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                                      AN
                              Historical Relation
                                 Of the Island
                                    CEYLON,
                                    IN THE
                                  EAST-INDIES:

                                   TOGETHER,

          With an ACCOUNT of the Detaining in Captivity the AUTHOR and
         divers other Englishmen now Living there, and of the AUTHOR'S
                               Miraculous ESCAPE.



               Illustrated with Figures, and a Map of the ISLAND.

               By ROBERT KNOX, a Captive there near Twenty Years.



                                    LONDON,

       Printed by Richard Chiswell, Printer to the ROYAL SOCIETY, at the
                Rose and Crown in St. Paul's Church-yard, 1681.






At the Court of Committees for the East-India Company the 10th of
August, 1681.

We Esteem Captain Knox a Man of Truth and Integrity, and that his
Relations and Accounts of the Island of Ceylon (which some of us have
lately Perused in Manuscripts) are worthy of Credit, and therefore
encouraged him to make the same Publick.

Robert Blackbourne, Secretary.
By Order of the said Court.

August 8. 1681.



Mr. Chiswell,

I Perused Capt. Knox's Description of the Isle of Ceylon, which seems
to be Written with great Truth and Integrity; and the Subject being
new, containing an Account of a People and Countrey little known
to us; I conceive it may give great Satisfaction to the Curious,
and may be well worth your Publishing.

Chr. Wren.




TO THE

Right Worshipful

The GOVERNOR, the DEPUTY GOVERNOR, and Four and Twenty Committees of
the Honorable the EAST-INDIA Company, Viz.

    Sir Josiah Child Baronet, Governor.
    Thomas Papilion Esq; Deputy.

    The Right Honorable George Earl of Berkley,
    Sir Joseph Ashe Baronet,
    Sir Samuel Barnardiston Baronet,
    Mr. Christopher Boone,
    Mr. Thomas Canham,
    Colonel John Clerke,
    Mr. John Cudworth,
    John Dubois Esquire,
    Sir James Edwards Knight, and Alderman,
    Richard Hutchinson Esquire,
    Mr. Joseph Herne,
    Mr. William Hedges,
    Sir John Lawrence Knight, and Alderman,
    Mr. Nathaniel Letton,
    Sir John Moore Knight, and Alderman,
    Samuel Moyer Esquire,
    Mr. John Morden,
    Mr. John Paige,
    Edward Rudge Esquire,
    Mr. Jeremy Sambrooke,
    Mr. William Sedgwick,
    Robert Thomson Esquire,
    Samuel Thomson Esquire,
    James Ward Esquire.


Right Worshipful,

What I formerly Presented you in Writing, having in pursuance of your
Commands now somewhat dressd by the help of the Printer and Graver,
I a second time humbly tender to you. 'Tis I confess at best too mean
a Return for your great Kindness to me. Yet I hope you will not deny
it a favourable Acceptance, since 'tis the whole Return I made from
the Indies after Twenty years stay there; having brought home nothing
else but

(who is also wholly at your Service and Command)

London 1st. of August, 1681.

ROBERT KNOX.




THE PREFACE.


How much of the present Knowledge of the Parts of the World is owing
to late Discoveries, may be judged by comparing the Modern with the
Ancient's Accounts thereof; though possibly many such Histories may
have been written in former Ages, yet few have scaped the Injury of
Time, so as to be handed safe to us. 'Twas many Ages possibly before
Writing was known, then known to a few, and made use of by fewer,
and fewest employed it to this purpose. Add to this, that such as
were written, remain'd for the most part Imprison'd in the Cells of
some Library or Study, accessible to a small number of Mankind, and
regarded by a less, which after perished with the Place or the Decay
of their own Substance. This we may judge from the loss of those many
Writings mentioned by Pliny and other of the Ancients. And we had yet
found fewer, if the Art of Printing, first Invented about 240 years
since, had not secured most that lasted to that time. Since which,
that Loss has been repaired by a vast number of new Accessions, which
besides the Satisfaction they have given to Curious and Inquisitive
Men by increasing their Knowledge, have excited many more to the
like Attempts, not only of Making but of Publishing also their
Discoveries. But I am not ignorant still; that as Discoveries have
been this way preserved, so many others nave been lost, to the great
Detriment of the Publick. It were very desirable therefore that the
Causes of these and other Defects being known, some Remedies might
be found to prevent the like Losses for the future. The principal
Causes I conceive may be these;

First, The want of sufficient Instructions (to Seamen and Travellers,)
to shew them what is pertinent and considerable, to be observ'd in
their Voyages and Abodes, and how to make their Observations and keep
Registers or Accounts of them.

Next, The want of some Publick Incouragement for such as shall perform
such Instructions.

Thirdly, The want of fit Persons both to Promote and Disperse such
Instructions to Persons fitted to engage, and careful to Collect
Returns; and Compose them into Histories; by examining the Persons
more at large upon those and other Particulars. And by separating what
is pertinent from what is not so, and to be Rejected; who should have
also wherewith to gratifie every one according to his Performances.

Fourthly, The want of some easie Way to have all such Printed: First
singly, and afterwards divers of them together. It having been found
that many small Tracts are lost after Printing, as well as many
that are never Printed; upon which account we are much oblig'd to
Mr. Haclute and Mr. Purchas, for preserving many such in their Works.

Fifthly, The want of taking care to Collect all such Relations of
Voyages and Accounts of Countries as have been Published in other
Languages; and Translating them either into English, or (which will be
of more general use) into Latin, the learned Language of Europe. There
being many such in other Countries hardly ever heard of in England.

The Difficulties of removing which Defects is not so great but that
it might easily fall even within the compass of a private Ability
to remove, if at least Publick Authority Would but Countenance the
Design, how much less then would it be if the same would afford also
some moderate Encouragement and Reward?

The Royal Society of London for Improving Natural Knowledge, has
not been wanting in preparing and dispersing Instructions to this
end, and is ready still to promote it, if the Publick would allow
a Recompence to the Undertakers. The desirableness and facility of
this Undertaking may, I hope, in a short time produce the Expedients
also. In the Interim all means should be used, to try what may be
obtain'd from the Generosity of such as have had the Opportunities
of knowing Foreign Countries.

There are but few who, though they know much, can yet be persuaded
they know any thing worth Communicating, and because the things are
common and well known to them, are apt to think them so to the rest of
Mankind; This Prejudice has done much mischief in this particular as
well as in many other, and must be first remov'd. There are others
that are conscious enough of their own Knowledge, and yet either
for want of Ability to write well, or of use to Compose, or of time
to Study and Digest, or out of Modesty and fear to be in Print, or
because they think they know not enough to make a Volume, or for not
being prompted to, or earnestly solicited for it, neglect to do it;
others delay to do it so long till they have forgotten what they
intended. Such as these Importunity would prevail upon to disclose
their knowledge, if fitting Persons were found to Discourse and ask
them Questions, and to Compile the Answers into a History. Of this
kind was lately produc'd in High Dutch a History of Greenland, by
Dr. Fogelius of Hamborough, from the Information of Frederick Martin,
who had made several Voyages to that Place, in the doing of which,
he made use of the Instruction given by the Royal Society.

'Tis much to be wondred that we should to this Day want a good
History of most of our West-Indian Plantations. Ligon has done well
for the Barbadoes, and somewhat has been done for the Summer Islands,
Virginia, &c. But how far are all these short even of the knowledge
of these and other Places of the West-Indies, which may be obtain'd
from divers knowing Planters now Residing in London? And how easie
were it to obtain what is Defective from some Ingenious Persons now
Resident upon the Places, if some way were found to gratifie them
for their Performances? However till such be found, 'tis to be hoped
that the kind Acceptance only the Publick shall give to this present
Work, may excite several other Ingenuous, and knowing Men to follow
this Generous Example of Captain Knox who though he could bring away
nothing almost upon his Back or in his Purse, did yet Transport the
whole Kingdom of Cande Uda in his Head, and by Writing and Publishing
this his Knowledge, has freely given it to his Countrey, and to You
Reader in, particular.

