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[Illustration: THE GREAT ROUND
WORLD
AND WHAT IS GOING ON IN IT.]

    VOL. 1   DECEMBER 16, 1897.   NO. 58

=Copyright, 1897, by THE GREAT ROUND WORLD Publishing Company.=

       *       *       *       *       *

When we take up our history books and read the accounts of the great
deeds that have been done, we are very apt to wonder how the people felt
in those times, and if it was not much more exciting to _live_ history
than it is to learn it.

We have an opportunity of judging for ourselves how it feels, for we are
now living through a very important chapter of history.

Cuba, Turkey, Haiti, and Hawaii are all making history for us that will
make very stirring reading for the scholars that come after us, and now
Austria has joined in the procession, and is giving us an episode that
will make one of the most exciting pages in that country's history.

The present occurrences in Austria are of the utmost importance to the
world. They show that the time has passed when kings can rule as
absolute monarchs, and that the voice of the people must be listened to.

We told you of the anger of the Austrian people against Count Badeni and
his Government, and how the Emperor approved of him and his work, and
was determined to uphold him in spite of the opposition.

We also told you that there is a clause in the Austrian constitution
which gives the Emperor power to act on his own authority without
consulting the people, in case of emergency.

But Francis Joseph, Emperor of Austria and King of Hungary, backed by
this powerful clause, has not been strong enough to protect his Prime
Minister, and in the face of the anger of the people has not dared to
use the privilege which the constitution gives him.

This is a great chapter in history. It all happened in this way:

We told you in the last number how the Government rushed a resolution
through the Reichsrath, which gave the President of the House the power
to suspend unruly members and prevent them from entering the chamber.

As soon as the Reichsrath reassembled, it became evident to the
opposition that the Government considered the resolution legally passed,
and intended to act on it.

This so enraged the deputies that no sooner was the sitting declared
open than they rushed to the President's tribune, seized the papers on
his desk, tore them, and scattered them over the house.

The attendants had not been prepared for this rush, and had allowed some
of the angry members to pass through the gate which had been made in the
fence around the tribune.

As soon as they realized what was passing, they fought and buffeted the
intruders, until they had expelled them from the enclosure, and the
President declared the sitting adjourned.

This had no effect on the furious mob with which the chamber was filled.

One of the members again made a rush for the tribune. The gate had been
closed, but, climbing over the fence, he made a dash for the President's
bell and portfolio.

The President, amazed at this daring, pushed him away. In an instant a
crowd of his friends, howling and shouting, swarmed over the fence, and
a regular fight began on the tribune itself.

The deputies had by this time lost control of themselves, and proceeded
with blows and kicks to drive the President and Vice-Presidents of the
Reichsrath off the tribune, or raised platform, on which the President
sits.

One of the Vice-Presidents was knocked down and trampled on, and one
account of the affray said that the President was so roughly handled
that he fainted.

Finally, the deputies drove the representatives of the Government from
the tribune, and took possession of it themselves.

What new deed of violence they might have attempted it is impossible to
say, but at this moment a door at the end of the chamber opened, and in
marched a force of sixty policemen.

In their trim uniforms and their spiked steel helmets, they presented a
very formidable appearance, and the effect on the house was magical.

The members were astounded that the Government should dare to infringe
on their rights and privileges by sending police into the chamber that
was sacred to the liberties of the people.

The Commissioner of Police was not in the least embarrassed. He treated
the deputies as he would any other disorderly mob, and, marching his men
to the foot of the tribune, ordered the deputies to come down from it.

The deputies firmly refused to do any such thing, whereupon the
Commissioner took one man by the shoulder and ordered him off.

The deputy resisted, and was seized by six stalwart policemen, and
carried bodily out of the chamber.

Five others who refused to obey the Commissioner were treated in the
same unceremonious way.

Dr. Wolff, who up to this moment had been dumb with amazement, now
called on the ministers to remove the police.

