable. During the first winter scurvy and dysentery claimed
many victims. Natel, the locksmith, died towards the end of November,
and some time after Bonnerme, the doctor, was attacked and succumbed.
Eighteen others also suffered from scurvy of whom ten died, and there
were five deaths from dysentery, so that by the spring there were only
eight men living, and Champlain himself was seriously indisposed. This
was the third time that the founder of Quebec had had to experience the
effects of this terrible disease, and although he was beginning to
understand its causes, he was still unaware of a specific. "I am
confident," he says, "that, with good bread and fresh meat, a person
would not be liable to it."

Many trials had been experienced by the settlers during their first
winter of 1608-09, and they welcomed the return of spring. Des
Marets[10] arrived at Quebec at this time, with tidings that Pont-Gravé,
his father-in-law, had arrived at Tadousac on May 28th. Champlain at
once repaired to Tadousac, where he received a letter from de Monts
requesting him to return to France to acquaint him with the progress
which he had made in the colony, and with the result of his
explorations. Champlain returned to Quebec, and immediately fitted out
an expedition to visit the country of the Iroquois, in the company of a
party of Montagnais.

The Montagnais were anxious to carry on war against their ancient
enemies, and although the wars had no attraction for Champlain, he hoped
to be able to further his discoveries during the journey. Taking with
him the twenty men placed at his disposal by Pont-Gravé, Champlain
sailed from Quebec on June 18th, 1609. The command of the habitation
was given to Pont-Gravé in the meantime. The expedition proceeded
towards the island of St. Eloi, near the shores of which two or three
hundred savages were encamped in tents. They proved to be Hurons and
Algonquins who were on their way to Quebec to join Champlain's
expedition to the territory of the Iroquois. Their chiefs were named
Iroquet and Ochateguin, and Champlain explained to them the object of
his voyage. The next day the two chiefs paid a visit to Champlain and
remained silent for some time, meditating and smoking. After some
reflection the chiefs began to harangue their companions on the banks of
the river. They spoke for a long time in loud tones, and the substance
of their remarks has been summed up in these words:--

"Ten moons ago Champlain had declared that he desired to assist them
against their enemies, with whom they had been for a long time at
warfare, on account of many cruel acts committed by them against their
tribe, under colour of friendship. Having ever since longed for
vengeance, they had solicited all the savages whom they had seen on the
banks of the river to come and make an alliance. They had no children
with them but men versed in war and full of courage, and well acquainted
with the country and the rivers of the land of the Iroquois. They wanted
to go to Quebec in order that they might see the French houses, but
after three days they would return to engage in the war. As a token of
firm friendship and joy, Champlain should have muskets and arquebuses
fired."

Champlain replied that he was glad to be able to fulfil his promise to
them; he had no other purpose than to assist them in their wars; he had
not come as a trader, but only with arms to fight. His word was given,
and it was his desire that it should be kept. Thus was the alliance
ratified which had been made in 1603 between the French and the Hurons,
Algonquins and Montagnais, and the alliance was never broken.

Some historians have reproached Champlain for his intervention in the
wars between the Indians of Canada, and have suggested that it would
have been wiser to have preserved a strict neutrality, instead of taking
up arms against the redoubtable and valiant Iroquois. In order to
explain Champlain's actions, it is necessary to consider the relations
of the French towards the other tribes. Many years before the period of
which we are writing, certain French captains traded with the Montagnais
Indians of Tadousac. These Indians were on friendly terms with the
Hurons, the Algonquins Supérieurs of the Ottawa river, and the
Souriquois of Acadia, and were united in their desire to subdue the
terrible Iroquois. As the Iroquois did not trade, Champlain had no
relations with them of a business character, and therefore he was not
bound towards them in the same manner as he was towards the Hurons and
others.

The Iroquois at first resided at Montreal and Three Rivers, while their
neighbours, the Algonquins, were scattered along the shores of the
Ottawa River, Lake Nipissing and French River. The Algonquins, who were
brave and very numerous, succeeded in driving the Iroquois back to Lake
Erie, and afterwards to Lake Ontario, near Lake Champlain. Here the
Iroquois were distributed in five tribes, forming a great confederation.
(1.) The Tsonnontouans or Senecas. (2.) The Goyogouins or Cayugas. (3.)
The Onontagues or Onondagas. (4.) The Onneyouts or Oneidas. (5.) The
Agniers or Mohawks. The Tsonnontouans were the most numerous, but the
Agniers were the bravest and wildest.

The Iroquois or confederate tribes had by constant warfare become the
greatest warriors of New France, nor is this fact surprising when we
consider that they had waged successful warfare, extending over a long
period, against the vast coalition of Hurons, Algonquins, Montagnais and
Micmacs scattered from Lake Huron to Acadia.

Anadabijou, chief of the Montagnais, made a long speech, telling his men
that they ought to feel proud of the friendship of the king of France
and of his people, upon whom they could rely for assistance in their
wars. It was from that date that the alliance between the Indians and
the French commenced, and, as Champlain was obliged to live in the
neighbourhood of the Montagnais and Algonquins, the only course open to
him, if he desired to live in peace, was to fulfil his promise made to
them.

In this year, 1609, Anadabijou reminded Champlain of the agreement made
six years before. "Ten moons ago," he says, "the son of Iroquet had seen
you. You gave him a good reception, and promised with Pont-Gravé to
assist us against our enemies." To this Champlain replied, "My only
desire is to fulfil what I promised then." Thus was sealed this solemn
agreement.

If Champlain had refused to make an alliance with these Indians, they
would have been a constant source of trouble, for although they were
less ferocious than the Iroquois, they were still barbarians. Champlain
and his few men could never have established a settlement at Quebec if
they had been forced to encounter the hostility of the neighbouring
Indians, for the whole of his work could have been overthrown by them in
a single day.

The country of the Iroquois, on the contrary, was situated at a great
distance, and consequently he had not so much to fear from them. It was
Champlain's desire, however, to make a treaty with the Iroquois as well,
for they were at this time even, and long after remained, the terror of
North America. But war seemed necessary to the existence of the
Iroquois, and Champlain, notwithstanding the exercise of his diplomacy,
found it impossible to pacify these restless people.

It is true that the people of New Netherland had been able to maintain
a neutral stand towards the Iroquois, and Champlain has been blamed for
not following this example. It must be borne in mind, however, that the
Dutch were powerful and numerous, and it was to their interest to live
in harmony with their immediate neighbours, the Iroquois. The Dutch had
also different intentions towards the Indians. They came to America
simply to trade, and to establish themselves and live quietly along the
shores of the Hudson River, while Champlain's idea was to civilize the
Indians and bring them under the influence of the Catholic missionaries.

Champlain and the allied Indians left Quebec on June 28th, 1609. Des
Marets, La Routte, a pilot, and nine men accompanied the expedition. On
their voyage they passed certain rivers to which Champlain gave the
following names, Ste. Suzanne (River du Loup), du Pont (Nicolet), de
Gênes (Yamaska), and the Three Rivers.[11] The party stopped at the
entrance of the Iroquois River. Continuing their journey southwards,
they arrived at the Chambly Rapids. "No Christians had been in this
place before us," says Champlain. Seeing no prospect of being able to
cross the rapids alone, Champlain embarked with the Indians in their
canoes, taking only two men with him. Champlain's army, comprising
sixty men, then proceeded slowly towards Lake Champlain, and a few days
after the party arrived at Lake St. Sacrament (Lake George). On July
29th they encountered the Iroquois, who had come to fight, at the
extremity of Lake Champlain, on the western bank. The entire night was
spent by each army in dancing and singing, and in bandying words. At
daybreak Champlain's men stood to arms. The Iroquois were composed of
about two hundred men, stout and rugged in appearance, with their three
chiefs at their head, who could be distinguished by their large plumes.
The Indians opened their ranks and called upon Champlain to go to the
front. The arrows were beginning to fly on both sides when Champlain
discharged his musket, which was loaded with four balls, and killed two
of the chiefs and mortally wounded the third. This unexpected blow
caused great alarm among the Iroquois, who lost courage, abandoned their
camp and took to flight, seeking shelter in the woods. Fifteen or
sixteen men of Champlain's party were wounded, but the enemy had many
wounded, and ten or twelve were taken prisoners.

This victory did not entail much hardship on the part of the French.
Champlain and his two companions did more to rout the Iroquois than the
sixty allies with their shower of arrows. The result of this day's
proceedings was highly satisfactory to the Indians, who gathered up the
arms and provisions left behind by the Iroquois, and feasted
sumptuously amidst dancing and singing. "The spot where this attack took
place," says Champlain, "is in the latitude of 43° and some minutes, and
the lake is called Champlain." This place is now called Ticonderoga, or
the Cheondoroga of the Indians.

Champlain returned to Quebec with the Montagnais, and a few days after
he set out for Tadousac to see whether Pont-Gravé had arrived from
Gaspé. He met Pont-Gravé on the morrow, and they both decided to sail
for France, and to leave Quebec in the meantime under the command of
Pierre de Chauvin,[12] pending the decision of de Monts as to the future
of the colony. Both visited Quebec in order to invest Chauvin with
authority, and after leaving him everything necessary for the use of the
settlement, and placing fifteen men under his command, the two
commanders left Quebec on September 1st, 1609, and sailed from Tadousac
for France on the fifth day of the same month.

Champlain had sojourned in New France since the beginning of July, 1608,
and during that interval he had made good use of his time. He had chosen
the most suitable place for a habitation which was destined to become
the metropolis of the French colony; he had constructed a fort and a
storehouse, and he had also explored a very important tract of country.
Champlain had also visited a part of the river Saguenay; he had made
himself acquainted with the vicinity of Quebec, and with the rivers,
streams and tributaries of the St. Lawrence and Ste. Croix. For the
second time he had seen the river St. Lawrence as far as the Iroquois
River over which he had sailed as far as Lake Champlain, whence it
receives its waters. Besides his achievements in exploration Champlain
had cemented friendly relations with the Montagnais, Algonquins and
Hurons; he had renewed his acquaintance with Anadabijou and formed an
alliance with Iroquet and Ochateguin, three of the most powerful chiefs
of these tribes. He was also well versed in their methods of warfare and
had studied their manners and customs and their treatment of their
prisoners, so that when he returned to France he was in a position to
give de Monts a great deal of valuable information, both as regards the
inhabitants and the best means of promoting trade with them.

On his arrival in France Champlain proceeded at once to Fontainebleau,
where he met King Henry IV and de Monts. He had an audience with the
king and gave His Majesty a satisfactory account of his proceedings. He
also presented to the king a girdle made of porcupine quills, two little
birds of carnation colour, and the head of a fish caught in Lake
Champlain, which had a very long snout, and two or three rows of very
sharp teeth.

To de Monts the visit of Champlain was of great importance, because the
fate of Quebec was bound up with him. After hearing Champlain's
narrative of his voyages in New France, de Monts decided to visit Rouen
in order to consult Collier and Legendre, his associates. After
deliberation they resolved to continue their efforts to colonize New
France and to further explore the great river St. Lawrence. In order to
realize means for defraying the expenses of the expedition, Pont-Gravé
was authorized to engage in any traffic that would help to accomplish
this end. In the meantime Lucas Legendre was ordered to purchase
merchandise for the expedition, to see to the repairs of the vessels,
and to obtain crews. After these details had been arranged de Monts and
Champlain returned to Paris to settle the more important questions.

De Monts' commission, which had been issued for one year, had expired,
but he hoped that it would be renewed. His requests, which appeared just
and reasonable, were, however, refused, owing to protests on the part of
merchants of Bretagne and Normandy, who claimed that this monopoly was
ruinous to their commerce. Finally de Monts appealed to his former
partners, who decided to furnish two vessels, at their own expense, with
supplies and stores necessary for the settlement. Pont-Gravé was given
the command of a fur-trading vessel, and the other was laden with
provisions and stores necessary for the use of the settlers. Champlain
was informed that his services were dispensed with, but not believing
that this news could be true, he saw de Monts and asked him frankly
whether such was the case. De Monts told him that he could accompany the
expedition, if he chose to do so. Champlain therefore set out from Paris
on the last day of February, 1610, and proceeded to Rouen, where he
remained for two days, and then left for Honfleur, to meet Pont-Gravé
and Legendre, who informed him that the vessels were ready to sail.

FOOTNOTES:

[9] Le Testu's Christian name was Guillaume. His first voyage to
Newfoundland was made in 1601. He came to Quebec in 1608, 1610, 1611,
1612, 1613, 1614, and 1616. He was successively captain of the _Fleur de
Lys_, the _Trinité_ and the _Nativité_. He was very circumspect in his
dealings.

[10] Champlain often speaks of this man. His true name was Claude Godet,
Sieur des Marets. His father, Cléophas Godet, a lawyer, had three sons,
Claude, Jean and Jessé. Jean was Sieur du Parc, and Jessé parish priest
of Chambois in 1634. Both Claude and Jean came to Canada. Claude des
Marets was married, in 1615, to Jeanne Gravé, only daughter of François
Gravé, Sieur du Pont. He died about the year 1626, leaving one child
named François, who came to New France with his grandfather, and was
present at the capitulation of Quebec in 1629.

[11] This is the river _de Fouez_ of Jacques Cartier, and the
_Metaberoutin_ of the Indians, and now the river St. Maurice, to which
historians have given the name of Three Rivers, because two islands
divide it into three branches at its entrance; these branches are called
_Les Chenaux_, or the narrow channels.

[12] Pierre de Chauvin, Sieur de la Pierre, called Captain Pierre by
Champlain, was born at Dieppe, but after the death of his relative,
Pierre de Chauvin, Sieur de Tontuit, he resided at Honfleur. There were
many families of Chauvin in Normandy during the seventeenth century,
notably the Chauvins, Sieurs de Tontuit, and the Chauvins, Sieurs de la
Pierre.




CHAPTER IV

CHAMPLAIN'S VOYAGES OF 1610, 1611, 1613


Champlain embarked at Honfleur with eleven artisans for Quebec, on March
7th, 1610. The rough weather experienced during the first days of the
voyage rendered it necessary for the vessel to run into Portland, on the
English coast, and later to seek refuge in the harbour of the Isle of
Wight. At this time Champlain was taken suddenly ill, and was obliged to
return by boat to Havre de Grâce to undergo medical treatment. A month
after he rejoined his former vessel, which in the meantime had returned
to Honfleur to take in ballast. Champlain had now somewhat recovered,
although he was still weak and ill.

The vessel left Honfleur on April 8th, and reached Tadousac on the 26th
of the same month; which was one of the shortest passages ever made up
to that time. "There were vessels," says Champlain, "which had arrived
on the 18th of the month, a thing which had not been seen for more than
sixty years, as the old mariners said who sail regularly to this
country." This remark proves that for more than half a century French
fishermen and navigators had been accustomed to proceed as far as
Tadousac. A Basque, named Lavalette, who had been accustomed to fish on
the Acadian coast from about the year 1565, also confirms the statement.

On his arrival at Tadousac, Champlain ascertained from a young nobleman,
named du Parc,[13] who had wintered with Chauvin at Quebec, that all the
settlers were in good health, and that only a few of them had been
slightly ill. They had been able to procure fresh meat during the whole
season, and consequently scurvy had not made its appearance. "By
avoiding salt food and using fresh meat, the health is as good here as
in France."

The Indians had been waiting from day to day for the return of
Champlain, for they wished him to accompany them to war. He therefore
went ashore to assure them that he would fulfil his promise under the
conditions made, namely, that upon his return they would point out to
him the three rivers, and the lake which they had described as
resembling a sea, the end of which could not be seen, and by means of
which he could return by way of the Saguenay to Tadousac. The Indians
had readily promised to do all this, but only in the following year.
Champlain had also promised the Hurons and Algonquins that he would
assist them in their wars, if they would show him their country, the
great lake and the copper mines. "I had accordingly," he said, "two
strings to my bow, so that, in case one should break, the other might
hold."

On April 25th, 1610, Champlain set out from Tadousac for Quebec, where
he found Captain Chauvin and his companions in good health. They had
with them a stranger named Captain Batiscan, who was so pleased at
Champlain's return that he and his comrades showed their appreciation by
singing and dancing all night. Champlain entertained them at a banquet,
with which they were delighted.

Some days after a party of the Montagnais, numbering about sixty men,
made their appearance at Quebec, _en route_ for the war. They presented
themselves before Champlain, and said: "Here are numerous Basques and
Mistigoches (so they named the Normans and Malouins) who say they will
go to the war with us. What do you think of it? Do they speak the
truth?" Champlain answered: "No, I know very well what they really mean;
they say this only to get possession of your commodities." The Indians
replied: "You have spoken the truth. They are women and want to make war
only upon our beavers." Confiding in Champlain's word, the Montagnais
went to Three Rivers under the agreement that a general rendezvous
should be held there with the French. The Hurons were to await them at
the entrance of the Iroquois River.

Champlain started on his journey on June 14th. When he was eight leagues
from Quebec he met a canoe bearing an Algonquin and a Montagnais, who
entreated him to hasten towards Three Rivers, as the Algonquins and
Hurons would be at the meeting-place within two days. The Algonquins
presented Champlain with a piece of copper a foot long and quite pure,
and stated that there were large quantities to be found on the bank of a
river, near a great lake. The Indians also stated that they collected
the copper in lumps, and after they had melted it, spread it in sheets
and smoothed it with stones. Champlain was well pleased to receive this
present, although it was of small value.

The Montagnais assembled at Three Rivers, and on June 18th they all set
out together. On the following day they arrived at an island situated at
the mouth of the river Richelieu, which the Montagnais used to frequent
when they wished to avoid the Iroquois.

An alarm was soon given that the Algonquins had fallen in with a band of
Iroquois, numbering one hundred, who were strongly barricaded. Each man
then took his arms and set out in a canoe towards the enemy. The firing
immediately began, and Champlain was wounded by an arrow which pierced
his ear and entered his neck. He seized the arrow and withdrew it from
the wound. The Iroquois were much astonished at the noise caused by the
discharge of the French muskets, and some of them, seeing their
companions wounded or dead, threw themselves upon the ground whenever
they, heard a musket fired. Champlain resolved after a while to force
the barricade, sword in hand, which he accomplished without much
resistance, and entered the fort. Fifteen prisoners were taken, and the
rest were killed either by musket shots, arrows, or the sword. The
savages, according to their custom, scalped the dead. The Montagnais and
Algonquins had three killed and fifty wounded. On the following day
Pont-Gravé and Chauvin did some trading in peltry.

Amongst Champlain's party there was a young lad named Nicholas Marsolet,
who desired to accompany the Algonquins in order to learn their
language, and he was pleased to learn that after much deliberation the
Algonquins had decided to take him, on the condition that Champlain
accepted a young Huron as hostage. The Indian boy was named Savignon by
the French. Lescarbot writes that he met this youth many times in Paris,
and that "he was a big and stout boy."

The French and the allied Indians separated with many promises of
friendship. The Indians departed for the fall of the great river of
Canada, and the French, with Champlain at their head, proceeded to
Quebec. On the return journey they met at Lake St. Peter, Pont-Gravé,
who was on his way to Tadousac, to arrange some business connected with
headquarters.

Pont-Gravé contemplated passing the winter at Quebec, but in the
meantime des Marets arrived from France, much to the delight of every
one, as his vessel was long overdue. The news which he brought,
however, was so serious that both Champlain and Pont-Gravé decided to
return to France. The intelligence received was to the effect that M. de
St. Luc had expelled the Catholics from Brouage, that the king had been
killed, and that the Duke of Sully and two other noblemen had shared the
same fate.

Champlain was much distressed over the condition of affairs in France,
and on his departure he left du Parc in command of Quebec, and placed
under him sixteen men, "all of whom were enjoined to live soberly, and
in the fear of God, and in strict observance of the obedience due to the
authority of du Parc." The settlement was left with a plentiful supply
of kitchen vegetables, together with a sufficient quantity of Indian
corn, wheat, rye and barley. Everything was in good order when Champlain
set out from Quebec on August 8th, five days after Pont-Gravé's vessel
sailed from Tadousac for France. On September 27th they arrived at
Honfleur, the voyage having lasted one month and a half.

This second voyage of Champlain did not restore de Monts' fortunes. The
withdrawal of the exclusive privilege of trading was the signal for a
large number of trading vessels to appear in the St. Lawrence. In fact
the operations were so great as to render the profits of the company
null. The disaster was so complete that Champlain says: "Many will
remember for a long time the loss made this year." For all the labour
which Champlain had bestowed upon the settlement the result was small,
and it was evident that if any French merchant were allowed without
restrictions to trade with the Indians, commerce would be ruined, and
the development of the settlement would be impossible. During the first
years a beaver skin could be exchanged in return for two knives, and now
fifteen or twenty were required for the same exchange. Champlain
therefore desired to establish some form of rule by which commerce could
be restricted, or in other words, whereby he or de Monts, or any one
else who would undertake the direction of the affairs of New France,
might be protected.

It was during this winter of 1610-11, that Champlain, who was now more
than forty years of age, entertained thoughts of marriage. His constant
voyages during the past twelve years had probably prevented him from
entering into this estate before. It is, perhaps, somewhat surprising
that he so suddenly put aside this consideration against the marriage.
Did he contemplate residing permanently at Quebec, or did he foresee
that circumstances would render his remaining in New France improbable?
There is nothing in his narrative which throws any light on this
question. Champlain does not mention the name of his wife in any of his
writings, but we find later that she accompanied him to Quebec, where
she dwelt for four years. The name of Champlain's wife was Hélène
Boullé, the daughter of Nicholas Boullé, secretary of the king's
chamber, and of Marguerite Alix of St. Germain l'Auxerrois, Paris.
Hélène Boullé was born in 1598, and at the time of her marriage she was
only twelve years of age. Her parents were Calvinists, and she was
brought up in the same faith, but through the lessons and influence of
her husband she became a Catholic.

The marriage settlements were executed at Paris on December 27th, 1610,
and signed by Choquillot and Arragon, notaries, in the presence of the
parents and friends of both parties. Among those who attended on that
occasion were Pierre du Gua, friend; Lucas Legendre, of Rouen, friend;
Hercule Rouer, merchant of Paris; Marcel Chenu, merchant of Paris; Jehan
Roernan, secretary of de Monts, Champlain's friend; François Lesaige,
druggist of the king's stables, friend and relative; Jehan Ravenel,
Sieur de la Merrois; Pierre Noël, Sieur de Cosigné, friend; Anthoine de
Murad, king's councillor and almoner; Anthoine Marye; Barbier, surgeon,
relative and friend; Geneviève Lesaige, wife of Simon Alix, uncle of
Hélène Boullé, on the mother's side.

According to the terms of the contract, Nicholas Boullé and his wife
pledged themselves, by anticipated payment of the inheritance, to pay
six thousand livres cash, the day preceding the marriage. Champlain also
agreed to give his future wife the benefit of his wealth at his death.
Two days after, Nicholas Boullé sent to his son-in-law the sum of four
thousand five hundred livres, the balance was to be sent later on.

The betrothal took place in the church of St. Germain l'Auxerrois, on
Wednesday, December 29th, 1610, and on the following day the marriage
was celebrated in the same church. As the young bride was not of
marriageable age, she returned to her family to live with them for two
years, as agreed by the contract.

Champlain then resumed his colonization work, and had an interview with
de Monts, in order to induce him to take some action in his favour.
Although the profits to be realized from the enterprise were not
certain, it seemed probable that fur-trading, and developing the
resources of the country, might become advantageous. The expenses of the
undertaking were also small: a few barrels of biscuits, of pease and
cider would be found sufficient to sustain the fifteen or twenty men who
formed the nucleus of the colony. From year to year Champlain hoped to
be able to monopolize the fur trade, not for himself, but for the
company of de Monts.

The vessels which were equipped for the expedition were ready to sail on
March 1st, 1611. The passage was very rough, and when about eight
leagues distant from the Great Banks of Newfoundland, the vessels were
in great danger through the number of icebergs which were encountered.
The cold was so intense that it was found difficult to navigate the
vessel. While in the vicinity of Newfoundland, they communicated with a
French ship, on board of which was Biencourt, son of Poutrincourt, who
was bound for Port Royal to meet his father. He had left France three
months previously, and had been unable to find his way to the Acadian
coast.

After having sighted Gaspé, Champlain arrived at Tadousac on May 13th,
where he found all the country covered with snow. The savages were
informed of Champlain's arrival by cannon shot, and they soon made their
appearance. They stated that three or four trading vessels had arrived
within the last eight days, but that their business had been a failure
on account of the scarcity of furs.

Champlain proceeded at once to Quebec, where he found everything in good
order, and neither du Parc nor his companions had suffered from any
sickness. Game had been abundant during the whole winter. Champlain
intended to visit Three Rivers, but Batiscan said that he would not be
prepared to conduct him there until next year. As he was unable to carry
out his designs, Champlain took with him Savignon and one Frenchman, and
visited the great fall. He made a careful examination of the country,
and says:--

"But in all that I saw I found no place more favourable than a little
spot to which barques and shallops can easily ascend with the help of a
strong wind, or by taking a winding course, in consequence of the
strong current. But above this place, which we named _La Place Royale_,
at the distance of a league from Mont Royal, there are a great many
little rocks and shoals which are very dangerous.... Formerly savages
tilled these lands.... There is a large number of other fine pastures,
where any number of cattle can graze.... After a careful examination, we
found this place one of the finest on this river. I accordingly gave
orders to cut down and clear up the woods in the Place Royale, so as to
level it and prepare it for building."

This was the beginning of Montreal, the wealthiest city of Canada.

Champlain constructed a wall four feet thick, three or four feet high,
and thirty feet long. This fort was placed on an elevation twelve feet
higher than the level of the soil, so that it was safe from inundation.
Champlain named the island Ste. Hélène, in honour of his wife, and he
found that a strong town could be built there. To-day this island is a
favourite resort for the inhabitants of Montreal, and it is an ornament
to the harbour of the large city.

On June 13th two hundred Hurons arrived at Sault St. Louis, so called
from a young Frenchman named Louis, who was drowned in the rapids a few
days before. The Hurons were under the command of Ochateguin, Iroquet
and Tregouaroti. The latter was a brother of Savignon, the young Huron
whom Champlain had taken with him to France. The interview, which
lasted some time, was most cordial. The Indians said that they felt
somewhat uneasy on seeing so many Frenchmen who were not specially
united, and that they had desired to see Champlain alone, towards whom
they were as kindly disposed as towards their own children.

Champlain questioned them on the sources of the great river, and on
their own country. Four of them declared that they had seen a large sea
at a great distance from their village. After exchanging their peltry
with Champlain's consent, some of the Hurons left to follow the
war-path, while others returned to their own country. This interview
occurred on July 18th, 1611. On the same day Champlain set out for
Quebec, where he arrived on the nineteenth. Here he found that certain
necessary repairs had to be made. He also planted some rose bushes, and
caused some oak wood to be placed on board a vessel for shipment to
France, as a specimen of the wood of the new colony, which he considered
suitable not only for marine wainscoting, but also for windows and
doors.

Champlain sailed from Quebec on July 20th, and arrived at La Rochelle on
September 16th. De Monts was at Pons, in Saintonge, at this time, and it
was here that he received a visit from Champlain. After listening to
Champlain's narrative of his proceedings, de Monts decided to proceed to
court to arrange matters. He held a conference with the merchants at
Fontainebleau, but he found that they were unwilling to continue to
support the enterprise. He concluded a bargain with them for what
remained in the Quebec settlement by the payment of a certain sum of
money, and from that date de Monts' company ceased to exist. There was
only one man who had faith in the future of the colony, and who remained
staunch to its interests under all difficulties; this man was Champlain.

De Monts had shown great energy in opposing the impediments to the
undertaking which were offered by the merchants of Rouen, St. Malo and
La Rochelle, and as he hoped to regain the money which he had already
expended, he considered that it was time to receive assistance from the
king. Louis XIII listened attentively to de Monts' requests, but he did
not accede to them. De Monts, therefore, informed Champlain that he was
compelled to abandon the enterprise. This was the last interview between
these two men.

Champlain was now left to his own resources for continuing his work. His
personal means were small, and far too slender to enable him to support
a colony in its infancy. The thought of abandoning the settlement was
repugnant to him, not only on account of the years of labour he had
bestowed upon it, but also because he felt that there was every chance
of success with the aid of rich and powerful men.

At the commencement of his description of his first voyage to Canada,
Champlain enumerates the reasons which induced him to continue his work
of discovery: "The desire which I have always had of making new
discoveries in New France, for the good, profit and glory of the French
name, and at the same time to lead the poor natives to the knowledge of
God, has led me to seek more and more for the greater facility of this
undertaking, which can only be secured by means of good regulations."

Then he drew up a statement,[14] which he handed to President Jeannin,
whom he knew to be well disposed.

The president encouraged Champlain, but in order that he might not be
deceived, he thought it better that Champlain should act under the
authority of some man whose influence would be sufficient to protect him
against the jealousy of the merchants. Champlain, therefore, addressed
himself through M. de Beaulieu, councillor and almoner in ordinary to
the king, to Charles de Bourbon, Comte de Soissons, then governor of
Dauphiné and Normandy. He urged upon the count the importance of the
undertaking, and explained the best means of regulating it, claiming
that the disorders which had hitherto existed threatened to ruin the
enterprise, and to bring dishonour to the name of the French.

After having examined the map of the country, and studied the details of
the scheme, Soissons promised, under the sanction of the king, to assume
the protectorate of the undertaking. Louis XIII listened favourably to
the petition of his loyal subject, and granted the direction and control
of the settlement to the count, who in due course honoured Champlain
with the lieutenancy. Soon after this event, however, the count died,
and His Majesty committed the direction of affairs to Monseigneur Le
Prince de Condé, who retained Champlain as his lieutenant.

After having caused his commission to be posted in all the ports of
Normandy, Champlain sailed from France on March 6th, in the vessel of
Pont-Gravé, and arrived at Pointe aux Vaches, near Tadousac, on April
24th, 1613.

The savages came on board the vessel and inquired for Champlain. Some
one replied that he had remained in France. On hearing this, an old man
approached Champlain, who was walking in a corner of the vessel, and
examined the scar on his ear, which was caused by an arrow wound while
fighting for the Indians. On seeing this, the old man recognized
Champlain, and expressed his feelings by shouts of delight, in which he
was joined by his companions, who said, "Your people are awaiting you in
the harbour of Tadousac."

On arriving at Tadousac, Champlain found that these Indians were almost
dying of hunger, and after having affixed the arms and commission of His
Majesty to a post in the port, he proceeded to Quebec, which he reached
on May 7th. The people of the settlement were all in good health, and
the winter having been less severe than usual, the river had not frozen
once. The leaves were beginning to appear on the trees, and the fields
were already decked with flowers.

On the 13th of the month Champlain left for the Falls of St. Louis,
which he reached eight days afterwards. Here he met a number of the
Algonquins, who informed him that the bad treatment which they had
experienced during the previous year had discouraged them from coming to
trade, and that his long absence from the country had left the whole
tribe under the impression that he did not intend to return. On hearing
this, Champlain recognized that it would be advisable to visit the
Algonquins at once, in order to continue his discoveries, and to
preserve friendly relations with them.

During his residence in France, Champlain had met a young Frenchman
named Nicholas du Vignau, who claimed to have seen the Northern Sea,
and said that the Algonquin River flowed from a lake which emptied into
it. He also stated that the journey from Sault St. Louis to this sea and
return could be accomplished in seventeen days, and that he had seen
there the wreck and débris of an English ship, on board of which were
eighty men. This intelligence seemed the more probable as the English
were supposed to have visited the Labrador coast in 1612, where they had
discovered a strait.

Champlain requested a merchant of La Rochelle, named Georges, to give du
Vignau a passage on his ship, which he did willingly, and he also made
an affidavit before a notary concerning du Vignau's Relation. Du Vignau
came to Canada, and accompanied Champlain on his visit to the
Algonquins. The party, consisting of four Frenchmen and one savage, set
out from Ste. Helen's Island on May 27th, 1613.

After having passed the falls they entered Lake St. Louis. On the last
day of May they passed Lake des Deux Montagnes, which Champlain called
Lake de Soissons. Some days after they came in sight of the river
Gatineau, the river Rideau and its fall, and the Chaudière Falls, where
they were forced to land. They also passed the rapid des Chats, Lake des
Chats, Madawaska River, Muskrat Lake, and Allumette Island, where an
Algonquin chief named Tessoüat resided. On the following day the Indians
gave a _tabagie_ in honour of Champlain, who after smoking the pipe of
peace with the party, explained to them that the object of his visit was
to assure them of his friendship, and to assist them in their wars, as
he had done before.[15]

He told them also that he was making an excursion into their country to
observe the fertility of the soil, and study their lakes and rivers, and
to discover the sea which he was told was in their vicinity. Champlain
therefore requested them to furnish four canoes, and eight Indians as
guides, to conduct the party to the Nipissirini, in order to induce
their enemies to fight.

The chief Tessoüat, speaking in behalf of the whole tribe, said that he
regarded Champlain as the most friendly of all the French, for the
others were unwilling to help them in their wars, but that they had
resolved not to go to the falls again, and that, owing to the long
absence of Champlain from the country, they had been compelled to go to
the wars alone. They therefore begged him to postpone his expedition
until the following year.

They granted Champlain's request of four canoes with great reluctance,
and stated that the Nipissirini were sorcerers, and not their friends.
Champlain insisted on having the guides, and stated that he had brought
with him a young man who would find no difficulty in visiting the
country of the Nipissirini.

Tessoüat thereupon addressed the young man by name, and said: "Nicholas,
is it true that you were among the Nebicerini?" "Yes," said he in
Algonquin language, "I was there." "You are a downright liar," replied
Tessoüat, "you know well that you slept at my side every night, with my
children, where you arose every morning; if you were among the people
mentioned, it was while sleeping. How could you have been as bold as to
lead your chief to believe lies, and so wicked as to be willing to
expose his life to so many dangers? You are a worthless fellow and ought
to be put to death, more cruelly than we do our enemies."

Shortly after, Champlain advised the Indians that the young lad had
confessed that he had lied concerning his visits to the Nipissirini
country. By telling them the facts Champlain hoped to ensure the life of
Nicholas du Vignau, as the savages had said, "Give him to us, and we
promise that he shall not lie any more."

On June 10th Champlain took leave of Tessoüat, after making him presents
and promising to return during the next year to assist in the war.
Continuing his course, Champlain again approached the Chaudière Falls,
where the savages went through a ceremony peculiar to them, which is
thus described:

"After carrying their canoes to the foot of the falls, they assembled
in one spot, where one of them took up a collection in a wooden plate,
into which each one placed a piece of tobacco. The collection having
been made, the plate was placed in the middle of the troupe, as they all
danced around it, singing after their style. Then one of them made a
harangue, setting forth that for a long time they had been accustomed to
make this offering, by means of which they were insured protection
against their enemies, and that otherwise misfortune would befall them,
as they were convinced by the evil spirit; and that they lived on in
this superstition, as in many others. This done, the maker of the
harangue took the plate, and threw the tobacco into the midst of the
caldron, whereupon they all raised a loud cry."

Such was the superstition of these savages that they considered a
favourable journey impossible without this uncouth ceremony. It was at
this portage that their enemies had been wont to surprise them.

On June 17th they arrived at Sault St. Louis on their return journey.
Captain L'Ange, who was the confidant of Champlain, brought news that
Maisonneuve of St. Malo had arrived with a passport from the Prince de
Condé for three vessels. Champlain therefore allowed him to trade with
the savages.

As the trade with the savages was now completed, Champlain resolved to
return to France by the first vessel which was ready to start. He
accepted a passage in Maisonneuve's vessel, which arrived at St. Malo on
August 26th. Champlain had an interview with the merchants, to whom he
represented that a good association could be formed in the future. The
merchants resolved to follow the example of those of Rouen and La
Rochelle.