'Twas not I confess without the earnest Solicitations and Endeavours
of my self, and some others of his Friends obtain'd from him, but
this uneasiness of parting with it was not for want of Generosity and
Freedom enough in Communicating whatever he knew or had observed, but
from that usual Prejudice of Modesty, and too mean an Opinion of his
own Knowledge and Abilities of doing any thing should be worthy the
view of the Publick. And had he found leisure to Compose it, he could
have filled a much greater Volume with useful and pertinent, as well
as unusual and strange Observations. He could have inrich't it with a
more particular Description of many of their curious Plants, Fruits,
Birds, Fishes, Insects, Minerals, Stones; and told you many more of the
Medicinal and other uses of them in Trades and Manufactures. He could
have given you a compleat Dictionary of their Language, understanding
and speaking it as well as his Mother Tongue. But his Occasions would
not permit him to do more at present. Yet the Civil Usage this his
First-born meets with among his Countreymen, may 'tis hoped oblige
him to gratifie them with further Discoveries and Observations in
his future Travels.

To conclude, He has in this History given you a tast of his
Observations. In which most Readers, though of very differing Gusts,
may find somewhat very pleasant to their Pallat. The Statesman,
Divine, Physitian, Lawyet, Merchant, Mechanick, Husbandman, may select
something for their Entertainment. The Philosopher and Historian much
more. I believe at least all that love Truth will be pleas'd; for from
that little Conversation I had with him I conceive him to be no ways
prejudiced of byassed by Interest, affection, or hatred, fear or hopes,
or the vain-glory of telling Strange Things, so as to make him swarve
from the truth of Matter of Fact: And for his opportunity of being
informed, any one may satisfie himself when he understands his almost
20 years Abode and Converse among them. His Skill in the Language and
Customs of the People, his way of Employment in Travelling and Trading
over all Parts of the Kingdom; add to this his Breeding till 19 years
of Age under his Father a Captain for the East-India Company, and his
own Natural and acquired parts; but above all his good Reputation,
which may be judged from the Employment That Worshipful Company have
now freely bestowed upon him, having made him Commander of the Tarquin
Merchant, and intruded him to undertake a Voyage to Tarquin.

Read therefore the Book it self, and you will find your self taken
Captive indeed, but used more kindly by the Author, than he himself
was by the Natives.

After a general view of the Sea Coasts, he will lead you into the
Country by the Watches, through the Thorney Gates, then Conduct
you round upon the Mountains that Encompass and Fortifie the whole
Kingdom, and by the way carry you to the top of Hommalet or Adam's
Peak; from those he will descend with you, and shew you their chief
Cities and Towns, and pass through them into the Countrey, and there
acquaint you with their Husbandry, then entertain you with the Fruits,
Flowers, Herbs, Roots, Plants and Trees, and by the way shelter you
from Sun and Rain, with a Fan made of the Talipat-Leaf. Then shew you
their Beasts, Birds, Fish, Serpents, Insects; and last of all, their
Commodities. From hence he will carry you to Court, and shew you the
King in the several Estates of his Life; and acquaint you with his
way of Governing, Revenues, Treasures, Officers, Governors, Military
Strength, Wars: and by the way entertain you with an account of the
late Rebellion against him. After which he will bring you acquainted
with the Inhabitants themselves, whence you may know their different
Humours, Ranks and Qualities. Then you may visit their Temples such
as they are, and see the Foppery of their Priests Religious Opinions
and Practices both in their Worship and Festivals, and afterwards
go home to their Houses and be acquainted with their Conversation
and Entertainment, see their Housewifery, Furniture, Finery, and
understand how they Breed and Dispose of their Children in Marriage;
and in what Employments and Recreations they pass their time. Then
you may acquaint your self with their Language, Learning, Laws,
and if you please with their Magick & Jugling. And last of all with
their Diseases, Sickness, Death, and manner of Burial. After which
he will give you a full account of the Reason of his own Going to,
and Detainment in the Island of Ceylon, and Kingdom of Conde-Uda. And
of all his various Conditions, and the Accidents that befel him there
during Nineteen years and an halfs abode among them. And by what ways
and means at last he made his Escape and Returned safe into England
in September last, 1680.

Aug. 1. 1681.

Robert Hooke.





To the Right Worshipful Sir William Thomson Knight, Governor, Thomas
Papillon Esquire; Deputy, and the 24 Committees of the Honorable
EAST-INDIA Company hereunder Specified, Viz.

    The Right Honorable George Earl of Berkley,
    The Right Honorable James Lord Chandois.
    Sir Matthew Andrews Knight,
    Sir John Bancks Baronet,
    Sir Samuel Barnardiston Baronet,
    Mr. Christopher Boone,
    John Bathurst Esquire,
    Sir Josia Child Baronet,
    Mr. Thomas Canham,
    Collonel John Clerk,
    Sir James Edwards Knight,
    Mr. Joseph Herne,
    Richard Hutchinson Esquire,
    James Hublon Esquire,
    Sir John Lethieullier Knight,
    Mr. Nathaniel Petton,
    Sir John Moor Knight,
    Samuel Moyer Esquire,
    Mr. John Morden,
    Mr. John Paige,
    Edward Rudge Esquire,
    Daniel Sheldon Esquire,
    Mr. Jeremy Sambrook,
    Robert Thomson Esquire.


Right Worshipful,

Since my return home to my Native Countrey of England, after a long and
Disconsolate Captivity, my Friends and Acquaintance in our Converse
together have been Inquisitive into the State of that Land in which
I was Captivated; whose Curiosity I indeavour to satisfie. But my
Relations and Accounts of Things in those Parts were so strange
and uncouth, and so different from those in these Western Nations,
and withal my Discourses seeming so Delightful and Acceptable unto
them, they very frequently called upon me to write what I knew of
that Island of Ceilon, and to digest it into a Discourse, and make
it more Publick; unto which motion I was not much unwilling, partly
that I might comply with the Desires and Councels of my Friends,
and chiefly that I might Publish and Declare the great Mercy of God
to me, and Commemorate before all Men my singular Deliverance out of
that Strange and Pagan Land, which as often as I think of or mention,
I cannot but admire and adore the goodness of God towards me, there
being in it so many notable Footsteps of his signal Providence.

I had then by me several Papers, which during my Voyage homeward from
Bantam at leisure times I writ concerning the King and the Countrey,
and concerning the English there, and of my Escape; which Papers I
forthwith set my self to Peruse and draw into a Method, and to add
what more might occur to my Thoughts of those Matters, which at length
I have finished, contriving what I had to relate under four Heads. The
first concerning the Countrey and Products of it. The second concerning
the King and his Government. The third concerning the Inhabitants,
and their Religion and Customs, and the last concerning our Surprize,
Detainment and Escape; In all which I take leave to Declare, That I
have writ nothing but either what I am assured of by my own personal
Knowledge to be true, and wherein I have born a great and a sad share,
or what I have received from the Inhabitants themselves of such things
as are commonly known to be true among them. The Book, being thus
perfected, it required no long Meditation unto whom to present it, it
could be to none but your selves (my Honoured Masters) by whose Wisdom
and Success the East-Indian Parts of the World are now near as well
known, as the Countries next adjacent to us. So that by your means,
not only the Wealth, but the Knowledge of those Indies is brought home
to us. Unto your Favour and Patronage therefore (Right Worshipful)
I humbly presume to recommend these Papers and the Author of them,
who rejoyceth at this opportunity to acknowledge the Favours you
have already conferred on him, and to profess that next unto God,
on you depend his Future Hopes and Expectations; being

Right Worshipful,

Your most obliged and most humble and devoted Servant to be Commanded,

Robert Knox.

Lond. 18th. March, 1680/81.





The CONTENTS.

PART I.

CHAP. I.

A General Description of the Island.

    The Inland Parts of it hitherto unknown. The chief Places on
    the Sea-Coasts. The Names of the Provinces and Counties of the
    Inland Country. Which are divided from each other by Woods. The
    Countrey Hilly, but inriched with Rivers. The great River
    Mavelagonga described. Woody. Where most Populous and Healthful.
    The nature of the Vallies. The great Hill, Adams Peaky,
    described. The natural Strength of this Kingdom. The difference
    of the Seasons in this Country. What Parts have most Rain.


CHAP. II.

Concerning the chief Cities and Towns of this Island.