Order having been partially restored, the President returned and
reopened the session. His appearance was greeted with a storm of
whistles, shouts, beating and slamming of desk-lids, and the usual
uproar, led by Dr. Wolff, who, too exhausted to do anything noisier,
contented himself with blowing a shrill cab whistle.

It was impossible to restore order, for even the friends of the
Government were indignant at the introduction of the police into the
chamber.

Relying on their privileges as members of the Reichsrath, the deputies
had for days behaved in a shameful and unmanly manner. The people were
indignant that their representatives should so disgrace them, and the
sympathy was all with the Government. The calling in of the police
changed the situation. The Government had interfered with the rights of
the people, and every lover of liberty was in arms against the outrage.
The riotous deputies now became heroes and martyrs instead of noisy,
foolish men, not fit to be intrusted with parliamentary privileges.

The President of the Reichsrath, having gone so far, was determined, if
possible, to end the disturbance at once and for all. When the noisy
demonstrations recommenced, he ordered Dr. Wolff to leave the house,
suspending him for three days--that is to say, forbidding him to
re-enter the Reichsrath for that space of time.

Wolff, of course, refused to obey, and the aid of the police was called
for. A shameful struggle ensued, in which the deputy's chair and desk
were smashed to pieces.

Twelve other members were seized by the police and turned out of the
chamber.

While this was going on inside the house, excited crowds had gathered
outside. As the torn and dishevelled members were expelled, the people,
regarding them as martyrs in the cause of liberty, began to murmur
against the Government, and finally grew so violent that a strong force
of police had to be fetched to disperse them.

Forgetting that the foolish conduct of these deputies had blocked all
legislation, and brought the Government and country to such a pass that
the dissolution of the bond with Hungary was likely to occur at any
moment, the people only realized that their liberties had been
interfered with, and their rights had been taken from them.

The people do not brook interference in their rights.

In the days of King John of England, the people allowed the vicious king
to get to a certain point, and then with their hands on their swords,
ready to rebel if he resisted, they forced him to sign the great
charter, Magna Charta, which has secured to Englishmen their rights from
that day to this.

It was signed by King John at Runnymede, near Windsor, in 1215.

So in France, five hundred years later, when the people had stood all
they could from their kings, they rose against Louis XVI., and were not
satisfied until both the King and the Queen, Marie Antoinette, had paid
the forfeit of their lives for their folly and arrogance. This happened
in 1793.

When the anger of the people is roused, there is trouble for the
Government.

In Vienna, though the Government had so far won a victory in turning the
turbulent members out of the chamber, they felt there was danger in the
air when the students surrounded Dr. Wolff as he was thrown out of the
Reichsrath, and marched with him to his home, honoring him as a hero.

Later, matters began to grow still more serious. Masses of workingmen
left their work, and began to parade the streets, crying out against the
government that had usurped their rights.

Soldiers were called out to guard the principal buildings, especially
the house of Count Badeni, the unpopular Prime Minister. Squads of
soldiers appeared in every street, forcing the crowds to move and
disperse.

It was an almost impossible task. The crowd that was driven around one
corner would reappear at the next. The soldiers would disperse the mob
in front of them, and it would re-form at their heels.

It seemed as if Austria were on the verge of a revolution.

Realizing that nothing could stop the trouble but the resignation of
Count Badeni, several members of the Reichsrath hurried to his home, and
begged him to put an end to the disturbance.

The Minister would not yield. His sovereign had confidence in him, and
he would not be driven out by an ignorant mob.

Another meeting of the Reichsrath was held, at which more violent scenes
occurred. Dr. Wolff presented himself in the chamber and tried to take
his place, whereupon he was seized and taken to prison.

The feeling among the people grew stronger, and at last one of the town
officials, Burgomaster Luegers, waited on Count Badeni, and informed him
that the people were now so excited that there would be bloodshed if he
did not resign.

Hearing this, the Prime Minister went to the Emperor and resigned his
office.

It is reported that the Emperor at first refused to accept the
resignation, whereupon Badeni informed him that he would not undertake
the responsibility of holding office longer, as he had been informed
that the people were ready to rise.