In concluding this chapter we may repeat the words of Champlain: "May
God by His grace cause this undertaking to prosper to His honour and
glory the conversion of these poor benighted ones, and to the honour and
welfare of France."[16]

FOOTNOTES:

[13] Jean Godet, Sieur du Parc, was a brother of Claude des Marets. He
came with his brother to Quebec in 1609, and wintered there. In 1616 he
commanded at Quebec. On his return to France, he remained at St. Germain
de Clairefeuille, where he died on November 16th, 1652.

[14] This volume is entitled: _Les Voyages du Sieur de Champlain
Xaintongeois, capitaine pour le Roy, en la marine...._ A Paris, MDCXIII.
This volume contains a letter to the king, another one to the queen,
stanzas addressed to the French, an ode to Champlain on his book and his
marine maps, signed by Motin. The first book contains the voyages of
Champlain along the coasts of Acadia and New England. The second relates
to the voyages of Champlain to Quebec, in the years 1608, 1610 and 1611.
This edition is the most useful and the most interesting of all. Two
large maps of New France give an excellent idea of the country, though
they are not absolutely accurate.

[15] In August, 1867, a farmer called Overman, found on his land, lot
12, township of Ross, county of Renfrew, Ontario, an astrolabe supposed
to have been lost by Champlain during this expedition. From June 6th,
1613, Champlain seems to have ceased his observations, as he does not
say after this date: "I have taken the latitude." This fact would seem
to prove that the instrument was not used after June 6th, 1613. Some
pamphlets have been written on the astrolabe, and they all agree that it
had belonged to Champlain. Mr. Russell, one of the writers, has given a
full description of it.

[16] _Quatrième voyage du Sr. de Champlain, capitaine ordinaire pour le
Roy en la Marine, et Lieutenant de Monseigneur le Prince de Condé en la
Nouvelle France, fait en l'année 1613._ This Relation contains a letter
to Henri de Condé, and a geographical map, made in 1612, of a large size
and very curious. The history of this voyage is really a part of the
so-called edition of 1613, and the printing of it was done at the same
time as the Relations of the first, second and third voyages, which form
altogether a large volume of three hundred and twenty-five pages.




CHAPTER V

THE RÉCOLLETS AND THEIR MISSIONS


Champlain's affection for New France, the land of his adoption, made him
anxious to continue his explorations, in order that he might become
familiar with every locality. In the course of his voyages he often had
to be conveyed in Indian canoes, especially on the lakes and rivers, but
this means was sufficient only when his object was to ascertain whether
the country was well watered, whether the rivers were more or less
navigable, whether the lakes abounded with fish, and whether the water
powers were capable of being turned to account. Up till this time the
founder of Quebec had pressed forward his work of exploration with an
energy that was almost astonishing. He had rowed up the Iroquois River
as far as lake Champlain, and he had also navigated the Ottawa River in
a manner that had even surprised the Algonquins. Still many things
remained to be done and to be seen, such as to observe the fertility of
the soil in different latitudes, to study the manners and customs of the
Indians, especially of the great Huron tribe, which was the most
populous and probably better disposed to receive Christian instruction
than the other tribes. Champlain's ambition had always been to
introduce Christianity in order to civilize the people. Thus we find in
his writings after his return to France in 1614, the words:

"Without losing courage, I have not ceased to push on and visit various
nations of the savages, and by associating familiarly with them, I have
concluded, as well from their conversation as from the knowledge
attained, that there is no better way than, disregarding all storms and
difficulties, to have patience until His Majesty shall give the
requisite attention to the matter, and in the meantime to continue the
exploration of the country, but also to learn the language, and form
relations and friendship with the leading men of the villages and
tribes, in order to lay the foundations of a permanent edifice, as well
for the glory of God as for the renown of the French."

It is well to observe the significance of these words from the pen of
Champlain. Is this the language of a common fur-trader, simply seeking
to increase his fortune? What were really Champlain's designs during all
these years of labour and self-sacrifice? Was he animated by the mere
curiosity of the tourist, or the ambition of a man of science? No.
Champlain desired, it is true, to gain an intimate knowledge of the
country, and his labours are highly valued as a geographer and
cosmographer, but his intention was to utilize all his varied
information to promote the Christian religion and at the same time to
increase the renown of his native land.

Champlain deserves credit, not only for the idea of bringing
missionaries to Canada, but also for having realized his ideas. He
obtained the coöperation of many pious and zealous persons in France,
who willingly seconded his efforts, but it was owing to his own
steadfastness of purpose and to his great ability that his designs were
successfully carried out. After having formed a society of merchants to
take the material affairs of the colony in hand, Champlain tried to get
some religious orders to assume the direction of spiritual matters. He
had previously made known his plan to Louis Hoüel, king's councillor,
and comptroller of the salt works at Brouage, and sieur of Petit-Pré.
Hoüel was an honourable and pious man, and a friend of Champlain. He
told him that he was acquainted with some Récollets who would readily
agree to proceed to New France. Hoüel met Father du Verger, a man of
great virtue and ability, and principal of the order of the Immaculate
Conception. Father du Verger made an appeal to his confrères, all of
whom offered their services, and were ready to cross the ocean.

The cardinals and bishops who were then gathered at St. Denis for their
great chapter, were in favour of the idea of sending the Récollets to
their foreign missions, and promised to raise a fund for the maintenance
of four monks, and the merchants of Rouen promised to maintain and
convey at least six Récollets gratuitously. The king issued letters for
the future church of Canada. The pope's nuncio, Guido Bentivoglio,
granted the requisite permission, in conformity with the pope's wishes,
but the bull establishing the church was only forwarded on May 20th,
1615. The brief of Paul V granted to the Récollets the following
privileges:

"To receive all children born of believing and unbelieving parents, and
all others of what condition soever they may be, who, after promising to
keep and observe all that should be kept and observed by the faithful,
will embrace the truth of the Christian and Catholic faith; to baptize
even outside of the churches in case of necessity; to hear confessions
of penitents, and after diligently hearing them, to impose a salutary
penance according to their faults, and enjoin what should be enjoined in
conscience, to loose and absolve them from all sentences of
excommunication and other ecclesiastical pains and censures, as also
from all sorts of crimes, excesses, and delicts; to administer the
sacraments of the eucharist, marriage and extreme unction; to bless all
kinds of vestments, vessels and ornaments when holy unction is not
necessary; to dispense gratuitously new converts who have contracted or
would contract marriage in any degree of consanguinity, or affinity
whatever, except the first or second, or between ascending and
descending, provided the women have not been carried off by force, and
the two parties who have contracted or would contract be Catholics, and
there be just cause as well for the marriages already contracted as for
those desired to be contracted; to declare and pronounce the children
born and issued of such marriages legitimate; to have an altar which
they may decently carry, and thereon to celebrate in decent and becoming
places where the convenience of a church shall be wanting."

The Reverend Father Garnier de Chapouin, provincial of the province of
St. Denis, appointed four monks as the founders of the future mission.
Their names were Father Denis Jamet, Jean d'Olbeau, Joseph Le Caron, and
a brother named Pacifique du Plessis, who received orders to accompany
them. These four monks were all remarkable for their virtue and
apostolic zeal. Father Jamet was appointed commissary, and Father
d'Olbeau was appointed his successor in the event of death. The king
granted them authority to build one or more convents in Canada, and to
send for as many monks as were required. It was impossible to send more
than four of them during the first year.

On April 24th, 1615, the _St. Étienne_ sailed from Honfleur, and one
month later came to anchor at Tadousac. On June 25th, Father d'Olbeau
was able to say mass in a small chapel built at the foot of Mountain
Hill, Quebec.

Soon after his arrival at Quebec, Champlain set out for the falls,
accompanied by Father Jamet. They reached the river des Prairies some
days after, and on June 24th, Father Jamet celebrated a solemn mass, at
which Champlain and some others assisted. This was the first mass
celebrated in Canada since the days of Jacques Cartier.

In the early days of the settlement these brave missionaries had to
contend with many difficulties, which could be foreseen only by those
who were acquainted with the existing state of affairs. Many of these
difficulties arose from the fact that at least a fourth of the merchants
of the company were members of the so-called reformed, or Calvinistic
persuasion. It is easy to comprehend that the sympathies of these men
would not incline towards the Catholic religion.

Champlain draws particular attention to the unfortunate results produced
by the existence of different creeds. Differences arose, and divisions
were created which sometimes resulted in quarrels between children of
the same country. These quarrels which were much to be deplored, did
not, however, occur in Quebec, because the French merchants did not deem
it advisable to send their ministers there, but replaced them by agents
who were often fanatical, and were for the Récollets a frequent source
of bitterness and annoyance. The most of the disorders occurred on board
the vessels, and were due to the fact that the crews were too hastily
engaged.

The merchants, however, were bound to colonize the country with Catholic
settlers, and de Monts was also bound by similar conditions. Moreover,
the terms of the patents expressly stipulated that this should be
carried out. They were also forbidden to extend Calvinism among the
savages. "This policy," says Bancroft, "was full of wisdom." The
interpreters who could have greatly assisted the missionaries, proved on
the contrary an obstacle to the development of the Catholic religion,
for they refused to instruct the Récollets in the Indian languages,
which they had learnt before the arrival of the missionaries.

Father Lalemant, a Jesuit, wrote in the year 1626: "This interpreter had
never wanted to communicate his knowledge of the language to any one,
not even to the Reverend Récollet Fathers, who had constantly importuned
him for ten years." So also wrote Father Le Jeune in his Relation of
1633.

The difficulties that the missionaries had to overcome are therefore
readily understood. However they had the merit of preparing the way for
their successors, and the honour of planting the cross of Jesus Christ
everywhere, from Tadousac to Lake Huron.

The number of missionaries was limited at the commencement, but some
others came to Canada later, particularly Fathers Guillaume Poullain,
Georges Le Baillif, and Paul Huet. These men, some of whom were of noble
birth, were remarkable for their virtues and their abilities. In the
annals of the primitive church of New France, their names are
illustrious, and around their memory gathers the aureole of sanctity.
During six years, from 1615 to 1621, the spiritual direction of the
colony was entrusted to six fathers and three friars. Father d'Olbeau
remained in charge of the habitation of Quebec, and Father Le Caron
resolved to proceed at once to the country of the Hurons.

On July 9th, 1615, Champlain, Étienne Brûle, an interpreter, a servant,
and ten Indians, set out for the mouth of the Ottawa River. They rowed
up the river as far as the Mattawan, which they followed westwards, and
soon reached Lake Nipissing where they stopped for two days. This was on
July 26th. After having taken this short rest, they continued their
voyage, crossing Georgian Bay, and reached the land of the Hurons. Near
the shore they met the Attignaouantans, or people of the bear tribe, one
of the four chief branches of the great Huron family. Their village or
_bourgade_ was called Otouacha. On the second day of August, Champlain's
party visited the village of Carmeron, and on the following day, they
saw the encampments of Tonaguainchain, Tequenonquiayé and Carhagouha. In
the latter encampment Father Le Caron resided.

[Illustration: Champlain on the shores of Georgian Bay, 1615

From the painting by Hummé]

On July 12th Father Le Caron celebrated mass and sang the _Te Deum_,
after which the Indians planted a cross near the small chapel which had
been erected under Champlain's direction. The reverend father occupied a
hut within the palisade which formed the rampart of the village, and he
spent the fall and winter with the Hurons of Carhagouha.

The Huron country was situated between the peninsula watered by Lake
Simcoe on the eastern side, and by the Georgian Bay on the western side.
It extended from north to south between the rivers Severn and
Nottawasaga. This land is twenty-five leagues in length and seven or
eight in width. The soil, though sandy, was fertile and produced in
abundance corn, beans, pumpkins and the annual helianth or sun-flower,
from which the Hurons extracted the oil. The neighbouring tribes, such
as the Ottawas and the Algonquins, used to procure their provisions from
the Hurons, as they were permanently cultivating their lands.

Champlain observed, in 1615, that there were eighteen _bourgades_ or
villages, of which he mentions five, namely: Carhagouha, Toanché,
Carmeron, Tequenonquiayé and Cahiagué. Cahiagué was the most important,
and had two hundred huts; it was also the chief _bourgade_ of the tribe
called de la Roche.

Four tribes of a common origin and a common language were living on the
Huron peninsula. They were: (1.) The Attignaouantans, or Tribe de
l'Ours; (2.) The Attignenonghacs, or Tribe de la Corde; (3.) The
Arendarrhonons, or Tribe de la Roche; (4.) The Tohontahenrats. The
general name given to these four tribes by the French was Ouendats.

The most numerous and the most respected of the tribes were the tribes
de l'Ours and de la Corde, which had taken possession of the country;
the first about the year 1589, and the second twenty years after. The
oldest men of these tribes related to the missionaries, in 1638, that
their ancestors for the past two hundred years had been obliged to
change their residence every ten years. These two tribes were very
friendly, and in their councils treated each other like brothers. All
their business was conducted through the medium of a captain of war and
a captain of council.

These tribes became popular and increased their numbers by adopting
members of other nations, so that in later years the Huron family became
one of the most powerful and redoubtable in North America. The identity
of language was a great factor in the accomplishment of this marvellous
result. The Andastes, of Virginia, were therefore speaking the Huron
language. The Tionnontatés became so identified with their neighbours
that they were named the Hurons of the Petun. The savages of the Neutral
Nation had also adopted the Huron idiom. This uniformity of language
formed a league between these nations which would have been broken with
the utmost difficulty.

Father de Brébeuf calculated that, in his time, there were scattered
over the whole continent of North America about three hundred thousand
Indians who understood the Huron dialect. This was exaggerated, for the
aborigines covering the territory known to the Hurons from whom the
father had collected this information did not number three hundred
thousand persons. How could he rely upon these people, to whom a
thousand men represented simply an amazing number? How could the Hurons
make a census of an unsedentary people, wandering here and there
according to circumstances of war or other reasons, and recruiting
themselves with prisoners or with the remnants of conquered nations?

To give only one example of these strange recruitings, let us examine
the composition of the great family of the Iroquois in Champlain's time.
It was a collection of disbanded tribes, who had belonged to the Hurons,
to the Tionnontatés, to the Neutral, to the Eries and du Feu tribes. The
Iroquois had separated themselves from the Hurons to form a branch which
acquired with time more vivacity than the tree from which it had sprung.
The Hurons were called the good Iroquois in order to distinguish them
from the wicked Iroquois who were reputed to be barbarous. They fought
against all the nations living in Canada, and their name was a subject
of general apprehension.

Returning to the Hurons, we find that the Attignaouantans, or the tribe
de l'Ours, was the most populous, forming half of the whole Huron
family, namely about fifteen thousand souls. They were considered,
erroneously, as the most perfidious of all. Father de Brébeuf, who knew
them well, says that they were mild, charitable, polite and courteous.
Some years later, the tribe de l'Ours occupied fourteen villages, with
thirteen missions under the charge of the Jesuits. The whole mission,
called Immaculate Conception, had its principal seat at Ossossané, which
had replaced Carhagouha, mentioned by Champlain. The French called it La
Rochelle. Ossossané was the nearest village of the Iroquois territory.
Father du Creux' map places it on the western coast of the Huron
peninsula.

The Attignenonghacs, or tribe de la Corde, were the oldest and the most
numerous, after the Attignaouantans. They praised their antiquity and
their traditions which had existed for two hundred years, and which had
been collected by word of mouth by the chiefs or captains. This
evidence, more or less valuable, seems to indicate that they had
preserved a family spirit, which is very laudable. The Attignenonghacs,
however, had founded a nationality, and their language was so developed
that, in 1635, Father de Brébeuf could recall to memory twelve nations
who spoke it. This tribe had no special features except that they were
very devoted to the French. The Jesuits opened in their midst two
missions called St. Ignace and St. Joseph. Teanaustayaé was one of the
most important villages of the Attignenonghacs. When the village of
Ihonatiria ceased to exist, the Jesuits called it St. Joseph. Here
perished, in 1648, Father Daniel, together with seven hundred Hurons.

Toanché was another village of the same tribe. It has often changed its
name, and we may consider it as one of these flying _bourgades_ so
commonly found among the Hurons. Champlain had known the village of
Toanché under the name of Otouacha. When Father de Brébeuf came here for
the second time, in 1634, he was unable to recognize the village that he
had visited for the first time in 1626. It had been transported about
two miles from its former place. It was then situated at the western
entrance of a bay now Penetanguishene, on a point in the northern part
of Lake Huron, four leagues from Ossossané and seven from Teanaustayaé.

The Arendarrhonons, or tribe de la Roche, were settled on the eastern
part of the peninsula. They were at first discovered by the French, and
they had, according to the laws of the country, the privilege of fur
trading. They were especially attached to Champlain, and twenty-two
years after his death they had not forgotten his remarkable virtues and
courage. The _bourgade_ of Cahiagué, comprising two hundred and sixty
huts and two thousand souls, was the chief place of the Arendarrhonons.
It was situated near the lake Ouentaron, now lake Simcoe, at the
northern extremity, near the small town of Orillia. The Jesuits
established a mission here, and their principal residence was on the
right shore of a small river called the Wye, near Penetanguishene. The
remains of a fort built there in 1639 could be seen a few years ago.

Cahiagué was distant from Carhagouha fourteen leagues. It was situated
near the village of Scanonahenrat, where the Tohontahenrats, the fourth
Huron tribe, resided. They were less numerous than the others.
Scanonahenrat was situated at about two leagues from Ihonatiria of the
Attignenonghacs, and at three leagues from the Ataronchronons, another
Huron group of small importance, where finally the Jesuits took up their
residence. When these missions were flourishing, the Jesuits could
enumerate twenty-five different places where they could pursue their
calling with zeal. The Récollets had continued their course with
vigorous activity; they had sown the divine seed, but they were not
permitted to reap the reward of their labours, as the Jesuits did in the
future.

Although the Hurons appeared to be happy, their mode of living was
miserable. Their principal articles of food were Indian corn and common
beans, which they prepared in various ways. Their clothing was made of
the skins of wild animals. Deer skin was used for their trousers, which
were cut loose, and their stockings were made of another piece of the
same skin, while their boots were formed of the skin of bears, beavers
and deer. They also wore a cloak in the Egyptian style, with sleeves
which were attached by a string behind. Most of them painted their faces
black and red, and dyed their hair, which some wore long, others short,
and others again on one side only. The women and girls were dressed
like men, except that they had their robes, which extended to the knee,
girt about them. They all dressed their hair in one uniform style,
carefully combed, dyed and oiled. For ornaments they wore quantities of
porcelain, chains and necklaces, besides bracelets and ear-rings.

These people were of a happy temperament generally, though some had a
sad and gloomy countenance. Physically they were well proportioned. Some
of the men and women had fine figures, strong and robust, and many of
the women were powerful and of unusual height. The greater portion of
the work fell to the lot of the women, who looked after the housework,
tilled the land, laid up a store of wood for the winter, beat the hemp
and spun it, and made fishing nets from the thread. They also gathered
in the harvest and prepared it for food. The occupation of the men was
hunting for deer, fishing, and building their cabins, varied at times by
war. When they were free from these occupations, they visited other
tribes with whom they were acquainted for the purpose of traffic or
exchange, and their return was celebrated by dances and festivities.

They had a certain form of marriage which Champlain thus describes. When
a girl had reached the age of eleven, twelve, thirteen, fourteen or
fifteen years, she had suitors, more or less, according to her
attractions, who wooed her for some time. The consent of the parents was
then asked, to whose wills the girl did not always submit, although the
most discreet of them did so. The favoured lover or suitor then
presented to the girl some necklaces, bracelets or chains of porcelain,
which she accepted if the suitor was agreeable to her. The suitor then
resided with her for three or four days, without saying anything to her
in the meantime, but if they did not agree, the girl left her suitor,
who forfeited his necklaces and the other presents which he had made,
and each was free to seek another companion if so disposed. This term of
probation was often extended to eight, or even to fifteen days.

The children enjoyed great freedom. The parents indulged them too much
and never punished or corrected them. As a consequence they grew up bad
and vicious. They would often strike their mothers, and when they were
powerful enough they did not hesitate to strike their fathers.

The Hurons did not recognize any divine power or worship of God. They
were without belief, and lived like brute beasts, with this exception,
that they had a sort of fear of an evil spirit. They had _ogni_ or
_manitous_, who were medicine-men, and who healed the sick, bound up the
wounded, foretold future events, and practised all the abuses and
illusions of the black arts.

Champlain firmly believed that the conversion of the Hurons to
Christianity would have been easier if the country had been inhabited by
persons who would devote their energies to instructing them. Father Le
Caron and himself had often conversed with them regarding the Catholic
faith, the laws and customs of the French, and they had listened
attentively, sometimes saying:

"You say things that pass our knowledge, and which we cannot understand
by words, being beyond our comprehension; but if you would do us a
service, come and dwell in this country, bringing your wives and
children, and when they are here, we shall see how you serve the God you
worship, and how you live with your wives and children, how you
cultivate and plant the soil, how you obey your laws, how you take care
of animals, and how you manufacture all that we see proceeding from your
inventive skill. When we see all this we shall learn more in a year than
in twenty by simply hearing your discourse; and if we cannot understand,
you shall take our children, who shall be as your own. And thus being
convinced that our life is a miserable one in comparison with yours, it
is easy to believe that we shall adopt yours, abandoning our own."

The following was their mode of government. The older and leading men
assembled in a council, in which they settled upon and proposed all that
was necessary for the affairs of the village. This was done by a
plurality of voices, or in accordance with the advice of some one among
them whose judgment they considered superior; such a one was requested
by the company to give his opinion on the propositions that had been
made, and his opinion was minutely obeyed. They had no particular chief
with absolute command, but they honoured the older and more courageous
men, of which there were several in a village, whom they named captains,
as a mark of distinction and respect.

They all deliberated in common, and whenever any member of the assembly
offered to do anything for the welfare of the village, or to go anywhere
for the service of the community, he was requested to present himself,
and if he was judged capable of carrying out what he proposed, they
exhorted him, by fair and favourable words, to do his duty. They
declared him to be an energetic man, fit for the undertaking, and
assured him that he would win honour in accomplishing his task. In a
word, they encouraged him by flatteries, in order that this favourable
disposition of his for the welfare of his fellow-citizens might continue
and increase. Then, according to his pleasure, he accepted or refused
the responsibility, and thereby he was held in high esteem.

They had, moreover, general assemblies with representatives from remote
regions. These representatives came every year, one from each province,
and met in a town designated as the rendezvous of the assembly. Here
were celebrated great banquets and dances, for three weeks or a month,
according as they might determine. On these occasions they renewed
their friendship, resolved upon and decreed what they thought best for
the preservation of their country against their enemies, and made each
other handsome presents, after which they retired to their own
districts.

In burying the dead, the Hurons took the body of the deceased, wrapped
it in furs, and covered it very carefully with the bark of trees. Then
they placed it in a cabin, of the length of the body, made of bark and
erected upon four posts. Others they placed in the ground, propping up
the earth on all sides that it might not fall on the body, which they
covered with the bark of trees, putting earth on top. Over this trench
they also made a little cabin. The bodies remained thus buried for a
period of eight or ten years. Then they held a general council, to which
all the people of the country were invited, for the purpose of
determining upon some place for the holding of a great festival. After
this they returned each to his own village, where they took all the
bones of the deceased, stripped them and made them quite clean. These
they kept very carefully, although the odour arising therefrom was
noxious. Then all the relatives and friends of the deceased took these
bones, together with their necklaces, furs, axes, kettles, and other
things highly valued, and carried them, with a quantity of edibles, to
the place assigned. Here, when all had assembled, they put the edibles
in a place designated by the men of the village, and engaged in banquets
and continual dancing. The festival lasted for the space of ten days,
during which other tribes from all quarters came to witness the
ceremonies. The latter were attended with great outlays.

These details on the manners and customs of the Hurons are quoted nearly
_verbatim_ from Champlain's Relations, so they must be considered as
accurate.[17]

FOOTNOTES:

[17] This volume contains the following title: _Voyages et
Descouvertures faites en la Nouvelle France depuis l'année 1615, jusques
à la fin de l'année 1618. Par le Sieur de Champlain, Capitaine ordinaire
pour le Roy en la Mer du Ponant. Seconde Edition, MDCXIX_. This original
edition bears the date of 1619, and the second edition is dated 1627.




CHAPTER VI

WAR AGAINST THE IROQUOIS, 1615


Champlain had promised for some years to assist the Hurons in their wars
against the Iroquois, and he found that the present time was opportune
for him to fulfil his pledge. He had visited every Huron tribe, and he
was aware that a general rendezvous had been fixed at Cahiagué. On
August 14th, 1615, ten Frenchmen, under the command of Champlain,
started from Carhagouha. On their way they stopped at the villages of
the Tohontahenrats and Attignenonghacs, and found the country well
watered and cultivated, and the villages populous. The people, however,
were ignorant, avaricious and untruthful, and had no idea either of a
divinity or of a religion.

On August 17th, Champlain came in sight of Cahiagué, where the Hurons
had gathered, and after some hesitation, they decided to go to war. The
departure was delayed until September 1st, pending the arrival of some
of their warriors and the Andastes, who had promised five hundred men.
On their journey they passed by Lake Couchiching and Lake Ouantaron or
Simcoe. From there they decided to proceed by way of Sturgeon Lake,
after travelling by land for a distance of ten leagues. From Sturgeon
Lake flows the river Otonabi, which discharges into Rice Lake.

They followed the river Trent to the Bay of Quinté in Lake Ontario or
Entouaronons. "Here," says Champlain, "is the entrance of the grand
river of St. Lawrence." They leisurely crossed Lake Ontario, and, having
hidden their canoes, penetrated the woods and crossed the river Chouagen
or Oswego, which flows from Lake Oneida where the Iroquois used to fish.

On October 7th the Hurons had approached within four leagues of the
fortifications of their enemies, and on that day eleven Iroquois fell
into the hands of Champlain's men, and were made prisoners. Iroquet, the
chief of the Petite Nation, prepared to torture the prisoners, among
whom were four women and four children, but Champlain strongly opposed
this course. The Iroquois were engaged in reaping their corn when the
Hurons and their allies appeared before them on October 10th, or five
weeks after Champlain had started from Cahiagué. During this period
Champlain's army had undergone much fatigue, and it was desirable to
take some rest.

The first day was spent in petty skirmishes. Instead of fighting in
ranks, the Hurons disbanded, and were consequently liable to be seized
by the vigilance of their enemies. Champlain recognized the danger of
this method of warfare, and persuaded his companions to preserve their
ranks. The last combat continued for about three hours, during which
Ochateguin and Orani, two of the allied chiefs, were wounded. Champlain
also received two arrow wounds, one in the leg and one in the knee.
There was great disorder in the ranks of the Hurons, and the chiefs had
no control over their men. The result, on the whole, was not in favour
of Champlain's allies, who in the absence of the Andastes were not
anxious to continue the attacks against the Iroquois, and consequently
determined to retreat as soon as possible.

Champlain suffered much from his wounds. "I never found myself in such a
gehenna," he says, "as during this time, for the pain which I suffered
in consequence of the wound in my knee was nothing in comparison with
that which I endured while I was carried, bound and pinioned, on the
back of one of the savages."

The retreat was very long, and on October 18th they arrived at the shore
of Lake Ontario. Here Champlain requested that he might have a canoe and
guides to conduct him to Quebec, and this was one of the conditions to
which they had agreed before he set out for the war. The Indians were
not to be trusted, however, and they refused his request. Champlain,
therefore, resolved to accept the hospitality of Darontal, chief of the
Arendarrhonons, or tribe de la Roche. The chief appeared kindly disposed
towards Champlain, and as it was the hunting season, he accompanied him
on his excursions. During one of these expeditions, Champlain lost his
way in the pursuit of a strange bird, and he was not found by the
savages until three days afterwards. The return journey to Cahiagué on
foot was painful, and during the nineteen days thus spent, much hardship
was undergone. The party arrived at Cahiagué on December 23rd, 1615.

In the course of the winter, Champlain was chosen to act as judge of a
quarrel between the Algonquins of the Petite Nation, and the Hurons of
the tribe de l'Ours, which had arisen over the murder of one of the
Iroquois. The Attignaouantans had committed an Iroquois prisoner to the
custody of Iroquet, requesting him to burn him according to their
custom. Instead of carrying out this act, Iroquet had taken the young
man and treated him as a son. When the Attignaouantans were aware of
this, they sent one of their number to murder the young Iroquois. This
barbarous conduct made the Algonquins indignant, and they killed the
murderer.

Champlain returned from the Petuneux in company with Father Le Caron at
the time when these crimes had just been committed. Witnesses were
summoned to meet Champlain at Cahiagué, and were each examined. The
trial lasted two days, during which the old men of both nations were
consulted, and the majority of them were favourable to a reconciliation
without conditions. Champlain exacted from them a promise that they
would accept his decision as final, and he then had a full meeting of
the two tribes assembled there. Addressing them, he said:

"You Algonquins, and you Hurons, have always been friends. You have
lived like brothers; you take this name in your councils. Your conduct
now is unworthy of reasonable men. You are enough occupied in repelling
your enemies, who have pursued you, who rout you as often as possible,
pursuing you to your villages and taking you prisoners. These enemies,
seeing these divisions and wars among you, will be delighted and derive
great advantage therefrom. On account of the death of one man you will
hazard the lives of ten thousand, and run the risk of being reduced to
perpetual slavery. Although in fact one man was of great value, you
ought to consider how he has been killed; it was not with deliberate
purpose, nor for the sake of inciting a civil war. The Algonquins much
regret all that has taken place, and if they had supposed such a thing
would have happened, they would have sacrificed this Iroquois for the
satisfaction of the Hurons. Forget all, never think of it again, but
live good friends as before. In case you should not be pleased with my
advice, I request you to come in as large numbers as possible, to our
settlement, so that there, in presence of all the captains of vessels,
the friendship might be ratified anew, and measures taken to secure you
from your enemies."

Champlain's advice was followed, and the savages went away satisfied,
except the Algonquins, who broke up and proceeded to their villages,
saying that the death of these two men had cost them too dearly.

Champlain having spent the winter with Darontal, on May 20th left for
Quebec. The journey from Cahiagué to Sault St. Louis occupied forty
days. Champlain here found that Pont-Gravé had arrived from France with
two vessels, and that the reverend fathers were very pleased to see him
again. Darontal accompanied Champlain to Quebec, and greatly admired the
habitation and the mode of living adopted by the French. Before leaving
for France, Champlain enlarged the habitation by at least one-third, the
additions consisting of buildings and fortifications, in the
construction of which he used lime and sand which were found near at
hand. Some grain was also cut, and the gardens were left in good
condition.

During the winter of 1615-16, Father Le Caron had received a visit from
Champlain, who was then returning from an expedition against the
Iroquois. Being at a loss to know how to employ their time, Champlain
and the Récollets resolved to pay a visit to the Tionnontatés, or people
of the Petun. The missionary was not well received by these people,
although Champlain was able to make an alliance, not only with the
Petuneux, but also with six or seven other tribes living in the
vicinity.

Father Le Caron returned to his flock, the Hurons, and remained with
them until May 20th, studying their manners, trying to acquire their
language, and to improve their morals. Father Le Clercq says that he
compiled a dictionary which was seen in his own time, and which was
preserved as a relic.

When the Hurons left their country to engage in fur trading with the
French at Sault St. Louis, Father Le Caron took passage in one of their
canoes, and arrived at Three Rivers on July 1st, 1616. Here he met
Father d'Olbeau, who had spent the winter with the Indians on the north
shore of the river St. Lawrence, between Tadousac and the Seven Islands.

Father d'Olbeau had visited the Bersiamites, the Papinachois and others,
and he planted crosses everywhere, so that many years after, when some
Frenchmen were visiting the place, they found these evidences of his
labours. After two months of fatigue, Father d'Olbeau was compelled to
return to Quebec, as he was suffering from sore eyes, and was unable to
unclose his eyelids for several weeks. The two fathers arrived at Quebec
on July 11th, 1616, and Father Jamet was pleased to learn the result of
the missions of his confrères. The three missionaries had carefully
studied the country during the past year, and gained a fair knowledge of
the people. They realized at this time that their own resources limited
their power of doing good, and they therefore requested Champlain to
convoke a meeting of six inhabitants, to discuss the best means of
furthering the interests of the mission. Champlain was chosen president
of the meeting, and although the missionaries were present they took no
part in the deliberations.

The resolutions adopted at this first council meeting in the new
settlement were preserved. It was decided that the nations down the
river and those of the north were, for the present, at least, incapable
of civilization. These tribes included the Montagnais, Etchemins,
Bersiamites, Papinachois and the great and little Esquimaux. They dwelt
in an uncultivated, barren and mountainous country, whose wild game and
fur-bearing animals sufficed to support them. Their habits were nomadic,
and excessive superstition was their only form of religion. By the
report of those who had visited the southern coasts, and had even
penetrated by land to Cadie, Cape Breton and Chaleurs Bay, Ile Percé and
Gaspé, the country there was more temperate, and susceptible of
cultivation. There would be found dispositions less estranged from
Christianity, as the people had more shame, docility and humanity than
the others.

With regard to the upper river and the territory of the numerous tribes
of Indians visited by Monsieur de Champlain and Father Joseph
themselves, or by others, besides possessing an abundance of game, which
might attract the French there in hopes of trade, the land was much more
fertile and the climate more congenial than in the Indian country down
the river. The upper river Indians, such as the Algonquins, Iroquois,
Hurons, Nipissirini, Neuters, Fire Nation, were sedentary, generally
docile, susceptible of instruction, charitable, strong, robust, patient;
insensible, however, and indifferent to all that concerns salvation;
lascivious, and so material that when told that their soul was immortal,
they would ask what they would eat after death in the next world. In
general, none of the savages whom they had known had any idea of a
divinity, believing, nevertheless, in another world where they hoped to
enjoy the same pleasures as they took here below--a people, in short,
without subordination, law or form of government or system, gross in
religious matters, shrewd and crafty for trade and profit, but
superstitious to excess.

It was the opinion of the council that none could ever succeed in
converting them, unless they made them men before they made them
Christians. To civilize them it was necessary first that the French
should mingle with them and habituate them to their presence and mode of
life, which could be done only by the increase of the colony, the
greatest obstacle to which was on the part of the gentlemen of the
company, who, to monopolize trade, did not wish the country to be
settled, and did not even wish to make the Indians sedentary, which was
the only condition favourable to the salvation of these heathen.

The Protestants, or Huguenots, having the best share in the trade, it
was to be feared that the contempt they showed for the Catholic
mysteries would greatly retard the establishment of that faith. Even the
bad example of the French might be prejudicial, if those who had
authority in the country did not establish order.

The mission among such numerous nations would be painful and laborious,
and so could advance but little unless they obtained from the gentlemen
of the company a greater number of missionaries free of expense. Even
then it would require many years and great labour to humanize these
utterly gross and barbarous nations, and even when this end was
partially attained, the sacrament, for fear of profanation, could be
administered only to an exceptional few among the adults.

It finally appears to have been decided that they could not make
progress unless the colony was increased by a greater number of
settlers, mechanics and farmers; that free trade with the Indians should
be permitted, without distinction, to all Frenchmen; that in future
Huguenots should be excluded, and that it was necessary to render the
Indians sedentary, and bring them up to a knowledge of French manners
and laws.

The council further agreed that by the help of zealous persons in
France, a seminary ought to be established in order to bring to
Christianity, young Indians, who might afterwards aid the missionaries
in converting their countrymen. It was deemed necessary to maintain the
missions which the fathers had established both up and down the river.
This could not be done unless the associated gentlemen showed all the
ardour to be expected from their zeal when informed of all things
faithfully, instead of being deluded by the reports of the clerks whom
they had sent the year before; the governor and the fathers having no
ground to be satisfied therewith.