    The most Eminent Cities are Five. Viz. Cande, Nellemby,
    Alloutneur. The Country of Bintan described. Badoulf. The
    Province of Ouvah. Digligy, the place of the King's
    Residence. Gauluda. Many ruines of Cities. Anarodgburro. The
    nature of the Northern Parts. The Port of Portaloon Affords
    Salt. Leawava Affords Salt in abundance, Described. Their
    Towns how built. Many ly in ruins and forsaken. and upon
    what occasion.


CHAP III.

Of their Corn, with their manner of Husbandry.

    The Products and Commodities of the Country. Corn of divers
    sorts. Rice. Growes in water. Their ingenuity in watering
    their Corn-lands. Why they do not always sow the best kind of
    Rice? They sow at different times, but reap together. Their
    artificial Pooles, Alligators harbor in them. They sow Corn on
    the mud. A sort of Rice that growes without water. The Seasons
    of Seed-time and Harvest. A particular description of their
    Husbandry. Their Plow. The convenience of these Plowes. Their
    First plowing. Their Banks, and use of them. Their Second
    plowing. How they prepare their Seed-Corn. And their Land
    after it is plowed. Their manner of Sowing. How they manure
    & order Young Corn. Their manner of reaping. They tread out
    their Corn with Cattel. The Ceremonies they use when the Corn
    is to be trodden. How they unhusk their Rice. Other sorts of
    Corn among them. Coracan, Tanna, Moung, Omb.


CHAP. IV.

Of their Fruits and Trees.

    Great Variety of Fruits and delicious. The best Fruits where
    ever they grow reserved for the Kings use. Betel-Nuts, The
    Trees, The Fruit, The Leaves, The Skins, and their use. The
    Wood. The Profit the Fruit yields. Jacks, another choyce
    Fruit. Jambo another. Other Fruits found in the Woods. Fruits
    common with other Parts of India. The Tallipot; the rare use of
    the Leaf. The Pith good to eat. The Kettule. Yields a delicious
    juice. The Skin bears strings as strong as Wyer. The Wood;
    its Nature and Use. The Cinnamon Tree. The Bark, The Wood,
    The Leaf, The Fruit. The Orula. The Fruit good for Physic and
    Dying. Water made of it will brighten rusty Iron, and serve
    instead of Ink. The Dounekaia. The Capita. Rattans. Their
    Fruit. Canes. The Betel tree. The Bo-gauhah or God-Tree.


CHAP. V.

Of their Plants, Herbs, Flowers.

    Roots for Food, The manner of their growing. Boyling Herbs,
    Fruits for Sawce. European Herbs and Plants among them. Herbs
    for Medicine. Their Flowers, A Flower that serves instead of
    a Dyal, called Sindric-mal. Picha-mais, Hop-inals.

CHAP. VI.

Of their Beasts Tame and Wild. Insects.

    What Beasts the Country produceth. Deer no bigger than
    Hares. Other Creatures rare in their kind. The way how a
    wild Deer was catched for the King. Of their Elephants. The
    way of catching Elephants. Their understanding. Their
    Nature. The dammage they do. Serve the King for executing
    his Malefactors. Their Disease. The Sport they make. Ants
    of divers sorts. How one sort of them, called Coddias,
    came to sting so terribly. These Ants very mischievous. The
    curious Buildings of the Vaeos, another kind of them. The
    manner of their death. Bees of several kinds. Some build on
    Trees like Birds. The people eat the Bees, as well as their
    Honey. Leaches, that ly in the grass, and creep on Travaylers
    Legs. The Remedies they use against them. Apes and Monkeys
    of divers kinds. How they catch Wild Beasts. How they take
    the Wild Boar.


CHAP. VII.

Of their Birds, Fish, Serpents, and Commodities.

    Their Birds. Such as will be taught to speak. Such as are
    beautiful for Colour. A strange Bird. Water-Fowls resembling
    Ducks and Swans. Peacocks. The King keeps Fowl. Their Fish,
    How they catch them in Ponds, And how in Rivers. Fish kept
    and fed for the King's Pleasure. Serpents. The Pimberah of a
    prodigious bigness. The Polonga. The Noya. The Fable of the
    Noya ana Polonga. The Carowala. Gerendo. Hickanella. Democulo,
    a great Spider. Kobbera-guson, a Creature like an
    Aligator. Tolla-guion. The people eat Rats. Precoius Stones,
    Minerals, and other Commodities. The People discouraged from
    Industry by the Tyranny they are under.


PART II.

CHAP. I.

Of the present King of Cande.

    The Government of this Island. The King's Lineage. His
    Person, Meen and Habit. His Queen and Children. His
    Palace; Situation and Description of it: Strong Guards
    about his Court. Negro's Watch next his Person. Spies sent
    out a Nights. His Attendants. Handsome Women belong to his
    Kitchin. His Women. And the Privileges of the Towns, where
    they live. His State, when he walks in his Palace, or goes
    abroad. His reception of Ambassadors. His delight in them.


CHAP. II.

Concerning the Kings Manner, Vices, Recreation, Religion.

    Spare in his Diet. After what manner he eats. Chast himself,
    and requires his Attendants to be so. He committed Incest,
    but such as was allowable. His Pride. How the People address
    to the King. They give him Divine Worship. Pleased with high
    Titles. An instance or two of the King's haughty Stomach. He
    slights the defection of one of his best Generals. He scorns to
    receive his own Revenues. The Dutch serve their ends upon his
    Pride by flattering him. The People give the way to the Kings
    foul Cloths. His natural Abilities, and deceitful temper. His
    wife saying concerning Run-awayes. He is naturally Cruel. The
    Dogs follow Prisoners to Execution. The Kings Prisoners; their
    Misery. He punisheth whole Generations for the sake of one. The
    sad condition of young Gentlemen that wait on his Person. His
    Pleasure-houses. Pastimes abroad. His Diversions at home. His
    Religion. He stands affected to the Christian Religion.


CHAP. III.

Of the King's Tyrannical Reign.

    His Government Tyrannical. His Policy. He farms out
    his Countrey for Service. His Policy to secure himself
    against Assassinations and Rebellions. Another Point of his
    Policy. Another which is to find his People work to do. A
    Vast work undertaken and finished by the King, viz. Bringing
    Water divers Miles thro Rocks, Mountains and Valleys unto
    his Palace. The turning this Water did great injury to the
    People. But he little regards his Peoples Good. By craft at
    once both pleaseth and punisheth his People. In what Labours he
    employs his People, He Poisons his only Son. The extraordinary
    Lamentation at the Death of his Sister. His Craft and Cruelty
    shewn at once.


CHAP. IV.

Of his Revenues and Treasure.

    The King's Rents brought three times in a year. The first is
    accompanied with a great Festival. How the Nobles bring their
    Gifts, or Duties. Inferior Persons present their New-years
    Gifts. What Taxes and Rents the People pay. The accidental
    incoms of the Crown. The Profits that accrue to the King
    from Corn-Lands. Custom of Goods Imported formerly paid. His
    Treasuries. He has many Elephants. Great Treasures thrown
    into the River formerly. The Treasure he most valueth.


CHAP. V.

Of the King's great Officers, and the Governors of the Provinces.

    The two Greatest Officers in the Land. The next Great
    Officers. None can put to Death but the King. Theso Dissauvas
    are Durante bene placito. Whom the King makes Dissauvas. And
    their Profits and Honours. Other benefits belonging to other
    Officers. They must always reside at Court. The Officers
    under them, viz. The Cour-lividani. The Cong-conna. The
    Courli-atchila. The Liannah. The Undia. The Monannuh. Some
    Towns exempt from the Dissauvas Officers. Other Officers
    yet. These Places obtained by Bribes. But remain only
    during pleasure. Country Courts. They may appeal. Appeals
    to the King. How the Great Officers Travel upon Public
    Business. Their Titles and signs of State. The misery that
    succeeds their Honour. The foolish ambition of the Men and
    Women of this Country.


CHAP. VI.

Of the King's Strength and Wars.

    The King's Military affairs. The natural strength of his
    Countrey. Watches and Thorn-gates. None to pass from the
    King's City without Pasports. His Soldiery. All men of Arms
    wait at Court. The Soldiers have Lands allotted them insted
    of Pay. To prevent the Soldiers from Plotting. The manner of
    sending them out on Expeditions. Requires all the Captains
    singly to send him intelligence of their affairs. When the War
    is finished they may not return without order. The condition
    of the Common Soldiers. He conceals his purpose when he
    sends out his Army. Great Exploits done, and but little
    Courage. They work chiefly by Stratagems. They understand
    the manner of Christian Armies. Seldom hazard a Battel. If
    they prove unsuccessful, how he punishes them.