The Emperor then accepted the resignation, and it soon became evident
that the action had only just been taken in time.

Crowds had assembled outside the Reichsrath, waiting for it to open,
and the attitude of the mob had become so threatening that the hussars
had to draw their sabres and charge the crowd to keep it in check.
Several people were killed and many wounded.

This roused the mob to fury, and matters were just developing into a
serious riot when Burgomaster Luegers appeared on the scene.

Driving through the streets at full speed, forcing his horses through
the crowds, he hurried from mob to mob, shouting the good news that
Badeni had resigned.

The anger of the crowd at once melted away. The people who had assembled
with rage in their hearts soon became quiet. The night, which might have
been one of bloodshed and murder, was turned into a fête, laughter and
song succeeded the angry murmurs, and the danger was over.

The next day it was announced that Baron Gautsch von Frankenthurn, a man
who is a great favorite with the people, had been appointed Prime
Minister in the place of Badeni.

It is said that as soon as the new cabinet is formed, Baron Gautsch will
endeavor to bring about a meeting between the heads of the two parties
which are so violently opposed to each other on the language question,
and see if he cannot arrive at some understanding with them.

It is also said that Baron Banffy, the Hungarian Prime Minister, insists
that the Reichsrath must agree to the renewal of the Austro-Hungarian
contract for one year, else Hungary will act independently of Austria,
and a separation of the two monarchies may follow.

After the news of Badeni's resignation there were still angry
demonstrations in Vienna, but after the police had released Dr. Wolff
peace gradually settled down on the city.

      *       *       *       *       *

Turkey does not seem to have taken Russia seriously about the old war
debt.

In spite of her assurance that she had no intention of increasing her
navy or enlarging her store of war materials, she has placed an order
for one hundred and fifty large cannon with Krupp, the famous German
gun-maker.

These cannons will cost a large sum of money, and the various European
Powers are watching with much interest to see what Russia will have to
say to it.

It is rumored that the Turks look upon Germany as their most powerful
friend, and are willing to defy Russia or any other nation so long as
Germany shows a disposition to stand by them.

This winter is likely to give us some more interesting chapters in
European history.

      *       *       *       *       *

The Sultan of Turkey has fresh worries. The Albanians are now rebelling
against him.

Albania is on the western border of European Turkey; its shores are
washed by the Adriatic Sea.

It is a mountainous country, inhabited by a war-like race of people, who
are much given to robbery and brigandage.

The Albanians are a curious people. They claim to be descended from the
Pelasgians, who were a people of Greece, supposed to be the most
ancient race in Europe.

They arrived and settled in Europe centuries before men began to keep
records of the events that occurred, and so their origin is unknown. It
is supposed they came from Asia, and probably from India.

The Albanians base their claim to Pelasgian origin on their language,
which differs from any known tongue, and cannot clearly be connected
with any of the mother tongues. These mother tongues were the original
languages from which the various modern languages are derived.

More than one thousand languages are spoken on the globe, and these are
so different that each is unintelligible to the speakers of the other.

The study of these languages is an especial science. Students of this
science, philologists, as they are called, have traced, classed, and
grouped these thousand languages, until they have divided them into six
main groups, or mother tongues.

The formations of the verbs, the plurals, and the declensions are the
main guides to the identification of a language.

The study of philology is an intensely interesting one, and while it is
very difficult, its pleasures are easily within the reach of every young
scholar who is beginning the study of Latin, French, and German.

Our own English language is one of the most interesting with which to
begin the study.

The ancient Britons were Celts, and spoke Celtic; when they were
conquered by the Romans, Latin words crept into the tongue; and as
Romans gave place to the Saxons, and the Saxons to the Danes, words
from the German and Norse tongues were added to the language. Finally,
came the Norman Conquest, and with it a flood of French words. The
English we speak to-day is a mixture of Celtic, Latin, Saxon, Danish,
and French.