Champlain, who intended to return to France, desired the father
commissary and Father Le Caron to accompany him, in order that the
resolutions of the council might be submitted to the king for his
approval, and with a view of obtaining substantial assistance. The
voyage was a pleasant one, and Champlain and his party arrived at
Honfleur on September 10th, 1616.

The merchants whom they interviewed at Paris were ready to promise to
support the mission, but nothing was realized from their promises, and
it soon became apparent that they cared more about the fur trade than
about religion. Champlain saw many people who he believed could assist
the settlement, but the winter was passed in useless negotiations. He
therefore prepared a greater shipment than usual from his own resources,
and he was fortunate in finding that his old friend, Louis Hébert, an
apothecary of Port Royal, was willing to accompany him. Hébert took his
family with him, composed of three children and his wife, named Marie
Rollet. Hébert afterwards rendered very valuable assistance to the
founder of Quebec.

Father Jamet did not return to Quebec, and he was therefore replaced as
commissary by Father Le Caron, who appointed Father Huet as his
assistant. The vessel conveying the party sailed from Honfleur on April
11th, 1617, under the command of Captain Morel. The passage was very
rough, and when within sixty leagues of the Great Bank of Newfoundland,
numerous icebergs bore down on the ship like huge mountains. Father Le
Clercq says that in the general consternation Father Joseph, seeing that
all human succour could not deliver them from shipwreck, earnestly
implored the aid of heaven in the vows and prayers which he made
publicly on the vessel. He confessed all, and prepared himself to appear
before God. All were touched with compassion and deeply moved when Dame
Hébert raised her youngest child through the hatchway to let it share
with the rest the good father's blessing. They escaped only by a
miracle, as they acknowledged in their letters to France.

The ship arrived at Tadousac on July 14th, and mass was said in a little
chapel which Father Huet had constructed with poles and branches, and a
sailor stood on either side of the altar with fir branches to drive away
the cloud of mosquitoes which caused great annoyance to the celebrant.
The mass was very solemn. Besides the French, there were many Indians
present who assisted with devotion amid the roar of the cannon of the
ship, and the muskets of the French. After the service a dinner was
given by Champlain on board the vessel. On the arrival of the party at
Quebec some days after, they found that the inhabitants were nearly
starving, and that Father d'Olbeau was anxiously awaiting the news from
France.

Both Champlain and Father Le Caron were obliged to confess that their
mission had been unsuccessful. What, therefore, was to be done? To
return to Old France would have been contrary to the intentions of the
Récollets. They had been sent to Canada by their superiors, and they had
no order to act contrary to their instructions. After having studied the
situation they resolved that Father d'Olbeau should visit France, see
the king in person, and place before him the settlers' condition and
their own. During his absence Father Huet undertook the charge of the
mission at Tadousac, and Brother Pacifique du Plessis was appointed to
teach catechism to the Indians of Three Rivers.

It was at about this time that Father Le Caron performed the first
marriage ceremony in Canada, the contracting parties being Étienne
Jonquest of Normandy, and Anne Hébert, eldest daughter of Louis Hébert.

The condition of the Récollets at this time was unenviable. The agents
of the merchants were not better disposed towards them than the
interpreters. Some of these agents were demoralized, and the reproach
that they received from the fathers caused them to avoid their presence.
The conduct of some of these agents was so bad that even the Indians,
who were not strict in their morals, were scandalized. When we take into
consideration these circumstances, and the meagreness of the resources
of the order, and the difficulties they had in acquiring the language,
we can form a faint idea of the hardness of their lot, and it was not
without just cause that they decided to send Father d'Olbeau to France
with Champlain, in order that the true state of affairs might be urged
still further before the king.

Father Le Clercq says: "Meanwhile Monsieur de Champlain employed all his
address and prudence, and the intrigues of his friends to obtain what
was necessary for the establishment of his new colony. Father d'Olbeau,
on his side, spared nothing; both spoke frequently to the members of the
company, but in vain, for these people, who always had their ears open
to flattering tales of the great profit to be made in the Indian trade,
closed them to the requests and entreaties made them. They therefore
contented themselves with what they could get."

Father d'Olbeau at length received some consolation and compensation for
all his labours, when a bull was issued by the pope, granting a jubilee
to New France, which was celebrated at Quebec on July 29th, 1618, and
was the first of its kind. For the celebration of this religious
festival, the Récollets had built some huts, which were used as
stations, and French and Indians proceeded from one of those improvised
chapels to the other, singing the psalms and hymns of the church. In the
year 1618, the Récollets in New France were only three in number:
Fathers Le Caron and d'Olbeau, and Friar Modeste Guines.

During the winter of 1617-18 the missionaries were called upon to decide
a difficult question. Two Frenchmen had disappeared in 1616, and the
discovery of their bones proved that they had been murdered. A diligent
search was instituted which led to the detection of the murderer, who
acknowledged his crime. The question of punishment, however, was
difficult from the fact that a clerk named Beauchesne, who had been
invested with extensive civil power by Champlain, was in the habit of
receiving gifts from the Indians. It was consequently considered
dangerous to do anything that would displease the Indians, as they were
known to be terrible in their vengeance. The Récollets had strongly
protested against this method of receiving gifts, which placed the
settlement in a false position towards the Indians. It was finally
decided to release the prisoner and to accept as hostages two young
Indians. When the matter was brought before Champlain, he approved of
the course adopted, and stated that it was not a wise policy to be too
severe.

This affair, which at one time appeared likely to produce disagreeable
consequences, passed over without event, and some time after a party of
Indians visited Quebec for the purpose of effecting a complete
reconciliation. Thus, when Champlain left for France in 1618, the colony
was secure.

Father Huet, who accompanied Champlain, was charged with many important
missions, one of which related to the administration of baptism to the
Indians. They were quite willing to be baptized, but they had no idea of
the nature of the sacrament, and although they promised to keep their
vows before the ceremony, they soon returned to their old superstitions.
Their want of sincerity was a trial to Father Huet, and he desired to
have the opinion of the Doctors of the Sorbonne to guide him in his
future actions.

During the winter Father Le Caron went to Tadousac in order to continue
the work of Father d'Olbeau, and he remained there until the middle of
July, 1619. In the interval he had built a residence upon the ground
donated by the merchants, and had the satisfaction of leaving one
hundred and forty neophytes as the result of the labours of the mission.
Father d'Olbeau had his residence at Quebec.

On his return to Canada Father Huet was accompanied by Father Guillaume
Poullain, three friars and two labourers. Champlain did not return this
year. The Récollets had received authority to build a convent at Quebec,
and the Prince de Condé had contributed fifteen hundred livres towards
the object. Charles de Boues, vicar-general of Pontoise, had also made a
personal subscription, and accepted the protectorate of the convent,
together with the title of syndic of Canadian missions. Other piously
disposed persons had also contributed towards the maintenance of the
religious institution.

The establishment of a convent in Canada was a ray of light amid the
gloom which had hung over the settlement of New France during the past
four years, but the rejoicing on this occasion was soon turned into
mourning by the unexpected death of Friar du Plessis, who died at Three
Rivers on August 23rd, 1619. There were two other deaths during this
year which cast a shadow on the colony, that of Anne Hébert, and of her
husband, Étienne Jonquest, who survived his wife only a few weeks.

The mission at Three Rivers was placed under the charge of Father Le
Caron, and from this date it was the object of the most pastoral
solicitude of the Récollets.




CHAPTER VII

FUR TRADE


The earliest reference by Champlain to the fur trade in Canada, is
contained in his relation of his voyage to Tadousac in the year 1603.
During this journey he encountered a number of Indians in a canoe, near
Hare Island, among whom was an Algonquin who appeared to be well versed
in the geography of the country watered by the Great Lakes. As a proof
of his knowledge, he gave to Champlain a description of the rapids of
the St. Lawrence, of Niagara Falls and Lake Ontario. When questioned as
to the natural resources of the country, he stated that he was
acquainted with a people called the good Iroquois (Hurons) who were
accustomed to exchange their peltry for the goods which the French had
given to the Algonquins. We have in this statement proof that the French
were known to the inhabitants of New France before the year 1603.

In the year 1608, trading was conducted with the Indians at Tadousac,
but in 1610 it was alternately at Tadousac, and near Cape de la Victoire
at the entrance of the Richelieu River. During the latter period, the
fur trade was a failure, although the vessels annually carried from
twelve to fifteen thousand skins to France, which were sold at one
pistole each. From the year 1610, Tadousac ceased to be the rendezvous
of traders, and the great centre was at Sault St. Louis, until the year
1618. From this time, for several consecutive years, Three Rivers was
the principal trading-post, and finally the Indians went down to Quebec,
or to Cape de la Victoire, or du Massacre, and at a still later period
the Isle of Richelieu, opposite the parish of Deschambault, some fifteen
leagues above Quebec, was chosen as a trading-place.

Champlain was not opposed to the fur trade; on the contrary, he favoured
it, provided that it was conducted honestly, as it afforded him
opportunities for making new discoveries, and also for maintaining
friendly relationship with the Indians. The Récollets had no connection
with the trade, although through their efforts commercial intercourse
was often facilitated.

Speaking of the trading of 1618, Champlain mentions a class of men who
eventually attained considerable influence in colonial affairs. These
men were the factors or clerks employed and paid by the merchants. Some
of them obtained notoriety on account of their treason and bad conduct,
while others were distinguished by their devotedness to Champlain and
the missionaries. The clerks or factors were engaged by the fur trading
merchants who had their principal factory at Quebec. The staff consisted
of a chief clerk, of clerks and underclerks; and their functions were
to receive merchandise on its arrival, to place it in the store, and
when the trading was complete, to exchange the goods for skins, which
were then carefully packed for exportation. The clerks visited the
places chosen by the Indians for trading, and generally conducted the
exchanges themselves. Some of them employed the services of interpreters
who were readily found, and were frequently sent among the natives to
induce them to visit the clerks. The duties of the clerks were not
always easily performed. They had many difficulties to encounter, but as
successful trading might lead to future promotion, there were advantages
connected with the office. Thierry-Desdames, one of the underclerks at
Quebec in 1622, was appointed captain of the Island of Miscou, in
recognition of his faithful service. This is not the only instance of
promotion recorded by Champlain. Beauchesne and Loquin are also
mentioned in the Relations of 1618 and 1619.

When Champlain returned from France in 1620, he was accompanied by Jean
Baptiste Guers, the business representative of the Duke of Montmorency,
who rendered good service to Champlain and the settlers. In the same
year Pont-Gravé traded at Three Rivers, and he was assisted by two
clerks called Loquin and Caumont, and an underclerk, Rouvier. Before
leaving for France, Pont-Gravé placed Caumont in charge of his factory.
Rouvier also left for France, under the pretext that the company
refused to increase his wages. The departure of a clerk, however, was of
small importance, when we consider the trouble which had arisen among
the associates.

In the year 1612, Champlain, it appears, had placed too much confidence
in the influence of Henri de Condé, viceroy of New France. This nobleman
proved to be a source of trouble rather than a friend to the new colony.
Two years after, Champlain formed an association of the merchants of St.
Malo and Rouen, who invested a large capital for the development of
trade in Quebec. The chief members of the company were François Porrée,
Lucas Legendre, Louis Vermeulle, Mathieu d'Insterlo, Pierre Eon, Thomas
Cochon, Pierre Trublet, Vincent Gravé, Daniel Boyer and Corneille de
Bellois. By its constitution the operations of the company were to
extend over a period of eleven years, and its members engaged to
maintain the habitation of Quebec, and a fort, and to build new forts if
necessary, and also to pay the expenses of missionaries, and to send
labourers and workmen to Canada. The Prince de Condé received a salary
of three thousand livres, and the payment of this large amount annually
to the viceroy, caused the merchants to neglect their obligations
towards Champlain.

In the meantime Condé conspired against the Queen Regent and was
incarcerated, and the Maréchal de Thémines was temporarily appointed in
his place. The office of secretary to the viceroy would appear to have
been lucrative, for one applicant, probably Boyer, offered Thémines four
thousand five hundred livres, if he would appoint him to the position.
Condé protested against the charge which had been made against his
agreement, and asked for his salary. De Villemenon, intendant of the
admiralty, opposed the application, and claimed the amount of the salary
for the Quebec settlement.

While Champlain was present in France in 1617 he received a proscription
from the court of parliament, ordering him to resign his office of
lieutenant of the viceroy, as the Company of Rouen had decided to
suppress the salary of the viceroy. Champlain did not take any notice of
this injunction, but started for Quebec. On his return to France during
the same year (1617) Champlain met the Maréchal de Thémines, in order to
induce him, in his capacity of viceroy, to take some interest in the
affairs of New France, as the situation there was becoming
insupportable. The great personages were quarrelling over money matters;
the people of St. Malo were renewing their demands for liberty of
commerce, and the merchants were refusing to invest new capital.
Champlain had a series of difficulties, which he endeavoured to remove
before his return to Quebec, and he drew up his grievances in two large
factums, one of which was presented to the king, and the other to the
Board of Trade of Paris.

In the factum to the king Champlain explained that France would derive
benefit from the colonization of Canada, provided workmen and labourers
were sent to the country. He also set forth the necessity of improving
the defense of the colony, as an attack might be expected at any time
from the English or Dutch. Champlain pointed out to the king, at the
same time, that by developing New France, he would be propagating the
Catholic faith amongst infidels, and that he would add to his wealth by
reason of the revenue to be derived from the vast forests of Canada. He
also made known to the king some of the projects which he had in view.
Amongst these were certain buildings and works which he proposed to
carry out. Quebec was to be named _Ludovica_, in honour of the king. A
church was to be erected and dedicated under the title of _Redeemer_,
and a fort was to be constructed on the cape of Quebec, flanked with
four bastions, which would command the river St. Lawrence. A second fort
was to be built opposite Quebec, which would complete the defense of the
face of the town, and a third fort would be constructed at Tadousac on a
promontory naturally fortified, to be manned by a garrison which would
be relieved every six months.

These arrangements would provide for the defense of the country.
Champlain also intended to look after the education and the spiritual
wants of the settlement, by sending fifteen friars of the Récollet
order to New France, who were to found a convent near the Church of the
Redeemer. The king was also asked to send one hundred families to the
colony, each composed of a husband and wife and two children or a
servant under twenty years of age. With these provisions Champlain
believed that a settlement might be established in the name of France,
which would remain loyal to her interests, since it would rest upon the
sure foundation of strength, justice, commerce, and agriculture.

In his explanations to the Board of Trade Champlain dwelt upon the
advantages which were to be derived from fishing, from the lumber
industry, agriculture and cattle raising, and from the working of the
mines and from trading. In short he endeavoured to induce the associates
to continue their operations. The members, however, were under the
impression that colonization would place obstacles in the way of
commerce, and that the inhabitants would soon monopolize the trade. Some
of the associates who were Protestants objected to colonization under
Catholic influence, and understanding that Champlain was a staunch
Catholic, they decided to have Pont-Gravé appointed as lieutenant of the
viceroy, in his place.

Champlain was much affected on finding that he had a rival in Pont-Gravé
whom he had always respected as a father, neither would he accept such a
humiliating position. The king, however, intervened at this time, and
wrote a letter to the associates, requesting them to aid Champlain.

     "BY THE KING.

     "Dear, and well-beloved:--On the report made to us that
     there has hitherto been bad management in the establishment of the
     families and workmen sent to the settlement of Quebec, and other
     places of New France, we write to you this letter, to declare to
     you our desire that all things should proceed better in future; and
     to tell you that it will give us pleasure that you should assist,
     as much as you conveniently can, the Sieur Champlain in the things
     requisite and necessary for the execution of the commands which he
     has received from us, to choose experienced and trusty men to be
     employed in the discovery, inhabiting, cultivating, and sowing the
     lands; and do all the works which he shall judge necessary for the
     establishment of the colonies which we desire to plant in the said
     country, for the good of the service and the use of our subjects;
     without, however, on account of the said discoveries and
     settlements, your factors, clerks, and agents in the traffic of
     peltry, being troubled or hindered in any way whatever during the
     term which we have granted you. And fail not in this, for such is
     our pleasure. Given at Paris March 12th, 1618.

                                        (Signed) "Louis."
                                        (And below) "Potier."

The merchants brought their affairs before the notice of the Council of
Tours, who decided that Champlain should retain his position. The action
of the council was a victory for Champlain, but it was soon followed by
another still more agreeable. The associates promised to provide for the
organization of emigration during the following year on a scale which
would assure the success of the settlement. By this arrangement eighty
persons, including three Récollet fathers would arrive in New France
during the year 1619. In order to have the proceedings regularly
conducted, Champlain caused papers to be prepared by notaries, which
were signed on December 21st, 1618, by Pierre du Gua and Lucas Legendre
in the name of the associates, and also by Vermeulle, Corneille de
Bellois and Mathieu d'Insterlo. The document is as follows:

"List of persons to be sent to, and supported at, the settlement of
Quebec for the year 1619.

"There shall be eighty persons, including the chief, three Récollet
fathers, clerks, officers, workmen and labourers. Every two persons
shall have a mattress, a paillasse, two blankets, three pairs of new
sheets, two coats each, six shirts, four pairs of shoes, and one capote.

"For the arms:--Forty musquets, with their bandaliers, twenty-four
pikes, four arquebuses à rouet [wheel-lock] of four to five feet, one
thousand pounds of fine powder, one thousand pounds of powder for
common, six thousand pounds of lead, and a match-stump.

"For the men:--A dozen scythes with their handles, hammers, and other
tools; twelve reaping-hooks, twenty-four spades, twelve picks, four
thousand pounds of iron, two barrels of steel, ten tons of lime [none
having been then found in this country], ten thousand curved, or twenty
thousand flat tiles, ten thousand bricks to build an oven and chimneys,
two mill-stones [the kind of stone fit for that purpose was not
discovered till some years afterwards.]

"For the service of the table of the chief:--Thirty-six dishes, as many
bowls and plates, six saltcellars, six ewers, two basins, six pots of
six pints each, six pints, six chopines [about half a pint] six
demy-septiers, the whole of pewter, two dozen table-cloths, twenty-four
dozen napkins.

"For the kitchen:--A dozen of copper boilers, six pairs andirons, six
frying-pans, six gridirons.

"Shall also be taken out:--Two bulls of one year old, heifers, and as
many sheep as convenient; all kinds of seeds for sowing.

"The commander of the settlement shall have charge of the arms and
ammunition which are actually there, and of those which shall afterwards
be sent, so long as he shall be in command; and the clerk or factor who
shall reside there shall take charge of all merchandise; as well as of
the furniture and utensils of the company, and shall send a regular
account of them, signed by him, by the ships.

"Also shall be sent, a dozen mattresses complete, like those of
families, which shall be kept in the magazine for the use of the sick
and wounded, etc., etc.

"Signed at Paris December 21st, 1618, and compared with the original [on
paper] by the undersigned."

Champlain submitted this document to the king, who approved it, but
nevertheless the associates were afterwards unwilling to fulfil its
conditions. The Prince de Condé having been discharged from prison on
October 20th, 1619, the king forwarded to him his commission of viceroy,
and the Company of Rouen granted him a thousand écus.

The prince gave five hundred écus to the Récollets for the construction
of a seminary at Quebec, and this was his only gift to the settlement of
New France. The prince afterwards sold his commission as viceroy to the
Duke of Montmorency, Admiral of France, for the sum of thirty thousand
écus. Dolu, grand almoner of the kingdom, was appointed intendant. The
duke renewed Champlain's commission as lieutenant of the viceroy, and at
the same time advised him to return to Quebec to strengthen his
positions everywhere, in order that the country might be secure against
invasion.

The patronage of Montmorency greatly encouraged Champlain, for the duke
exercised great power. He therefore resolved to take his young wife to
Quebec with him, for she had never been to Canada. Champlain concluded
his private business in France, and took all his effects to the new
settlement, as he had determined to take up his residence there. Before
leaving France, all the difficulties in connection with his command were
removed, and the king wrote him a very gracious letter, in which His
Majesty expressed his esteem for his loyal and faithful subject.

The new administration of the Duke of Montmorency created
dissatisfaction amongst the merchants of the society, which in fact had
only changed its name of the "Company of Rouen" to the "Company of
Montmorency or of de Caën." The associates forming the old company had
hoped that Champlain would have been placed in the shade, especially
when they learned that he intended to fortify Quebec and settle in the
country. No action, however, was taken until the new company had
commenced its administration. Champlain remained in ignorance of these
facts until the arrival of the vessels in the spring of 1621, when he
received letters from M. de Puiseux, _secrétaire des commandements du
roi_, from the intendant Dolu, from de Villemenon, intendant of the
admiralty, from Guillaume de Caën, one of the members of the new
association, and from the viceroy, which last is here given:--

     "Monsieur Champlain: For many reasons I have thought fit
     to exclude the former Company of Rouen and St. Malo from the trade
     with New France, and to assist you and provide you with everything
     necessary, I have chosen the Sieurs de Caën, uncle and nephew, and
     their associates: one is a good merchant, and the other a good
     naval captain, who can aid you well, and make the authority of the
     king respected in my government. I recommend you to assist him and
     those who shall apply to you on his part, so as to maintain them in
     the enjoyment of the articles which I have granted them. I have
     charged the Sieur Dolu, intendant of the affairs of the country, to
     send you a copy of the treaty by the first voyage, so that you may
     know to what they are bound, in order that they may execute their
     engagement, as, on my part, I desire to perform what I have
     promised.

     "I have taken care to preserve your appointments, as I believe you
     will continue to serve the king well.

     "Your most affectionate and perfect friend,

                                        "Montmorency.

     "From Paris, February 2nd, 1621."

The letter of Louis XIII was also satisfactory:

     "Champlain: I have perceived by your letters of August
     15th, with what affection you work at your establishment, and for
     all that regards the good of my service: for which, as I am
     thankful to you, so I shall have pleasure in recognizing it to your
     advantage whenever the occasion shall offer: and I have willingly
     granted some munitions of war, which were required to give you
     better means to subsist and to continue in that good duty, which I
     promise myself from your care and fidelity."

     "Paris, February 24th, 1621.

                                        "Louis."

It was in this manner that the sentence of death was given to the old
company.

Several members of the old Company of Rouen and St. Malo were
incorporated in the Company of Montmorency, which was composed of
Guillaume de Caën, Ezechiel de Caën, Guillaume Robin, three merchants of
Rouen; François de Troyes, president of the treasury of France at
Orleans; Jacques de Troyes, merchant; Claude Le Ragois, general receiver
of finance at Limoges; Arnould de Nouveau, Pierre de Verton, councillor
and secretary of the king, and François Hervé, merchant of Paris. The
two brothers de Caën belonged to the reformed religion.

Dolu advised Champlain to restrain the hands of the clerks of the old
company, and to seize all the merchandise in the magazine. He claimed
that although this measure was rigorous, it was justified by the fact
that the company had not fulfilled its obligations towards the
settlement of New France. De Villemenon's letter was dictated in much
the same terms. Guillaume de Caën gave notice that he would soon arrive
in Quebec with arms and stores for the settlement. Dolu's letter
regarding the seizure of merchandise was couched in terms that might be
considered imperative, nevertheless Champlain deemed it prudent to act
with caution, and he therefore had conferred with Father George Le
Baillif and Captain Dumay[18] on the subject.

The elder clerk had some clerks under him at Quebec, who after hearing
of the contents of Dolu's letter, were prepared to resist any
curtailment of their rights. Champlain appeased them, and assured them
that they would be allowed freedom of trading at least until the arrival
of Guillaume de Caën, the extent of whose authority was not yet known.

Caumont, the chief clerk, declared that he was satisfied with this
arrangement, but nevertheless the situation was difficult. If the king
had given the order to confiscate the merchandise, then Dumay, whose
visit to Canada was for the purpose of fur trading, would become the
king of commerce in New France, and therefore he had nothing to lose in
awaiting de Caën's arrival. He proceeded at once to Tadousac, but
instead of meeting de Caën, he found that Pont-Gravé had arrived as the
representative of the old company, and that he had with him seventy-five
men and some clerks.

Champlain was much distressed on receiving these tidings, for he foresaw
a conflict which would possibly entail bloodshed. The clerks also were
despondent. In order to avoid a quarrel, Champlain deemed it advisable
to protect his men, and he therefore installed his brother-in-law,
Eustache Boullé, and Captain Dumay with sixteen men, in the small fort
which he had erected at Cape Diamond during the preceding year.
Champlain defended himself within the habitation, where he quartered all
the men he could dispose of. If the clerks were inclined to fight he
would defend his position, but he hoped that these precautionary
measures would prove the means of preventing bloodshed.

On May 7th, 1621, three of the clerks of Guillaume de Caën left Tadousac
and took up their quarters near the habitation. Father Le Baillif and
Jean Baptiste Guers asked them to produce their papers. They declared
that they had authority to trade from the old Company of Rouen, which
still existed through articles agreed to by the Duke of Montmorency, and
that a trial was at present pending between the two societies. On
receiving this information from Father Le Baillif, Champlain decided to
allow five clerks the necessary merchandise for trading; they were,
however, told that the old company had been dissolved, and that the new
company only was invested with authority to trade. The clerks were
satisfied with Champlain's decision, but they objected to the presence
of armed soldiers in the fort, which they claimed was not in accordance
with the king's commands. The clerks finally went to Three Rivers to
carry on their trade.

On June 13th, Pont-Gravé arrived at Quebec. Here he was questioned as
to his authority, although he was treated with the respect and courtesy
due to his age and character. Pont-Gravé assured Champlain that the
disputes between the two companies would be resolved in a friendly way,
and that he had received news to this effect before he sailed from
Honfleur. He then started for Three Rivers to join his clerks.

Some days after these events, a clerk named Rouvier, in the employ of de
Caën, arrived with letters from Dolu, de Villemenon, and Guillaume de
Caën, and left a copy of an order-in-council in favour of the old
company. Champlain also received a letter from the king. The
order-in-council granted permission to both companies to trade during
the year 1621, provided that both should contribute equally towards the
maintenance of the captains, soldiers, and the inhabitants of Quebec.

Foreseeing a conflict between de Caën and Pont-Gravé, Champlain went to
Tadousac, and advised de Caën to respect Pont-Gravé's authority. De Caën
replied that he could not do so, as he had received authority privately
from the king. Champlain therefore assured the commandment to
Pont-Gravé's vessel, in order to protect his old friend, and thus it
happened that this affair which threatened to produce serious
consequences, was smoothed over through Champlain's intervention.
Pont-Gravé then took possession of his vessel in the presence of de
Caën, who offered no opposition, and a few days after they both returned
to France.

De Caën had promised to send twenty-five men to Quebec, but he sent only
eighteen. A certain quantity of stores was also brought to Quebec at
this time by Jacques Halard, and a number of halberds, arquebuses,
lances, and many barrels of powder, which were delivered in the presence
of Jean Baptiste Varin, who had been sent by Guillaume de Caën, and
Guers.

Father Georges Le Baillif also left for France during the autumn, as a
delegate from the inhabitants of the settlement, who had prepared a
memorandum of their grievances. This document was signed by Champlain,
Father Jamet, Father Le Caron, Louis Hébert, Guillaume Couillard,
Eustache Boullé, Pierre Reye, Olivier Le Tardif, J. Groux, Pierre
Desportes, Nicholas and J.B. Guers. On his arrival in France, Father Le
Baillif had an interview with the king, and placed the memorandum in
question in His Majesty's hands. The king admitted that the complaints
were well founded, but at the same time he stated that it was impossible
to grant all that was requested. The Huguenots were to retain their
commercial liberty, and Champlain obtained some supplies, and his
salary, which was formerly six hundred livres, was increased to twelve
hundred.

Father Le Baillif's mission was unfruitful, for he brought word of the
amalgamation of the two companies, whose chiefs were Guillaume de Caën,
Ezechiel de Caën, and their nephew, Emery de Caën. The order-in-council
establishing this large company granted to them the liberty of trading
in New France, and all French subjects were eligible for admission to
the society. By this arrangement the de Caëns were obliged to pay the
sum of ten thousand livres to the members of the old Rouen association,
and a sum equal to the value of their goods, barques and canoes. The old
company received five-twelfths of the Company of Montmorency,
one-twelfth of which was reserved by de Monts, who was at that time
living at his residence in Saintonge. By this latter arrangement,
however, the de Caëns were relieved from the payment of the ten thousand
livres imposed upon them by the order-in-council. When Father Le Baillif
returned to Quebec in the spring of 1622, all the old rivalry had
disappeared. The Company of Rouen had adopted the name of the Company of
Montmorency with the de Caëns as chiefs.

The principal articles stipulated in the agreement were:--

1. Champlain to be lieutenant of the viceroy, with precedence on land,
and to command the habitation of Quebec, and to have command of all the
French residents in New France. Ten men were also to be placed at his
disposal, who were to be maintained at the expense of de Caën, who was
also to pay to each an annual sum of twenty livres.

2. The company was also to maintain six Récollet fathers, two of whom
were to be engaged in missions to the savages.

3. The company was to support and maintain six families of labourers,
carpenters and masons, during the period of the agreement, the families
to be changed every two years.

4. The company was to pay the sum of twelve hundred francs as a salary
to Champlain.

5. Champlain was to enjoy the privilege of trading for eleven years, and
to this term the king added another eleven years.

The first man to bring the news of a change of authority was a clerk
named Santein, but it was confirmed some days after by the arrival of
Pont-Gravé and Guillaume de Caën, who were accompanied by a clerk named
Le Sire, an underclerk named Thierry-Desdames,[19] and Raymond de la
Ralde. De Caën handed to Champlain a letter from the king, who advised
him to recognize the authority of the new company, and also to endeavour
to maintain peace and harmony. When de Caën had completed his trading at
Three Rivers he sailed again for France, leaving Pont-Gravé as chief
clerk at Quebec, and Le Baillif as underclerk at Tadousac.

In order to establish good order throughout the country, Champlain
published certain ordinances, which should be regarded as the first code
of Canadian laws. Although it was desirable to maintain peace, it was
also necessary to prepare to resist the attacks of the Iroquois, who
were becoming more and more active. A party of the Iroquois had
approached Quebec, and were observed to be rambling in the vicinity of
the Récollets' convent, on the north shore of the River St. Charles.
They finally made an attack, but they were repulsed with loss by the
French and the Montagnais, whose chief was Mahicanaticouche, Champlain's
friend. This chief was the son of the famous Anadabijou, who had
contracted the first alliance with the French at Tadousac in 1603.

In the year 1623, the vessels arrived from France later than usual, and
the rendezvous took place at Cape de la Victoire on July 23rd. On this
occasion the following persons were present: Champlain, Pont-Gravé,
Guillaume de Caën, Captain Duchesne, des Marets, De Vernet, Étienne
Brûlé, an interpreter, Loquin, a clerk, Father Nicholas Viel, and
Brother Sagard-Théodat.

On his return to Quebec, Champlain declared that certain sailors had
appropriated a number of beaver skins, and he therefore confiscated them
and had them placed in the store, pending the decision of the company.
This infraction of the rules of commerce was trifling when compared with
the contraband which was carried on freely in the lower St. Lawrence.
The merchants of La Rochelle and the Basques were the most notorious in
this respect. Their vessels were constantly sailing from one shore to
another, trading furs, although they had no authority to do so. They
were found at Tadousac, at Bic, and at Green Island. The Spanish,
English and Dutch vessels also carried on an illegitimate trade in the
same waters. Champlain mentions the fact that a Spanish captain, whose
vessel was anchored at Green Island, had sent his sailors at night to
Tadousac, in order that they might watch what was being done, and hear
what was being said on board the _Admiral_.

At the commencement of the spring of 1624, a dark cloud hung over New
France. The winter had been severe, and provisions were scarce.
Champlain had only four barrels of flour in the store, so that he was
anxiously awaiting assistance. On June 2nd he received good news. A
vessel of sixty tons was anchored at Tadousac, laden with pease,
biscuits and cider. To the starving settlement this was most welcome,
and some days after Guillaume de Caën arrived with still more
provisions.

After having traded at Three Rivers, de Caën visited Quebec, the Island
of Orleans, and the vicinity of Cape Tourmente and the neighbouring
islands. He was now the proprietor of these lands, having received them
as a gift from the Duke of Montmorency.

Champlain now resolved to recross the ocean, and to take with him his
young wife, who had spent four years in Quebec. Emery de Caën was given
the command of the settlement in the absence of Champlain. On August
18th two ships sailed from Tadousac, having on board Champlain, Hélène
Boullé, Font-Gravé, Guillaume de Caën, Father Piat, Brother Sagard, J.B.
Guers, Joubert, and Captain de la Vigne. At Gaspé, Raymond de la Ralde
and a pilot named Cananée joined the party. The voyage was brief and
pleasant to Champlain's party, but Cananée's ship was captured by the
Turks, and its commander was put to a cruel death.[20]

FOOTNOTES:

[18] His correct name was Dumé dit Leroy. He made a single voyage to
Quebec, and he had on board Jean Baptiste Guers, delegate of the Duke of
Montmorency. Dumé was born at St. Gomer de Fly, Beauvais. A member of
his family who resided at Havre de Grâce was one of the chief consignees
of the company of St. Christophe in the West Indies.

[19] Thierry-Desdames arrived at Quebec in 1622, as underclerk of the
company, which position he occupied until 1628. We lose trace of him
after that date, but we find him again in 1639 at Miscou Island, where
he served as captain. He was a good Catholic, charitable, and a friend
of the Jesuits.

[20] Cananée was one of the most famous French navigators of his time.
From 1608 to 1624 he used to fish on the banks of Miscou and in the
gulf. He was at first captain and co-proprietor of the _Mouton_, a
vessel of one hundred and twenty tons, but some years later, he
commanded the _Ste. Madeleine_, a ship of fifty tons. It was this vessel
that the Turks captured on the coast of Bretagne. Cananée was a fervent
Catholic.




CHAPTER VIII

CHAMPLAIN, THE JESUITS AND THE SAVAGES


The first inhabitants of the settlement of New France were the
interpreters, clerks, and workmen, employed by the merchants. They were
termed the winterers, in opposition to the captains and sailors who
visited the colony for the purpose of trading only. The interpreters
present an interesting feature in the life of the new colony. Their
functions rendered it necessary for them to reside for an indefinite
period with an Indian tribe, in order to qualify themselves to act as
interpreters for their countrymen during trade, or for the missionaries
while catechising or providing other religious exercises. A daily
intercourse with the Indians was absolutely essential in order to induce
them to keep their appointments with the traders at the established
rendezvous. The interpreters had seldom any other occupation, although
some of them acted as clerks, and thereby received a larger salary, in
addition to a certain number of beaver skins which they could exchange
for goods.

Étienne Brûlé and Nicholas Marsolet, who arrived at Quebec with
Champlain in the year 1608, acted as interpreters, but at first they did
not meet with much success. They were, however, both young and
intelligent, and Brûlé soon acquired a knowledge of the Huron language,
while Marsolet mastered the idiom of the Algonquin tongue. Brûlé spent
nearly all his life among the Hurons, who adopted him as a member of
their family, while Marsolet accompanied the Algonquins to Allumette
Island, and became one of their best friends. Historians of Canada
mention the names of many other interpreters of this period, some of
whom founded families, while others afterwards returned to France. In
the year 1613 three interpreters arrived, Nicholas du Vignau, Jacques
Hertel, and Thomas Godefroy. In the year 1618 there was only one
arrival, Jean Manet, who took up his residence among the people residing
on the shores of Lake Nipissing.