CHAP. VII.

A Relation of the Rebellion made against the King.

    A Comet ushereth in the Rebellion. The Intent of the
    Conspirators. How the Rebellion began. The King flyes. They
    pursue him faintly. They go to the Prince and Proclaim him
    King. The carriage of the Prince. Upon the Prince's flight, the
    Rebels scatter and run. A great Man declares for the King. For
    the space of eight or ten days nothing but Killing one another
    to approve themselves good Subjects. The King Poysons his Son
    to prevent a Rebellion hereafter. His ingratitude. Another
    Comet, but without any bad Effects following it.




PART III.

CHAP. I.

Concerning the Inhabitants of this Island.

    The several Inhabitants of the Island. The Original of the
    Chingulays. Wild Men. Who pay an acknowledgement to the
    King. How they bespeak Arrows to be made them. They rob the
    Carriers. Hourly wild Men Trade with the People. Once made
    to serve the King in his War. Their Habit and Religion. A
    skirmish about their Bounds. Curious in their Arrows. How they
    preserve their Flesh. How they take Elephants. The Dowries
    they give. Their disposition. The Inhabitants of the Mountains
    differ from those of the Low-Lands. Their good opinion of
    Virtue, tho they practice it not. Superstitions. How they
    Travel. A brief character of them. The Women, their habit
    and nature.


CHAP. II.

Concerning their different Honours, Ranks, and Qualities.

    How they distinguish themselves according to their
    Qualities. They never Marry beneath their rank. In case
    a Man lyes with a Woman of inferior rank. Their Noble
    men. How distinguished from others. The distinction by
    Caps. Of the Hondrews or Noble men two forts. An Honour like
    Unto Knighthood. Goldsmiths, Blacksmiths, Carpenters, and
    Painters. The Privilege and state of the Smiths. Craftsmen.
    Barbers. Potters. Washers. Jaggory-makers. The Poddah,
    Weavors, Basket-makers. Mat-makers. The lower ranks may not
    assume the habit or names of the higher. Slaves. Beggers. The
    reason the Beggers became so base and mean a People. They live
    well. Their Contest with the Weavors about dead Cows. Incest
    common among them. A Punishment, to deliver Noble women to
    these Beggers. Some of these Beggars keep Cattel and shoot
    Deer. Refuse Meat dressed in a Barbar's house, and why.


CHAP. III.

Of their Religion, Gods, Temples, Priests.

    Their Religion is Idolatry. They worship Gods and Devils. And
    the God, that saves Souls. The Sun and Moon they seem to repute
    Deities. Some of their Temples of exquisite work. The form
    of their Temples. The shape of their Idols. They worship not
    the Idol, but whom it represents. The Revenues of the Temples,
    and the Honours thereof. They are dedicated to Gods. Private
    Chappels. The Priests. The first Order of them. The habit of
    these Priests. Their Privileges. What they are Prohibited. When
    any are religiously disposed, these Priests sent for in
    great Ceremony. None ever used violence towards them before
    this present King. The Second Order of Priests. The third
    Order. How they dedicate a Red Cock to the Devil. Their Oracle.


CHAP. IV.

Concerning their Worship and Festivals.

    The chief dayes of Worship. How they know what God or
    Devil hath made them sick; The Gods of their Fortunes,
    viz the Planets. What Worship they give Devils. Who eat the
    Sacrifices. Their Gods are local. The Subjection of this People
    to the Devil. Sometimes the Devil possesseth them. The Devils
    voice often heard. Their Sacrifice to the chief Devil. Their
    Festivals. Festivals to the honour of the Gods that govern
    this World. The Great Festival in June, with the manner of
    the Solemnity. The Feast in November. The Festival in honour
    of the God of the Soul. The high honour they have for this God.


CHAP. V.

Concerning their Religious Doctrines, Opinions and Practices.

    As to their Religion they are very indifferent. If their
    Gods answer not their Desires, they curse them. They
    undervalue and revile their Gods. A Fellow gives out
    himself for a Prophet. His Success. The King fends for one
    of his Priests. Flyes to Columbo. Pretends himself to be a
    former Kings Son. Flyes from the Dutch. The King catches
    and quarters him. The Peoples high opinion still of this
    new God. Their Doctrines and Opinion. The highest points of
    their Devotion. Their Charity. The Privilege of the Moorish
    Beggars. Respect Christians, and why.


CHAP. VI.

Concerning their Houses, Diet, Housewifery, Salutation, Apparel.

    Their Houses mean. No Chimneys. The Houses of the better
    sort. Their Furniture. How they eat. How the great Men
    eat. Discouraged from nourishing Cattel. Cleanly in dressing
    their meat; Their manner of drinking and eating. Their manner
    of washing before and after meals. None must speak while the
    Rice is put into the Pot. Sawce made of Lemmon juice. Their
    sweet meats. A kind of Puddings. The Womens Housewifry. How
    they entertain Strangers, And Kindred. When they Visit. Their
    manner of Salutation. The Nobles in their best Apparel. The
    fashion of their hair. The Women dressed in their Bravery.
    How they dress their heads. They commonly borrow their
    fine Cloths.


CHAP. VII.

Of their Lodging, Bedding, Whoredome, Marriages, Children.

    Their Bed, and how they sleep a Nights. They rise often in the
    Night. Children taught to sing at going to bed. Young People ly
    at one anothers Houses. Nothing so common as Whoredome. They
    are guilty of the thing, but love not the Name. The man may
    kill whom he finds in bed with his Wife. The Womens craft
    to compass and conceal their Debauchery.They do treat their
    Friends with the use of their Wives or Daughters. The Mother
    for a small reward prostitutes her Daughter. Marriages. No
    Wooing The Bridegroom goes to the Brides house. How the
    bridegroom carries home his Bride. A Ceremony of Marriage. Man
    and Wife may part at pleasure. Men and Women change till they
    can please themselves. Women sometimes have two Husbands. Women
    unclean. Privileges of Men above Women. Privileges of
    Women. They often destroy New-born Infants, But seldom a
    First-born. Their Names. They are ambitious of high Titles.


CHAP. VIII.

Of their Employments and Recreations.

    Their Trade. Work, not discreditable to the best
    Gentleman. How they geld their Cattle. How they make
    Glew. Their Manufactures. How they make Iron. How they make
    Butter. Shops in the City. Prices of Commodities. Or their
    Measures. Their Weights. Measures bigger than the Statute
    punishable; but less, not: And why. Of their Coin. Of their
    Play. A Play or a Sacrifice: For the filthiness of it forbid
    by the King. A cunning Stratagem of an Officer. Tricks and
    Feats of Activity. At leisure times they meet and discourse
    of Newes. Drunkenness abhorred. Their eating Betel-Leaves. How
    they make Lime.


CHAP. IX.

Of their Lawes and Language.

    Their Lawes. Lands descend. In case Corn receives dammage by
    a Neighbours Cattel. The loss of letting out Land to Till. The
    great Consideration for Corn borrowed. A Debt becomes double in
    two years. If the Debtor pay not his Debt, he is lyable to be
    a Slave for it. Divers other Lawes and Customes. For deciding
    Controversies. Swearing in the Temples, The manner of swearing
    in hot Oyl. How they exact. Fines. Of their Language. Titles
    given to Women according to their qualities. Titles given to
    Men. No difference between a Country-man and a Courtier for
    Language. Their Speech and manner of Address is courtly and
    becoming. Their Language in their Address to the King. Words of
    form and Civility. Full of Words and Complement. By whom they
    swear. Their way of railing and scurrility. Proverbs. Something
    of their Grammar. A Specimen of their Words. Their Numbering.


CHAP. X.

Concerning their Learning, Astronomy and Art Magick.

    Of their Learning. Their Books and Arts. How they learn
    to write. How they make and write a Book. The Priests
    write Books of Bonna. The Kings Warrants how wrapped
    up. They write upon two sorts of Leaves. Their Skill in
    Astronomy. Their Almanacks. They pretend to know future things
    by the Stars. Their Æra. Their Years, Months, Weeks, Days,
    Hours. How they measure their Time. Their Magic. The Plenty
    of a Country destroyed by Magic. Their Charm to find out a
    Thief. The way to dissolve this Charm. Inscriptions upon Rocks.