As you learn your foreign languages you will be interested to find how
many Latin words and forms you are using every day; and as for German
and French, there are so many words in these languages resembling our
own that you are constantly meeting old friends in the course of your
new studies.

For instance:

    ENGLISH.     FRENCH.     ENGLISH.     GERMAN.

    Papa         Papa        Father       Vater
    Mamma        Maman       Mother       Mutter
    Table        Table       Brother      Bruder
    Chair        Chaise      Sister       Schwester
    Boot         Bottine     Hat          Hut

Some of these words have a common Latin root. The word "table," for
instance, is derived from the Latin word "_tabula_."

If the Albanians do indeed speak a tongue that cannot be closely
connected with any of the known languages, it is more than probable that
they are a remnant of some ancient and world-forgotten people.

Albania is under Turkish rule, but the Albanians do not seem a very
pleasant people to govern.

If they are not satisfied with those who are set in authority over them,
their fierce qualities rise to the surface, and they are apt to do
violent things.

The last governor of Albania made himself so objectionable to the
people, and they in turn made things so unpleasant for him, that he
sought safety in flight.

A new governor was appointed, but he in turn found no greater favor with
these mountaineers than his predecessor. Annoyed that they should have
had two obnoxious officials sent to them one after the other, the
Albanians have become restless and are threatening to revolt.

A Turkish commissioner has been sent to try and calm them, but further
trouble is feared.

       *       *       *       *       *

The Haitian matter, about which we told you last week, promises to
arrive at a peaceful settlement.

At first, however, it assumed such a threatening aspect that it seemed
as if serious trouble must follow.

The Haitian Government was very much disturbed when it was learned that
a German warship was to be sent to bombard the capital city,
Port-au-Prince, in case the indemnity, or damages, demanded for Herr
Emil Lueders was not paid.

The Haitian Government immediately asked the United States to use its
good offices, and endeavor to bring about a peaceful settlement with
Germany.

Our Government began to make inquiries into the matter, and learned the
Haitian side of the story.

It seems that Lueders is not a German citizen, after all. He is the son
of a German father and a Haitian mother, was born on Haitian soil, and
is, according to the laws of the country, a citizen of Haiti.

He had, therefore, no right to appeal to Germany for protection, and
President Simon Sam will not listen to Germany's protest.

In addition to this, it seems that Lueders is a tiresome fellow, and
that this is the second time he has been arrested for resisting and
attacking officers in the performance of their duty.

The Haitian ministry looks upon this demand from Germany as a mere cloak
to enable her to seize some territory, and establish a German colony in
the West Indies.

With this belief in mind, Haiti has appealed to the United States to
interfere and protect them, on the ground of the Monroe Doctrine.

We told you about this in the supplement following page 210. It says
that the United States shall forcibly resist any attempt to extend the
European political systems in America.

Our Government was in a slight quandary over this appeal from Haiti.

We have no quarrel with Germany, and we do not want to have one, but
still it was clearly our duty to do what we could to assist a weaker
sister republic.

After much consultation and thought, the heads of the Government decided
that our ambassador in Berlin, Mr. White, should be instructed to ask
what Germany's intentions were in the matter.

It was cabled back that the German minister had given a satisfactory
reply to Mr. White, and so the United States has decided not to
interfere actively in the matter unless Germany attempts to seize
territory.

In the mean while, Haiti has sent a very dignified letter to Germany.

The republic declares itself willing to discuss the matter with Germany,
but objects to the German method of judging and settling the whole
affair without first inquiring as to both sides of the trouble.

The demands of Germany are considered excessive, and in any case Haiti
will not consent to pay any such sums as those asked.

In her answer, Haiti complains of the conduct of Count Schwerin, the
German representative in Port-au-Prince.

It declares that he forced himself into the presence of President Simon
Sam, and in an angry and insulting manner demanded Lueders' release,
threatening many things if Haiti dared to oppose him.

Because of these circumstances, President Simon Sam refuses to have
anything more to do with Count Schwerin, and declares that the further
discussion of the matter must take place in Berlin.