In the year 1619 Jean Nicolet came to Canada, and won great esteem in
the country of his choice. He was the father of a large family, the
descendants of whom are very numerous. Three more interpreters came in
1621, Du Vernet, Le Baillif, and Olivier Le Tardif, and two in 1623,
namely, Jean-Paul Godefroy and Jacques Couillard, and finally in 1624
Jean Richer and Lamontagne, thus making twelve interpreters between the
years 1608 and 1625. Of this number the two Godefroys, Marsolet,
Nicolet, Hertel, and Le Tardif were distinguished on account of the part
which they took in Canadian affairs; and the knowledge which they had
obtained of the native languages rendered them competent to discuss
delicate questions relating to the welfare of the colony. Their services
to the authorities, both civil and religious, were therefore at certain
periods exceedingly valuable. It is among these men that we may
fittingly seek for the founders of the Canadian race.

The second class of settlers, or winterers, as they were termed, will be
spoken of later. From the year 1608 to 1613 not a single settler or head
of a family came to Canada, but at this latter date we find the names of
Abraham Martin, Nicholas Pivert and Pierre Desportes. They were married
and brought their wives and families with them. Abraham Martin and
Pierre Desportes had each a daughter, and Pivert had a niece. Guillaume
Couillard arrived during the same year, but he was a bachelor. We have
already spoken in a previous chapter of the return of Champlain from
France in the year 1617, on which occasion he was accompanied by Louis
Hébert and his family. There also arrived in 1617, Étienne Jonquest, to
whom we have likewise referred. In 1618 another family took up its
residence in New France, namely Adrien Duchesne, surgeon, and his wife.
Eustache Boullé, brother-in-law to Champlain, came over in 1618, and two
families arrived in 1619, but they were immediately sent back, as the
occupation of the head of one of the families was that of a butcher, and
the other was a needle manufacturer, and there was no opening for either
in a new settlement. In the year 1620, the settlers gave a cordial
welcome to Hélène Boullé, who was attended by three female servants.
From the year 1620 to 1625, history is silent as to new arrivals.
Champlain had made every effort to induce settlers to take up their
residence in Quebec, but the population was still very scanty.

There were really only seven settled families at this time, composed of
twenty persons, seven men and seven women, and six children. Their names
were as follows:--Abraham Martin and his wife Marguerite Langlois, and
his two daughters, Anne and Marguerite; Pierre Desportes and his wife
Françoise Langlois, and a girl named Hélène; Nicholas Pivert and his
wife Marguerite Lesage, and their niece; Louis Hébert and his wife Marie
Rollet, and a son named Guillaume; Adrien Duchesne and his wife;
Guillaume Couillard, his wife, Guillemette Hébert, and a girl named
Louise; Champlain and his wife Hélène Boullé.

When Abraham Martin came to Quebec, he was twenty-four years of age. The
official documents refer to him as king's pilot, and the Jesuits named
him Maître Abraham, while to the people he was Martin l'Ecossais. His
family gave to the Catholic Church of Canada her second priest in
chronological order. This priest, who was born at Quebec, was named
Charles Amador. After having served as a mariner for the Company of
Rouen, Abraham Martin became a farmer, and was the proprietor of two
portions of land, consisting of thirty-two acres.[21] He received
twenty acres of land from Adrien Duchesne, and twelve acres from the
Company of New France, on December 4th, 1635.[22] This property was
named the Plains of Abraham, and all the ground in the immediate
vicinity gradually assumed the same title. A part of the famous conflict
fought on September 13th, 1759, and known as the Battle of the Plains of
Abraham, actually occurred on the ground owned by Abraham Martin, and
thus it is that the name of this first settler has been perpetuated in
prose and verse.

Louis Hébert, the son of a Parisian apothecary, followed the profession
of his father in Canada. He first tried to establish himself at Port
Royal, where we find him in the year 1606. He left Port Royal in 1607,
but he appears to have returned there, as in the year 1613 he is
mentioned as acting as lieutenant in the place of Biencourt, son of
Poutrincourt. When Port Royal was abandoned, Hébert returned to France,
where he met Champlain, who induced him to turn his steps towards Canada
once more. Soon after his second visit to New France, he commenced to
build a residence in the Upper Town of Quebec, upon the summit of
Mountain Hill. This building, which was of stone, measured thirty-eight
feet in length, and was nineteen feet broad. It was in this house that
Father Le Jeune said mass when he came to Quebec in 1632. Hébert
received some concessions of land from the companies, and at once
commenced to cultivate it, so that he was able to live from its produce.
Champlain praises him for this course. Hébert died in the year 1627,
from mortal injuries caused by a fall. He was buried in the cemetery of
the Récollets, at the foot of the great cross, according to his desire.

The Récollet fathers lived until the year 1620 in their humble residence
near the chapel and habitation of Quebec, in the Lower Town. In the year
1619 they employed some workmen to fell trees on the shores of the River
St. Charles, near an agreeable tract of land which Hébert had cleared.
It was situated at half a league from the habitation, and the people of
Quebec hoped at that time to build the town there. During the winter
each piece of timber was prepared for the building, and the savages
assisted in the work. On June 3rd, 1620, the first stone of the convent
was solemnly laid by Father d'Olbeau. The arms of the king were engraved
upon the stone near those of the Prince de Condé. The convent was
finished and blessed on May 25th, 1621, and dedicated to Notre Dame des
Anges. It was on this date that the name of St. Charles was given to the
river Ste. Croix, or the Cabir-Coubat of the Indians, in honour of the
Reverend Charles de Ransay des Boues, syndic of the Canadian missions.

There were six Récollet fathers at Quebec in 1621, and two brothers.
Fathers Guillaume Galleran and Irénée Piat came in 1622, the former in
the capacity of visitor and superior. A coincidence of their arrival was
the induction of the first religious novitiate. Pierre Langoissieux, of
Rouen, took the monastic habit under the name of Brother Charles, at a
special ceremony in the presence of Champlain and his wife, and some
Frenchmen and Indians. Three young men also received the small scapulary
of the Franciscan order. Father Piat left Quebec for the Montagnais
mission, while Father Huet was sent to Three Rivers, and Father Poullain
to the Nipissing mission in the west. In the year 1623, Father Nicholas
Viel and Brother Gabriel Sagard-Théodat, the historian of the Huron
mission, arrived. They were entertained at the convent of Notre Dame des
Anges. At the solemn Te Deum, which was sung in the chapel on this
occasion, there were present seven fathers and four brothers. Fathers Le
Caron and Viel, and Brother Sagard arranged for some Indian guides to
conduct them to the Huron country, where they arrived on July 23rd. The
party spent the winter among the Hurons, and during the following year
Brother Sagard was recalled to France by his superiors. The Récollets
continued to conduct services in the small chapel in the Lower Town,
which served as the parochial church of Quebec.

In the year 1624 the French colony was placed under the patronage of
Saint Joseph, who has remained from that date the patron saint of
Canada. Champlain was at this time in France, and had met Montmorency at
St. Germain-en-Laye, after the Récollets had complained of the conduct
of the Huguenots. While the missionaries were celebrating mass, the
Huguenots annoyed them by singing psalms, and they occupied the
poop-royal on board the vessels for their services, while the Catholics
were compelled to assemble in the forecastle, without distinction of
persons. The Récollets also complained of the negligence of the
associates, who had not provided for the material requirements of the
mission. Father Piat set forth that while the missionaries were prepared
to sacrifice their health and their mother country in order to civilize
the Indians, they were not ready, under the circumstances, to die simply
for the want of food, when it was the duty of the associates to provide
for them. Father Piat also suggested the advisability of forming a
seminary for young Indians, as a means of developing their moral
character, of teaching them the rudiments of religion, and whereby the
Récollets might acquire a knowledge of the Indian language. Realizing
that they were unable to found such an institution alone, they decided
to ask assistance from the Jesuits, who had great influence at court,
and who might possibly be able to establish such a building from their
own resources. If these resolutions had been known, the Huguenots would
doubtless have prevented the Jesuits' departure, but the news was only
made public when it was too late to formulate any opposition.

Champlain, who was at this time endeavouring to induce the merchants to
carry out their engagements, thought it advisable not to take any part
in urging the requests of the mission, for fear of compromising its
success, and he considered it the best policy to be very discreet.
Father Coton, provincial of the Jesuit order, accepted with pleasure the
proposals of the Récollets, as the order was always glad of an
opportunity of preaching the gospel in distant lands. The Jesuits had
already founded the Acadian mission, but its results had much
disappointed their hopes. Champlain was pleased to learn that the desire
of the Récollets was accomplished, although he had taken no part towards
its fulfilment. Indeed his services were fully employed elsewhere. The
old merchants were fighting with the new ones, the dispute arising from
the different methods of recruiting crews for their ships.

These petty quarrels, which were constantly brought to the notice of
Montmorency, caused him much annoyance, and he consequently resigned his
position of viceroy in favour of his nephew, Ventadour, peer of France
and governor of Languedoc, for a sum of one hundred thousand livres. The
king gave his assent to the transaction, and Henri de Lévis, duc de
Ventadour, received his commission, dated March 25th, 1625. He is
described as a pious man, who had no other desire than the glory of God.
The duke appointed Champlain as his lieutenant, and ordered him to erect
forts in New France wherever he should deem it necessary, and empowered
him to create officers of justice to maintain peace and harmony.

Endued with such powers, Champlain did not hesitate to continue his
work. The duke's appointment was also received with favour by the
Récollets and Jesuits. The associates were not friendly disposed towards
the Jesuits, but seeing that they did not ask any assistance from them,
they made no opposition to their departure for Canada.

Guillaume de Caën took with him on his vessel three Jesuit fathers and
two brothers. These were Fathers Charles Lalemant, Jean de Brébeuf and
Enemond Massé. The brothers were François Charton and Gilbert Burel.
Father Lalemant, formerly director of the college of Clermont, was
appointed director of the mission. Champlain speaks of him as a very
devoted and zealous man. Father Massé had been previously in Acadia,
where he proved his devotedness to the Indians. Father de Brébeuf, the
youngest of the three, was distinguished by reason of his mature
judgment and great prudence. The number of the Récollets was increased
by the arrival of Father Joseph de la Roche d'Aillon, a man of noble and
exalted character.

De Caën's vessel sailed from Dieppe, and although the voyage was long,
it was a pleasant one. When the Jesuits reached Quebec, they met with
strong opposition from the clerks, and there was no residence prepared
for them. The only course which appeared open to them was to return to
France, unless they could find a lodging with the Récollets.

In the meantime the clerks circulated a pamphlet amongst the families of
the settlement, with a view to creating a prejudice against the Jesuits.
It was _L'Anticoton_,[23] a libellous communication, which had been
proven false by Father Coton. The Récollets at once extended a courteous
invitation to the Jesuits, which they gratefully accepted, and took up
their residence in the convent. The Récollets also begged them to accept
as a loan the timber work of a building which had been prepared for
their own use.

The gratitude of the Jesuits under these circumstances, is not
sufficiently well known. Father Lalemant's letter addressed to the
Provincial of the Récollets in France, admirably sets forth their
position, and will be read with interest by every student of this
portion of our history.

     "Reverend Father: Pax Christi. It would be too ungrateful
     were I not to write to your Reverence to thank you for the many
     letters lately written in our favour to the Fathers who are here in
     New France, and for the charity which we have received from the
     Fathers, who put us under eternal obligation. I beseech our good
     God to be the reward of you both. For myself, I write to our
     Superiors that I feel it so deeply that I will let no occasion pass
     of showing it, and I beg them, although already most affectionately
     disposed, to show your whole holy order the same feelings. Father
     Joseph will tell your Reverence the object of his voyage, for the
     success of which we shall not cease to offer prayers and sacrifices
     to God. This time we must advance in good earnest the affairs of
     our Master, and omit nothing that shall be deemed necessary. I have
     written to all who, I thought, could aid it, and I am sure they
     will exert themselves, if affairs in France permit. Your Reverence,
     I doubt not, is affectionately inclined, and so _vis unita_, our
     united effort, will do much. Awaiting the result, I commend myself
     to the Holy Sacrifice of your Reverence, whose most humble servant
     I am.

                                        "Charles Lalemant."

     "Quebec, July 28th, 1625."

The Jesuits accepted the hospitality of the Récollets until the convent
which they built on the opposite side of the river St. Charles, was
ready for their habitation. It was situated near the entrance of the
river Lairet, about two hundred paces from the shore. We shall meet them
there a little later, working hard, in common with the Récollets with
whom they were good friends, for the civilization of the Indians.

When Guillaume de Caën returned to France, he was summoned to appear
before the tribunal of the state council, as he had not put into effect
all the articles of his contract. The chief complaint against him was
that the admiral or commodore of the fleet was not a Catholic. For this
appointment, however, he was not responsible, as it was made by the
associates, and he therefore summoned them to give their explanations
before the admiralty judge. The case was finally settled by His
Majesty's council in favour of Guillaume de Caën, on the condition that
he should at once appoint a Catholic. Raymond de la Ralde was the
officer of his choice.

Champlain started at once for Dieppe, together with Eustache Boullé whom
he appointed his lieutenant, and Destouches, his second lieutenant.
Their departure for Canada occurred on April 24th, 1626, and there were
five vessels in the squadron: the _Catherine_, two hundred and fifty
tons, commanded by de la Ralde;[24] _La Flèque_, two hundred and sixty
tons, with Emery de Caën as vice-admiral; _L'Alouette_, eighty tons, and
two other vessels, one of two hundred tons, and the other of one hundred
and twenty tons.

Champlain was on board the _Catherine_, and he arrived at Percé on June
20th. Before anchoring at Tadousac, Emery de Caën caused his crew to
assemble on deck, and he there informed them that the Duc de Ventadour
desired that psalms should not be sung, as they had been accustomed to
sing them on the Atlantic. Two-thirds of the crew grumbled at this
order, and Champlain advised de Caën to allow meetings for prayer only.
This ruling was judicious, although it was not accepted with pleasure.

At Moulin Baude, near Tadousac Bay, Champlain received intelligence that
Pont-Gravé, who had wintered at Quebec, had been very ill, and that the
inhabitants had resolved to leave the country at the earliest
opportunity owing to the sufferings which they had endured from famine.

When Champlain arrived at Quebec on July 5th, 1626, he found all the
settlers in good health, but little had been done towards the building
of the fort, or towards repairing the habitation. He, therefore, set
twenty men to work at once. Emery de Caën left Quebec in order to carry
on trade with the Indians. There were at Quebec at this time fifty-five
persons, of whom eighteen were labourers. Champlain wished to have ten
men constantly employed at the fort, but Guillaume de Caën had promised
them elsewhere, and the merchants obliged them to work at the
habitation, which they considered more useful than the fort. Champlain,
however, did not agree with them on this point.

The oldest fortification of Quebec was commenced in the year 1620, on
the summit of Cape Diamond, and the work was continued in 1621, when
Champlain was able to establish a small garrison within the walls.
Communication was opened between the habitation and the fort during the
winter of 1623-4, by means of a small road, less abrupt than the former
one. The fort was named Fort St. Louis.

In April 1624, a strong wind carried away the roof of the fort, and
transported it a distance of thirty feet, over the rampart. During this
storm the gable of Louis Hébert's residence was also destroyed. This
accident caused some delay to the works, and the merchants still
maintained their opposition to the construction of the fort. "If we
fortify Quebec," they said, "the garrisons will be the masters of the
ground, and our trade will be over." Guillaume de Caën supported the
opposition by saying that the Spaniards would take possession of New
France, if a boast were made of its resources. The king, finally, had to
undertake the defence of the colony alone.

Before leaving for France in 1624, Champlain had ordered the workmen to
gather fascines for the completion of the fort, but upon his return to
Canada, two years later, he found that nothing had been done. Champlain
therefore decided to demolish the old fort, and to construct a more
spacious one with the old materials, composed of fascines, pieces of
wood and grass, after the Norman method. The fort was flanked with two
bastions of wood and grass, until such time as they could be covered
with stone. The fort was ready for habitation at the commencement of the
year 1629, and Champlain took up his residence there at this date, with
two young Indian girls whom he had adopted as his children. After the
capitulation of Quebec in 1629, Louis Kirke resided in the fort with a
part of his crew.[25]

Although Champlain was not satisfied with the conduct of the merchants
towards the French, he was nevertheless pleased with the Indian tribes.
This noble care and management of these poor natives constitute one of
the brightest pages of his life. If we wish to form an impartial
judgment of the heroic qualities of Champlain, we must study his daily
relations with the chiefs of the various tribes. It is here that his
true character is revealed to us, and we are forced to admire both the
patience and care which he bestowed upon these people, and also his
exercise of diplomacy which rendered him from the first the most beloved
and respected of the French. His word commanded passive obedience, and
to maintain his friendship they were willing to make any sacrifice which
he desired. In this respect Champlain was more successful than the
missionaries, nor is it a matter of surprise that his memory was
cherished among the Indians longer than that of Father Le Caron or of
Father de Brébeuf. In their appreciation of character, the Indians
recognized instinctively that the calling of the missionaries rendered
their lives more perfect than that of a man of the world, but the
special characteristics and virtues of each did not escape their
penetration. Champlain took every care to preserve his friendship with
the Indians, not only on his own account, but also for the sake of the
traders, and of commerce generally, for his name acted as a
safe-conduct. Champlain had another ambition. He realized that if he
could induce the Indians to gather in the vicinity of Quebec, they would
prove a means of defence against the incursions of enemies. It seems to
have been a good policy, and the Jesuits who adopted the same means had
reason to be satisfied with their action.

In the year 1622 Champlain tried to establish the Montagnais near
Quebec. Miristou, their chief, was willing, and they began to cultivate
the land in the vicinity of La Canardière, on the north shore of the
river St. Charles. By living in the midst of such a community, Champlain
hoped to be able to derive new information regarding the country.

The sempiternal question of an open sea, admitting a free passage from
Europe to China, was constantly under the consideration of navigators.
Whether or not the founder of Quebec believed in this passage, we are
not prepared to assert, as he does not make any definite statement, but
from his Relations it is evident that he hoped to ascertain whether it
were possible to reach the far west by means of the river St. Lawrence
and the Great Lakes. He knew that he could serve the interest of the
mother country by obtaining new data, and his opinions were well
received in France, although the recent wars had somewhat engrossed
public attention. The travels of the Récollets in the Huron country had
not resulted in the acquisition of new territory, and the interpreters
had nothing further to do than to discover new tribes with whom trade
might be developed. Western Canada had consequently been neglected both
for the want of explorers and of resources, as Champlain was of course
unable to explore the whole American continent, and at the same time
govern the colony of New France, where his presence was necessary to
preserve harmony amongst the Indians.

Champlain tried to effect an alliance with the Iroquois during the year
1622, and for this purpose he sent two Montagnais to their country as
delegates. In the meantime a double murder occurred in the colony. A
Frenchman named Pillet and his companion were murdered by an unknown
party. The facts were brought to the notice of the court in France, and
it was decided to pardon the murderer on the condition that he would
confess his crime, and publicly ask for pardon. Champlain appears to
have been anxious to assert his authority, on this occasion, for the
prevention of such crimes, but the merchants were inclined to condone
the offence, and one day Guillaume de Caën in the presence of Champlain
and some captains, took a sword, and caused it to be cast into the
middle of the St. Lawrence, in order that the Indians might understand
that the crime even as the sword, was buried forever. The effect of this
action was otherwise than desired. The Hurons ridiculed the affair, and
said that they had nothing to fear in the future if they murdered a
Frenchman.

The murderer was a Montagnais, and the tribe consequently approved of
this lack of justice. Champlain, however, desired a more severe
imposition of the law. The Montagnais were perhaps the most dangerous of
Champlain's allies, especially as their treachery was marked by the
outward appearance of serious friendship. In the Montagnais were united
all the vices of the other Indian tribes as well as the bad features of
some of the Europeans, especially those of the Rochelois and Basques.
They were bold and independent, but Champlain soon showed them, by
ceasing to care for them, that he was not to be imposed upon. Fearing to
lose the friendship of Champlain, they endeavoured to regain the
position which they had in a measure lost; but instead of remaining
passive, they boasted of the ease with which they could find protectors
and advocates amongst the French. This conduct did not please Champlain,
who would have preferred to find a people more amenable to natural laws,
which are in themselves a defence against murder.

The Montagnais who had been sent to the Iroquois returned to Quebec in
July, 1624. They had been courteously received, and as a result of their
negotiations, a general meeting of the Indians was held at Three Rivers.
There might be seen Hurons, Algonquins, Montagnais, Iroquois, and the
French with their interpreters. The meeting was conducted with perfect
order. There were many speeches, followed by the feast pantagruelic. The
war hatchet was buried, so that Champlain could leave for France without
being very anxious as to the fate of his compatriots.

The alliance of 1624 did not last long, however, owing to the imprudence
of the Montagnais who had journeyed to the Dutch settlement on the banks
of the Hudson and promised to assist the settlers in their wars against
the Mohicans and Iroquois. Champlain interfered, and reminded the
Montagnais that they were bound to observe the treaty of 1624, and
there was no reason to break it. "The Iroquois," said Champlain, "ought
to be considered as our friends as long as the war hatchet is not
disinterred, and I will go myself to help them in their wars, if
necessary."

This language pleased the chief of the Montagnais, and he asked
Champlain to send some one to Three Rivers, if he could not go himself,
in order to prevent the other nations from fighting against the
Iroquois. Étienne Brûlé was sent on this delicate mission, but as
opinion was divided as to the advisability of the war, it was decided to
wait until the arrival of the vessels. Emery de Caën arrived soon after,
and hastened to meet the allies, who, according to rumour, were
preparing to go to war against the Iroquois. In addition to this a party
had gone to Lake Champlain, where they had made two Iroquois prisoners,
who were, however, delivered by the murderer of Pillet.

Champlain and Mahicanaticouche arrived in the meantime, whereupon a
general council was held. Champlain severely blamed the authors of this
escapade, the consequences of which might be terrible. It was resolved
to send a new embassy to the Five Nations at once, composed of
Cherououny called _Le Réconcilié_ by the French, Chimeourimou, chief of
the Montagnais, Pierre Magnan, and an Iroquois, adopted when young by a
Montagnais widow. The delegates left for Lake Champlain on July 24th.
One month after, an Indian came to Quebec with the news that the four
delegates had been murdered by the Tsonnontouans. Magnan had murdered
one of his compatriots in France, and by coming to Canada had evaded
justice.

This massacre put an end to thoughts of peace. In September some
Iroquois were known to be _en route_ for Quebec, evidently with hostile
motives. It was just at this time that a number of savages were coming
from a distance of fifty or sixty leagues to fish in the river St.
Lawrence. Nothing serious happened from the visit of the Iroquois, and
Champlain was able to visit his habitation at Cape Tourmente without
danger. In his absence, however, a double murder was committed at La
Canardière. Two Frenchmen, one named Dumoulin, and the other Henri, a
servant of the widow Hébert, were found dead, having been shot with
muskets.

The murderer's intention had been to kill the baker of the habitation,
and a servant of Robert Giffard, the surgeon. Champlain was anxious to
punish this murderer, but the difficulty was to discover him. Champlain
summoned all the captains of the Montagnais, and having set forth all
the favours which he had bestowed upon the nation, contrasted them with
the conduct which he had received at their hands since 1616. There had
already been four murders of which they were guilty. Champlain therefore
demanded that they should find and give up the guilty party. One
Montagnais who was suspected, was examined, but he denied everything.
Champlain, however, ordered him to be detained in jail until the real
criminal should be found.

During the winter of 1628, about thirty Montagnais, miserable and
hungry, came to the habitation, asking for bread. Champlain took this
opportunity of pointing out to them the evil of their race, and of the
crimes they had committed. They declared that they knew nothing whatever
of the crime, and to show that they were not responsible they offered
three young girls to Champlain to be educated. Champlain accepted them
and treated them as his own children, naming them _Foi_, _Espérance_,
and _Charité_.

After having kept the Montagnais in jail for fourteen months he was
released, as there was no proof against him. Champlain learned soon
after that he was not guilty, and that the real criminal was dead, being
none other than Mahicanaticouche, one of the captains of the Montagnais.

FOOTNOTES:

[21] For a plan of Abraham Martin's property, see, _The Story of the
Siege and the Battle of the Plains of Abraham_, by A.G. Doughty.

[22] See _Deed of Concession_, p. 414, Trans. R.S.C., 1899, by A.G.
Doughty.

[23] Father Mariana, a Jesuit, having published a book entitled, _De
Regi et Regis Institutione_, in which he denounced tyranny and its
fomenters, the court ordered that the work should be burnt, under the
pretext that Ravaillac, who had assassinated Henri IV, had taken
advantage of the Jesuit's authority to excuse his murder. It was certain
that the Jesuits were the best friends of the late king. Nevertheless,
they had to suffer the hostility of a certain part of the secular
clergy. Father Coton, a Jesuit, published at once a pamphlet under the
title, "Is it lawful to kill the tyrants?" in which he taught that it is
not lawful to kill a king, except he abuses his authority. An answer to
the pamphlet, published anonymously, soon appeared, which was a
satirical paper rather than a refutation of Father Coton's letter.
During the same year a new satirical paper against the Jesuits was
printed, entitled _L'Anticoton_. It was translated into Latin.

[24] Raymond de la Ralde who was a Catholic, was the first captain of
the island of Miscou, the history of which commenced in 1620. Guillaume
de Caën appointed de la Ralde as his lieutenant to protect the trade in
the Gulf of St. Lawrence against the Basques and others, especially at
Percé, Gaspé, and Miscou. From the year 1627, de la Ralde ceased to be
of importance, as his fortunes followed the de Caëns.

[25] Champlain died within Fort St. Louis, and the Governor Montmagny
had the building restored under the title of Château St. Louis, which
name it bore until its complete demolition.




CHAPTER IX

THE COMPANY OF NEW FRANCE OR HUNDRED ASSOCIATES


In spite of Champlain's strenuous efforts, the permanent existence of
New France seemed as yet problematical. At a time when internal peace
was imperative the domination of the mercantile companies came to
increase the distress of the struggling colony. The difficulties of
colonization likewise were immense, and Quebec at the period of which we
write, instead of being a thriving town, had scarcely the appearance of
a small village. In the year 1627 it could boast only six private
residences. The Récollets were living at their convent, but the Jesuits
had not completed their new building. The Récollets had abandoned the
Huron mission as their numbers were diminishing every year, and they
were too poor to continue their ministrations without assistance. They
still held in charge the missions at Quebec and at Tadousac. Father
d'Olbeau, who had been present at the opening of the Récollet convent at
Quebec, saw its doors closed. He remained, however, at his post, and
rendered valuable assistance to Champlain.

The Jesuits made great personal efforts for the advancement of the
colony, and Father Noyrot had sailed for Canada with a number of
workmen and a good store of provisions, but unfortunately his vessel did
not reach Quebec.

The negligence of Montmorency's company was the principal cause why
Quebec was abandoned to its own resources. Champlain was powerless
against the ill-will of the company, and the only redress was in the
person of the king. Cardinal Richelieu, who was superintendent of the
navigation and commerce of France, resolved to reform the remnant of a
company founded in 1626, and composed of one hundred associates, for
conducting the commerce of the East and West. As the due de Ventadour
had resigned the office of viceroy, the cardinal held a meeting of many
rich and zealous persons in his hotel at Paris, whose names would be a
guarantee of the success of the colonization of New France, and also of
its religious institutions. Among those present were Claude de
Roquemont, Sieur de Brison, Louis Hoüel, Sieur du Petit-Pré, Gabriel de
Lattaignant, formerly mayor of Calais, Simon Dablon, syndic of Dieppe,
David Duchesne, councillor and alderman of Havre de Grâce, and Jacques
Castillon, citizen of Paris.

On April 25th, 1627, the cardinal and these personages signed the act
which founded the Company of New France. In the preamble it is mentioned
that the colonization in New France shall be Catholic only, as this was
regarded as the best means of converting the Indians. The associates
pledged themselves to send two or three hundred men to New France
during the year 1628, and to augment this number to four thousand within
fifteen years from this date, i.e., by the year 1643. They agreed to
lodge, feed and entertain the settlers for a period of three years, and
after that date to grant to each family a tract of land sufficiently
prepared for cultivation. Three priests were to be maintained at each
habitation, at the expense of the company, for a period of fifteen
years.

The king granted to the company numerous privileges, the lands of New
France, the river St. Lawrence, islands, mines, fisheries, Florida,
together with the power of conceding lands in these countries, and the
faculty of granting titles, honours, rights and powers, according to the
condition, quality, or merit of the people. His Majesty also granted to
the company the monopoly of the fur and leather trade from January 1st,
1628, until December 31st, 1643, reserving for the French people in
general the cod and whale fisheries. In order to induce his subjects to
settle in New France the king announced that during the next fifteen
years all goods coming from the French colony should be free of duty.

This act was signed on April 29th, 1627, and the letters patent
ratifying the articles were signed on May 6th, 1628. The letters patent
also ratified some other provisions made on May 7th, 1627, namely:--(1.)
A capital of three hundred thousand livres, by instalments of three
thousand livres each. (2.) The society to adopt the name of the
Campagnie de la Nouvelle France. (3.) The management of the company to
be conducted through twelve directors, with full powers to name
officers, to distribute lands, establish factors or clerks, to conduct
trade and dispose of the joint-stock.

Of these twelve directors six were obliged to live in Paris. The names
of the twelve directors who were elected are here given:--Simon Alix,
councillor and king's secretary; Pierre Aubert, councillor and king's
secretary; Thomas Bonneau, Sieur du Plessis; Pierre Robineau, treasurer
of cavalry; Raoul L'Huillier, merchant of Paris; Barthélemy Quentin,
merchant of Paris; Jean Tuffet, merchant of Bordeaux; Gabriel
Lattaignant, formerly mayor of Calais; Jean Rozée, merchant of Rouen;
Simon Lemaistre, merchant of Rouen; Louis Hoüel, comptroller of
saltworks at Brouage; Bonaventure Quentin, Sieur de Richebourg.

These directors were elected for a term of two years, and six of them
had to be replaced at each election. The first term of office expired on
December 31st, 1629. The election was held in Paris at the house of the
intendant, Jean de Lauzon, king's councillor, master of requests and
president of the Grand Council. Cardinal Richelieu and the Duke d'Effiat
headed the list of the Hundred Associates. We find also the name of
Samuel Champlain, captain of the king's marine, of Isaac de Razilly,
chevalier de St. Jean de Jérusalem, Sébastien Cramoisy, the famous
printer; François de Ré, Sieur Gand, and many important merchants of
Paris, Rouen, Calais, Dieppe, Bordeaux, Lyons, Bayonne, and Havre de
Grâce.

This association was formed under auspicious circumstances; its members
possessed wealth and influence, and they were certainly in a position to
remove the difficulties which had hindered the growth of New France from
its foundation.[26]

While these transactions were in progress Champlain was living at Quebec
in want of even the necessaries of life. For the past two years
Champlain had established a farm for raising cattle at the foot of Cape
Tourmente. Some farm buildings and dwellings for the men were erected
there, and Champlain visited the place every summer to see that the work
was properly carried on. The Récollets had a chapel there in which they
said mass from time to time. In 1628 this establishment was in a
flourishing condition, and Champlain believed it would ultimately prove
of great value to the inhabitants. The colony in the meantime had to
rely upon the mother country for provisions, and for flour which could
not be produced in Canada.

The new company sent out four vessels in 1628 under the command of
Claude de Roquemont, laden with provisions, munitions, and a number of
men. This first shipment cost 164,720 livres or about $33,000 of our
currency. This large outlay was proof that the associates were
determined to maintain the new Canadian settlement. The fleet sailed
from Dieppe on May 3rd, and arrived at Percé about the middle of July.
During the voyage Roquemont was often exposed to the attacks of the
English and Dutch vessels, but he preferred to alter his course rather
than to fight. The vessels stopped at the Island of Anticosti, where the
crews landed, and planted a cross in token of their gratitude to God,
who had protected them.

Some days afterwards they reached Percé, and a little later entered
Gaspé Bay. Roquemont was here informed by the savages that five large
English vessels were anchored in Tadousac harbour. It was the fleet of
David Kirke,[27] who was going to make an assault on Quebec, after
having devastated the Acadian coast. Roquemont at once sent
Thierry-Desdames to St. Barnabé Island, where he had intended to go
himself. Roquemont left Gaspé on July 15th, 1628, and proceeded up the
St. Lawrence, hoping that he would be able to escape his powerful
enemies, as the French vessels were not properly armed for a regular
fight. Unhappily, on the eighteenth the French came within cannon shot
of the British fleet. For a period of fourteen hours the vessels
cannonaded each other, and over twelve hundred shots were exchanged. The
French having exhausted their stock of balls used the lead of their
fishing poles instead. Finally Roquemont perceived that his vessel was
sinking, and asked for a compromise. It was decided that no penalties
should be exacted, and that the English admiral should take possession
of the ships. The French crews were taken on board the British vessels,
which continued their route for England. The British commander soon
realized that he had too many persons on board, and some of the families
and the Récollet fathers were put off on the Island of St. Peter. Among
the families were a Parisian named Le Faucheur, who with his wife and
five children were bound for Quebec, Robert Giffard, surgeon, his wife
and three girls, and fifteen or sixteen sailors. Kirke left them to the
mercy of God on this island with some provisions and a small Basque
vessel.

The Basques who were hidden in the mountains came down upon the French
after the English were out of sight, and threatened to kill them if they
attempted to escape in their vessel. They at last agreed to allow them
to go elsewhere in consideration of a certain amount of biscuit and
cider. They all embarked in a frail shallop, and eventually arrived at
Plaisance on the coast of Newfoundland, where some French fishermen
conducted them to France.

Some writers have blamed Roquemont for avoiding a fight. His conduct is
pardonable, however, to a certain extent, because his mission was not
one of war, but to carry provisions to the colony, and he had armed his
vessels only for any ordinary attack. Others, like Champlain, thought
that Roquemont had unnecessarily exposed himself, and blame him for the
following reasons:--(1.) The equipment was made out for helping the fort
and habitation of Quebec. In going forward Roquemont not only exposed
himself to a loss, but also the whole country, that is to say about one
hundred persons who were in distress. (2.) At Gaspé he was made aware
that the English admiral had proceeded up the St. Lawrence in command of
a fleet much more powerful than his own. He ought, therefore, to have
taken the advice of his mariners in order to ascertain whether there was
not a safe harbour along the coast which would have seemed a safe
retreat. (3.) After having put his vessels in such a harbour, Roquemont
ought to have sent a well equipped shallop to observe every movement of
the enemy, and await his departure before going higher up the river.
(4.) If Roquemont desired to fight, he ought to have laden the _Flibot_
with flour and gunpowder, and placed on board the women and children,
and this small ship, which was sailing fast, could have escaped to
Quebec during the fight. Champlain, in setting forth these views, is
probably just, for the merit of a captain is not only in his courage,
but also in his prudence. Nothing remained of the expedition under
Roquemont, which was undertaken with so much courage, and at so much
expense. It is certain that if he had been able to reach Quebec with his
vessels, David Kirke would not have risked, in the following year, the
capture of the habitation of Quebec.

The king of England had granted letters patent to the Company of
Adventurers which authorized them to trade, plant, seize Spanish and
French vessels, and to destroy the forts of New France. By a singular
coincidence the king of France had established the Company of the
Hundred Associates at the same time, and they were thus constituted
masters of commerce in Canada and Acadia.