CHAP. XI.

Of their Sickness, Death and Burial.

    The Diseases this Countrey is subject to. Every one a Physician
    to himself. To Purge: To Vomit. To heal Sores. To heal an
    Impostume. For an hurt in the Eye. To cure the Itch. The Candle
    for Lying-in Women. Goraca, a Fruit. Excellent at the Cure
    of Poyson. They easily heal the biting of Serpents by Herbs,
    And Charms. But not good at healing inward Distempers. They
    both bury and burn their Dead. They send for a Priest to pray
    for the Soul of the Departed. How they mourn for the Dead. The
    nature of the Women. How they bury. How they burn. How they
    bury those that dy of the Small Pox.


PART IV.


CHAP. I.

Of the reason of our going to Ceylon, and Detainment there.

    The subject of this Fourth Part. The occasion of their
    coming to Ceylon. They were not jealous of the People being
    very Courteous. A Message pretended to the Captain from the
    King. The beginning of their Suspition. The Captain seized and
    seven more. The Long-boat men seized. The General's craft to
    get the Ship as well as the Men. The Captains Order to them on
    board the Ship. The Captains second Message to his Ship. The
    Ships Company refuse to bring up the Ship. The Captain
    orders the Ship to depart. The Lading of Cloath remained
    untouched. The probable reason of our Surprize. The number
    of those that were left on the Island. The Dissauva departs.


CHAP. II.


How we were carried up in the Country, and disposed of there, and of
the Sickness, Sorrow and Death of the Captain.

    They intend to attempt an Escape, but are prevented. Their
    Condition commiserated by the People. They are distributed
    into divers Towns. An Order comes from the King to bring
    them up into the Country. How they were treated on the way in
    the Woods. And in the Towns among the Inhabitants. They are
    brought near Cande, and there separated. The Captain and his
    Son and two more quartered together. Parted: How they fared:
    The Captain and his Son placed in Coos-swat. Monies scarce
    with them. But they had good Provisions without it. The Town
    where they were sickly. How they passed their time. Both
    fall Sick. Deep grief, seizes the Captain. Their Sickness
    continues. Their Boys' Disobedience adds to their trouble. His
    excessive Sorrow. His Discourse and Charge to his Son before
    his Death. His Death, and Burial. The Place where he lies. Upon
    the Captain's Death a Message sent from Court to his Son.


CHAP. III.


How I lived after my Father's Death, And of the Condition of the rest
of the English: and how it fared with them. And of our Interview.

    His chief Imployment is Reading: He looseth his Ague: How he
    met with an English Bible in that Country: Struck into a great
    Passion at the first sight of the Book: He casts with himself
    how to get it: Where the rest of the English were bestowed:
    Kept from one another a good while, but after permitted to
    see each other: No manner of Work laid upon them: They begin
    to pluck up their hearts: What course they took for Cloths:
    Their Fare: What Employment they afterwards followed: How the
    English domineered: What Satisfaction one of them received
    from a Potter. A scuffle between the English and Natives. The
    Author after a year sees his Countreymen. Their Conference and
    Entertainment. He consults with his Countreymen concerning
    a future livelihood. The difficulty he met with in having
    his Rice brought him undressed. He reasons with the People
    about his Allowance. Builds him an House. Follows Business and
    thrives. Some attempted running away, and were catched. Little
    encouragement for those that bring back Run-awayes.


CHAP. IV.

Concerning some other Englishmen detained in that Countrey.

    The Persia Merchant-men Captives before them. Plundred by the
    Natives. Brought up to the King. They hoped to have their
    liberty, but were mistaken. A ridiculous action of these
    Men. They had a mind to Beef and how they got it. A passage
    of their Courage. Two of this Company taken into Court. The
    One out of favour. His End. The other out of Favour. And his
    lamentable Death. The King sends special Order concerning
    their good Usage. Mr. Vassal's prudence upon his Receit of
    Letters. The King bids him read his Letters. The King pleased
    to hear of Englands Victory over Holland. Private discourse
    between the King and Vassal.


CHAP. V.

Concerning the means that were used for our Deliverance. And what
happened to us in the Rebellion. And how we were setled afterwards.

    Means made to the King for their Liberty, Upon which they
    all meet at the City. Word sent them from the Court, that
    they had their Liberty. All in general refuse the Kings
    Service. Commanded still to wait at the Palace. During
    which a Rebellion breaks out. They are in the midst of it,
    and in great danger. The Rebels take the English with them,
    designing to engage them on their side: But they resolve
    neither to meddle nor make. The day being turned, they fear
    the King; but he justifies them. They are driven to beg in the
    High-wayes. Sent into New Quarters, and their Pensions settled
    again. Fall to Trading and have more freedom than before.


CHAP. VI.

A Continuation of the Author's particular Condition after the
Rebellion.

    At his new Quarters builds him another House. The People
    counsel him to Marry, which he seems to listen to. Here he
    lived two years. A Fort built near him by the Dutch; but
    afterwards taken by the King. He and three more removed
    out of that Countrey; and settled in a dismal place. A
    Comfortable Message brought hither from the King concerning
    them. Placed there to punish the People tor a Crime. Weary
    of this Place. By a piece of craft he gets down to his old
    Quarters. Began the world anew the third time. Plots to remove
    himself. Is encouraged to buy a piece of Land. The situation
    and condition of it. Buys it. Builds an House on it. Leaves
    Laggendenny. Settled at his new Purchase with three more living
    with him. Their freedom and Trade. His Family reduced to two.


CHAP. VII.

A return to the rest of the English, with some further accounts of
them. And some further Discourse of the Authors course of Life.

    They confer together about the lawfulness of marrying with the
    Native women. He resolves upon a single life. What Employments
    they follow. The respect and credit they live in. A Chingulay
    punished for beating an English man. An English man preferred
    at Court. Some English serve the King in his Wars. Who now
    live miserably. He returns to speak of himself. Plots and
    consults about an Escape. A description of his House. He
    takes up a new Trade and thrives on it. His Allowance paid
    him out of the Kings Store-Houses.


CHAP. VIII.

How the Author had like to have been received into the Kings Service,
and what Means he used to avoid it. He meditates and attempts an
Escape but is often prevented.

    He voluntarily forgoes his Pension. Summoned before the
    King. Informed that he is to be preferred at Court: But is
    resolved to refuse it. The answer he makes to the Great Man:
    Who sends him to another Great Officer: Stayts in that City
    expecting his Doom. Goes home, but is sent for again. Having
    escaped the Court-Service, falls to his former course of life:
    His Pedling forwarded his Escape. The most probable course
    to take was Northwards. He and his Companion get three days
    Journey Northwards; But return back again: Often attempt to
    fly this way, but still hindred. In those Parts is bad water,
    but they had an Antidote against it. They still improve in
    the knowledg of the Way. He meets with his Black Boy in these
    Parts, Who was to guide him to the Dutch: But disappointed. An
    extraordinary drought for three or four years together.


CHAP. IX.

How the Author began his Escape, and got onward on his way about an
hundred miles.

    Their Last and Successful attempt. The Way they went. They
    design for Anarodgburro: Turn out of the way to avoyd the
    King's Officers: Forced to pass thro a Governours Yard. The
    Method they used to prevent his Suspition of them. Their danger
    by reason of the Wayes they were to pass. They still remain
    at the Governors to prevent suspition. An Accident that now
    created them great fear: But got fairly rid of it. Get away
    plausibly from the Governor. In their way, they meet with a
    River, which they found for their purpose. They come safely to
    Anarodgburro: This Place described. The People stand amazed at
    them. They are examined by the Governor of the Place. Provide
    things necessary for their Flight. They find it not safe to
    proceed further this way. Resolve to go back to the River
    they lately passed.


CHAP. X.

The Authors Progress in his Flight from Anarodgburro into the Woods,
unto their arrival in the Malabars Country.