The latest news says that Germany has changed her mind about sending a
warship to Port-au-Prince, and that the vessel intended for Haiti will
go to China. Two German school-ships are to call at the West Indies
during the winter, and to them will be intrusted the settlement of the
Lueders matter.

It is probable, however, that the whole matter will be settled by
arbitration.

       *       *       *       *       *

From the fact that an extra ship is to be sent into Chinese waters, it
would seem that the Germans do not intend to give up the Bay of Kiao
Chou.

Telegrams from China have given us further details.

It seems that the German minister to China has presented a string of
claims to the Chinese Government which are so absurdly large in
comparison to the amount of damage done, that people do not scruple to
say that they are only offered as a means of enabling the Kaiser to keep
the territory he has seized.

Here are the damages demanded by Germany for the murder of her two
missionaries:

The murderers must be discovered and punished.

The officials concerned in the murder must be punished.

The mission buildings which were destroyed must be rebuilt.

The sum of six hundred thousand taels must be paid to the relations of
the dead missionaries. A tael is worth $1.40, so you can see for
yourselves what a big sum this is.

A heavy sum of money must be paid to defray the expenses of the German
naval expedition to China, and money must be paid to keep the German
force in the Bay of Kiao Chou, which they have seized.

The Chinese Government, on hearing these demands, said that the Bay of
Kiao Chou must be given up before they could even be discussed.

The German minister replied that Germany would not give up Kiao Chou,
and there the matter rests.

The representatives of the other foreign powers think these terms are
unreasonable, and that China shall not think of accepting them.

China has expressed her willingness to rebuild the mission-houses and
punish the criminals. She hopes to be able to settle the difficulty by
diplomacy, as she is not in a position to go to war.

The cowardly governor who gave up the forts without firing a shot has
been condemned to death.

       *       *       *       *       *

The Queen Regent has signed the decree giving home rule to Cuba.

The plan, in brief, is that the island shall be governed by the
Captain-General (who is to represent the mother country) and two
chambers of Congress, the Council Chamber and the House of
Representatives.

There will be thirty-five members in the Council Chamber, eighteen of
whom will be appointed by the crown, and the other seventeen elected by
the people. All of the members of the House of Representatives will be
elected by the people.

This Congress is to settle all the affairs of the island, with the
exception of the foreign policy, the question of relations with other
countries, which will be arranged by Spain.

The supreme authority will be vested in the Captain-General, who will
have to give his consent to all the acts of the Congress before they can
become laws.

The army and navy will be under his sole control and direction.

Congress will have the right, subject to certain restrictions imposed by
the home Government, to fix the tariff duties.

The mayor and all the city officials will be elected by the people, and
while the Spanish Government keeps to itself the right to the final
voice in all decisions, the prospect offered the Cubans seems fair home
rule.

Porto Rico, another Spanish possession in the West Indies, is to enjoy
the same privileges as Cuba.

The insurgents, however, will have none of this.

Both Gomez and Garcia have published proclamations, so severe in tone,
that there can be no doubt that the insurgent leaders are sincere in
their declaration that they will have nothing from Spain but
independence.

Here is Gomez's proclamation:

     "HEADQUARTERS OF THE GENERAL-IN-CHIEF OF THE  }
      CUBAN ARMY, SANCTI-SPIRITUS, NOVEMBER 15th,  }
      1897, THIRD YEAR OF THE INDEPENDENCE.        }

     "The news I have received of the establishment of autonomy
     in Cuba by the Spanish Government compels me to remind the
     military and civil leaders of the revolution once more that
     our only aim is independence. Therefore,

     "Article 1.--Any military commander of the Cuban army
     accepting proposals of autonomy from the Spanish Government,
     or even conferring with Spanish envoys for any arrangement
     of peace, shall be immediately put under arrest, summarily
     court-martialled, and, if declared guilty of such acts,
     sentenced to death as a traitor to his flag.