Sir William Alexander had equipped three vessels, to which he had
appointed David Kirke and his two brothers as captains. They stopped for
a time at Newfoundland, and then taking the gulf and river St. Lawrence,
they anchored at Tadousac, as we have already seen, during the first
days of July, 1628. The news of Kirke's arrival soon reached Champlain,
through an Indian named Napagabiscou, or Tregatin, who came in haste to
Cape Tourmente. Foucher, the chief of the farmers, proceeded at once to
Quebec to confirm the news, and also to inform Champlain that the
establishment had been burnt, his cattle destroyed, and all the
inhabitants taken prisoners. The prisoners were brought back to Quebec
some days after in the custody of six Basques, who delivered to
Champlain the following letter:

     "Messieurs:--I give you notice that I have received a
     commission from the king of Great Britain, my honoured lord and
     master, to take possession of the countries of Canada and Acadia,
     and for that purpose eighteen ships have been despatched, each
     taking the route ordered by His Majesty. I have already seized the
     habitation of Miscou, and all boats and pinnaces on that coast, as
     well as those of Tadousac, where I am presently at anchor. You are
     also informed that among the vessels that I have seized, there is
     one belonging to the new company, commanded by a certain Noyrot,
     which was coming to you with provisions and goods for the trade.
     The Sieur de la Tour was also on board, whom I have taken into my
     ship. I was preparing to seek you, but thought it better to send
     boats to destroy and seize your cattle at Cape Tourmente; for I
     know that, when you are straightened for supplies, I shall the more
     easily obtain my desire, which is, to have your settlement; and in
     order that no vessels shall reach you, I have resolved to remain
     here till the end of the season, in order that you may not be
     re-victualled. Therefore see what you wish to do, if you intend to
     deliver up the settlement or not, for, God aiding, sooner or later
     I must have it. I would desire, for your sake, that it should be by
     courtesy rather than by force, to avoid the blood which might be
     spilt on both sides. By surrendering courteously, you may be
     assured of all kinds of contentment, both for your persons and for
     your property, which on the faith that I have in Paradise, I will
     preserve as I would my own, without the least portion in the world
     being diminished. The Basques whom I send you are men of the
     vessels that I have captured, and they can tell you the state of
     affairs between France and England, and even how matters are
     passing in France, touching the new company of this country. Send
     me word what you desire to do, and if you wish to treat with me
     about this affair, send me a person to that effect, whom, I assure
     you, I will treat with all kinds of attention, and I will grant all
     reasonable demands that you may desire in resolving to give up the
     settlement. Waiting your reply, I remain, messieurs, your
     affectionate servant,

                                        "David Quer.

     "On board the _Vicaille_, July 18th, 1628, and addressed to
     Monsieur Champlain, Commandant at Quebec."

Champlain read that letter to Pont-Gravé and to the chief inhabitants.
After mature deliberation, it was resolved that Champlain should answer
Kirke with dignity and firmness, but should not give any idea of the
poor state of Quebec. "We concluded," says Champlain, "that if Kirke
wished to see us he had better come, and not threaten from such a
distance. That we did not in the least doubt the fact of Kirke having
the commission of his king, as great princes always select men of brave
and generous courage."

Champlain acknowledged the intelligence of the capture of Father Noyrot
and de la Tour, and also the truth of the observation that the more
provisions there were in a fortress the better it could hold out, still
it could be maintained with but little, provided good order were kept;
therefore, being still furnished with grain, maize, beans and pease,
(besides what the country could supply) which his soldiers loved as well
as the finest corn in the world, by surrendering the fort in so good a
condition, he would be unworthy to appear before his sovereign, and
would deserve chastisement before God and men. He was sure that Kirke
would respect him much more for defending himself than for abandoning
his charge, without first making trial of the English guns and
batteries. Champlain concludes by saying that he would expect his
attack, and oppose, as well as he could, all attempts that might be made
against the place. The noble language of Champlain's letter made a deep
impression on Kirke, and he deemed it prudent to start for Europe.
Before leaving Tadousac, David Kirke destroyed all the captured French
barques, with the exception of the largest, which he took to Europe.
Since leaving England he had doubled the number of his vessels, having
taken away all that he could from the habitation of Miscou and other
seaports frequented by the French.

The news of the departure of the English fleet took some days to reach
Quebec, where the minds of the inhabitants were divided between hope and
fear. Champlain was determined to await the arrival of the enemy, and to
defend Quebec, without considering its weakness. Every one began to
work to construct new intrenchments around the habitation, and to
barricade the road which led to the fort. Each was given a post in the
event of an attack, and a defence was determined upon. Later on
Champlain was informed of Roquemont's fate and of Kirke's departure.

The English were, indeed, well compensated for their abandonment of
Quebec, for the seizure of the vessels and their provisions was
equivalent to the capture of the French colony, since famine threatened
them sooner or later. In attacking Quebec Kirke, indeed, would have met
with but little opposition, because every one was suffering. Those who
were unable to live from the product of their own lands were compelled
to ask assistance from the trade agents. Champlain ordered a
distribution of pease to be made to each person indiscriminately. The
Récollets refused any assistance, and they passed the whole winter
subsisting on corn and vegetables of their own cultivation. Champlain
succeeded in building a mill for grinding pease. The eel fisheries were
productive, and the Indians bought from the French six eels for a beaver
skin. In the midst of these perplexities Champlain realized that unless
assistance was forthcoming in the spring, it would be advisable for him
to accept an honourable capitulation, and to send all the French who
wished to return to their country, either to Gaspé or to Miscou.

As soon as the snow had disappeared in the spring of the year 1629,
Champlain caused all the arable land to be sown. By the end of May his
stock of provisions was nearly exhausted, and he therefore decided to
send Desdames to Gaspé with a group of the inhabitants. Hubou, Desportes
and Pivert took passage on Desdames' barque, hoping to meet a French
vessel at Gaspé. One month later Desdames returned, and confirmed the
news that the English vessels had devastated the Acadian coast, and
burnt the habitations. Neither Desdames nor his party had seen any
French vessel in the gulf, but they had met Iuan Chou, a friend of
Champlain, who had agreed to give hospitality to twenty persons,
including Pont-Gravé, by whom he was greatly esteemed. The latter was
still suffering from gout, and it was with some reluctance that he
agreed to leave his position as first clerk, empowered by Guillaume de
Caën to take care of the merchandise. Des Marets, who was Pont-Gravé's
grandson, accepted his position in the interim.

Before leaving Quebec Pont-Gravé desired Champlain to read publicly the
commission which he had received from Guillaume de Caën. After grand
mass on June 17th Champlain read Pont-Gravé's commission and his own in
the presence of all the people, and he added some words, by which it was
easily understood that the king's authority had to be superior to
Guillaume de Caën's commissions. Pont-Gravé replied at once: "I see that
you believe in the nullity of my commission!" "Yes," replied Champlain,
"when it comes in conflict with the king's and the viceroy's authority."
This petty dispute had no serious consequence, as it was evident that
Pont-Gravé, being only the first clerk of Guillaume de Caën, had no
other authority than to take care of the peltry and merchandise
belonging to his chief.

Before turning their attention to Canada Guillaume and Emery de Caën had
belonged to a large company trading with the East Indies. Both were
Calvinists. Sagard writes that Guillaume was polite, liberal, and of
good understanding. This testimony seems somewhat exaggerated, as we
have many proofs of his niggardliness. His nephew Emery was frank,
liberal and open to conviction, and was always kindly disposed towards
the Jesuits. Guillaume de Caën was the commodore of the fleet equipped
by his associates. His greatest fault appears to have been that he
neglected Champlain and the colony, and for that reason he should share
the responsibility of not having prevented the capitulation of Quebec.
However, it is scarcely fair to say of him that he worked directly
against the French in New France. After the capitulation of 1629,
Cardinal Richelieu wrote of him to the French ambassador in London:
"Please examine his actions. Being a Huguenot, and having been much
displeased with the new company of Canada, I have entertained a
suspicion that he connived with the English. I have not a sure
knowledge of it, but you will please me if you inform me of his
conduct."

This suspicion seems unfounded, because Guillaume de Caën was personally
interested in the fate of Quebec. His merchandise which was seized by
Kirke was valued at about forty thousand écus. If he had made some
agreement with Kirke he would have had no difficulty in recovering his
goods after the capitulation, but such was not the case.

As to Emery de Caën we must say that he took an active part in the
defence of the colony, and perhaps he might have saved Quebec, had not
one of his sailors committed a grave imprudence at a critical juncture.
The facts are as follows: The Treaty of Suze, which was signed on April
24th, 1629, had established peace between France and England. Being
aware of this fact Emery de Caën equipped a vessel for the purpose of
bringing back to France all the furs and merchandise which were the
property of his uncle. When he arrived near the Escoumins a dense fog
obscured the coast, and his vessel ran aground on Red Island, opposite
Tadousac. Having succeeded in floating his ship, de Caën went to Chafaud
aux Basques, two leagues above Tadousac. Here he was informed that the
Kirke brothers were at Tadousac, and he at once made for Mal Bay, where
he was informed that Champlain had capitulated. This news lacked
confirmation, and so he sent two emissaries to Quebec, who instead of
proceeding directly there, amused themselves on the shore of the river
at Cape Tourmente. They finally arrived at their destination, and were
badly received by Guillaume Couillard.

In the meantime Thomas Kirke was sailing down from Quebec to Tadousac,
after the capitulation of the stronghold, and meeting de Caën's vessel
approached within cannon shot. A fight began, and soon both vessels were
stopped by Kirke's order. Previous to this, Champlain and all the French
who were on board had been sent below deck, the covers of which had been
fastened with large nails, so that they were unable to render any
assistance to Emery de Caën, even if they had desired to. The battle
continued under some difficulties, and the vessels were grappled only by
their foremasts. Kirke's position was becoming untenable, but by a
singular blunder instead of being defeated he was allowed to become the
master. One of Emery de Caën's sailors having cried "_Quartier!
Quartier_!" or Surrender! Kirke hurriedly answered, "_Bon quartier_, and
I promise your life safe, and I shall treat you as I did Champlain, whom
I bring with me." Hearing these words the French hesitated, laid down
their arms, and soon perceived Champlain on the deck. Kirke had released
him from his temporary jail, threatening him with death if he did not
order Emery de Caën to cease his fire. Then Champlain said: "It would be
easy to kill me, being in your power. But you do not deserve honour for
having broken your word. You have promised to treat me with
consideration. I cannot command these people, neither prevent them from
doing their duty, in defending themselves. You must praise them instead
of blaming them." Champlain asked them to surrender willingly. They were
wise in doing so, as two English _pataches_ soon arrived which would
have settled the fight.

Emery de Caën, and Jacques Couillard de l'Espinay, his lieutenant, took
passage on Kirke's vessel, and submitted themselves to the enemy's
conditions. De Caën was compelled to abandon his ship, which was full of
provisions intended for Quebec. In less than two hours every hope of fur
trading had disappeared. De Caën had lost not only his vessel, but also
five hundred beaver skins and some merchandise for traffic. This loss
was valued at fifty-one thousand francs. Emery de Caën returned to
France. He came back to Quebec in the year 1631, with permission from
Richelieu to treat with the Indians. But the English commander expressly
forbade the trade, and placed guardians on his vessel during the period
of trading.

FOOTNOTES:

[26] All that relates to the formation of the Company of New France is
contained in a series of documents entitled, _Edits, Ordonnances
royaux_. The first document is entitled, _Compagnie du Canada, establie
sous le titre de Nouvelle France, par les articles du vingt-neuf auril
et sept May, mil six cens vingt-sept_. We find it in the _Mercure
François_ (t. xiv., part ii., p. 232) and also in the _Mémoires sur les
possessions Françoises en Amérique_ (t. iii., pp. 3, 4, and 5). This
document is double, the first containing twenty articles, and the second
thirty-one, which essentially differ. The act of April 29th, 1627,
exposes the designs which had engaged the king to establish a new
company, its obligations, and the advantages which it will get from
Canada. The act of May 7th is the deed of association, which contains
the whole organization of the company, its rules, and all that concerns
the administration of its funds. The acceptation of the articles of
April 29th, 1628, was officially known by an act passed on August 5th,
1628, and the acceptation of the articles of May 7th took place on
August 6th, of the same year. These articles had been confirmed by an
order-in-council, on May 6th, 1628, at La Rochelle. On the same day
Louis XIII had issued patents confirming the order-in-council. On May
18th Richelieu had ratified the articles of April 29th and of May 7th.

These various documents were published in 1628, one part of them in the
_Mercure François_, and the other in a pamphlet, large in quarto of
twenty-three pages. The list of the Hundred Associates was also printed
in a small pamphlet of eight pages, bearing as title: _Noms, surnoms et
Qualitez des Associez En la Compagnie de la Nouvelle France, suyvant les
jours et dates de leurs signatures_.

[27] About the year 1596 Gervase Kirke, of Norton, county of Derby,
married Elizabeth Goudon, of Dieppe, and had issue five boys and two
girls. The eldest boy was named David, the second son was Louis; and the
third, Thomas; the fourth, John; and the fifth, James. In the year 1629
David was thirty-two years of age, Louis was thirty, and Thomas
twenty-six years of age. These are the three heroes of the Quebec
assault.

Gervase Kirke was a member of the Company of Adventurers, and he died on
December 17th, 1629. In 1637 David received as a concession the
New-found-land. After some difficulties which he had to suffer, David
Kirke died in the year 1656. His widow claimed the sum of £60,000 for
the part that the Kirkes had taken in bringing about the capitulation of
Quebec, but the king paid no attention to these claims, and the Kirke
family became poor.




CHAPTER X

THE CAPITULATION OF QUEBEC, 1629


We have somewhat anticipated events, so we now retrace our steps, and
place ourselves within Champlain's defenceless stronghold as its fatal
hour approached. On Thursday, July 19th, 1629, a savage named La Nasse
by the French, and Manitougatche by his own people, informed the Jesuits
that three English ships were in sight off the Island of Orleans, behind
Point Lévis, and that six other vessels were anchored at Tadousac.
Champlain was already aware that some ships were at Tadousac, but he was
surprised to learn that the enemy had approached Quebec, and at first he
thought that they might be French ships. There was no one in Fort St.
Louis at the time he received this news, as every one had gone out in
search of plants which were used as food; he therefore sent for Father
Le Caron and the Jesuits to consult with them as to what measures should
be taken. In the meantime the English fleet was steadily approaching,
and at length drew up at a certain distance from the city. A shallop was
then sent out from the admiral's ship, carrying at her mainmast a white
flag. Champlain caused a similar flag to be run up over the fort, and
Kirke's emissary came ashore and presented to Champlain the following
letter:--

     "Monsieur:--In consequence of what our brother told you
     last year that sooner or later he would have Quebec, if not
     succoured, he has charged us to assure you of his friendship as we
     do of ours; and knowing very well the extreme need of everything in
     which you are, desires that you shall surrender the fort and the
     settlement to us, assuring you of every kind of courtesy for you
     and yours, and also of honourable and reasonable terms, such as you
     may wish. Waiting your reply, we remain, monsieur, your very
     affectionate servants,

                                        "Louis and Thomas Quer.

     "On board the _Flibot_, this July 19th, 1629."

Champlain immediately prepared his answer, the terms of which had
previously been agreed upon by the fathers. Kirke's representative did
not understand a word of the French language, but he had a fair
knowledge of Latin. Father de la Roche d'Aillon was therefore requested
by Champlain to act as interpreter, and he asked the following
questions:--"Is war declared between France and England?" "No," replied
the English representative. "Why, then, do you come here to trouble us
if our princes live in peace?" he was asked.

Champlain then requested Father de la Roche to go aboard the English
vessels to ascertain from the chiefs what they intended to do. The
interview between Father de la Roche and Louis Kirke was courteous, but
the answers of the latter were far from being satisfactory. "If
Champlain," said the English captain, "gives up the keys of the fortress
and of the habitation we promise to convey you all to France, and will
treat you well; if not we will oblige him by force." Father de la Roche
tried to obtain fifteen days' delay, or even eight days, but it was of
no avail.

"Sir," said Louis Kirke, "I well know your miserable condition. Your
people have gone out to pick up roots in order to avoid starvation, for
we have captured Master Boullé and some other Frenchmen whom we have
retained as prisoners at Tadousac, and from whom we have ascertained the
condition of the inhabitants of Quebec."

"Give us a delay of eight days," said Father de la Roche. "No," replied
Thomas Kirke, "I shall at once ruin the fort with my cannon." "I desire
to sleep to-night in the fort," added his brother Louis, "and, if not, I
shall devastate the whole country." "Proceed slowly," said Father de la
Roche, "for you are deceived if you believe you will easily gain the
fort. There are a hundred men there well armed and ready to sell their
lives dearly. Perchance you will find your death in this enterprise, for
I assure you that the inhabitants are determined to fight, and they
derive courage from the conviction that your invasion is unjust, and
that their lives and property are at stake. Once more I warn you that an
attack might prove dangerous to you."

Captain Louis Kirke seemed a little disheartened on hearing this firm
and vigorous language. After having consulted the chief officers of his
fleet he asked Father de la Roche to attend a council of war at which an
ultimatum was presented in these words:--"Champlain must surrender at
once, but he shall have the privilege of dictating the terms of
capitulation." Three hours were granted within which his reply was to be
given. The Récollets were promised protection, but no conditions were
accorded to the Jesuits, as it was the admiral's intention to visit
their convent, which he believed to contain a quantity of beaver skins.

Father de la Roche returned to Fort St. Louis, and gave an account of
his interview. It was plainly evident that it would be useless to rely
upon delays in the face of an enemy determined to see the end of the
affair. Food was almost exhausted, and it was calculated that there were
not more than ten pounds of flour in Quebec, and not more than fifty
pounds of gunpowder, which was of inferior quality. Opposition would
have been not only useless, but ridiculous. Champlain realized this, and
at once resolved to surrender.

Champlain drew up the following articles of capitulation, which were
forwarded to the Kirke brothers:--

     "That Quer (Kirke) should produce his commission from the king of
     England to prove that war actually existed between England and
     France; and also to show the power of his brothers, who commanded
     the fleet, to act in the king's name.

     "That a vessel should be provided to convey Champlain, his
     companions, the missionaries, both Jesuits and Récollets, the two
     Indian girls that had been given to him two years before, and all
     other persons, to France.

     "That the religious and other people should be allowed to leave
     with arms and baggage, and all their furniture, and that a
     sufficient supply of provisions for the passage to France should be
     granted in exchange for peltry, etc.

     "That all should have the most favourable treatment possible,
     without violence to any.

     "That the ship in which they were to embark for France should be
     ready in three days after their arrival at Tadousac, and a vessel
     provided for the transport of their goods, etc., to that place."

     These articles were signed by Champlain and Pont-Gravé. After
     having read them Louis Kirke sent this answer: "That Kirke's
     commission should be shown and his powers to his brothers for
     trading purposes. As to providing a vessel to take Champlain and
     his people direct to France, that could not be done, but they would
     give them passage to England, and from there to France, whereby
     they would avoid being again taken by any English cruiser on their
     route. For the sauvagesses, that clause could not be granted, for
     reasons which would be explained. As to leaving with arms and
     baggage, the officers might take with them their arms, clothes,
     and peltries belonging to them, and the soldiers might have their
     clothes and a beaver robe each. As for the holy fathers, they must
     be contented with their robes and books.

                                        "L. Kirke.
                                        "Thomas Kirke.

     "The said articles granted to Champlain and Du Pont, I accept and
     ratify them, and I promise that they shall be executed from point
     to point. Done at Tadousac, August 19th (new style), 1629.

                                        "David Kirke."

The clause forbidding the soldiers to take their arms, coats and peltry,
excepting a castor robe, was a severe trial to them, as many of them had
bought skins from the Hurons to the extent of seven to eight hundred
francs, and preferred to fight rather than lose their fortune.

Champlain had agreed to capitulate without firing. Some openly
reproached Champlain, saying that it was not the fear of death that
actuated his course, but rather the loss of the thousand livres, which
the English had agreed to give him if he abandoned Quebec without
striking a blow.

Champlain was informed of all the murmurs and discontent which were
expressed amongst his people by a young Greek, who was charged to inform
him that they did not wish to surrender, and even if they lost their
fort, they desired to prove to the English that they were full of
courage. Champlain was annoyed at these exhibitions of insubordination,
and he instructed the Greek to give the people this answer:--"You are
badly advised and unwise. How can you desire resistance when we have no
provisions, no ammunition, or any prospect of relief? Are you tired of
living, or do you expect to be victorious under such circumstances? Obey
those who desire your safety and who do nothing without prudence."

Brother Sagard makes these remarks upon the condition of affairs:--"It
is true that there was a great scarcity of all things necessary for the
habitation, but the enemy, too, were weak, as Father Joseph perceived
after having examined the whole crew, which consisted of about two
hundred soldiers, for the most part, men who had never touched a musket,
and who could have been killed as ducks or who would have run away.
Moreover they were in a wretched condition, and of a low order. The
weather was favourable to the French, as the tide was low, and the wind
from the south-east was driving the vessels towards France, so that
there was no assurance for either the vessels or the barques. Champlain,
however, deemed it more expedient to surrender than to run the risk of
his own life or of being made a prisoner while defending a fort so badly
armed."

If, as the veracious Brother Sagard says, the fort and the habitation
were distressed, it is not proved that the English could be easily
defeated. There were at Quebec only fifty men capable of bearing arms,
and only a small quantity of gunpowder in store, while provisions were
absolutely wanting. How was it possible to sustain a siege without
ammunition, without bread and without soldiers?

On the enemy's side there were two vessels well equipped, and two
hundred men. If the men were desperate or wretched, they would be the
more dangerous. Even supposing that the two vessels had proved
insufficient for a protracted siege, the four vessels at the disposal of
David Kirke would have surely come to their assistance.

It would have been a foolish act to have resisted such a powerful enemy.
Besides, Champlain had another foe to contend against, for Nicholas
Marsolet, Étienne Brûlé, Pierre Reye, and others, had betrayed him, and
were leagued with Kirke. Champlain understood the difficulties of his
position, and his responsibilities, for he had in his hands the lives of
one hundred persons.

Of the eighty persons living in Quebec at this time, only two-thirds had
private interests to safeguard, and it was a matter of indifference to
them whether they remained in Canada or whether they returned to France.
The families who had nothing to gain by leaving Quebec were those who
deserved the governor's sympathy, and it was for their safety that
Champlain would not agree to offer resistance, as the result must have
proved disastrous to them. By the articles of capitulation these
families would be able to live quietly at home, awaiting the issue of
negotiations.

On the day following the preliminaries, Champlain went on board Louis
Kirke's vessel, where he was to see the commission of Charles I, which
empowered the Kirke brothers to take Quebec and the whole country by
assault. Both parties then signed the articles of capitulation, and the
English troops, conducted by Champlain, came in shallops near to the
habitation. The keys were delivered to Louis Kirke, and then they all
proceeded to the fort, which was delivered to the admiral. Quebec was
definitely put under the authority of the English, who had not fired a
single shot. Louis Kirke placed Le Baillif, who had been dismissed by
Guillaume de Caën for his bad conduct, in charge of the storehouse. This
was the first reward for his treason. Champlain asked the English
commander to protect the chapel of Quebec, the convents, and the houses
of the widow of Louis Hébert and of her son-in-law, Guillaume Couillard,
and he offered him the keys of his own room within the fort. Louis Kirke
refused to accept the latter, and left Champlain in possession of his
room. This courteous action was followed by another one, when Kirke
delivered to Champlain a certificate of all that he had found within the
fort and the habitation. This document was found useful later on, when
it was necessary to settle the value of the goods.

In the meantime the English crew robbed the convent of the Jesuits, but
they did not find the beaver skins, as they expected. Kirke and the
Lutheran minister took for their own use the nicest volumes of the
library, and three or four pictures. The Récollets had filled a leather
bag with the ornaments of their church, and had hidden it underground,
far in the woods, thinking that they might return sooner or later.

On the Sunday following the capitulation, July 22nd, Louis Kirke hoisted
the English flag over one of the bastions of the fort, and in order to
render the official possession of Quebec more imposing, he placed his
soldiers in ranks along the ramparts, and at a precise hour a volley was
fired from English muskets. In the afternoon, Champlain, the Jesuits,
and the greater number of the French took passage on the _Flibot_ for
Tadousac, leaving behind the families of Couillard, Martin, Desportes,
Hébert, Hubou, Pivert, Duchesne the surgeon, some interpreters and
clerks, and Pont-Gravé who was too sick to leave his room. It was
understood that all those who desired to return to France should start
on the day fixed by Kirke.

The fate of the colony was thus decided. Those who had any authority, by
reason of their character or their official mission, were compelled to
leave. The others were at liberty to remain, especially the
interpreters, who would be useful in trading with the Indians. Before
Champlain's departure, some had taken his advice. Would they remain in
Quebec under a new régime, with nothing to hope for? Who was this
victorious Kirke, so captivating in appearance? Perhaps a lion clothed
with the skin of a lamb! They knew the Kirke brothers had been guilty of
burning the habitation at Cape Tourmente. Knowing that they were
Protestants, they could not expect sympathy on the score of religion. A
danger existed from every point of view. Nevertheless, Champlain advised
many of them to remain at Quebec in order to save their property. The
only objection was that they would be obliged to observe their religion
for an indefinite time without the ministrations of their priests.

Three years were to elapse before a French vessel again appeared at
Quebec, with authority to hoist the white flag of France. Champlain's
advice was not prejudicial to any one, at least not in temporal matters.
This small nucleus became the great tree whose branches and leaves
extend to-day over the whole American continent. If France had seen the
complete depopulation of Canada, perhaps the king would not have made
the same efforts to have his colony restored. Champlain himself, in
spite of his great zeal and his love for the country which he had
founded, had been discouraged by the difficulties. He could foresee
better than any other the obstacles which the future would present, and
it caused him much uneasiness, and offered little consolation. At his
age most men would have preferred to rest after an agitated life of
thirty years, in the pursuit of an idea which it seemed impossible to
realize on account of the manifold difficulties by which it was
constantly beset.




CHAPTER XI

THE LAST EVENTS OF 1629


"Since the English have taken possession of Quebec," writes Champlain,
"the days have seemed to me as long as months." This dreariness is
easily explained. The unsettled state of affairs, of which he was an
eye-witness, had rendered his life at Quebec intolerable. Louis Kirke,
however, treated him with respect and courtesy, and had given him
permission to bring to Tadousac his two adopted girls, Espérance and
Charité. It was a favour wholly unexpected, especially as by one of the
clauses of the act of capitulation he renounced claim to them.
Champlain, however, was ready to buy their liberty, if necessary, as he
wished to civilize them and convert them to Christianity. Having no
desire to stay longer in a place where even the beauties of the sunset
seemed to remind him of his humiliation, Champlain only resided
temporarily at Tadousac, and was anxious to reach France. He left Quebec
on July 24th, and on the following day he perceived a vessel sailing
near Murray Bay. This was Emery de Caën's ship, which, as we have
already stated, was proceeding to Quebec to claim the peltry in the
storehouse which belonged to his uncle. This vessel, as has been
described, was captured by Kirke, and the same fate happened to Captain
Daniel, who had crossed the ocean from Dieppe with four vessels and a
barque laden with provisions and ammunition. Having heard on the passage
that a Scottish fisherman named James Stuart, had erected a fort on Cape
Breton, in a place called Port-aux-Baleines, to protect his countrymen
during the fishing season, Daniel went out of his way to destroy this
fort, and to build one at Grand Cibou to check the intruders, instead of
proceeding directly to Quebec, as was his duty. He left at this place
forty men and two Jesuits, Father Vimont and Father de Vieux-Pont, and
then having set up the arms of France, he returned to his country
without having taken any care of the Quebec habitation. This was his
first fault, but nevertheless it was a great misfortune.

The Jesuits had prepared at a great expense a shipment for Quebec.
Father Noyrot brought with him Father Charles Lalemant, who was
returning after an absence of nearly two years, Father de Vieux-Pont,
Brother Louis Malot and twenty-four persons. Driven by a terrible storm,
their barque was wrecked near the Island of Canseau. Fourteen were
drowned, including Father Noyrot and Brother Malot. The others
miraculously escaped.

The Chevalier de Razilly was finally ordered to assist Quebec, but it
was found that an agreement had been concluded between France and
England on April 24th. Razilly had his commission cancelled and
proceeded to Morocco.

The failure of these three expeditions, together with that of Emery de
Caën, occurring at the same time under unfortunate circumstances,
resulted in the loss of the colony for France, and won at least
temporary prestige and importance for the Kirke family.

Champlain relates some remarkable events during his sojourn at Tadousac.
Religious fanaticism displayed itself in its worst form. The French had
with them Father de Brébeuf, who was quite competent and willing to
champion the cause of the Catholic faith, and especially when assailed
by his own countrymen. A French Huguenot, named Jacques Michel,
apparently headed a crusade against the Jesuits. One day Michel said to
a party that the Jesuits had come to Canada to annoy the Sieurs de Caën
in their trade. "I beg your pardon," replied the father, "we had no
other design in coming here than the glory of God and the conversion of
the savages." To which Jacques Michel answered still more audaciously:
"Yes, convert the savages, say rather, convert the beavers." "It is
false," replied the priest, somewhat vexed. Michel, who was angry,
raised his arm to strike the father, at the same time saying, "If I were
not restrained by the respect due to my chief, I would slap your face
for your denial." "I ask your pardon," said the father, "it was not in
my mind to injure you, and if my answer has vexed you, I regret it."
Michel was not satisfied and began to blaspheme, so that Champlain was
scandalized, and said: "You swear much for a Reformer." "It is true,"
replied the Huguenot, "but I am furious against this Jesuit for his
denial, and if I hang to-morrow I will give him the blows he deserves."
During the day, however, Michel drank heavily and was attacked by
apoplexy, from which he died thirty-five hours later, without exhibiting
any signs of repentance.

The commander Kirke appears to have acted somewhat strangely on this
occasion, for instead of having Michel quietly buried, he ordered a
splendid funeral, accompanied with military honours. When the remains
were lowered into the grave, a salute of eighty guns was fired, as if
the deceased had been an officer of high rank. Whatever may have been
the reasons for showing these tokens of honour to the remains of Michel,
we know not, but the savages seem to have resented the proceedings, for
they unearthed his body and gave it to the dogs. Michel had been a
traitor to his country and to his God, and this was the method of his
punishment.

We have already mentioned the names of the Frenchmen who betrayed
Champlain, particularly Étienne Brûlé, Le Baillif, Pierre Reye and
Marsolet. Let us examine their conduct. Étienne Brûlé, in his capacity
of interpreter, had rendered many good services to his compatriots.
Unfortunately, his private actions while dwelling with the Hurons were
not above reproach, and he would certainly have been compelled to
expiate his offences had he not been adopted as one of their family.
Brûlé worked for the benefit of the Hurons, and their gratitude towards
a good officer perhaps outweighed their memory of an injury. On retiring
from the Huron country in 1629, Brûlé went to Tadousac, where he entered
the service of Kirke, and some years after he was killed by a savage.

Marsolet's case is nearly identical with that of Brûlé, although it is
not proved that he was as licentious during the time that he lived with
the Algonquins. He and Brûlé asserted that they were compelled by Kirke
to serve under the British flag. Champlain severely blamed their
conduct, saying: "Remember that God will punish you if you do not amend
your lives. You have lost your honour. Wherever you will go, men will
point at you, saying: 'These are the men who have threatened their king
and sold their country.' It would be preferable to die than to live on
in this manner, as you will suffer the remorse of a bad conscience." To
this they replied: "We well know that in France we should be hanged. We
are sorry for what has happened, but it is done and we must drain the
cup to the bottom, and resolve never to return to France." Champlain
answered them: "If you are captured anywhere, you will run the risk of
being chastised as you deserve."

Nicholas Marsolet became a good citizen, and his family alliances were
the most honourable. Pierre Reye, a carriage maker, was a bad character,
"One of the worst traitors, and wicked." His treason did not surprise
any one, and nothing better was expected of him. Le Baillif was not only
vicious, but a thief. On the night after the seizure by Kirke of the
goods in store, he took from the room of Corneille de Vendremur, a
clerk, one hundred livres in gold and money, a silver cup and some silk
stockings. He was suspected of having stolen from the chapel of the
Lower Town, a silver chalice, the gift of Anne of Austria. Though he was
a Catholic, Le Baillif ate food on days of abstinence, in order to
please the Protestants. He treated the French as if they were dogs. "I
shall abandon him," says Champlain, "to his fate, awaiting the day of
his punishment for his swearings, cursings and impieties."

The treachery of these four men greatly affected Champlain, who was at a
loss to understand how those to whom he had given food and shelter could
be so ungrateful; but their conduct, however reprehensible, played no
part in the loss of the colony. Kirke employed them to further his
purposes without giving them any substantial reward.

The sojourn of the French in Tadousac lasted many weeks, and the delay
caused Champlain much annoyance. David Kirke spent ten or twelve days on
his visit to Quebec, where he wanted to see for himself how his brother
Louis had disposed of everything, and what advantage he was likely to
gain from the acquisition of the new country. Believing himself to be
the supreme ruler and master of New France, he outlined a brilliant
future for the colony, looking forward to the day when he could bring
settlers to take advantage of its natural resources.

Returning to Tadousac, the general invited his captains to a dinner, at
which Champlain was also a guest. The dinner was served in a tent
surrounded with branches. Towards the end of the banquet David Kirke
gave Champlain a letter from Marsolet to inform him that the chief
savages, gathered at Three Rivers in council, had resolved to keep with
them the two girls, Espérance and Charité. This was a severe trial to
Champlain, who had hoped to be able to take them to France. All his
efforts, however, were useless, as there was a plot organized by the
traitor Marsolet. These children loved Champlain as a father, and were
inconsolable when they realized that their departure for France was
impossible.

Champlain relates many things that do not redound to Kirke's credit,
amongst other things that Kirke blamed his brother Louis for giving the
Jesuits permission to say mass, and afterwards refused the permission.
Again, at the moment when the Jesuits embarked for Tadousac, Louis Kirke
ordered a trunk to be opened in which the sacred vessels were contained.
Seeing a box which contained a chalice Kirke tried to seize it, but
Father Massé interfered, and said to him: "This is a sacred object, do
not profane it, if you please." "Why," said Kirke, "we have no faith in
your superstition," and so saying he took the chalice in his hands,
braving the Jesuit's advice. The Catholics were also denied the
privilege of praying in public. This intolerant action was condemned by
Champlain. During their stay at Tadousac Champlain and the admiral went
out shooting. They killed more than two thousand larks, plovers, snipes
and curlews. In the meantime the sailors had cut trees for masts, and
some birch which they took to England. They also carried with them four
thousand five hundred and forty beaver skins, one thousand seven hundred
and thirteen others seized at Quebec, and four hundred and thirty-two
elk skins. The French had not given up all their skins; some had hidden
a good many, and others kept them with Kirke's consent. The Récollets
and the Jesuits were returning poorer than when they came. Champlain
alone was allowed to retain all his baggage. At the commencement of
September the admiral fitted out a medium sized barque with provisions
for Quebec, with instructions to bring back the Récollets who were
scattered throughout the country, and also some of the French who had
intended to remain at Quebec and other places.

On September 14th the English fleet set out carrying Champlain, the
Jesuits, the Récollets, and two-thirds of the French, that is to say,
nearly the whole of the colony. The passage was short though difficult,
and eleven of the crew died from dysentery. On October 20th the vessels
reached Plymouth, where Kirke was much disappointed to learn that the
treaty of peace signed on April 24th had been confirmed on September
16th. All the French, except Champlain, took passage for France at
Dover. Champlain proceeded directly to London, where he met the French
ambassador, M. de Chateauneuf, and related to him the events which had
taken place in Canada, and urged him to take steps for its restoration
to France.

The fathers disembarked at Calais at the end of October. Father Massé
returned to his former position of minister at the college of La Flèche.
Father Anne de Noüe went to Bourges. Father de Brébeuf entered the
college of Rouen, where he had laboured previously, and three other
Jesuits whom we find afterwards in Canada, Father Charles Lalemant,
Father Jogues and Father Simon Lemoyne, were at that time professors in
this college. Father Massé and Father de Brébeuf were soon to resume
their ministration in this country, which they were forced to abandon at
a time when they had hoped to see the realization of their noble
mission. L'Abbé Faillon has written that the family of Hébert alone
remained at Quebec after the surrender, but this is incorrect. The truth
is that at least five families remained in Quebec. It was God's will
that the most prominent and influential men should leave for France,
but He also ordained that a few heroic settlers or possessors of New
France should remain. If their remaining was favourable to France
Champlain deserves the credit, for he did more than any of his
countrymen to bring it about. The population of Quebec or of the whole
colony in July, 1629, was divided as follows:--Inhabitants,
twenty-three; interpreters, eleven; clerks, fourteen; missionaries, ten;
domestics, seven; French, arrived from the Huron country, twenty. This
makes a total number of eighty-five persons.