    They depart back again towards the River, but first take
    their leave of the Governor here. They begin their Flight;
    Come to the River along which they resolve to go; Which they
    Travel along by till it grew dark. Now they fit themselves
    for their Journey. Meeting with an Elephant they took up
    for the second Night. The next morning they fall in among
    Towns before they are aware. The fright they are in lest they
    should be seen. Hide themselves in a hollow Tree. They get
    safely over this danger. In that Evening they Dress Meat and
    lay them down to sleep. The next morning they fear wild Men,
    which these Woods abound with. And they meet with many of their
    Tents. Very near once falling upon these People. What kind of
    Travelling they had. Some account of this River. Ruins. The
    Woods hereabouts. How they secured themselves anights against
    wild Beasts. They pass the River, that divides the King's
    Countrey from the Malabars. After four or five days Travel,
    they come among Inhabitants. But do what they can to avoid
    them. As yet undiscovered.


CHAP. XI.

Being in the Malabar Territories how they encountred two Men, and
what passed between them. And of their getting safe unto the Dutch
Fort. And their Reception there; and at the Island Manaar, until
their Embarking for Columbo.

    They meet with two Malabars. To whom they relate their
    Condition. Who are courteous to them. But loath to Conduct them
    to the Hollander. In danger of Elephants. They overtake another
    Man, who tells them they were in the Dutch Dominions. They
    arrive at Arrepa Fort. The Author Travelled a Nights in
    these Woods without fear, and slept securely. Entertained
    very kindly by the Dutch. Sent to Manaar, Received there by
    the Captain of the Castle, Who intended they should Sail the
    next day to Jafnipatan to the Governor. They meet here with
    a Scotch and Irish Man. The People Flock to see them. They
    are ordered a longer stay. They Embark for Columbo.


CHAP XII.

Their Arrival at Columbo, and Entertainment there. Their Departure
thence to Batavia. And from thence to Bantam; Whence they set Sail
for England.

    They are wondered at at Columbo, ordered to appear before
    the Governor. Treated by English there. They come into the
    Governor's presence. His State. Matters the Governor enquired
    of; Who desires him to go with him to Batavia. Cloths them,
    And sends them Money, and a Chirurgeon. The Author writes
    a Letter hence to the English he left behind him. The former
    Demands and Answers penned down in Portugueze by the Governor's
    Order. They Embark for Batavia. Their friendly Reception by
    the Governor there; Who furnishes them with Cloths and Money;
    And offers them passage in their Ships home. Come home from
    Bantam in the Cæsar.


CHAP. XIII.

Concerning some other Nations, and chiefly Europeans, that now live
in this Island; Portugueze, Dutch.

    Malabars that Inhabit here. Their Territories. Their
    Prince. That People how governed. Their Commodities and
    Trade. Portugueze: Their Power and Interest in this Island
    formerly. The great Wars between the King and them forced
    him to send in for the Hollander. The King invites the
    Portugueze to live in his Countrey. Their Privileges. Their
    Generals. Constantine Sa. Who loses a Victory and Stabs
    himself. Lewis Tissera served as he intended to serve the
    King. Simon Careé, of a cruel Mind. Gaspar Figazi. Splits Men
    in the middle. His Policy. Gives the King a great Overthrow,
    loseth Columbo, and taken Prisoner. The Dutch. The occasion of
    their coming in. The King their implacable Enemy, and why. The
    Damage the King does them. The means they use to obtain Peace
    with him. How he took Bibligom Fort from them. Several of their
    Embassadors detained by the King. The first Embassador there
    detained since the Author's Remembrance. His Preferment, and
    Death. The next Ambassador dying there, his Body is sent down
    to Columbo in great State. The third Ambassador. Gets away by
    his Resolution. The fourth was of a milder Nature. The fifth
    brings a Lion to the King as a Present. The number or Dutch
    there. They follow their Vice of Drinking. The Chingulays
    prejudiced against the Dutch, and why.


CHAP. XIV.

Concerning the French. With some Enquiries what should make the
King detain white men, as he does. And how the Christian Religion is
maintained among the Christians there.

    The French come hither with a Fleet. To whom the King sends
    Provisions, and helps them to build a Fort. The French
    Ambassador offends the King. He refuseth to wait longer for
    Audience. Which more dipleaseth him. Clapt in Chains. The
    rest of the French refuse to dwell with the Ambassador. The
    King useth means to reconcile them to their Ambassador. The
    Author acquaints the French Ambassador in London, with the
    Condition of these men. An Inquiry into the reason of this
    King's detaining Europeans. The Kings gentleness towards
    his White Soldiers. They watch at his Magazine. How craftily
    the King corrected their negligence. The Kings inclinations
    are towards White men. The Colour of White honoured in this
    Land. Their privilege above the Natives. The King loves to
    send for and talk with them. How they maintain Christianity
    among them. In some things they comply with the worship of
    the Heathen. An old Roman Catholick Priest used to eat of
    their Sacrifices. The King permitted the Portugueze to build
    a Church.




ERRATA.


Besides divers Mispointings, and other Literal Mistakes of smaller
moment, these are to be amended.

Page 1. Line 16. after Parts, strike out the Comma, p. 3. l. 25. for
Oudi pallet read Oudi pollat, p. 7. l. 31, after they dele that,
p. 12. l. 43. for Ponudecarse read Ponudecars, p. 13. after rowling
dele it, p. 22. l. 38. for Out-yards read Ortyards, p. 25. l. 6. for
tarrish read tartish, p. 27. l. 10. for sometimes read some,
p. 29. l. 33. for Rodgerari read Rodgerah, p. 33. l. 15, 25, 29. for
Radga in those three lines, read Raja., p. 35. l. 12. for a read
at, Ibid. l. 51. for being none read none being, p. 39. l. 1. dele
a, p. 47. l. 36. for Gurpungi read Oulpangi, Ibid. l. 43 for
Dackini read Dackim, p. 50. l. 16. for Roterauts read Roterauls,
Ibid. l. 17. after these read are, Ibid. l. 24. after them read to,
p. 51. l. 2. after them a Semicolon, Ibid. Marg. l. 3. for others
read these, Ibid. l. 18. for their read theirs, Ibid. l. 19. dele
and Ibid. l. 49. for Courti-Atchila read Courli-atchila,
p. 58. l. 30. after were read or were, p. 62. Marg. l. 1. for By read
Pay, Ibid. l. 18 after shooting add him; Ibid. Marg. l. 14. for one
read once, p. 69. l. 28. after lace dele the Comma, Ibid. l. 30. for
Kirinerahs read Kinnerahs, p. 71. l. 3. after places add and,
p. 73. 14. dele they say, Ibid. l. 42. for ward read reward,
p. 74. l. 5. dele the Semicolon after Vehar, and place it after
also, Ibid. l. 27. for hands read heads, p. 76. l. 23. for God
read Gods, Ibid. l. 36. after know a Period, p. 80. l. 3. for him
read them, p. 87. l. 27. after Hens a Semicolon, p. 88. l. 35. for
stream read steam, p. 89. l. 7. for a read the, p. 101. l. 28. for
Husband read Husbandman, p. 102. l. 23. after considerable a Comma,
p. 103. Marg. l. 4. for benefit read manner, p. 105, l. 26. for so
read To, p. 109. l. 1. read Heawoy com-coraund, To fight, as much as
to say, To act the Soldier, p. 110. l. 29. after go add their Journey,
p. 111. l. 9. for Friday read Iridah, p. 112. l. 52. after temple
add in, p. 118. l. 41. after and add his, p. 128. l. 51. dele no,
p. 132. l. 38. dele the Comma after Holstein, p. 134. l. 47. For Crock
read crook, p. 138. l. 37. for ny read any, Ibid., l. 47. after they
read had, p. 148. l. 52. for go read got, p. 151. l. 6. for here read
have, p. 154. l. 27. for favors read feavors, p. 155. l. 4. dele the
first [it] Ibid. l. 18. for he read we, p. 161. l. 43. for Diabac
read Diabat. p. 168. l. 4. after before add us, Ibid. l. 7. after
comparing add it, p. 176. l. 22. for the read great, p. 179. l. 21. for
be read beg, Ibid. l. 34. dele what they keep, And instead of Cande
uda thro-out the Book, read Conde uda.






                                       AN
                              Historical Relation
                                       OF
                                     ZEILON,
                                (Aliàs Ceylon,)
                                       AN
                           Island in the EAST-INDIES.




PART I







CHAP. I.

A general Description of the Island.