     "Article 2.--Any envoy from the Spanish Government, or from
     any Spanish or military commander, or from any political
     party favoring the Spanish dominion in Cuba, who shall
     approach our lines and confer or try to confer with any
     military or civil representative of the republic of Cuba,
     and propose to him the acceptance of autonomy from Spain,
     shall be immediately put under arrest, summarily
     court-martialled as a spy, and, if declared guilty, hanged
     according to our military laws.

     "These articles shall be enforced by all the generals and
     subordinates of the Cuban army in the West and Santa Clara,
     the general commander of the East already having orders to
     enforce our laws on the matter. For country and liberty.

                                               "MAXIMO GOMEZ."


It is said that the publication of these proclamations has created a
deep impression in Havana.

Under these proclamations, any person who seeks the Cuban lines to offer
home rule to the soldiers will be hanged as a spy, and any Cuban
listening to such proposals will be shot as a traitor.

The two brave commanders have therefore made it very difficult for
Spanish agents to approach their soldiers and corrupt them.

Very few battles are reported from Cuba. It is said that the Spanish
troops are massed in such large numbers that the Cubans do not dare to
attack them. It is also rumored that the present season being the one in
which the supply of vegetables is scarcest in the island, the insurgents
are not well enough supplied with food to venture on any long marches.

       *       *       *       *       *

The _Dauntless_ has again succeeded in conveying an expedition to Cuba.

She left Jacksonville with a schooner, the _Jenny Thomas_, in tow. When
she reached the mouth of the St. Johns River, she was overhauled by the
cruiser _Vesuvius_. Nothing contraband being found on her, she was
allowed to go on her way after an hour's delay.

Unfortunately, it never occurred to the officers to search the vessel in
tow, and so the daring little vessel got safely away.

It now appears that the contraband material was on board the schooner,
and that after the cruiser was safely passed, the _Dauntless_ cast
anchor in some convenient spot, took her forbidden cargo on board, and
sailed away to Cuba without further hindrance.

The Spanish authorities are much annoyed over this incident, and think
the United States is not showing a proper regard for Spain in allowing
filibustering expeditions to leave her shores at a time when Spain is
trying to pacify the Cubans with such liberal reforms.

       *       *       *       *       *

Don Carlos is said to be showing some activity again.

Realizing that the new decree giving Home Rule to Cuba will be very
objectionable to many Spaniards, he has called a consultation of the
leaders of his party, and asked them to go about among the people, and
rouse them against the Government.

He promises that if he is called to the throne, he will not show any
such mercy to the rebellious Cubans, but will compel them, by force of
arms, to obey the will of the Spanish sovereign.

The leaders of the Carlist party do not, however, seem to be in any
great hurry to act.

Such a revolution as Don Carlos is anxious to begin means life or death
to the nobles and men of position who support him. If the rising fails,
these men will be regarded as traitors to their country, and shot or
exiled. In any case they will lose everything that they own or that the
Government can discover and take from them.

With so much at stake it is but natural that the nobles should wish to
be sure that their reward in case of success will be as great as their
punishment in case of failure.

They are therefore anxious to secure certain pledges from Don Carlos,
before they openly join themselves to an enterprise so full of peril.

Don Carlos does not seem willing to give these assurances, and so the
rebellion is at a standstill at present.

       *       *       *       *       *

There was a little excitement during the past week over the announcement
that the English and French armies had met in battle in West Africa.

The story was not, however, believed, because the English Government had
given orders to her soldiers that they were to avoid any conflict with
the French, and the same directions had been given to the French by
their Government.

It is, however, felt that trouble is pretty sure to come ere long, and
so England has been sending more soldiers to the Niger territory, and
now has a force of four thousand men there.

A commission was appointed to examine into this vexed boundary question,
and it has been sitting in Paris for many weeks.

Unfortunately, neither party seems willing to wait until the commission
has finished its work.

The French, maintaining that they have a right to seize any city or land
that is not occupied by an armed force belonging to any other nation,
have been sending out armed parties to take possession of any territory
they can get. They have already taken possession of several places that
England has long looked upon as her property.