The following persons remained at Quebec:--Guillaume Hubou and his wife,
Marie Rollet, widow of Louis Hébert; Guillaume Hébert; Guillaume
Couillard, and his wife Guillemette Hébert, and their three children;
Abraham Martin, and his wife, Marguerite Langlois, and their three
children; Pierre Desportes, and his wife, Françoise Langlois, and their
daughter Hélène; Nicholas Pivert, his wife, Marguerite Lesage, and their
niece; Adrien Duchesne and his wife; Jean Foucher, Étienne Brûlé,
Nicholas Marsolet, Le Baillif, Pierre Reye, Olivier Le Tardif. The
missionaries who returned to France were: Three Jesuits, two Récollets,
two Brothers Jesuits and three Brothers Récollets, ten in all. Their
names were: Fathers Jesuits Enemond Massé, Anne de Noüe and Jean de
Brébeuf, Fathers Récollets Joseph de la Roche d'Aillon, and Joseph Le
Caron, Brothers Jesuits François Charton and Gilbert Burel, and the
Récollet Friars Gervais Mohier, Jean Gaufestre and Pierre Langoissieux.
Among the clerks who returned home were Corneille de Vendremur,
Thierry-Desdames, Eustache Boullé, and Destouches.

Since the year 1608 there had been only seven births, three marriages,
and forty deaths. One man had been hanged, six had been murdered, and
three drowned. A Récollet father, called Nicholas Viel, had perished in
the Sault au Récollet; and there had been sixteen victims of the scurvy.




CHAPTER XII

QUEBEC RESTORED


Through the exertions of Champlain negotiations were soon entered into
for the purpose of restoring the colony of New France to the French.
Champlain had visited the French ambassador, M. de Chateauneuf, when in
London, and had laid before him a statement of the events which had
recently taken place, together with the treaty of capitulation and a map
of New France, so far as it was explored. According to Champlain, the
country comprised all the lands which Linschot thus describes: "This
part of America which extends to the Arctic pole northward, is called
New France, because Jean Verazzano, a Florentine, having been sent by
King François I to these quarters, discovered nearly all the coast,
beginning from the Tropic of Cancer to the fiftieth degree, and still
more northerly, arboring arms and flags of France; for that reason the
said country is called New France."

Champlain was not quarrelling with the English for the Virgines,
although this country had been occupied by the French eighty years
before, and they had also discovered all the American coast, from the
river St. John to the peninsula of Florida. No one can deny that
Champlain had given names to the rivers and harbours of New England as
far as Cape Cod, about the fortieth degree of latitude.

After having spent about five weeks with the ambassador in furnishing
him with information to guide him in his negotiations with the English
authorities, Champlain resolved to visit France, as he had a reasonable
hope of seeing his designs accomplished. He left London on November
20th, and embarked at Rye, in Sussex, for Dieppe. Here he met Captain
Daniel, who had just returned from his expedition to Canada, and it was
here also that he received his commission of governor of New France,
which had been forwarded by the directors of the Company of New France.

Champlain paid a visit to Rouen, and then went to Paris, where he had
interviews with the king, with the cardinal, and some of the associates
of the company. A prominent topic of discussion was, naturally, the loss
of New France, and the best means of recovering it. Champlain's ideas
were excellent, and he did his best to have them acknowledged and agreed
to by all those who were interested in the fate of New France.

Events progressed favourably, and Champlain was pleased to learn that
Doctor Daniel had been sent to London with letters for King Charles I.
Louis XIII demanded the restoration of the fort and habitation of
Quebec, and the forts and harbours of the Acadian coast, for the reason
that they had been captured after peace had been concluded between the
two countries. Doctor Daniel returned to France, bearing despatches by
which Charles I answered that he was ready to restore Quebec, but no
mention was made of Acadia. The directors of the company immediately
ordered Commander de Razilly to equip a fleet, and, as we have already
stated, to take possession of Quebec by force or otherwise.

The Hundred Associates subscribed sixteen thousand livres for the
freighting of the vessels, and the king granted the balance of the
expenses. The news of these extraordinary war-like preparations caused
alarm in London, but the French ambassador stated that these vessels
were not being sent to trouble or disturb any of the English settlers
who had taken possession of the French habitations. This explanation
relieved the public mind in England, and Charles I promised to give back
to France its ancient possessions in America, as they were on April
24th, 1629, the date of the signing of the Treaty of Suze. In justice to
England it may be said that two English vessels were seized by the
French at about the same time that Kirke had forced Champlain to
surrender. There was, therefore, illegal action on both sides, and both
countries had claims to be regulated.

The English would have preferred to have retained possession of Canada,
at least until the following year, as the Kirke brothers and their
associates hoped to be able to realize considerable sums from their
trade with the Indians. This condition of affairs is explained in a
letter addressed by Cardinal Richelieu to Chateauneuf, on December 20th,
1629: "They assure us that they cannot restore Canada at once; this is
the reason for our delay in restoring these vessels." And he adds: "If
they agree to the restitution of Quebec without any condition, you shall
take it for granted, if not, it is better to put a delay to the
settlement."

It is obvious that Charles I had twice promised to restore Quebec, and
when Chateauneuf retired from his position of ambassador in the month of
April, 1630, he had obtained "every assurance of restitution of all
things taken since the peace." The Marquis of Fontenay-Mareuil, who
succeeded Chateauneuf on March 13th, received special instructions from
the cardinal on this subject: "His Majesty's design is that, continuing
the negotiations of Chateauneuf, you continue to ask for the restitution
of Canada, and of all goods and vessels taken from the French since the
peace."

The new ambassador could not urge the claims of France with greater
activity than his predecessor. During the space of two months,
Chateauneuf had prepared five documents relating to Canadian affairs, to
which the commissioners appointed to settle the matter had replied on
February 11th. These officials were Sir Humphrey May, Sir John Coke, Sir
Julius Cæsar, and Sir Henry Martin. Their conclusion regarding Canada
was that His Majesty had not changed his mind concerning the
restoration of places, vessels and goods taken from the French,
according to the first declaration he had made through a memorandum in
Latin, communicated some time since to the French ambassador.

Louis XIII was at this time engaged in war with Austria, and Richelieu
was too busy to attend to Canadian matters, which were of less
importance than the European questions which occupied his time. Interior
dissensions were soon added to the trouble which France had to undergo.
Gaston, the king's brother, was compromised, and the Duke of
Montmorency, who took part in a plot against the king, was seized and
put to death.

The negotiations commenced in 1629 were not resumed until 1632. In the
meantime the English authorities had not been idle. Charles I had not
forgotten his promise, and even if he had, there were men in France who
had a good memory. On June 12th, 1631, Charles I addressed a long letter
to Sir Isaac Wake, ambassador to France, respecting the restitution of
Quebec and Acadia. The terms were as follows:--

"That which we require, which is the payment of the remainder of the
money, the restitution of certain ships taken and kept without any
colour or pretence, and the taking of arrests and seizures which were
made in that kingdom against our subjects contrary to treaty, being of
right and due. And that which is demanded of us concerning the places
in Canada and those parts, and some few ships of that nation (French)
which remained yet unrestored, but have passed sentence of confiscation
in our high Court of Admiralty upon good grounds in justice, being
things of courtesy and good correspondence."

According to her marriage settlement the Queen Henrietta possessed a
dowry of eight hundred thousand crowns, equivalent to eight hundred
thousand écus de trois livres, French currency. The half of that sum had
been made payable on the day before the marriage in London, and the
other half a little later. The marriage took place on June 13th, 1625,
and the first instalment was then paid. In the year 1631 the second
instalment had not been paid, and Charles I claimed it as one of the
conditions of settlement.

Some historians have stated that the king took this opportunity to have
a money question solved. If, however, the debt was legitimate, France
was obliged to pay it, and the difficulties that had occurred in the
meantime had nothing to do with the deed of marriage upon which the
claim was based. Chateauneuf had promised to pay the claim. Unless,
therefore, there was any doubt as to the right of the king to claim the
sum, it is difficult to understand why the king should be blamed.

In his letter to his ambassador at Paris Charles I alludes to documents
exchanged between Chateauneuf and Fontenay-Mareuil on the one side, and
the lords commissioners appointed to give a ruling. In this document it
is noticed that Guillaume de Caën had discussed with Kirke the value of
the goods and peltry that had been taken out of the stores at Quebec.
They disagreed both as to the number and value. De Caën claimed four
thousand two hundred and sixty-six beaver skins which had been captured
by Kirke, while Kirke pretended to have found only one thousand seven
hundred and thirteen, and that the balance of his cargo, four thousand
skins, was the result of trade with the Indians.

According to the books of the English company, Kirke had bought four
thousand five hundred and forty beaver skins, four hundred and
thirty-two elk skins, and had found in the stores one thousand seven
hundred and thirteen beaver skins. The difference in the calculation is
due to the fact that the English only mentioned the beaver skins
registered in their books, and the French included all the skins which
belonged to them when the fort surrendered, making no mention of those
that they had taken out of the fort with the permission of the English.
Guillaume de Caën valued each skin at twelve pounds ten shillings, and
Burlamachi had written from Metz to representatives of the English
company, that he had been compelled to accept de Caën's estimates, as
under the terms of an Act of Private Council, he was bound to make them
good. The king had promised to reimburse de Caën for his losses by the
payment of the sum of fourteen thousand three hundred and thirty
pounds, of which eight thousand two hundred and seventy pounds were for
his peltry and goods, and six thousand and sixty pounds for the vessels
which had been captured. David Kirke strongly opposed the payment of
this sum on the ground that it was excessive, but the king through his
councillors ordered the payment to be made.

Having determined to seize the peltry brought to London from Quebec, the
Kirke associates blew off the padlock which had been fixed to the
storehouse door by an order of justice. Some time after, when Guillaume
de Caën visited the store, accompanied by a member of the company and a
constable, he discovered that only three hundred beaver skins and four
hundred elk skins remained. Complaint was lodged with the king, who
ordered Kirke to return the skins which were missing within three days,
on pain of imprisonment or the confiscation of his property. None of the
associates of Kirke appear to have obtained the sympathy of the public
in that affair.

The English company had suffered a great loss over the transaction, and
the king thought that it would be just to grant them some compensation.
He therefore appointed two commissioners, Sir Isaac Wake and Burlamachi,
to look after the interests of the English company. Their mission was to
make an agreement with Guillaume de Caën, who represented the French
company. After the exchange of a long correspondence, the king of
France agreed to pay to David Kirke the sum of twenty thousand pounds,
on the condition that he should restore the fort of Quebec, the contents
of the storehouse, the vessel belonging to Emery de Caën, and the peltry
seized in Canada.

David Kirke was much dissatisfied with the agreement, which he believed
was due to the action of Sir Isaac Wake, to whom he wrote, accusing him
of not having followed the instructions of the English company. His
letter concluded with these words: "I understand that the conduct of
this affair has been absolutely irregular, as it is evident that you
have only resorted to the French testimony, having no care for the
English evidence."

In the same memorandum the Kirke family complained of the fact that the
Company of English Adventurers had been compelled to plead in France,
while the French were not subject to the same conditions. This
accusation was not correct, as Guillaume de Caën had been obliged not
only to live in London in order to vindicate his goods, but also to
watch them and prevent damage.

Kirke had no other claim than compensation for losses, and de Caën, who
had apparently no responsibility for the conflict of 1629, could not
reasonably be expected to pay the amount of Kirke's claim. The contents
of the storehouse at Quebec were the property of the de Caëns, and in
visiting Quebec Emery de Caën had no other object in view than to
secure his goods and take them to France. He had nothing to do with the
war, and believed that he was sailing in times of peace. Thomas Kirke,
by whom he was taken prisoner, treated him as a pirate, illegally, and
in spite of the Treaty of Suze. It is true that the Kirkes ignored the
existence of this treaty when they sailed for America, but this was only
an excuse for their attitude as belligerents.

As soon as the provisions of the negotiations were determined upon
between the two countries, the claims had to be sent to the king, if
they considered that they had any grievance under the privileges
conferred upon them by letters of marque. The royal commission took a
correct stand in demanding from them in the name of Charles I an
indemnity for France. All these differences were at length terminated
through the energetic interference of Richelieu. These disputes had
lasted for more than two years, and constantly occupied the attention of
the ambassadors. The king of France, therefore, empowered Bullion and
Bouthillier on January 25th, 1632, to act. Charles I had already sent
Burlamachi to France with letters in favour of the restoration of Canada
and Acadia, and had also given instructions to Sir Isaac Wake, his
ambassador extraordinary. On March 5th, Louis XIII granted an audience
to the ambassadors, and the basis of a treaty was agreed upon. Sir Isaac
Wake represented Charles I, and Bullion and Bouthillier represented the
king of France.

The commissioners took up the question of seizures, which was the most
difficult. The king of France agreed to pay the sum of sixty-four
thousand two hundred and forty-six pounds to Lumagne and Vanelly for the
goods seized on the _Jacques_, and sixty-nine thousand eight hundred and
sixty-six pounds for the goods seized on the _Bénédiction_, and to
restore these two vessels to their owners within fifteen days. This
agreement included the effects taken from the _Bride_, and sold at
Calais, the property of Lumagne and Vanelly. The king of England
promised to render and restore all the places occupied by the subjects
of His Majesty of Great Britain in New France, Canada and Acadia, and to
enjoin all those who commanded at Port Royal, at the fort of Quebec and
at Cape Breton, to put these places in the hands of those whom it shall
please His Majesty, eight days after notice given to the officers named
by the king of France.

Under this agreement, de Caën was obliged to pay for the equipment of a
vessel of two hundred to two hundred and fifty tons, and for the
repatriation of the English subjects established in New France. The
forts and places occupied by the English were to be restored as they
were before their capture, with all arms and ammunition, according to
the detailed list which Champlain had given. Burlamachi was authorized
to pay for everything that was missing, and also to place Emery de Caën
in possession of the ship _Hélène_, which had been taken from him,
together with all goods abandoned at Quebec during his voyage of 1631.
Burlamachi was also instructed to pay to Guillaume de Caën the sum of
eighty-two thousand seven hundred pounds within two months. The sum of
sixty thousand six hundred and two pounds tournois was also to be paid
by Burlamachi to whomever it might belong, for the vessels _Gabriel_ of
St. Gilles, _Sainte-Anne_, of Havre de Grâce, _Trinité_, of Sables
d'Olonne, _St. Laurent_, of St. Malo, and _Cap du Ciel_, of Calais,
seized by the English after the signing of the Treaty of Suze.

After this was agreed to, the commissioners embodied in eight articles
the conditions of free trade between the two countries. The whole was
signed by Wake, Bullion and Bouthillier, at St. Germain-en-Laye, on
March 29th, 1632.

Thus terminated this quarrel between England and France, but it was only
the precursor of a far more serious conflict which was to arise. From
time to time, however, these differences were adjusted temporarily by
treaties, only to lead to further complications. The principal
difficulty arose regarding the boundaries of New France, the limits of
which were not clearly defined in the treaty. Some adjacent parts were
claimed by the English as their territory. The king of France had
granted to the Hundred Associates "in all property, justice and
seigniory, the fort and habitation of Quebec, together with the country
of New France, or Canada, along the coasts ... coasting along the sea
to the Arctic circle for latitude, and from the Island of Newfoundland
for longitude, going to the west to the great lake called Mer Douce
(Lake Huron), and farther within the lands and along the rivers which
passed through them and emptied in the river called St. Lawrence,
otherwise the great river of Canada, etc."

Quebec was considered as the centre of these immense possessions of the
king of France, and included the islands of Newfoundland, Cape Breton
and St. John (Prince Edward).

The king of England had granted to Sir Thomas Gates and others, in 1606,
three years after the date of de Monts' letters patent, "this part of
America commonly called Virginia, and the territories between the
thirty-fourth and forty-fifth degrees of latitude, and the islands
situated within a space of one hundred miles from the coasts of the said
countries."

In the year 1621, James I granted to Sir William Alexander, Count of
Sterling, certain territory, which under the name of Nova Scotia was
intended to comprise the present provinces of Nova Scotia, New
Brunswick, the islands of St. John and Cape Breton, and the whole of
Gaspesia. Charles I granted to Sir William Alexander in the year 1625
another charter, which revoked the one of 1621.

It is evident that the king of England and the king of France had each
given charters covering about the same extent of territory, and it is
therefore easy to understand that tedious correspondence of a
complicated nature thereby arose between the two countries. The treaty
of St. Germain-en-Laye did not determine the question of the boundaries
of the territory, and each power reserved its rights in this respect.

The inhabitants of Quebec at this time were in a state of suspense, for
they had no knowledge of the progress made with the negotiations between
the two countries. They had no reason to complain of the English,
however, who treated them well, but the Huguenots, their own countrymen,
who seemed prepared to serve under the English flag, were, as usual,
troublesome and fanatical on religious questions. The settlers were so
much distressed at not having the benefit of the ministration of a
priest of their church, that they had resolved to leave the country at
the earliest opportunity.

The Lutheran minister, who had decided to remain at Quebec with Kirke's
men, had much to suffer. His advice was not accepted by his own people,
and he was, moreover, kept in prison for a period of six months under
the pretext of inciting the soldiers of the garrison to rebellion. All
these disagreements rendered the condition of the Catholics almost
unendurable.

On July 13th, 1632, a white flag was seen floating from a vessel which
was entering the harbour of Quebec. The inhabitants were rejoiced, and
when they were able to hear mass in the house of Madame Hébert, their
happiness was complete. It was three years since they had enjoyed this
privilege. One girl had been born in the interval, to the wife of
Guillaume Couillard. But no death had been recorded, except the murder
of an Iroquois prisoner by a Montagnais while in a state of
intoxication.

The Jesuits who had arrived at the same time as Emery de Caën, took
charge of the Quebec mission. In the year 1627, the Récollets, seeing
that their mission had not apparently produced the results that they
desired, and that they were also reduced to great distress, resolved to
abandon New France for a country less ungrateful. We have seen that
after the capitulation, the Récollets left with the greater number of
the French for their motherland, but when they heard that Canada had
been restored to France, they made preparations to resume their labours.
Their superiors offered no objection, but the chief directors of the
Hundred Associates, thinking the establishment of two different
religious orders in the country, which as yet had no bishop, would
create jealousies, determined to refuse the services of the Récollets.

Jean de Lauzon, intendant of the company for Canadian affairs, made a
formal protest, and thus these noble missionaries were forced to abandon
their work in Canada. The Récollets were much disappointed, but Father
Le Caron, the first apostle to the Huron tribes, was so distressed at
the news that he was taken ill and died on March 29th, 1632, some days
before the departure of Emery de Caën for Quebec. He had brought some
manuscripts from Canada, which were accidently burnt in Normandy. This
man was perhaps the purest example of all the Récollets in Canada.
Others had a more illustrious name, but none gave greater proof of
devotedness and courage in their dealings with the Indians, and
especially the Hurons. He was generally regarded as a saint.




CHAPTER XIII

THE JESUIT MISSIONS IN NEW FRANCE


The Jesuits, who had only been in the country about four years, had not
as yet a true idea of the magnitude of the task they had undertaken.
Father Charles Lalemant had abandoned the theatre of his first apostolic
labours on our Canadian soil, at the same time that some workmen whom
Father Noyrot had brought from France during the preceding year, left
the place. He was the last representative, together with Fathers Massé,
de Noüe and de Brébeuf of the primitive church of Canada. Mention has
been made of the temporary residence in the convent of the Récollets,
and of a building which was erected for themselves at about two hundred
feet from the shore, near the junction of the river Lairet and the river
St. Charles. The Jesuits received a concession of this land which was
bounded on the west by a stream called St. Michel, and the river St.
Mary or Beauport on the east. This was named the Seigniory of Notre Dame
des Anges.

The Jesuits' convent was finished on April 6th, 1626. It was a poor
residence of about forty feet in length and thirty feet in width. The
building contained a small chapel dedicated to Notre Dame des Anges, on
account of a picture which decorated a wall representing the Blessed
Virgin receiving the homage of angels. This name extended beyond the
chapel, and was given to the seigniory, and after a lapse of three
centuries, it remains unchanged.

The different mission-stations of the Jesuits in Canada and around the
gulf of the St. Lawrence were maintained at the expense of the Hundred
Associates from the year 1632, with the exception of their college at
Quebec which was founded through the liberality of the Marquis de
Gamache, who gave them a sum of sixteen thousand écus d'or for that
purpose, in 1626, on the occasion of his son taking religious vows. The
offer was accepted by Father Vitelleschi, general of the order, and the
college was founded in 1635, and opened a few years later. "This,"
writes Parkman, "was the cradle of the great missions of Canada!"

As soon as the Jesuits arrived they commenced to repair their residence,
and in the year 1632 it was in a fit state for a banquet which was given
to Emery de Caën, who had been appointed governor _ad interim_ of the
French colony.

Champlain returned from France to Quebec in the month of June of the
following year, and again took over the government of New France. He
brought with him Fathers Massé and Jean de Brébeuf, and their arrival
was the dawn of a brighter era for the Canadian missions. The Jesuits
founded, during the same year, a mission at Three Rivers, and another at
Ihonatiria in the Huron country. The mission-stations at Miscou and at
Cape Breton were also opened at about the same time, but they were all,
practically speaking, dependent upon the liberality of the Hundred
Associates.

The Jesuits in their Relations of 1635 regarded the establishment of the
mission of Notre Dame des Anges as destined to fulfil three designs
which they had in view for the honour and glory of God. These were: (1.)
To erect a college for the education of young Frenchmen who were
becoming more and more numerous. (2.) To found a seminary for young
Indians for the purpose of civilizing or improving their moral
condition. (3.) To extend the missions of the Jesuits among the Hurons
and other savage tribes. These three designs were in a measure
accomplished by this means. From the year 1626 Quebec was the principal
centre of Canadian missions, which extended from Tadousac to the Great
Lakes. Seeing that the French were all gathering in the vicinity of Fort
St. Louis, and that their convent was exposed to attacks of the Indians,
the Jesuits decided to build their new college upon the promontory of
Cape Diamond. In the year 1637 the Hundred Associates conceded twelve
acres of land to the Jesuits near Fort St. Louis, upon which they built
their college and a church, some years after. The seminary for young
Indians was opened in the year 1627, and Father Charles Lalemant
conducted a class for them as long as there were pupils to attend.

The seminary of Notre Dame des Anges has an interesting though brief
history. It was Father Le Jeune's intention to have removed it near to
the fort. The question of transferring it to the Huron country, in order
to obtain a greater number of pupils had been discussed, but there were
many reasons against the change, the principal being that the proximity
to the Huron families would have caused the fathers annoyance. The
seminary was, therefore, continued at Notre Dame des Anges, where it
remained until it was closed. Father Le Jeune wrote to the Provincial in
France on August 28th, 1636:--

"I consider it very probable that, if we had a good building in Kébec we
would get more children through the very same means by which we
despaired of getting them. We have always thought that the excessive
love the savages bear their children would prevent our obtaining them.
It will be through this very means that they will become our pupils;
for, by having a few settled ones, who will attract and retain the
others, the parents, who do not know what it is to refuse their
children, will let them come without opposition. And, as they will be
permitted during the first few years to have a great deal of liberty,
they will become so accustomed to our food and our clothes that they
will have a horror of the savages and their filth. We have seen this
exemplified in all the children brought up among our French. They get so
well acquainted with each other in their childish plays that they do
not look at the savages, except to flee from them or make sport of them.
Our great difficulty is to get a building, and to find the means with
which to support these children. It is true we are able to maintain them
at Notre Dame des Anges; but as this place is isolated, so that there
are no French children there, we have changed the plan that we formerly
had to locate the seminary there. Experience shows us that it must be
established where the bulk of the French population is, to attract the
little savages by the French children. And, since a worthy and virtuous
person has commenced by giving something for a seminary we are going to
give up our attempts to clear some land, and shall make an effort to
build at Kébec. I say an effort, for it is with incredible expense and
labour that we build in these beginnings. What a blessing from God if we
can write next year that instruction is being given in New France in
three or four languages. I hope, if we succeed in getting a lodging, to
see three classes at Kébec--the first, of little French children, of
whom there will be perhaps twenty or thirty pupils; the second, of
Hurons; the third, of Montagnés."

Father Daniel was the chief of the seminary, although he was generally
assisted by other fathers, who instructed the children of the families
residing near the convent. The chapel was used as a classroom, and both
the boys and girls made good progress. They were soon taught to observe
the customs of the French, such as joining their hands in prayers,
kneeling or standing during the recitation of their lessons. They were
also taught to answer with modesty, and to be respectful in their
behaviour. The girls were especially apt at learning, and they
endeavoured to imitate the French girls, for whom they appeared to have
great love. At certain intervals a public meeting was held, at which the
governor and the citizens of Quebec were present, and the pupils were
questioned on religious subjects. The most successful received a reward
at the hands of the governor, consisting of either a knife or an awl.
They were called upon to kiss the governor's hand, and to make a bow _à
la française_.

The pupils of the seminary were chiefly Hurons, and the names of some of
the more prominent are known. These were Satouta, Tsiko, Teouatirhon,
Andehoua, Aïandacé. The three first died during their residence in
Quebec, on account of the change of air and of diet. Father Le Jeune has
written that these young Indians were the columns of the seminary. They
were, in fact, endued with many good qualities, and had given great
hopes for the future. Satouta was the son of a Huron admiral, who was
the most popular and best known Indian in the country. His authority was
considered supreme, and in nautical matters his word was law. He had
promised that at his death Satouta should inherit his name.

Tsiko was the son of Ouanda Koka, one of the best speakers of his
tribe, and he had won the esteem and admiration of his people through
his talents. Tsiko had inherited his father's gifts, and spoke so well
that he astonished all who heard him, especially the fathers.

Andehoua was a model of virtue. He was baptized under the name of Armand
Jean, in honour of Cardinal Richelieu. The governor stood as his
godfather. Andehoua made such good progress in his studies that he
became a sort of missionary, and he did everything in his power to
convert his countrymen. He died at the Hôtel Dieu, Quebec, in 1654, at
the early age of thirty-six.

From the year 1639 the number of seminarists began to decrease, until
there was only one. However, in the year 1643 four young Hurons went
down to Quebec to receive instruction, and were baptized. Their
godfathers were LeSueur de St. Sauveur, a priest, Martial Piraube, M. de
Repentigny and M. de la Vallée. In the Relations of the Jesuits the
names of three are preserved: Ateiachias, Atarohiat, and Atokouchioüani.

The seminary was then finally closed. The Jesuits opened another at
Three Rivers, and at the commencement there were six pupils, but at the
end of a year there were none. After eight years' experience, the
Jesuits realized that it was impossible successfully to make an Indian
boy adopt the manners and habits of the French, and the same result was
afterwards found by others who tried the experiment.

In the year 1635, the Jesuits' missions in New France included those at
Cape Breton, Richibucto and Miscou Island. The mission of Miscou was the
best organized and the most populous; the Catholics of Gaspé, Miramichi
and Nipisiguit (Bathurst) went there. The island of Miscou is situated
at the northern extremity of the coast of New Brunswick, near the
entrance of the Baie des Chaleurs. It was the common residence of the
Jesuits and of the two first who came here, Father Charles Turgis and
Father Charles du Marché. On their arrival they found twenty-three
Frenchmen there, who were endeavouring to form a settlement.
Unfortunately, most of them were taken ill with scurvy, from which they
died, including the captain, the surgeon, a clerk and nine or ten
officers. Father du Marché was forced to leave the island, and finally
Father Turgis succumbed to the disease, and left behind him a single
man, who was in a dying condition.

In the year 1637, two other Jesuits came to this inhospitable island,
Father Jacques de la Place and Father Nicholas Gondoin. They found only
nine persons there, who were in charge of the storehouse. A year later,
Father Claude Quentin, superior of the Canadian missions, came to assist
his confrère, who had undertaken to erect a chapel, but after three
years of constant labour, they both returned to Quebec in an exhausted
condition.

Father Dollebeau and Father André Richard then took charge of the
mission on the island of Miscou, but the former was taken ill and was
obliged to return to France. During the voyage the vessel was captured
by three English frigates, and while pillaging the ship a soldier set
fire to the powder magazine, and as a result Father Dollebeau and the
whole crew perished.

In the course of years, however, the Miscou mission increased, and the
chapel proving insufficient to accommodate the congregation, the Jesuits
built another at the entrance of the river Nipisiguit.

Father de Lyonne was the real founder of this new mission. Nipisiguit
was a good trading and fishing-station, and a general rendezvous for the
French as well as the Indians; it was also a safe harbour. Between the
years 1650 and 1657, Father de Lyonne crossed the ocean three times in
the interest of his mission, and in the year 1657 he founded another
mission at Chedabucto, where he ended his career.

The field of the missionaries was divided after the year 1650. Father de
Lyonne took charge of the mission at Chedabucto, while the stations at
Miscou and Nipisiguit were under the control of Father Richard, and
Father Frémin was given charge of the Richibucto mission. In the year
1661, Father Richard replaced Father de Lyonne at Chedabucto, but he
only remained there one year.

The missions of the Jesuits in Acadia and Baie des Chaleurs closed with
the departure of Father Richard. Some historians of Acadia mention the
labours of Father Joseph Aubéri, whom Chateaubriand has immortalized in
his "Atala." Father Aubéri prepared a map of Acadia, and also a
memorandum of the boundaries of New France and New England in the year
1720.

The mission-station at Cape Breton was commenced in 1634, and Father
Julian Perrault, a Jesuit, took up his residence there and gave
religious instruction to the Micmacs, whom he found very attentive. The
Micmacs were a hardy race, of great stature. Some of the men who were
upwards of eighty years of age had not a single white hair.

Champlain gave to Cape Breton the name of St. Lawrence Island. The name
was originally given to the cape but it was afterwards applied to the
island. Bras d'Or was called Bibeaudock by the Indians, and Louisburg
was commonly known as Port aux Anglais. The Portuguese had formerly
occupied the island, but they were forced to leave it on account of the
temperature and other causes. Nicholas Denys, who had been obliged to
abandon Chedabucto, in Acadia, came to the island and founded Fort St.
Pierre, which was taken from him in the year 1654 by Emmanuel le Borgne
de Belle Isle, and by one Guilbault, a merchant of La Rochelle. Denys
then took up his residence, sometimes at Miscou, sometimes at Gaspé or
at Nipisiguit. His son Charles Denys, Sieur de Fronsac, had settled on
the shores of the river Miramichi.

The first Jesuits who were invited to take charge of the Cape Breton
mission were Fathers Vimont and de Vieux-Pont, who had been brought out
by Captain Daniel, who, it will be remembered, lost a great deal of time
in attacking the fort which had been built on the river du Grand Cibou
by Stuart. The two Jesuits and forty men were left here. The Jesuits,
however, returned to France in 1630. Fathers Davost and Daniel were
missionaries at Cape Breton in 1633, and when Champlain visited the
place on May 5th of that year, he met the two Jesuits, who soon
afterwards returned with him to Quebec.

Father Perrault resided at Cape Breton during the years 1634 and 1635,
and Fathers Richard and d'Endemare came in the following year and took
up their residence at Fort Ste. Anne in Grand Cibou Bay. This place had
many advantages, as it was naturally fortified, and three thousand small
vessels could anchor safely in the bay. The Jesuits remained at Cape
Breton until the arrival of Bishop de Laval in 1659. These various
missions which we have recorded, constitute the religious history of the
islands and coasts of the gulf of St. Lawrence during the greater part
of the seventeenth century, and they were all founded by Champlain or
under his administration, and he certainly took an active part in the
civilization of the Micmacs.

In a memorandum addressed to the king, Champlain had set forth his
intention to erect a church at Quebec, to be dedicated to the Redeemer.
He was, however, unable to accomplish his design. He had also made a
solemn promise to the Blessed Virgin, between the years 1629 and 1632,
to erect a church in honour of Notre Dame de la Recouvrance, and on his
return to Quebec he set out to fulfil his obligation. The occasion was
favourable, as the chapel near the habitation in Lower Town had been
completely ruined.

The chapel of Notre Dame de la Recouvrance was erected during the summer
of 1633, and in the autumn of the same year the Jesuits said mass for
the inhabitants within the building. The increase of the population and
of their religious zeal within the two following years, induced
Champlain to raise this humble chapel into a small church. The building
was therefore enlarged, and from that date the services assumed a
character of solemnity which had been unknown before. Grand mass was
celebrated every Sunday by a Jesuit, and the inhabitants each in turn
offered consecrated loaves. In the afternoon, after vespers, the
catechism was explained by the fathers. The French were very regular in
their attendance at these ceremonies, and also at the religious
instructions.

Father Charles Lalemant was the first Jesuit who lived at the presbytery
as a parish priest. His successor was Father Jean de Quen. Father Le
Jeune wrote at that time:--"As soon as we had been lodged near the
church (Notre Dame de la Recouvrance) Father Lalemant who had just begun
to live at the residence, at the same time initiated its solemnities;
Father de Quen has succeeded him with the same inclination for ceremony.
I frankly confess that my heart melted the first time I assisted in this
divine service, at the sight of our Frenchmen so greatly rejoicing to
hear sung aloud and publicly the praises of the great God in the midst
of a barbarous people, at the sight of little children speaking the
Christian language in another world.... Monsieur Gand's zeal in
exercising all his energies to cause our French to love these solemn and
public devotions, seems to me very praiseworthy. But the regulations of
Monsieur our governor, his very remarkable example, and the piety of the
more prominent people, hold all in the line of duty."

When Champlain was on his deathbed he was aware that his promise had
been fulfilled. Notre Dame de la Recouvrance was then a nice church, and
it was due to his labours. By his last will he bequeathed to this church
all his personal chattels, and three thousand livres in stock of the
Company of New France, and nine hundred livres which he had invested in
a private company founded by some associates, together with a sum of
four hundred livres from his private purse. It was the whole fortune of
the first governor of New France. This will was afterwards contested
and annulled, and the church was only allowed to receive the sum of nine
hundred livres, which had been realized from the sale of his personal
property. This sum was devoted to the purchase of a pyx, a silver gilt
chalice, and a basin and cruets.

Several gifts were made for the decoration of the church of Notre Dame
de la Recouvrance. Duplessis-Bochart presented two pictures, one
representing the Blessed Virgin, and the other the Holy Family. De
Castillon, seignior of the Island of Orleans, offered four small
pictures, one of St. Ignace de Loyola, of St. François Xavier, of St.
Stanislas de Kostka, and of St. Louis de Gonzagne, and also a large
engraving of Notre Dame. Champlain had also placed on one of the walls a
painting which had been rescued from the shipwreck during Father
Noyrot's voyage.

During the year after Champlain's death, the Jesuits consecrated the
church of Notre Dame de la Recouvrance under the name of the Immaculate
Conception, which from that date was the special patron of the parochial
church of Quebec.

The inauguration of this patronage afforded an opportunity for public
rejoicing. On December 7th, 1636, a flag was hoisted on the fort and the
cannon were fired many times. On the 8th, the day observed by the church
in honour of the Immaculate Conception, the citizens fired a salute from
the muskets at dawn, and they all assisted at mass, and received the
Holy Communion. Devotion to the Mother of God soon became general among
the people, who were characterized as moral and honest.