How this Island lyes with respect unto me Neighbouring Countries,
I shall not speak at all, that being to be seen in our ordinary
Sea-Cards, which describe those Parts; and but little concerning
the Maritime parts of it, now under the Jurisdiction of the Dutch:
my design being to relate such things onely that are new and unknown
unto these Europæan Nations. It is the Inland Countrey therefore I
chiefly intend to write of which is yet an hidden Land even to the
Dutch themselves that inhabit upon the Island. For I have seen among
them a fair large Map of this Place, the best I believe extant, yet
very faulty: the ordinary Maps in use among us are much more so; I have
procured a new one to be drawn, with as much truth and exactness as I
could, and his Judgment will not be deemed altogether inconsiderable,
who had for Twenty Years Travelled about the Iland, and knew almost
every step of those Parts, especially, that most want describing.

I begin with the Sea-Coasts. Of all which the Hollander is Master:
On the North end the chief places are Jafnipatan, and the Iland of
Manaur. On the East side Trenkimalay, and Batticalow. To the South
is the City of Point de Galle. On the West the City of Columbo,
so called from a Tree the Natives call Ambo, (which bears the
Mango-fruit) growing in that place; but this never bare fruit,
but onely leaves, which in their Language is Cola> and thence they
called the Tree Colambo: which the Christians in honour of Columbus
turned to Columbo. It is the chief City on the Sea-coasts where the
chief Governour hath his residence. On this side also is Negumba, and
Colpentine. All these already mentioned are strong fortified places:
There are besides many other smaller Forts and Fortifications. All
which, with considerable Territories, to wit, all round bordering
upon the Sea-coasts, belong to the Dutch Nation.

[A general division of the Inland Countrey.] I proceed to the
Inland-Country, being that that is now under the King of Cande. It
is convenient that we first understand, that this land is divided
into greater or less shares or parts. The greater divisions give
me leave to call Provinces, and the less Counties, as resembling
ours in England, tho not altogether so big. On the North parts lyes
the Province of Nourecalava, consisting of five lesser Divisions or
Counties; the Province also of Hotcourly (signifying seven Counties:)
it contains seven Counties. On the Eastward is Mautaly, containing
three Counties. There are also lying on that side Tammanquod, Bintana,
Vellas, Paunoa, these are single Counties. Ouvah also containing
three Counties. In this Province are Two and thirty of the Kings
Captains dwelling with their Soldiers. In the Midland within those
already mentioned lye Wallaponahoy (it signifies Fifty holes or
vales which describe the nature of it, being nothing but Hills and
Valleys,) Poncipot, (signifying five hundred Souldiers.) Goddaponahoy,
(signifying fifty pieces of dry Land;) Hevoihattay (signifying sixty
Souldiers,) Cote-mul, Horsepot (four hundred Souldiers.) Tunponahoy
(three fifties.) Oudanour (it signifies the Upper City,) where I
lived last and had Land. Tattanour (the Lower City) in which stands
the Royal and chief City, Cande. These two Counties I last named,
have the pre-eminence of all the rest in the Land. They are most
populous, and fruitful. The Inhabitants thereof are the chief and
principal men: insomuch that it is a usual saying among them, that
if they want a King, they may take any man, of either of these two
Counties, from the Plow, and wash the dirt off him, and he by reason
of his quality and descent is fit to be a King. And they have this
peculiar Priviledge, That none may be their Governour, but one
born in their own Country. These ly to the Westward that follow,
Oudipollat, Dolusbaug, Hotteracourly, containing four Counties;
Portaloon, Tuncourly, containing three Counties; Cuttiar. Which last,
together with Batticalaw, and a part of Tuncourly, the Hollander took
from the King during my being there. There are about ten or twelve
more un-named, next bordering on the Coasts, which are under the
Hollander. All these Provinces and Counties, excepting six, Tammanquod,
Vellas, Paunoa, Hotteracourly, Hotcourly, and Neurecalava, ly upon
Hills fruitful and dwell watered: and therefore they are called in
one word Conde Uda, which signifies, On top of the Hills, and the
King is styled, the King of Conde Uda.

[Each County divided by Woods.] All these Counties are divided each
from other by great Woods. Which none may fell, being preserved for
Fortifications. In most of them there are Watches kept constantly,
but in troublesome times in all.

[The Country Hilly, but enriched with Rivers.] The Land is full of
Hills, but exceedingly well watered, there being many pure and clear
Rivers running through them. Which falling down about their Lands
is a very great benefit for the Countrey in respect of their Rice,
their chief Sustenance. These Rivers are generally very rocky, and so
un-navigable. In them are great quantities of Fish, and the greater
for want of Skill in the People to catch them. [The great River,
Mavelagonga described.] The main River of all is called Mavelagonga;
Which proceeds out of the Mountain called Adams Peak (of which
afterwards:) it runs thro the whole Land Northward, and falls into the
Sea at Trenkimalay. It may be an Arrows flight over in bredth, but not
Navigable by reason of the many Rocks and great falls in it: Towards
the Sea it is full of Aligators, but on the Mountains none at all.

It is so deep, that unless it be mighty dry weather, a man cannot wade
over it, unless towards the head of it. They use little Canoues to pass
over it: but there are no Bridges built over it, being so broad, and
the Stream in time of Rains (which in this Countrey are very great)
runs so high, that they cannot make them, neither if they could,
would it be permitted; for the King careth not to make his Countrey
easie to travel, but desires to keep it intricate. This River runs
within a mile or less of the City of Cande. In some places of it,
full of Rocks, in others clear for three or four miles.

There is another good large River running through Catemul, and falls
into that before mentioned. There are divers others brave Rivers that
water the Countrey, tho none Navigable for the cause above said.

[Woody.] The Land is generally covered with Woods, excepting the
Kingdome of Ovuah, and the Counties of Oudipallet, and Dolusbaug,
which are naturally somewhat clear of them.

[Where most populous and healthful.] It is most populous about the
middle, least near about by the Sea; how it is with those Parts under
the Hollander, I know not. The Northern parts are somewhat sickly by
reason of bad water, the rest very healthful.

[The nature of the Valleys.] The Valleys between their Hills are many
of them quagmires, and most of them full of brave Springs of pure
water: Which watery Valleys are the best sort of Land for their Corn,
as requiring much moisture, as shall be told in its place.

[The great Hill Adams Peak, described.] On the South side of Conde
Uda is an Hill, supposed to be the highest on this Island, called
in the Chingulay Language, Hamalell; but by the Portuguez and the
Europæan Nations, Adams Peak. It is sharp like a Sugar-loaf, and on
the Top a flat Stone with the print of a foot like a mans on it, but
far bigger, being about two foot long. The people of this Land count
it meritorious to go and worship this impression; and generally about
their New Year, which is in March, they, Men, Women and Children,
go up this vast and high Mountain to worship. The manner of which I
shall write hereafter, when I come to describe their Religion. Out
of this Mountain arise many fine Rivers, which run thro the Land,
some to the Westward, some to the Southward, and the main River,
viz. Mavelagonga before mentioned, to the Northward.

[The natural Strength of this Kingdom] This Kingdom of Conde Uda is
strongly fortified by Nature. For which way soever you enter into
it, you must ascend vast and high mountains, and descend little or
nothing. The wayes are many, but are many, but very narrow, so that but
one can go abreast. The Hills are covered with Wood and great Rocks,
so that 'tis scarce possible to get up any where, but onely in the
paths, in all which there are gates made of Thorns; the one at the
bottom, the other at the top of the Hills, and two or three men always
set to watch, who are to examine all that come and go, and see what
they carry, that Letters may not be conveyed, nor Prisoners or other
Slaves run away. These Watches, in case of opposition, are to call
out to the Towns near, who are to assist them. They oftentimes have
no Arms, for they are the people of the next Towns: but their Weapons
to stop people are to charge them in the Kings Name; which disobeyed,
is so Severely punished; that none dare resist. These Watches are but
as Sentinels to give notice; for in case of War and Danger the King
sends Commanders and Souldiers to ly here. But of this enough. These
things being more proper to be related, when we come to discourse of
the Policy and Strength of the Kingdom.