The British are naturally not going to submit to this, and so they, in
their turn, are trying to seize land wherever possible.

It is feared that in some of their various raids the British and French
may meet, and a serious conflict ensue.

       *       *       *       *       *

From India it is reported that the Ameer of Afghanistan has refused to
listen to the envoys from the Afridi tribes, and that they are about to
submit to the English rule.

They will be forced to give up the rifles and plunder they have taken,
and hostages will be demanded of them as a guarantee of further good
behavior.

The allowance made by the English Government to the Afridis will be
stopped. The Khyber Pass, which was held by them, will be reopened, and
matters will proceed much the same as if no rising had occurred.

A state durbar will shortly be held, at which the chiefs of the Afridis
will do homage, and submit to the English rule.

A durbar is, as you no doubt remember, a levee or reception.

It is rumored that the results of this campaign are very unsatisfactory
to the English people. The hill-fighting, however, turned out to be so
much more severe than the English expected, and the tribesmen proved
such formidable foes, that they were glad to make peace on whatever
terms they could.

To punish the natives as they had intended would have taken such a large
sum of money, and employed such a number of troops, that the Government
finally decided that the wisest thing was to put a speedy end to the
difficulty.

       *       *       *       *       *

The Soudan campaign has also been brought to a close.

The English people are also indignant about this.

They think that the Government ought not to have allowed such a good
opportunity for punishing the Mahdists to slip through its fingers.

With a little more perseverance, the lower Soudan would have been opened
up to the world and Gordon avenged.

As it was, no decisive battle was fought; the Mahdists, under Osman
Digna, steadily retreated before the advance of the British.

After the brilliant reconnoitring trip to Khartoum, and the shelling of
the city by the two little gunboats, it was expected that something
decisive was about to be done. But no advance has been made by the main
army, and now it is positively stated that no further steps will be
taken until January.

People are wondering why the soldiers were sent to the Soudan, if they
are only to camp on the banks of the Nile and contemplate the Mahdists
from a distance.

After building their railroad, and making such excellent preparations
for a brilliant campaign, it seems astonishing that the troops should be
allowed to sit down and wait, without striking a blow.

It is, however, rumored that the English Government does not wish to
spend more money pushing the campaign further, and that more troops are
needed to bring the campaign to a successful termination.

Whatever the reason, nothing more is likely to be done in the Soudan for
the present.

       *       *       *       *       *

The committee which was appointed to find out just how much it would
cost to make armor-plate, has sent in a report which will be presented
to Congress at the earliest opportunity.

It appears that it will cost over three and a half million dollars to
build an armor-plate factory capable of making the amount of armor
required by the Government.

It has not yet been decided whether the factory shall be built, but the
Secretary of the Navy is going to advertise for offers to build it so
that he can lay the whole matter before Congress at one time.

The Carnegie and Bethlehem steel companies have not been idle while the
Government has been making its inquiries.

Krupp, the German gun-maker, has recently invented a process for
manufacturing armor-plate which is said to make a plate that is still
more durable and better than that manufactured by the Harvey process.

The Carnegie and Bethlehem companies no sooner heard of the Krupp
process, than they sent experts to examine it, and finding it to be all
that was represented, they purchased the sole right to use the process
in this country.

The Government, of course, wants the best possible armor for its ships,
and if the Krupp is the best, they must have Krupp armor-plate.

The cleverness of these two firms has, however, made it impossible for
the Government to manufacture this kind of armor for itself. If it is to
be used, it must be bought from the Carnegie or Bethlehem people.

The Secretary of the Navy does not approve of the Government spending so
much money in building a factory of its own. It is said that when he
lays the matter before Congress, he will recommend that the armor be
bought of the Carnegie or Bethlehem firms.

It is stated that he expects to get the armor for $425 a ton.