Notre Dame de la Recouvrance was burnt on June 14th, 1640. In a few
hours the residence of the Jesuits, the parochial church, and the chapel
of Champlain, where his bones had been placed, were destroyed. The
Relation of 1640 gives a short description of the catastrophe: "A rather
violent wind, the extreme drouth, the oily wood of the fir of which
these buildings were constructed, kindled a fire so quick and violent
that hardly anything could be done. All the vessels and the bells and
chalices were melted; the stuffs some virtuous persons had sent to us to
clothe a few seminarists, or poor savages, were consumed in this same
sacrifice. Those truly royal garments that His Majesty had sent to our
savages to be used in public functions, to honour the liberality of so
great a king, were engulfed in this fiery wreck, which reduced us to the
hospital, for we had to go and take lodgings in the hall of the poor,
until monsieur, our governor, loaned us a house, and after being lodged
therein, the hall of the sick had to be changed into a church." This
conflagration was a great loss. The registers were burnt, and the
Jesuits had to reproduce them from memory. The chief buildings of Quebec
had disappeared, and it was seventeen years before a new church was
built.




CHAPTER XIV

THE GROWTH OF QUEBEC


A quarter of a century had elapsed since the founding of Quebec, and
still it could scarcely be regarded as other than a village, while in
some parts of New France colonization was absolutely null. Agriculture
had received some attention in the vicinity of Quebec, but it was on
such a small scale that it should be termed gardening rather than
farming.

Charlevoix writes: "The fort of Quebec, surrounded by a few wretched
houses and some sheds, two or three cabins on the island of Montreal, as
many, perhaps, at Tadousac, and at some other points on the river St.
Lawrence, to accommodate fishers and traders, a settlement begun at
Three Rivers and the ruins of Port Royal, this was all that constituted
New France--the sole fruit of the discoveries of Verrazzani, Jacques
Cartier, de Roberval, Champlain, of the great expenses of the Marquis de
la Roche and de Monts, and of the industry of many Frenchmen, who might
have built up a great colony had they been well directed."

The various companies, as we have seen, took no interest whatever in
settling the country, their chief design being to carry on fur trade
with the Indians. Patriotism had no meaning for them, the all-absorbing
question was money. This was not the case, however, with the company
established by Cardinal Richelieu, whose desire was to christianize the
savages, to found a powerful colony, and to secure for his king the
possession of New France. The principal associates of this company were
pious, patriotic and zealous men, who laboured to extend the power and
influence of France throughout the vast continent of America for the
honour and glory of God. There were among the associates a certain
number of gentlemen and ecclesiastics, who, realizing their incapacity
to transact the business of such an important undertaking, preferred to
hand over the administration to merchants of Dieppe, Rouen and Paris,
together with the advantages to be derived therefrom. A special
association was consequently formed, composed of merchants who undertook
the financial affairs of the settlement, such as paying the new
governor, providing ammunition and provisions, and maintaining the
forts; and if there were profits they were to be divided amongst the
Hundred Associates. This association was formed before the departure of
Champlain for Quebec in 1633. Its agents were a merchant of Rouen named
Rosée, and Cheffault, a lawyer of Paris, who had a representative at
Quebec.

As it was necessary for the Hundred Associates to appoint a governor of
New France, they offered the position to Champlain, as he was
universally respected and known to be experienced and disinterested.
Moreover he was well acquainted with the country, and on friendly terms
with the savages. It is doubtful whether any one could have taken his
place with better prospects of success. Champlain, moreover, desired to
finish his work, and although there was much to accomplish, the future
appeared more favourable than at any other time. The company had a large
capital at its disposal, and this alone seemed to insure the success of
the colony. Three ships were equipped for Quebec in the spring of 1633,
the _St. Pierre_, one hundred and fifty tons burden, carrying twelve
cannon; the _St. Jean_, one hundred and sixty tons, with ten cannon, and
the _Don de Dieu_, eighty tons, with six cannon. The ships carried about
two hundred persons, including two Jesuits, a number of sailors and
settlers, and one woman and two girls. Provisions and ammunition were in
abundance. When the fleet arrived in the St. Lawrence, Champlain saw a
number of English trading vessels which were there contrary to the
treaty of St. Germain-en-Laye. From this moment Champlain resolved to
establish a fixed post for trading, both for the Indians as well as
strangers. The island selected for this purpose by Champlain was
situated in the river St. Lawrence, about ten leagues above Quebec, and
was named Richelieu Island.

Champlain caused the island to be fortified as soon as possible, and
surrounded it with a platform, upon which cannon were placed pointing in
every direction. Sentinels were placed on guard, and it would have been
impossible for vessels to pass unobserved. The Indians were informed of
this new plan, and in the autumn of the same year, the Nipissings and
the Algonquins of the Iroquet came to this island for trading. The
Hurons, however, came to Quebec, as they had heard from the Algonquins
of Allumette Island that the French would take revenge for the murder of
Étienne Brûlé. Champlain did not desire to punish them for the death of
this traitor, and he therefore did his best to retain the friendship of
the Indians, and entertained them at public feasts. He knew well that
their fur trade was of great importance, and, moreover, he wanted them
as allies in the event of an attack by the Iroquois, which might be
expected at any time, as they were unreliable and always anxious for
war. A league with the Hurons, Algonquins and Montagnais, with one
hundred French, would, in the opinion of Champlain, be sufficient to
protect the colony, and he wrote to that effect to the cardinal. This
was probably his last letter to the great minister:--

     "Monseigneur:--The honour of the commands that I have
     received from your Eminence has inspired me with greater courage to
     render you every possible service with all the fidelity and
     affection that can be desired from a faithful servant. I shall
     spare neither my blood nor my life whenever the occasion shall
     demand them.

     "There are subjects enough in these regions, if your Eminence,
     considering the character of the country, shall desire to extend
     your authority over them. This territory is more than fifteen
     hundred leagues in length, lying between the same parallels of
     latitude as our own France. It is watered by one of the finest
     rivers in the world, into which empty many tributaries more than
     four hundred leagues in length, beautifying a country inhabited by
     a vast number of tribes. Some of them are sedentary in their mode
     of life, possessing, like the Muscovites, towns and villages built
     of wood; others are nomadic hunters and fishermen, all longing to
     welcome the French and religious fathers, that they may be
     instructed in our faith.

     "The excellence of this country cannot be too highly estimated or
     praised, both as to the richness of the soil, the diversity of the
     timber such as we have in France, the abundance of wild animals,
     game and fish, which are of extraordinary magnitude. All this
     invites you, monseigneur, and makes it seem as if God had created
     you above all your predecessors to do a work here more pleasing to
     Him than any that has yet been accomplished.

     "For thirty years I have frequented this country, and have acquired
     a thorough knowledge of it, obtained from my own observation and
     the information given me by the native inhabitants. Monseigneur, I
     pray you to pardon my zeal, if I say that, after your renown has
     spread throughout the East, you should end by compelling its
     recognition in the West.

     "Expelling the English from Quebec has been a very important
     beginning, but, nevertheless, since the treaty of peace between the
     two crowns, they have returned to carry on trade and annoy us in
     this river, declaring that it was enjoined upon them to withdraw,
     but not to remain away, and that they have their king's permission
     to come for the period of thirty years. But, if your Eminence
     wills, you can make them feel the power of your authority. This can
     furthermore be extended at your pleasure to him who has come here
     to bring about a general peace among these people, who are at war
     with a nation holding more than four hundred leagues in subjection,
     and who prevent the free use of the rivers and highways. If this
     peace were made, we should be in complete and easy enjoyment of our
     possessions. Once established in the country, we could expel our
     enemies, both English and Flemings, forcing them to withdraw to the
     coast, and, by depriving them of trade with the Iroquois, oblige
     them to abandon the country entirely. It requires but one hundred
     and twenty men, light armed for avoiding arrows, by whose aid,
     together with two or three thousand savage warriors, our allies, we
     should be, within a year, absolute masters of all these people; and
     by establishing order among them, promote religious worship and
     secure an incredible amount of traffic.

     "The country is rich in mines of copper, iron, steel, brass,
     silver, and other minerals which may be found here.

     "The cost, monseigneur, of one hundred and twenty men is a trifling
     one to His Majesty, the enterprise the most noble that can be
     imagined.

     "All for the glory of God, whom I pray with my whole heart to grant
     you ever increasing prosperity, and to make me all my life,
     monseigneur, your most humble, most faithful and most obedient
     servant,

                                        "Champlain.

     "At Quebec, in New France, August 15th, 1635."

In order to consolidate his general scheme for the colonization of the
country, Champlain desired that the missionaries should settle
permanently among the Huron tribes. The Jesuits wished to go there, as
they believed they would find a field for their labours. They had
previously set before the people the light of the Catholic faith, but
these efforts had not been as successful as they had wished. Father de
Brébeuf, the apostle to the Hurons, having decided to return to his
former sphere of labours, left for the Huron country in 1634, prepared
to remain there as long as there was work to be done. He was destined to
live among the Hurons until they were finally dispersed by the Iroquois.

When Champlain arrived at Quebec, he summoned Emery de Caën to deliver
to Duplessis-Bochart the keys of the fort and habitation. Champlain's
arrival caused much rejoicing among the inhabitants, for he inspired
both their love and respect, and he was, perhaps, the only man who could
impress them with a belief in their future, and thus retain them in the
country. The arrival of a certain number of settlers during the years
1633-4, was also an encouragement for all. The restoration of Canada to
France caused some excitement in the maritime provinces of France,
especially in Normandy, as most of the settlers of New France up to this
date were from there. The exceptions were, Louis Hébert, a native of
Paris, and Guillaume Couillard, of St. Malo. Emigration soon extended to
other parts of the provinces, as the result of the discrimination of the
Relations of the Jesuits, which had been distributed in Paris and
elsewhere during the years 1632 and 1633. Several pious and charitable
persons began to take an interest in the missions of New France, and
forwarded both money and goods to help them.

Some nuns offered to go to Canada to look after the sick and to instruct
the young girls, and in the year 1633 a few families arrived in Quebec
with Champlain, who had defrayed their expenses.

In the year 1634 an association was formed in France for the purpose of
promoting colonization, and a group of about forty persons, recruited in
different parts of the province of Perche, were sent to Canada, with
Robert Giffard at their head. Giffard, it will be remembered, had
visited Quebec in the year 1627 as surgeon of the vessels sent out by
the company, but he had no intention of settling in the country. After
having built a log hut on the Beauport shore, he devoted his leisure to
hunting and fishing, game and fish being plentiful at that time, and
returned to France during the same year. He was appointed surgeon to
Roquemont's fleet during the following year, and as the vessels were
captured by the English, he, with the others on board, was compelled to
return to his mother country. This misfortune did not discourage the
former solitary inhabitant of Beauport, and he resolved to revisit the
country, but this time with a view of settling and of farming.

Giffard had suffered many losses, and as a compensation for his services
and misfortune, he obtained a tract of land from the Company of New
France, one league in length and a league and a half in breadth,
situated between the rivers Montmorency and Beauport, bounded in front
by the river St. Lawrence, and in the rear by the Laurentian Mountains.
He was also granted as a special favour, a tract of land of two acres in
extent, situated near the fort, for the purpose of building a residence,
surrounded with grounds. These concessions, which seem large at first
sight, were, however, not new to the colony. Louis Hébert had been
granted the fief of the Sault au Matelot, and the fief Lepinay, while
the Jesuits had received the fief of Notre Dame des Anges almost free of
conditions.

Under these favourable conditions Giffard induced two citizens of
Mortagne, Zacharie Cloutier and Jean Guyon, to accompany him to Canada.
Cloutier was a joiner, and Guyon a mason. They promised their seignior
that they would build him a residence, thirty feet long and sixteen feet
wide.

The other emigrants came to Canada at their own risk. The party numbered
forty-three persons, including women and children, and were within a
space of from five to eight leagues of Mortagne, the chief town of the
old province of Perche. There were two exceptions, however, Jean
Juchereau came from La Ferté Vidame in Thimerais, and Noël Langlois was
from St. Leonard, in Normandy.

The vessels bearing the contingent of settlers arrived in Quebec in
June. They were four in number, under the command of Captains de Nesle,
de Lormel, Bontemps, and Duplessis-Bochart. Robert Giffard had preceded
the party by a few days, and he lost no time in selecting the spot where
his residence was to be built, upon which he planted a cross on July
25th. He also commenced clearing the land, and two years after he
gathered in a harvest of wheat sufficient to maintain twenty persons.
The soil in this part was very productive, and it is, even to-day, the
richest in the province of Quebec.

Among the emigrants of the year 1634 were two remarkable men, Jean
Bourdon, and a priest named Jean LeSueur de St. Sauveur. The Abbé
LeSueur de St. Sauveur had abandoned his parish of St. Sauveur de
Thury, which is to-day known as Thury-Harcourt, in Normandy, to come to
Quebec. One of the suburbs of Quebec to-day takes its name from this
active and devoted priest.

Jean Bourdon, an inseparable friend of the abbé, established himself on
the borders of Côteau Ste. Geneviève, which is to-day known as St.
John's suburb. He built a house and a mill, and also a chapel, which he
named Chapel St. Jean. Other pioneers soon settled near Bourdon's place,
which finally gave to Quebec a suburb.

Bourdon was a man of great capacity, and he in turn filled the rôle of
surveyor, engineer, cartographer, delineator, farmer, diplomat and
lawyer. He saw the colony increasing, and knew eight governors of the
colony, including Champlain. He was also acquainted with Bishop Laval,
the Venerable Mother Marie Guyart de l'Incarnation, and was on good
terms with the Jesuits and the nuns of the Hôtel Dieu and Ursuline
Convent. Bourdon played an important part in the affairs of the colony.
He was present at the foundation of the Jesuits' college, of the Quebec
seminary, and of the Conseil Souverain, of which he was procureur
fiscal. Of his personal qualities, the Venerable Mother de l'Incarnation
has written that he was "the father of the poor, the comfort of orphans
and widows, a good example for everybody."

One of the articles of the act incorporating the Company of New France,
provided that the colony was to be settled with French and Catholic
subjects only. This provision may appear at first sight to be arbitrary,
but when we consider that one of the chief objects of the colonization
of New France was to convert the savages, and that the Huguenots with
their new form of religion were, generally speaking, hostile to the king
and to the Catholics, it seems to have been a judicious provision. In
such a small community the existence of two creeds so opposed to each
other could hardly have produced harmony, and as the Catholics were
undertaking the enterprise and it originated with them, they surely had
the right to do what they considered would most effectively secure their
ends.

For political reasons this action could also be defended, for the
loyalty of the Huguenots was, perhaps, doubtful, and their past actions
did not offer any guarantee for the future. They did not hesitate to
preach revolt against the authorities of France, and, therefore,
intimate connection with the Indians might have produced results
prejudicial to the colony. If France had the welfare of the colony at
heart, it behooved her to exclude every disturbing element. Viewed
impartially, this precaution was undoubtedly just, and those who blame
the company for their action, do not rightly understand the difficulties
which existed at that period.

Richelieu, who had a clear insight into the affairs of the time, did not
prohibit trade between the Huguenots and the Indians, but he refused
them permission to settle in Canada, or to remain there for any length
of time without special leave. Champlain had observed the attitude of
the Huguenots, their unwillingness to erect a fort at Quebec, their
persecution of the Catholics, and their treatment of the Jesuits, and
although he was not fanatical, he was pleased with this rule. The
foundation of the new settlement was based upon religion, and religion
was essential to its progress. Peace and harmony must be maintained, and
everything that would promote trouble or quarrel must be excluded.

During the seventeenth century, England preserved a war-like attitude
towards Catholics. A Catholic was not eligible for a public office, and
the learned professions were closed to them, neither could a Catholic
act as a tutor or as an executor to a will. Prejudice was carried still
further, and even the books treating of their faith were suppressed,
while relics or religious pictures were forbidden. These were only a few
of the persecutions to which they were subject.

As far back as 1621 Champlain had requested the king to forbid
Protestant emigration to Canada, but his petition was not granted,
because the company was composed of mixed creeds. The company formed by
Richelieu, however, was solely Catholic, and there were no difficulties
on this score. The result of this policy was soon manifest. There were
no more dissensions on board the vessels as to places of worship, and
the Catholics were, as a consequence, enabled to observe their religious
duties without fear of annoyance. The beneficent influence of this
policy extended to the settlement, where the people lived in peace, and
were not subject to the petty quarrels which arose through a difference
in creed.

In the Relation of 1637 we find evidence of this: "Now it seems to me
that I can say with truth that the soil of New France is watered by so
many heavenly blessings, that souls nourished in virtue find here their
true element, and are, consequently, healthier than elsewhere. As for
those whose vices have rendered them diseased, they not only do not grow
worse, but very often, coming to breathe a salubrious air, and far
removed from opportunities for sin, changing climate they change their
lives, and a thousand times bless the sweet providence of God, which has
made them find the door to felicity where others fear only misery.

"In a word, God has been worshipped in His houses, preaching has been
well received, both at Kébec and at the Three Rivers, where Father
Buteux usually instructed our French people; each of our brethren has
been occupied in hearing many confessions, both ordinary and general;
very few holidays and Sundays during the winter have passed in which we
have not seen and received persons at the table of our Lord. And certain
ones, who for three, four and five years had not confessed in old
France, now, in the new, approach this so salutary sacrament oftener
than once a month; prayers are offered kneeling and in public, not only
at the fort, but also in families and little companies scattered here
and there. As we have taken for patroness of the Church of Kébec the
Holy Virgin under the title of her Conception, which we believe to be
immaculate, so we have celebrated this festival with solemnity and
rejoicing.

"The festival of the glorious Patriarch Saint Joseph, father, patron and
protector of New France, is one of the great solemnities of this
country.... It is, in my opinion, through his favour and through his
merits, that the inhabitants of New France who live upon the banks of
the great river Saint Lawrence, have resolved to receive all the good
customs of the old and to refuse admission to the bad ones.

"And to tell the truth, so long as we have a governor who is a friend of
virtue, and so long as we have free speech in the Church of God, the
monster of ambition will have no altar there.

"All the principal personages of our colony honour religion; I say with
joy and God's blessing, that those whom His goodness has given to
command over us, and those also who are coming to establish themselves
in these countries, enjoy, cherish, and wish to follow the most sincere
maxims of Christianity.... Justice reigns here, insolence is banished,
and shamelessness would not dare to raise its head.... It is very
important to introduce good laws and pious customs in these early
beginnings, for those who shall come after us will walk in our
footsteps, and will readily conform to the example given them by us,
whether tending to virtue or vice."

We could multiply evidence on this point. The Jesuits always recall this
good feature of the settlers, their respect for their religion, its
worship and its ministers.

The author of the "Secret Life of Louis XV," says that New France owed
its vigour to its first settlers; their families had multiplied and
formed a people, healthy, strong, honourable, and attached to good
principles. Father Le Clercq, a Récollet, the Venerable Mother de
l'Incarnation, and many others, seem to take pleasure in praising the
virtues of our first ancestors.

Champlain had begun his administration by establishing order everywhere,
and chiefly among the soldiers, who easily understood military
discipline, but the religious code with more difficulty. Fort St. Louis
was like a school of religion and of every virtue. They lived there as
in a monastery. There was a lecture during meals; in the morning they
read history, and at supper the lives of saints. After that they said
their prayers, and Champlain had introduced the old French custom of
ringing the church bells three times a day, during the recitation of the
Angelus. At night, every one was invited to go to Champlain's room for
the night's prayer, said by Champlain himself.

These good examples, given by Champlain, governor of the country, were
followed, and produced good fruits of salvation among the whole
population. The blessing of God on the young colony was evident, and
when Champlain died, he had the consolation of leaving after him a
moral, honest and virtuous people.




CHAPTER XV

CONCLUSION


In the autumn of the year 1635, Champlain suffered from a stroke of
paralysis, which was considered very severe from the commencement.
However, hopes were entertained for his recovery. The months of October
and November passed away, and still no sign of improvement appeared.
Champlain, therefore, made his will, which he was able to sign plainly,
in the presence of some witnesses. Father Charles Lalemant, the friend
and confessor of Champlain, administered to him the last rites of the
church, and on the night of December 25th, 1635, he passed away at Fort
St. Louis.

All the inhabitants, without exception, were deeply affected on hearing
the news of his demise, and a great number attended his funeral. The
funeral sermon was preached by Father Le Jeune. Champlain was buried in
a grave which had been specially prepared, and later on, a small chapel
was erected to protect his precious remains.[28] This chapel was
unfortunately burnt, as we have already mentioned, during the
conflagration of June 14th, 1640.

The Jesuits' Relations of 1636 give a full account of the last days of
Champlain, which we here quote: "On December 25th, the day of the birth
of our Saviour upon earth, Monsieur de Champlain, our governor, was
reborn in Heaven; at least we can say that his death was full of
blessings. I am sure that God has shown him this favour in consideration
of the benefits he has procured for New France, where we hope some day
God will be loved and served by our French, and known and adored by our
savages. Truly he had led a life of great justice, equity and perfect
loyalty to his king and towards the gentlemen of the company. But at his
death he crowned his virtues with sentiments of piety so lofty that he
astonished us all. What tears he shed! How ardent became his zeal for
the service of God! How great was his love for the families here--saying
that they must be vigorously assisted for the good of the country, and
made comfortable in every possible way in these early stages, and that
he would do it if God gave him health. He was not taken unawares in the
account which he had to render unto God, for he had long ago prepared a
general confession of his whole life, which he made with great
contrition to Father Lalemant, whom he honoured with his friendship. The
father comforted him throughout his sickness, which lasted two months
and a half, and did not leave him until his death. He had a very
honourable burial, the funeral procession being formed of the people,
the soldiers, the captains and the churchmen. Father Lalemant officiated
at this burial, and I was charged with the funeral oration, for which I
did not lack material. Those whom he left behind have reason to be well
satisfied with him; for although he died out of France, his name will
not therefore be any less glorious to posterity."

Champlain left no posterity. His wife spent only four years in Canada,
after which she resided continually in Paris. During her residence in
New France, she studied the Algonquin language, and instructed the young
Indians in catechism, and in this manner she won the friendship of the
native tribes. It was the fashion of the time for a lady of quality to
wear at her girdle a small mirror, and the youthful Hélène observed the
custom. The savages, who were delighted to be in her company, were oft
time astonished to see their own image reflected on the crystalline
surface of this mirror, and said, with their native simplicity: "A lady
so handsome, who cures our diseases, and loves us to so great an extent
as to bear our image near her breast, must be superior to a human
being." They, therefore, had a kind of veneration for her, and they
would have offered their homage to her instead of to the Deity of whom
they had only an imperfect knowledge.

The Indians were Madame Champlain's special care, but she was respected
by the French as well. We do not know very much about her social
intercourse with the different families of Quebec, but it is not
probable that she ignored Madame Hébert or her family, as Faillon seems
to believe. Her own distinction and the position of her husband would,
no doubt, render her particular in the choice of friends, but we can
scarcely believe that she would completely ignore Madame Couillard, who
was of her own age. How was it that she consented to live alone in
Quebec during the long absence of her husband?

After her return to Paris in 1624, Madame Champlain lived alone, and
became more and more detached from the world, till she asked her husband
to allow her to enter an Ursuline convent. Champlain, fearing that this
desire might arise rather from caprice than a vocation for the life of
the cloister, thought it advisable to refuse her request, and he bade
her a last adieu in 1633. After Champlain's death, Father Le Jeune
informed her that she was now free to follow the dictates of her heart.

According to the marriage settlement, Champlain was obliged to leave to
his wife, if she were still living, all his possessions. By his last
will, however, he left all his property to the church. Champlain had no
desire to injure his wife by this act; on the contrary, he knew that her
piety was great, and that she would probably applaud the course he had
taken, which was owing to his extraordinary devotion to Notre Dame de la
Recouvrance, the church which he had built and loved. Madame Champlain,
in fact, made no opposition, and the will was confirmed on July 11th,
1637. The will, however, was contested by Marie Camaret, a first cousin
of Champlain, and wife of Jacques Hersault, comptroller of customs at La
Rochelle, and a famous trial was the result. The will was contested on
two grounds: (1.) That the will was contrary to the marriage settlement,
and therefore ought to be annulled; (2.) That the will was made by
foreign hands, as it was difficult to suppose that Champlain had chosen
the Virgin Mary as his heir.

These were the contentions of Master Boileau. The attorney-general
Bignon easily refuted the second allegation by proving that Madame
Champlain had recognized the signature of her husband, and had stated
that the expression and style were his. The terms of this bequest to the
Virgin were quite natural to a man of Champlain's character, "When we
know," said the attorney, "that he frequently made use of Christian
expressions in his general conversation."

Although the authenticity of the will was proved, the attorney-general
argued that it ought to be set aside in face of the deed of settlement.
The court upheld this view, and the property of Champlain, with the
exception of the sum of nine hundred livres, derived from the sale of
his chattels, returned to his natural heirs.

This trial and other affairs prevented Madame Champlain from carrying
out her resolution, and it was not until November 7th, 1645, that she
entered the monastery of St. Ursula at Paris. She first entered the
institution as a benefactress, and soon after became a novice under the
name of Hélène de St. Augustin. There seems to have been some
difficulties with regard to her profession as a nun, and she therefore
resolved to found an Ursuline monastery at Meaux. Bishop Séguier granted
the necessary permission to found the monastery, and also for her to
take with her three nuns and a lay sister. Hélène de St. Augustin left
Paris for Meaux on March 17th, 1648, and made her profession five months
after. As a preparation for this solemn act, she made a public
confession in the presence of the community. She also recited her
faults, kneeling, and wearing a cord about her neck, and bearing a
lighted taper in her hands. Mère Hélène de St. Augustin lived only six
years in her convent at Meaux, and died on December 20th, 1654, at the
age of fifty years, leaving the memory of a saintly life.

Eustache Boullé, the brother of Hélène de St. Augustin, became a
convert to Catholicism through the intervention of his sister, and
entered the Minim order. He was sent to Italy, where he lived for six
years. During his sojourn there his sister sent to him one thousand
livres a year, and at her death she bequeathed to him the sum of six
thousand livres, and all her chattels, together with a pension of four
hundred livres for life.

All those who have carefully studied the life of Champlain, have been
impressed by the many brilliant qualities which he possessed. Some have
praised his energy, his courage, his loyalty, his disinterestedness, and
his probity. Others have admired the charity which he exhibited towards
his neighbours, his zeal, his practical faith, his exalted views and his
perseverance. The fact is, that in Champlain all these qualities were
united to a prominent degree.

The contemporaries of Champlain did not perhaps appreciate his merits,
or his heroic efforts as a founder. This is not altogether singular, for
even in the physical world one cannot rightly estimate the altitude of a
mountain by remaining close to its base, but at a distance a just
appreciation of its proportions may be obtained.

If the contemporaries of Champlain failed to render him justice,
posterity has made amends, and Time, the sole arbitrator of fame, has
placed the founder of Quebec upon a pedestal of glory which will become
more brilliant as the centuries roll on. Nearly three centuries had
elapsed since the heroic Saintongeais first set foot on the soil of
Canada, when, at the close of the nineteenth century, a spectacle was
witnessed in the city of his foundation which proved that the name of
Champlain was graven on the hearts of all Canadians. The ceremonies
attending the inauguration of the splendid monument which now adorns
Quebec, have become a matter of history, and seldom could such a scene
be repeated again. France and England, the two great nations from which
Canadians have descended, each paid homage to the illustrious founder;
nor can we forget the noble tribute which was paid by the latest English
governor, representing Her Majesty Queen Victoria, to the first French
governor, representing His Majesty the King of France and of Navarre.

It is seldom that the deeds of the great men of past ages have been more
fittingly remembered. Champlain, as we have previously remarked,
possessed in an eminent degree all the qualities necessary for a
founder, and his character is therefore exceptional, for over and above
all the heroism he displayed, all his perseverance, his devotion to his
country, we behold the working of a Christian mind, and the desire to
propagate the faith of his fathers.

What would have been the result of the missions without his aid? It was
Champlain who caused the standard of our faith to be planted on the
shores of Canada. It was he who brought the missionaries to the new
settlement, and maintained them at Quebec, at Tadousac, and in the Huron
country. It was Champlain, too, who founded the parochial church of
Quebec, and afterwards endowed it.

Champlain's work rested solely upon a religious foundation, hence his
work has endured. It is true that the founder of Quebec had certain
worldly ambitions: he desired to promote commerce between the French and
the Indians, but surely this is not a matter for which he should be
reproached. Without trade the inhabitants of the settlement could not
exist, and without the development of the settlement, his work of
civilization would necessarily end. He worked for the material
prosperity of the settlement, but not to increase his own fortune. The
development of trade was also essential to Champlain in his capacity of
explorer, and it was only through this means that he could extend the
bounds of his mother country. This was surely the wisdom of a true
patriot. What nobler ambition on earth could any one have than this, to
extend the kingdom of his God and of his king?

Champlain has been justly called _The Father of New France_, and this is
certainly a glorious title. The name of Champlain is indissolubly
associated with this country, and will live long after his
contemporaries are forgotten, for many of them now only live through
him.

America contains a number of towns which have carefully preserved the
names of their founders, whose memories are consecrated by monuments
which will recall to future generations their noble work. But where is
the town or state that can point to a founder whose work equalled that
of Champlain? He had to spend thirty of the best years of his life in
his endeavours to found a settlement on the shores of the St. Lawrence.
Twenty times he crossed the Atlantic in the interests of the colony, and
in the meantime he had constantly to combat the influence of the
merchants who vigorously opposed the settlement of the French in Canada.

If we study the history of the mercantile companies from the years 1608
to 1627, we find on the one hand, a body of men absorbed by one idea,
that of growing rich, and on the other hand, a man, anxious, it is true,
to look after the material interests of the merchants and of the people,
but hand in hand with this the desire to extend the dominion of his
sovereign. Here was a vast country, capable of producing great wealth,
and struggling for its possession was a body of avaricious men, while
valiantly guarding its infancy, we find a single champion, the heroic
Champlain. Champlain watched over the new settlement with the tender
solicitude of a parent carefully protecting his offspring from danger,
and ready to sacrifice his life to save it from disaster. In small
vessels of sixty or eighty tons, Champlain had repeatedly exposed his
life to danger in crossing the ocean. His health had also been exposed
during the days and nights spent in the open forests, or when passing
on the dangerous rivers in his efforts to explore new territory. He was
also constantly at the mercy of the Indians, whose treachery was
proverbial. Under all these dangers and through all these conditions,
Champlain's conduct was exemplary. He was charitable as a missionary
towards these poor children of the woods. When threatened with hunger or
malady, he relieved their wants and took care of the young children,
some of whom he adopted. Others again he placed in French families,
hoping that sooner or later they would be baptized into the fold of
Christ's flock. In his intercourse with the chiefs, Champlain took
occasion to explain to them the rudiments of the Christian faith, hoping
thereby to pave the way for the work of the missionaries. Whenever he
found any children that seemed more intelligent than usual, he sent them
to France, where they could be instructed, and either enter a convent or
take service in some good family. And who can tell whether some of these
children did not afterwards become missionaries to their own country?

Champlain's prudence in his dealings with the savages was not less
remarkable than his charity. This conduct gave him an influence over the
Indians that no other Frenchman was able to obtain. The Indian tribes
regarded Champlain as a father, but their love was mingled with a
reverential fear, and every word and action was of deep significance to
them. They had faith in Champlain, which after all was not unusual, for
he had never deceived them. Though they were barbarous and uncouth, and
generally untruthful, they could distinguish the false from the true
from the lips of a Frenchman. Being given to dissimulation themselves,
they could appreciate sincerity in others.

Some writers have questioned Champlain's prudence touching the alliance
which he made with some Indians for the purpose of fighting the
aggressive Iroquois. We have already shown that if Champlain desired to
maintain his settlement at Quebec, such an alliance was not only
prudent, but essential. The Hurons and allied tribes, it is true, were
barbarous, though not to so great an extent as the Iroquois, but they
had the same vices and were as perfidious. The least discontent or whim
would have been sufficient for the whole band to have swept the fort
away. By making an alliance with them, and promising to assist them
against their inveterate foes, it became to their advantage to support
Champlain, and thus to render his people secure against attack. Moreover
the numerical strength of the settlers in the early days was not
sufficient for Champlain to have imposed terms by force of arms, and as
it was necessary for his people to trade with the Indians, he could not
have done better, under the circumstances, than to form this alliance,
which insured business relations and protection for his countrymen.

This alliance was undoubtedly made at a sacrifice to Champlain, and he
had to suffer many humiliations and privations thereby. We cannot
imagine that he found any pleasure in going to war with a lot of
savages, or in fighting against a ferocious band, with whom neither he
nor his people had any quarrel. It is certain that Champlain did not
encourage them in their wars, and he was careful not to put any weapons
into their hands. The same amount of prudence was not exercised by those
who came after the French and endeavoured to colonize New England and
New Netherland.

Champlain's policy was one of conciliation. He desired peace, harmony
and charity above all things. As a respectful and obedient child of his
mother, the Catholic Church, he was very anxious that her teachings and
advice should be observed by those who were placed under his authority.
Although in his early life he had followed the career of a soldier,
still he regarded the profession of arms as useful only to put into
question the ancient axiom, _Si vis pacem, para bellum_. Wars and
quarrels had no attraction for Champlain, and he always preferred a
friendly arrangement of any difficulty. He was a lover of peace, rather
than of bloodshed, and the kindly nature of his disposition prevented
him adopting vigorous measures.

Nevertheless, in the fulfilment of his duty as a judge, he was just, and
would punish the guilty in order to restrain abuses or crimes. At this
period there was no court of justice in New France, but Champlain's
commission empowered him to name officers to settle quarrels and
disputes. There was a king's attorney, a lieutenant of the Prévôté, and
a clerk of the Quebec jurisdiction, which had been established by the
king. Champlain, however, was often called upon to decide a point of
law, and we learn from his history that he was unable on account of
death to settle a point which had arisen between two of Robert Giffard's
farmers.

Champlain's authority was very extended, and whatever good may have
resulted from his administration is due to the fact that he exercised
his power with wisdom and prudence. Champlain's influence has expanded
throughout the country wherever the French language is spoken, from the
Huron peninsula, along the Algonquins' river, from Sault St. Louis,
Tadousac and Quebec, and every one has recognized that Champlain alone,
among the men of his day, had sufficient patriotism and confidence in
the future of the colony to maintain and hold aloft under great
difficulties, the lily banner of France on our Canadian shores.

After having founded Quebec, Champlain, with characteristic wisdom,
chose the places where now stand the cities of Montreal and Three
Rivers. He was particularly fortunate in his selections, and any
buildings that he caused to be erected, were built from his own plans
and under his own directions.

On the whole, Champlain's writings are very interesting, notwithstanding
the fact that he is somewhat diffuse in his style. Writing in the style
of the commencement of the seventeenth century, we see traces,
especially in his figures and descriptions, of the beauties of a
language which was then in a transitory state. However, whether his
style may be commended or condemned, it is of little consequence, since
he has given to the world such ample details of his life and
achievements as a discoverer, an explorer and a founder. His writings
are the more remarkable from the fact that they were composed during the
scanty leisure of his daily life, and we owe him a debt of gratitude for
having sacrificed this leisure to give us such precious treasures.[29]
Such was the life of this peerless man, whose incessant labours were
dedicated to the service of God and the glory of France.

The city of Quebec is justly proud of her noble founder, and it is a
source of gratification to the inhabitants to point to the stately
monument which stands upon the spot consecrated by the life and death of
Champlain. The inscription commemorates the great work of the founder,
and of his explorations; but in the hearts of the people of Canada,
Champlain has a still more precious monument, and the flourishing
condition of our Dominion to-day is but the unconscious outcome of the
trial and labours of his heroic life.