The Carnegie Company are, however, masters of the situation. With the
Bethlehem works, they own the right to manufacture this new and
excellent armor, and if the Government must have it for its ships, the
company will ask what price they please. Their excuse will no doubt be
that they have had to pay so much money for the right that they are
obliged to make the price high.

                                             G.H. ROSENFELD.




WANTED--A RECIPE FOR A BOOK.


Your editor had an interesting talk a few days ago with one of our
best-known naturalists, who said: "Boys and girls are the keenest
observers, if they are interested in anything. We naturalists get much
of our most valuable information through their quick eyes and minds."

"And," he added, "the more they see, the more they want to see and know,
and they are constantly coming to me for facts, asking me why I do not
write good books."

"Well, why don't you?"

"I'll tell you why. It is because I want to write a book which will tell
them _just_ what they want to know, and I do not know what our boys and
girls are interested in. If I write about pets, what kind of pets are
they most interested in--dogs or cats, horses or birds, squirrels or
fishes? If I write about wild animals, must it be about their homes and
what they do, or about the best ways to hunt and trap them? Then, again,
I am not sure if they are not more interested in hunting for beautiful
and curious things on the seashore--shells, crabs, sea-anemones, and
such things."

Your editor believes in asking the boys and girls to say for themselves
what they want, and then to give that to them in the best possible way.
Therefore he answered: "Ask the boys and girls what they want. Do not
ask one or two, but just ask one or two thousand, and give them just
what they ask for--no more and no less." As he cannot write a letter to
you all, will you not, each one of you, write a letter addressed to
"Naturalist, care of Editor of GREAT ROUND WORLD, 5 West 18th Street,"
and in this letter say just what you would like: a book about birds,
pets, bees, wild animals, shells, fishes, or snakes--for he knows all
about these things, and can write a book on any or all of these
subjects, or, indeed, anything that has to do with woods, fields, or
ocean, and the wonderful and interesting things found in them. We hope
that our promise to this naturalist, that our boys and girls can and
will tell him what he wants to know, will not lead to a disappointment.




INVENTION AND DISCOVERY.


[Illustration]

If any of our boys and girls have found their bicycle saddles as
uncomfortable as your editor has found his, they will be delighted to
learn that there is to be had a sensible as well as most comfortable
saddle. The pleasure of riding your wheel for miles without feeling your
saddle can only be appreciated by those who happen to have a saddle
which fits; the great trouble is that very few people fit the average
saddle; and as the saddle cannot be adjusted, perfect comfort is not
obtainable. With this new saddle the case is different, for it can be
adjusted to fit a large or small person exactly. It also has a
contrivance which permits the parts to move up and down so that there is
no friction whatever. Our attention was called to it by one of the
officers of the navy, who has proved himself an expert in wheel
contrivances, and a careful test bears out all of his statements. The
saddle is well made and inexpensive ($3.50).




BOOKS RECEIVED.


We have received a very attractive little book called "Uncle Robert's
Visit," which is the third part of the series of books called "Uncle
Robert's Geography." It is published by the Messrs. Appleton in their
series of Home-Reading Books, and presents nature study and geographical
knowledge in the most attractive form, being woven in a story of "Uncle
Robert's Visit" to the farm. This particular uncle, like some others we
have known, was a fund of information and a source of delight to the
nephews and nieces. He went about with them in the fields and woods,
and, without forcing it on them in any way, so ordered the conversation
that they learned much of nature on each trip. These uncles are
treasures, and to those who cannot have them always with them, to read
of some one else's uncle in this attractive form is charming.

The book is well made, a handy size, with a colored frontispiece showing
the farmhouse; it is illustrated throughout in a practical way which
cannot fail to interest children.

("Uncle Robert's Visit," Home Reading Books: D. Appleton & Co., 1897; 50
cents.)

       *       *       *       *       *

We wish to acknowledge the receipt of a new and illustrated edition of
the old favorite, "Gypsy Year at the Golden Crescent," by Elizabeth
Stuart Phelps, illustrated by Mary Fairman Clarke.

(Dodd, Mead & Co., $1.50.)