All historians who have written of Champlain attribute to him the
qualities which we have endeavoured to depict in these pages.
Charlevoix, a Jesuit, and the author of the first great history of
Canada, written about one hundred years after the death of the founder
of New France, thus writes:

"Champlain died at Quebec, generally and justly regretted. M. de
Champlain was, beyond contradiction, a man of merit, and may be well
called, _The Father of New France_. He had good sense, much penetration,
very upright views, and no man was ever more skilled in adopting a
course in the most complicated affairs. What all admired most in him was
his constancy in following up his enterprises, his firmness in the
greatest dangers, a courage proof against the most unforeseen reverses
and disappointments, ardent and disinterested patriotism, a heart tender
and compassionate for the unhappy, and more attentive to the interests
of his friends than his own, a high sense of honour and great probity.
His memoirs show that he was not ignorant of anything that one of his
profession should know, and we find in him a faithful and sincere
historian, an attentively observant traveller, a judicious writer, a
good mathematician and an able mariner.

"But what crowns all these good qualities is the fact that in his life,
as well as in his writings, he shows himself always a truly Christian
man, zealous for the service of God, full of candour and religion. He
was accustomed to say what we read in his memoirs, 'That the salvation
of a single soul was worth more than the conquest of an empire, and that
kings should seek to extend their domain in heathen countries only to
subject them to Christ.' He thus spoke especially to silence those who,
unduly prejudiced against Canada, asked what France would gain by
settling it. Our kings, it is known, always spoke like Champlain on this
point; and the conversion of the Indians was the chief motive which,
more than once, prevented their abandoning a colony, the progress of
which was so long retarded by our impatience, our inconstancy, and the
blind cupidity of a few individuals. To give it a more solid foundation,
it only required more respect for the suggestions of M. de Champlain,
and more seasonable belief on the part of those who placed him in his
position. The plan which he proposed was but too well justified by the
failure of opposite maxims and conduct."

In 1880, the Reverend E.F. Slafter,[30] a Protestant minister, gave to
the American nation an appreciative description of the virtues of
Champlain, from which we quote the following passage: "In completing
this memoir the reader can hardly fail to be impressed, not to say
disappointed, by the fact that results apparently insignificant should
thus far have followed a life of able, honest, unselfish, heroic labour.
The colony was still small in numbers, the acres subdued and brought
into cultivation were few, and the aggregate yearly products were
meagre. But it is to be observed that the productiveness of capital and
labour and talent, two hundred and seventy years ago, cannot well be
compared with the standards of to-day. Moreover, the results of
Champlain's career are insignificant rather in appearance than in
reality. The work which he did was in laying foundations, while the
superstructure was to be reared in other years and by other hands. The
palace or temple, by its lofty and majestic proportions, attracts the
eye and gratifies the taste; but its unseen foundations, with their
nicely adjusted arches, without which the superstructure would crumble
to atoms, are not less the result of the profound knowledge and
practical wisdom of the architect. The explorations made by Champlain
early and late, the organization and planting of his colonies, the
resistance of avaricious corporations, the holding of numerous savage
tribes in friendly alliance, the daily administration of the affairs of
the colony, of the savages, and of the corporation in France, to the
eminent satisfaction of all generous and noble-minded patrons, and this
for a period of more than thirty years, are proof of an extraordinary
continuation of mental and moral qualities. Without impulsiveness, his
warm and tender sympathies imparted to him an unusual power and
influence over other men. He was wise, modest and judicious in council,
prompt, vigorous and practical in administration, simple and frugal in
his mode of life, persistent and unyielding in the execution of his
plans, brave and valiant in danger, unselfish, honest and conscientious
in the discharge of duty. These qualities, rare in combination, were
always conspicuous in Champlain, and justly entitle him to the respect
and admiration of mankind."

These two quotations are sufficient to supplement the observations that
we have made, and there can be no doubt that posterity will forever
confirm this opinion of the life and labours of the founder of New
France, and that the name of Champlain will never be obliterated from
the memory of Canadians.

FOOTNOTES:

[28] The exact site of the chapel wherein Champlain was buried is
unknown, although many antiquarians have endeavoured to throw light upon
the subject. In 1866 some bones and the fragment of an inscription were
found in a kind of vault at the foot of Breakneck Stairs, and Messrs.
Laverdière and Casgrain were under the impression that Champlain's tomb
had been found. In 1875 the Abbé Casgrain discovered a document which he
considered proved that the chapel had been built in the Upper Town, in
the vicinity of the parochial church and of Fort St. Louis. This opinion
was further confirmed by other documents which have since been found.
The chapel was in existence in the year 1661, but after this date no
mention is made of it. The parochial archives contain no mention of the
place, and the only facts that we have concerning the tomb, are that
Father Raymbault and François de Ré, Sieur Gand, were buried near
Champlain's remains.

[29] The last publication of Champlain bears the date of 1632, with the
following title: _Les Voyages de la Nouvelle France occidentale, dicte
Canada, faits par le Sr. de Champlain Xainctongeois. Capitaine pour le
Roy en la Marine du Ponant, et toutes les Descouvertures qu'il a faites
en ce pays depuis l'an 1603, jusques en l'an 1629. MDCXXXII_. This
volume is dedicated to Richelieu. According to M. Laverdière, it has
been reissued, in 1640, with a new date and title.

[30] Edmund Farwell Slafter was born in Norwich, Vt., on May 30th, 1816.
He was graduated at Dartmouth in 1840, studied at Andover Theological
Seminary, and in 1844 was ordained a minister of the Protestant
Episcopal Church. Since 1877 he has given his leisure time to historical
studies. He has published, among other works, _Sir William Alexander and
American Colonization_, in the series of the Prince Society (Boston,
1873), _Voyages of the Northmen to America_, edited with an introduction
(1877), _Voyages of Samuel de Champlain_, translated from the French by
Charles Pomeroy Otis, with historical illustrations and a memoir (three
volumes, 1878, 1880, 1882).




CHRONOLOGICAL APPENDIX




CHRONOLOGICAL APPENDIX


1567 or 1570--Birth of Samuel Champlain.

1598--Champlain makes a voyage to Spain.

1599--Joins an expedition against the English to the West Indies.

1601--Returns from America.

1603--Goes to Canada as lieutenant of Aymar de Chastes, viceroy of New
France, explores the river St. Lawrence to Sault St. Louis, and returns
the same year.

1604--Follows de Monts' fortune in Acadia as geographer and historian of
the expedition; lives on Ste. Croix Island and at Port Royal till the
year 1607.

1608--As lieutenant of de Monts, viceroy of New France, Champlain
crosses the Atlantic and founds Quebec.

1609--Champlain's expedition against the Iroquois. Leaves for France on
September 5th.

1610--Champlain returns to Quebec and goes back to France the same year.
His marriage with Hélène Boullé on December 30th, 1610.

1611--Champlain comes again to Quebec; founds Montreal; sails for France
on July 20th. De Monts' company ceases to exist.

1612--Champlain sails for Canada and explores the country as far as
Allumette Island. Goes to France. Comte de Soissons appointed viceroy of
New France; dies soon after. The Prince de Condé takes his place, and
retains Champlain as his lieutenant.

1613--Champlain leaves France for Canada, where he stays till 1614.

1615--Returns to Quebec with the Récollet Fathers; he goes as far as the
Huron country; particulars of these tribes, their customs, manners,
etc.; Champlain assists them in a war against the Iroquois; follows them
and comes back to the Huron country, where he spends the winter.

1616--Leaves for Quebec on May 20th; work of the missionaries in the
meantime; meeting of the _habitants_ and result of their deliberations;
memorandum addressed to the king; Champlain goes to France.

1617--Champlain sails from Honfleur on April 11th for Quebec; Louis
Hébert's family accompanies him.

1618--Champlain returns to France. Maréchal de Thémines appointed
viceroy _per interim_ after Condé's dismissal. Difficulties met by
Champlain in 1617; his projects laid before the king. Champlain gains
his point and preserves his former position.

1619--Condé sells his commission of viceroy to the Duke of Montmorency;
Champlain's new commission of lieutenant of the viceroy. Company of
Montmorency formed by the Duke of Montmorency.

1620--Champlain comes back to Quebec with his wife, and stays there till
the year 1624.

1621--Champlain receives his instructions from Montmorency and from the
king; entitled to help the new company of merchants; conflict at Quebec
between the agents of the old and of the new company; Champlain's firm
attitude settles the matter.

1622--The Company of Montmorency rules the country.

1624--Champlain recrosses the ocean, bringing his wife.

1625--Arrival of the Jesuits. Champlain at Tadousac and at Quebec; his
intercourse with the Montagnais; the duc de Ventadour named viceroy of
New France; Champlain reappointed lieutenant.

1627--Ventadour resigns his office; Cardinal Richelieu organizes the
Company of the Hundred Associates; privileges granted to them; Champlain
still living at Quebec.

1628--Roquemont sent to Quebec with provisions; his vessels taken by
Kirke; Quebec in danger; correspondence between David Kirke and
Champlain; the enemy retires; distress at Quebec for the want of food.

1629--Kirke before Quebec; the capitulation; fate of the inhabitants;
the missionaries return to France together with Champlain; the last
events at Tadousac.

1629-32--Champlain goes to London; negotiations between France and
England through the French ambassador; Champlain's visits to the king,
and to Cardinal Richelieu; Charles I ready to restore Canada, with
certain conditions.

1632--The Treaty of St. Germain-en-Laye terminates the dispute between
the two countries, and Quebec is restored to France.

1632--Arrival at Quebec of the Jesuits; history of their convent since
1626.

1633--Champlain's arrival in Quebec; history of the seminary of Notre
Dame des Anges since its foundation; the Jesuits' missions at Miscou
Island, in the Maritime Provinces, Acadia, Baie des Chaleurs and Cape
Breton. Champlain erects a church at Quebec.

1634--Immigration of French colonists from Perche; Robert Giffard.

1635--Champlain's sickness and death; his wife founds an Ursuline
convent at Meaux.




INDEX




INDEX


A

Aïandacé, Huron seminarist, 232

Alexander, Sir William, his mission, 176;
  his charters, 223

Alix, Marguerite, Champlain's mother-in-law, 66

Alix, Simon, Hélène Boullé's uncle, 66, 170

Anadabijou, chief of the Montagnais, 50, 51, 55, 139

Andehoua, Huron seminarist, 232, 233

Antons, Captain des, 31

Armand-Jean, christian name of Andehoua, 33

Arragon, notary, 66

Atarohiat, Huron seminarist, 233

Ateiachias, Huron seminarist, 233

Atokouchioüani, Huron seminarist, 233

Aubert, Pierre, 170

Aubéri, Father, his labours in Acadia, 236

Aubry, priest, 24

Aumont, Marshal, d', 1


B

Bancroft, quoted, 87

Barbier, 66

Batiscan, chief of the Montagnais, 68

Beauchesne, clerk, 115

Beaulieu, councillor and almoner to the king, 72

Bellois, Corneille de, 122, 127

Bentivoglio, Guido, papal nuncio, 84

Berkeley, Sir John, commands Porto Rico, 3

Bessabé, chief of the Souriquois, 28

Biencourt, son of Poutrincourt, 38;
  bound for Port Royal, 68

Bignon, attorney-general, 265

Boileau, attorney, 265

Bonneau, Thomas, 170

Bonnerme, surgeon, accompanies Champlain when Quebec is founded, 41;
  one of the jury who condemned Jean Duval to death, 43;
  dies, 46

Bontemps, captain, 252

Boues, Charles de, Récollet, syndic of Canadian Missions, 117, 148

Boulay, his residence at Port Royal, 25

Boullé, Eustache, Champlain's brother-in-law, 134, 136;
  arrives in 1618, 145;
  goes to France in 1626, 155, 209;
  enters the Minim Order, 267

Boullé, Hélène, marries Champlain, 66;
  comes to Quebec and returns to France, 141;
  her sojourn at Quebec, 263, 264, 265, 266

Boullé, Nicholas, Champlain's father-in-law, 66;
  pays his daughter's inheritance to Champlain, 67

Bourdon, Jean, comes to Canada, 252;
  settles at Quebec, 253

Bourioli at Port Royal, 25

Bouthillier, represents the king of France, 220;
 signs the Treaty of St. Germain-en-Laye, 222

Boyer, Daniel, 122, 123

Brébeuf, Father Jean de, estimates the Huron population, 90;
  his opinion of the tribe de l'Ours and other Hurons, 92, 93;
  arrives in New France, 152;
  assailed by Jacques Michel, 201, 202;
  leaves for France, 207, 208;
  returns to Canada, 228;
  goes to the Huron country, 249

Brûlé, Étienne, with Champlain founding Quebec, 41;
  sets out for the Ottawa River, 88, 139;
  interpreter, 143, 144;
  sent to Three Rivers, 163;
  betrays Champlain, 194, 202;
  his excuse, 203;
  his murder, 246

Bullion, represents France, 220;
  signs the Treaty of St. Germain-en-Laye, 222

Burel, Friar Gilbert, arrives in Canada, 152;
  returns to France, 208

Burlamachi, appointed commissioner, 218;
  sent to France by Charles I, 220, 222


C

Cabahis, Souriquois chief, 28

Caën, Emery de, nephew of Guillaume de Caën, 137;
  vice-admiral of the fleet, 156;
  leaves Quebec to carry on trade, 157;
  his character, 182;
  defends the colony, 183;
  fights with Kirke, 184;
  surrenders, 185;
  proceeds to Quebec, 199;
  failure of his expedition, 201;
  tries to secure his goods, 219, 220;
  comes back to Quebec, 226;
  banqueted, 228;
  summoned by Champlain, 249

Caën, Ezechiel de, member of the Company of Rouen, 132, 137

Caën, Guillaume de, member of de Caën's Company, 130, 132;
  conflicts with Pont-Gravé, 135;
  his promises, 136;
  sails for France, 138;
  present at Cape de la Victoire, 139;
  visits Quebec and its vicinity, 140;
  sails for France, 141;
  returns with the Jesuits, 152;
  appears before the state council, 155;
  supports the conduct of the merchants, 157;
  condones a murderer, 161;
  his character, 182, 183;
  his claims, 217, 218, 219

Camaret, Marie, cousin of Champlain, 265

Cananée, Guillaume, navigator, 141

Cartier, Jacques, 13, 22, 23, 28, 29, 34, 35, 45, 52

Casgrain, l'Abbé, his opinion on the site of Champlain's tomb, 261, 262

Castillon, Jacques, one of the Hundred Associates, 168;
  offers pictures to Quebec church, 240

Caumont, underclerk, 121

Champdoré, carpenter, 22, 34

Champlain, Antoine, father of Samuel, 1

Champlain, Samuel, see chronological appendix, 283-6

Charlevoix, Father, quoted, 36, 248, 276

Charton, Friar François, 152, 208

Chastes, Aymar de, 7;
  viceroy of Canada, 8, 9

Chateauneuf, M. de, French ambassador in England, 211;
  retires from his position, 214;
  exchanges documents with Fontenay-Mareuil, 216

Chauvin, Pierre, Sieur de la Pierre, at Tadousac, 54;
  trades in peltry, 63

Chauvin, Pierre de, Sieur de Tontuit, viceroy of Canada, 8, 13, 17, 41, 54

Cheffault, lawyer of Paris, 244

Chenu, Marcel, merchant of Paris, 66

Cherououny, Montagnais chief, 163

Choquillot, notary, 66

Chou, Iuan, Indian friend of Champlain, 181

Clifford, Sir George, 3

Cloutier, Zacharie, comes with Giffard, 252

Cochon, Thomas, merchant, 122

Collier, 56

Condé, Prince de, viceroy of Canada, 73;
  gives a passport to Captain Maisonneuve, 78;
  letter from Champlain, 79;
  contributes to the Récollet fund, 117;
  conspires against the Queen Regent, 122;
  discharged from prison, 129

Coton, Father, a Jesuit, 151, 152

Couillard, Elizabeth, a daughter of Guillaume, 225

Couillard, Guillaume, signs the settlers' memorandum, 136;
  arrives in Canada, 145;
  his family, 146, 184, 195, 196, 208;
  native of St. Malo, 250

Couillard, Henry, captain of the _Don de Dieu_, 39

Couillard, Jacques, interpreter, 144;
  submits to Kirke, 185

Cramoisy, Sébastien, one of the Hundred Associates, 171


D

Dablon, Simon, one of the Hundred Associates, 168

Daniel, Captain, destroys an English fort at Cape Breton, 200, 212

Daniel, Doctor, sent to London, 212, 213

Daniel, Father, director of the Seminary of Notre Dame des Anges, 231, 237

Darache, Captain, trades furs at Tadousac, 40

Darontal, chief of the tribe de la Roche, 103;
  Champlain's friend, 106

Davost, Father, missionary at Cape Breton, 237

Denys, Charles, settles on the shores of Miramichi River, 237

Denys, Nicholas, founds Fort St. Pierre, 236

Deschamps, surgeon, performs an autopsy at Port Royal, 33

Des Marets, Claude Godet, note on his family, 47, 60;
  accompanies Champlain's expedition against the Iroquois, 52;
  arrives from France, 63;
  present at Cape de la Victoire, 139;
  Pont-Gravé's grandson, 181

Desportes, Hélène, 146, 208

Desportes, Pierre, 136, 145, 146, 181, 196, 208

Destouches, Eustache Boullé's lieutenant, 155, 209

Dollebeau, Father, perishes at sea, 235

Dolu, intendant of New France, 130, 131, 132, 135

Doughty, A.G., quoted, 168

Duchesne, Adrien, surgeon, 145, 146, 147, 196, 208

Duchesne, Captain, 139

Duchesne, David, one of the Hundred Associates, 168

Du Marché, Father, at Miscou, 234

Dumay, Captain,                            133, 134

Dumoulin, shot by an Indian,               164

_Du Parc, Jean Godet_, his family, 47, 60;
  commands at Quebec, 64, 68

Du Plessis, Friar Pacifique, 85, 117

Duplessis-Bochart, presents pictures to Quebec church, 240;
  receives the keys of the fort, 249

_Duval, Jean_, at Quebec when founded, 41;
  leads a conspiracy against Champlain, 42;
  sentenced to death, 43

Du Vernet, interpreter, 144


E

Effiat, duke d', heads the list of the Hundred Associates, 170

Endemare, Father d', at Cape Breton, 237

Eon, Pierre, member of the Company of St. Malo and Rouen, 122


F

Faillon, quoted, 207

Féret, 7

Fontenay-Mareuil, French ambassador in England, 214;
  exchanges documents with Chateauneuf, 216

_Foucher, Jean_, at Cape Tourmente, 176, 208

Franchise, Sieur de la, 14

Frémin, Father, at the Richibucto mission, 235


G

Gaillon, Michel, put to death, 43, 44

Galleran, Father G., 149

Gamache, Marquis de, contributes to the foundation
  of the Jesuits' College, 228

Gand, see Ré

Garnier de Chapouin, provincial of the Récollets, 85

Gates, Sir Thomas, his letters patent, 223

Gaufestre, Friar Jean, 209

Genestou, at Port Royal, 25

Gesvres, de, 9

Giffard, Robert, surgeon, 164, 174;
  comes to Canada, 250;
  receives lands, 251, 252

Godefroy, Jean-Paul, interpreter, 144

Godefroy, Thomas, interpreter, 144

Gomara, Lopez de, 6

Gondoin, Father N., missionary at Miscou, 234

Goudon, Elizabeth, Gervase Kirke's wife, 173

Gravé, François, grandson of Pont-Gravé, 47

Gravé, François, Sieur du Pont, accompanies Champlain to Tadousac, 8;
  comes to Canada in 1603, 9;
  proceeds to Sault St. Louis, 13;
  Champlain awaits him at Port au Mouton, 19;
  at Ste. Croix, 32;
  returns to France, 33;
  at Tadousac, 40;
  one of the jury to judge Duval, 43;
  sails for France in 1608, 45;
  arrives at Tadousac, 1609, 47;
  commands the habitation of Quebec, 48;
  his promise to Anadabijou, 51;
  returns to France, 54;
  receives the command of a fur trading vessel, 56, 57;
  trades in peltry, 63;
  sails for France, 64;
  returns to Canada, 106;
  trades at Three Rivers, 121;
  Champlain's rival, 125;
  represents the old company, 133;
  arrives at Quebec, 134;
  his conflict with Guillaume de Caën, 135;
  chief clerk at Quebec, 138;
  at Cape de la Victoire, 139;
  sails for France, 141;
  his illness, 156;
  Champlain reads publicly his commission, 181, 182;
  signs articles of capitulation, 191;
  leaves for Tadousac, 196

Gravé, Jeanne, 47

Gravé, Robert, son of François, accompanies Champlain
  on a voyage of discovery along the American coast, 34

Gravé, Vincent, merchant of Rouen, 122

Groux, J., signs a memorandum, 136

Gua, Pierre du, Sieur de Monts, see Monts

Guers, J.B., delegate of the Duke of Montmorency, 121, 133, 134, 136;
  returns to France, 141

Guilbault, merchant of La Rochelle, 236

Guines, Friar Modeste, 115

Guyon, Jean, mason, comes from Perche, 252


H

Halard, Jacques, captain, 136

Hébert, Anne, 117

Hébert, Guillaume, 146, 208

Hébert, Guillemette, 146, 208

Hébert, Louis, comes to Quebec with family, 111, 112;
  signs a memorandum, 136;
  his family, 146;
  at Port Royal, 147;
  his death, 148, 250, 251

Hébert, Louise, 146

Hébert, Madame, see Rollet, Marie

Hersault, Jacques, comptroller of customs at La Rochelle, 265

Hertel, Jacques, interpreter, 144

Hervé, François, merchant of Rouen, 132

Honabetha, Indian chief, 30

Hoüel, Louis, Sieur de Petit-Pré, enters into Champlain's views, 83;
  one of the Hundred Associates, 168, 170

Hubou, Guillaume, 181, 196, 208

Huet, Father Paul, arrives in Canada, 87;
  constructs a chapel at Tadousac, 112


I

Incarnation, Sister Marie de l', 253, 258

Insterlo, Mathieu d', one of the Company of Rouen, 122, 127

Iroquet, Indian chief, 48


J

Jacques, a Slavonian miner, 32

Jamet, Father Denis, arrives in Canada and celebrates
  the first mass, 85, 107;
  goes to France, 111, 112;
  signs a memorandum, 136

Jeannin, President, 72

Jogues, Father Isaac, 207

Jonquest, Étienne, Hébert's son-in-law, his death, 117;
  arrives in 1617, 145

Joubert, Captain, 141

Juchereau, Jean, comes with Giffard, 252


K

Kirke, David, intends to make an assault on Quebec, 173;
  appointed captain of the fleet, 176;
  writes to Champlain, 177, 178;
  captures French barques, 179;
  abandons Quebec, 180;
  accepts articles of capitulation, 192;
  visits Quebec, 204;
  at Tadousac, 205;
  his pretentions as to de Caën's claims, 217;
  refuses to pay, 218;
  dissatisfied with the agreement, 219

Kirke, Gervase, chief of the Kirke family, 173

Kirke, James, son of Gervase, 173

Kirke, John, son of Gervase, 173

Kirke, Louis, resides in Fort St. Louis, 158;
  writes to Champlain, 188;
  interviews Father de la Roche, 189, 190;
  his answer to Champlain, 191, 192;
  receives the keys of the fort, 195;
  hoists the English flag, 196;
  treats Champlain well, 199;
  his conduct towards the Jesuits, 205

Kirke, Thomas, signs a letter to Champlain, 188;
  takes part in an interview with Father de la Roche, 189;
  signs the answer to Champlain, 192;
  treats Emery de Caën as a pirate, 220


L

Lalemant, Father Charles, quoted, 87;
  arrives at Quebec, 152;
  his letter to the Provincial of the Récollets, 154;
  comes back to Quebec, 200;
  abandons Canada, 227;
  teacher, 229;
  parish priest, 238, 239

Lalemant, Father Jérôme, 10

Lamontagne, interpreter, 144

La Motte, at Port Royal, 25

L'Ange, Captain, 78

Langlois, Françoise, 146, 208

Langlois, Marguerite, 146, 208

Langlois, Noël, 252

Langoissieux, Pierre, takes the monastic habit, 149;
  returns to France, 209

La Place, Father de, at Miscou, 234

La Roche d'Aillon, Father, arrives at Quebec, 152;
  interviews Louis Kirke, 188, 189;
  relates his interview, 190;
  returns to France, 208

La Routte, pilot, 52

La Taille, at Quebec when founded, 41

Lattaignant, Gabriel de, one of the Hundred Associates, 168, 170

Lauzon, Jean de, 170, 226

Laval, Bishop, 237, 253

Lavalette, a Basque, 59, 60

La Vallée, godfather of young Hurons, 233

Laverdière, antiquarian, 261, 275

Le Baillif, underclerk at Tadousac, 138;
  arrives in 1623, 144;
  takes charge of the storehouse, 195;
  betrays Champlain, 202;
  his bad character, 204;
  remains in Canada, 208

Le Baillif, Father George, his Relation of 1633, 87;
  confers with Champlain, 133;
  goes to Tadousac, 134;
  his mission in France, 136;
  returns to Quebec, 137

Le Borgne, E., takes Fort St. Pierre, 236

Le Caron, Father Joseph, appointed for Canadian missions, 85;
  proceeds to the Huron country, 88;
  returns from the Petuneux, 104;
  receives a visit from Champlain, 106;
  returns to Quebec, 107;
  goes to France, 111, 115;
  goes to Tadousac, 116;
  his mission at Three Rivers, 117;
  signs a memorandum, 136;
  goes to the Huron country, 149;
  consults with Champlain, 187;
  leaves for France, 208

Le Clercq, Father C., quoted, 112, 258

Le Faucheur, a Parisian, 174

Legendre, Lucas, merchant of Rouen, 56, 57, 122, 127

Le Jeune, Father, his Relation of 1633, 87;
  says mass in Hébert's house, 148;
  writes to his Provincial, 230, 231, 239;
  informs Madame Champlain that she is free to follow her own desires, 264

Lemaistre, Simon, one of the Hundred Associates, 170

Lemoyne, Father Simon, 208

Le Roy, Marguerite, Champlain's mother, 1

Lesage, Marguerite, Pivert's wife, 146, 208

Lesaige, François, attends when Champlain's marriage
  settlements are made, 66

Lesaige, Geneviève, attends when Champlain's marriage
  settlements are made, 66

Lescarbot, Marc, 20, 21, 25, 35;
  composes a drama, 36;
  poet and preacher, 37;
  returns to France, 38

Le Sire, clerk, 138

Lesseps, Ferdinand de, 6

Le Tardif, Olivier, signs a memorandum, 136;
  interpreter, 144, 208

Le Testu, Captain, arrives at Quebec, 42;
  entertainment on board of his barque, 43

L'Huillier, Raoul, one of the Hundred Associates, 170

Linschot, quoted, 211

Loquin, clerk, 121, 139

Lormel, Captain de, 252

Lumagne, merchant, 221

Lyonne, Father de, at Nipisiguit, 235


M

Magnan, Pierre, joins an embassy to the Five Nations, 163;
  murdered, 164

Mahicanaticouche, chief of the Montagnais, 139, 163;
  murderer of two Frenchmen, 164, 165

Maisonneuve, captain, 78, 79

Malot, Friar Louis, drowned at sea, 200

Manet, Jean, interpreter, 144

Manitougatche, Indian chief, 187

Marchim, Indian chief, 34

Mariana, Father, 153

Marion, Nicholas, captain, 40

Marsolet, Nicholas, present at Quebec in 1608, 41, 143;
  interpreter, 144;
  betrays Champlain, 194, 202;
  his character, 203, 204, 205;
  remains at Quebec, 208

Martin, Abraham, 145, 146, 147, 196, 208

Martin, Anne, 146

Martin, Charles Amador, priest, 146

Martin, Sir Henry, commissioner, 214

Martin, Marguerite, 146

Martin, Nicholas, commands the _Jonas_, 37

Marye, Anthoine, 66

Massé, Father E., arrives in Canada, 152;
  objects to the profanation of a chalice, 206;
  returns to France, 207, 208, 227;
  comes back, 228

May, Sir Humphrey, commissioner, 214

Membertou, _sagamo_ of the Souriquois, 36

Messamouet, captain of the Souriquois, 22, 34

Michel, Jacques, insults Father de Brébeuf, 201;
  his lamented death, 202

Miristou, Montagnais, 159

Mohier, Friar Gervais, 208

Montmagny, Governor, 158

Montmorency, Charles de, admiral of France, 14;
  succeeds Condé as viceroy of New France, 129;
  his administration, 130;
  letter to Champlain, 130, 131;
  his gift to Guillaume de Caën, 140;
  meets Champlain at St. Germain-en-Laye, 150;
  resigns his position of viceroy, 151;
  put to death, 215

Monts, Pierre du Gua, Sieur de, lieutenant-general in Acadia, 17;
  forms a company of merchants, 18;
  his expedition to America, 19, 20;
  his settlement at Ste. Croix, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25;
  decides to seek a more suitable place, 26;
  explores the southern country, 29;
  the river Gua, 30;
  determines to try Port Royal as a settlement, 31;
  returns to France, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36;
  obtains a new commission, 39, 40;
  meets Champlain at Fontainebleau, 55;
  his commission expiring, requests a new one, 56;
  meets Champlain, 57;
  attends when Champlain's marriage settlements are made, 66;
  his interviews with Champlain, 67, 70;
  holds a conference with the merchants of Rouen, 71;
  bound to colonize New France with Catholic settlers, 86

Moreau, quoted, 25

Morel, Captain, 112

Motin, his ode to Champlain, 72

Murad, Anthoine de, 66


N

Napagabiscou, Indian chief, 176

Natel, Antoine, at Quebec in 1608, 41;
  acquaints Captain Le Testu with the details of Duval's plot, 43;
  dies from scurvy, 46

Nesle, Captain de, 252

Nicholas, signs a memorandum, 136

Nicolet, Jean, interpreter, 144

Noël, Pierre, 66

Noüe, Father Anne de, 207, 208, 227

Nouveau, Arnould de, merchant of Rouen, 132

Noyrot, Father, 168, 177, 178, 200, 227


O

Ochateguin, Indian chief, 48;
  his alliance with Champlain, 55;
  commands the Hurons, 69;
  fights against the Iroquois, is wounded, 103

Olbeau, Father Jean d', arrives in Quebec, 85, 88;
  visits the Bersiamites, 107;
  celebrates the first jubilee, 114;
  lays the first stone of the Récollet convent, 148;
  sees its door closed in 1629, 167

Olmechin, Indian chief, 34

Orville, d', at Ste. Croix, 25

Otis, Charles Pomeroy, translates the _Voyages of Champlain_, 277

Ouanda Koka, Huron chief, 233

Orani, Huron chief wounded in 1615, 103

Overman, finds Champlain's astrolabe, 76


P

Palma Cayet, Victor, 15

Parkman, quoted, 228

Perrault, Father, at Cape Breton, 236, 237

Piat, Father I., goes to France, 141;
  to the Montagnais, 149, 150

Pillet, Charles, murdered, 161, 163

Piraube, Martial, godfather of young Hurons, 233

Pivert, Nicholas, 144, 146, 181, 196, 208

Pont-Gravé, see Gravé, François, Sieur du Pont

Poullain, Father G., comes to Canada, 87, 116;
  goes to the Nipissing mission, 149

Poutrincourt, Jean de Biencourt, Sieur de, goes to
  America with de Monts, 19;
  joins Champlain on a voyage of discovery, 34;
  plants a cross at Port Fortuné, 35;
  leaves for France, 38

Prévert, informs Champlain of the existence of a copper mine, 14

Provençal, Captain, Champlain's uncle, 2

Purchas, 15


Q

Quen, Father J. de, second parish priest of Quebec, 238, 239

Quentin, Barthélemy, one of the Hundred Associates, 170

Quentin, Bonaventure, 170

Quentin, Father Claude, superior of the Canadian missions, 234


R

Ragois, Claude le, merchant of Rouen, 132

Ralde, Raymond de la, 138;
  goes to France, 141;
  admiral of the fleet, 155;
  note on his life, 156

Ralleau, de Monts' secretary, 33

Ravenel, Jehan, 66

Raymbault, Father, buried in Champlain's tomb, 262

Razilly, Isaac de, one of the Hundred Associates, 170;
  ordered to assist Quebec, 200;
  his commission cancelled, 201, 213

Ré, François de, Sieur Gand, one of the Hundred Associates, 171;
  a good Catholic, 239;
  buried in Champlain's tomb, 262

Repentigny, godfather of young Hurons, 233

Reye, Pierre, signs a memorandum, 136;
  traitor, 194, 202, 204, 208

Richard, Father A., at Richibucto and Miscou, 235

Richer, Jean, interpreter, 144

Roberval, at Charlesbourg Royal, 23

Robin, Guillaume, merchant of Rouen, 132

Robineau, Pierre, one of the Hundred Associates, 170

Roernan, Jehan, 66

Rollet, Marie, widow Hébert, 112, 146, 208

Roquemont, Claude de, 168;
  commands a fleet for Quebec, 172;
  meets English vessels, 173;
  surrenders to David Kirke, 174;
  his conduct criticized, 175

Rouer, Hercule, 66

Rouvier, underclerk, 121, 135

Rozée, Jean, one of the Hundred Associates, 170;
  merchant of Rouen, 244

Russell, A.J., 76


S

Sagard-Théodat, Friar Récollet, at Cape de la Victoire, 139;
  returns to France, 141;
  goes to the Huron country, 149;
  quoted, 193

Santein, clerk, 138

Satouta, Huron seminarist, 232

Savignon, Huron boy accepted as hostage, 63;
  goes to Sault St. Louis, 68;
  brother of Tregouaroti, Indian chief, 69

Schoudon, Indian chief, 32

Séguier, Bishop of Meaux, agrees to the founding of
  an Ursuline convent at Meaux, 266

Slafter, Reverend E.B., quoted, 277, 278, 279

Soissons, comte de, appointed viceroy of New France, 72, 73;
  his death, 73

Soubriago, General, 2

Sourin, at Ste. Croix Island, 25

Stuart, James, Scottish fisherman, erects a fort on Cape Breton, 200


T

Teouatirhon, Huron seminarist, 232

Tessoüat, chief of the Algonquins, 75, 76, 77

Thémines, Maréchal de, appointed viceroy of New France, 122, 123

Thierry-Desdames, appointed captain at Miscou, 121;
  note on his life, 138, 173, 181, 209

Tregatin, Indian chief, 176

Tregouaroti, Huron Chief, 69

Troyes, François de, merchant of the Company of Rouen, 132

Trublet, Pierre, merchant of St. Malo, 122

Tsiko, Huron seminarist, 232, 233

Tuffet, Jean, merchant of Bordeaux, 170

Turgis, Father C., at Miscou, 234


V

Vanelly, merchant, 221

Vendremur, Corneille de, clerk, 204, 209

Ventadour, duc de, receives the commission of viceroy of New France, 151;
  resigns the office, 168

Verazzano, 211

Verger, Father du, Récollet, 83

Vermeulle, Louis, merchant, 122, 127

Verton, Pierre de, merchant, 132

Viel, Father N., at Cape de la Victoire, 139;
  goes to the Huron country, 149

Vieux-Pont, Father de, 200, 237

Vignau, Nicholas du, interpreter, 74, 75, 77, 144

Vigne, Captain de la, 141

Villemenon, intendant of admiralty, 123, 130, 132, 135

Vimont, Father, drowned at sea, 200, 237

Vitelleschi, Father, general of the Jesuits, 228


W

Wake, Sir Isaac, English ambassador to France, 215;
  commissioner, 218, 219, 220;
  signs the Treaty of St. Germain-en-Laye, 222




Transcriber's Notes:

Page 27--minutes and seconds are denoted with single quotes since this
is within a quotation and a double quote could be confusing.

Page 36--changed Dno to Duo.






End of Project Gutenberg's The Makers of Canada: Champlain, by N. E. Dionne