[The difference of the Seasons in this Country.] The one part of
this Island differs very much from the other, both in respect of the
Seasons and the Soyl. For when the Westwardly Winds blow, then it
rains on the West side of the Island: and that is the season for them
to till their grounds. And at the same time on the East side is very
fair and dry weather, and the time of their Harvest. On the contrary,
when the East Winds blow, it is Tilling time for those that inhabit
the East Parts, and Harvest to those on the West. So that Harvest is
here in one part or other all the Year long. These Rains and this dry
weather do part themselves about the middle of the Land; as oftentimes
I have seen, being on the one side of a Mountain called Cauragas hirg,
rainy and wet weather, and as soon as I came on the other, dry, and
so exceeding hot, that I could scarcely walk on the ground, being,
as the manner there is, barefoot.

[What parts have most Rain.] It rains far more in the High-Lands of
Conde Uda, then in the Low-Lands beneath the Hills. The North End of
this Island is much subject to dry weather. I have known it for five
or six Years together so dry, (having no Rains, and there is no other
means of water but that; being but three Springs of running water,
that I know, or ever heard of) that they could not plow nor sow,
and scarcely could dig Wells deep enough to get water to drink, and
when they got it, its tast was brackish. At which time in other Parts
there wanted not Rain; Whither the Northern People were forced to come
to buy food. Let thus much suffice to have spoken of the Countreys,
Soyl and Nature of this Island in general. I will proceed to speak
of the Cities and Towns of it, together with some other Remarkable
Matters there-unto belonging.






CHAP. II.

Concerning the Chief Cities and Towns of this Island.


[The most Eminent Cities are Five.] In this Island are several Places,
where, they say, formerly stood Cities; and still retain the Name,
tho little or nothing of Building be now to be seen. But yet there
are Five Cities now standing, which are the most Eminent, and where
the King hath Palaces and Goods; yet even these, all of them, except
that wherein his Person is, are ruined and fallen to decay.

[Candy.] The First is the City of Candy, so generally called by the
Christians, probably from Conde, which in the Chingulays Language
signifies Hills, for among them it is situated, but by the Inhabitants
called Hingodagul-neure, as much as to say, the City of the Chingulay
people, and Mauneur, signifying the Chief or Royal City. This is
the Chief or Metropolitical City of the whole Island. It is placed
in the midst of the Island in Tattanour, bravely situate for all
conveniences, excellently well watered. The Kings Palace stands on
the East corner of the City, as is customary in this Land for the
Kings Palaces to stand. This City is three-square like a Triangle:
but no artificial strength about it, unless on the South side, which
is the easiest and openest way to it, they have long since cast up
a Bank of Earth cross the Valley from one Hill to the other; which
nevertheless is not so steep but that a man may easily go over it any
where. It may be some twenty foot in height. In every Way to come to
this City about two or three miles off from it are thorn-Gates and
Watches to examine all that go and come: It is environed round with
Hills. The great River coming down from Adams Peak runs within less
than a mile of it on the West side. It has oftentimes been burnt by
the Portuguez in their former Invasions of this Island, together with
the Kings Palace and the Temples. Insomuch that the King has been
fain to pay them a Tribute of three Elephants per annum. The King
left this City about Twenty Years ago, and never since has come at
it. So that it is now quite gone to decay.

[Nellemby] A second City is Nellemby-neur, lying in Oudipollat, South
of Cande, some Twelve miles distance. Unto this the King retired,
and here kept his Court, when he forsook Candy.

[Allout-neur] Thirdly, The City Allout-neur on the North East of
Cande. Here this King was born, here also he keeps great store of Corn
and Salt, &c. against time of War or Trouble. [The Country of Bintan
described.] This is Situate in the Countrey of Bintan, which Land,
I have never been at, but have taken a view of from the top of a
Mountain, it seems to be smooth Land, and not much hilly; the great
River runneth through the midst of it. It is all over covered with
mighty Woods and abundance of Deer. But much subject to dry Weather
and Sickness. In these Woods is a fort of Wild People Inhabiting,
whom we shall speak of in their place.

[Badoula.] Fourthly, Badoula Eastward from Cande some two dayes
Journey, the second City in this Land. The Portugals in time of
War burnt it down to the ground. The Palace here is quite ruined;
the Pagodas onely remain in good repair.

[The Province of Ouvah.] This City stands in the Kingdom or Province
of Ouvah, which is a Countrey well watered, the Land not smooth,
neither the Hills very high, wood very scarce, but what they plant
about their Houses. But great plenty of Cattle, their Land void of
wood being the more apt for grazing. If these Cattle be carried to
any other Parts in this Island they will commonly dye, the reason
whereof no man can tell, onely they conjecture it is occasioned by a
kind of small Tree or Shrub, that grows in all Countreys but in Ouvah,
the Touch or Scent of which may be Poyson to the Ouvah Cattel; though
it is not so to other. The Tree hath a pretty Physical smell like an
Apothecaries Shop, but no sort of Cattle will eat it. In this Cuontry
grows the best Tobacco that is on this Land. Rice is more plenty here
then most other things.

[Digligy, the place of the Kings constant Residence.] The fifth
City Digligy-neur towards the East of Cande, lying in the Country of
Hevahatt. Where the King ever since he was routed from Nellemby in
the Rebellion Anno 1664. hath held his Court. The scituation of this
place is very Rocky and Mountainous, the Lands Barren; So that hardly
a worse place could be found out in the whole Island. Yet the King
chose it, partly because it lyes about the middle of his Kingdom, but
chiefly for his safety; having the great Mountain [Gauluda.] Gauluda
behind his Palace, unto which he fled for Safety in the Rebellion,
being not only high, but on the top of it lye three Towns, and Corn
Fields, whence he may have necessary supplies: and it is so fenced
with steep Cliffs, Rocks and Woods, that a few men here will be able
to defend themselves against a great Army.

[Many Ruins of Cities.] There are besides these already mentioned,
several other ruinous places that do still retain the name of Cities,
where Kings have Reigned, tho now little Foot steps remaining of
them. At the North end of this Kings Dominions is one of these Ruinous
Cities, called [Anurodgburro.] Anurodgburro where they say Ninety
Kings have Reigned, the Spirits of whom they hold now to be Saints
in Glory, having merited it by making Pagoda's and Stone Pillars
and Images to the honour of their Gods, whereof there are many yet
remaining: which the Chingulayes count very meritorious to worship,
and the next way to Heaven. Near by is a River, by which we came when
we made our escape: all along which is abundance of hewed stones,
some long for Pillars, some broad for paving. Over this River there
have been three Stone Bridges built upon Stone Pillars, but now are
fallen down; and the Countrey all desolate without Inhabitants. At
this City of Anurodgburro is a Watch kept, beyond which are no more
people that yield obedience to the King of Candy. This place is above
Ninety miles to the Northward of the City of Candy. [The nature of
the Northern Parts.] In these Northern Parts there are no Hills,
nor but two or three Springs of running water, so that their Corn
ripeneth with the help of Rain.

[The Port of Portaloon: It affords Salt.] There is a Port in the
Countrey of Portaloon lying on the West side of this Island, whence
part of the Kings Countrey is supplyed with Salt and Fish: where they
have some small Trade with the Dutch, who have a Fort upon the Point,
to prevent Boats from coming: But the Eastern Parts being too far, and
Hilly, to drive Cattel thither for Salt, Gods Providence hath provided
them a place on the East side nearer them, which in their Language they
call [Leawava affords Salt in abundance.] Leawava. Where the Eastwardly
Winds blowing, the Sea beats in, and in Westwardly Winds (being then
fair weather there) it becomes Salt, and that in such abundance, that
they have as much as they please to fetch. [Described.] This Place of
Leawava is so contrived by the Providence of the Almighty Creator,
that neither the Portuguez nor Dutch in all the time of their Wars
could ever prevent this People from having the benefit of this Salt,
which is the principal thing that they esteem in time of Trouble or
War; and most of them do keep by them a store of Salt against such
times. It is, as I have heard, environed with Hills on the Land side,
and by Sea not convenient for Ships to ride; and very sickly, which
they do impute to the power of a great God, who dwelleth near by in a
Town they call Cotteragom, standing in the Road, to whom all that go
to fetch Salt both small and great must give an Offering. The Name
and Power of this God striketh such terror into the Chingulayes,
that those who otherwise are Enemies to this King, and have served
both Portuguez and Dutch against him, yet would never assist either
to make Invasions this way.

[Their Towns how Built.] Having said thus much concerning the Cities
and other Eminent places of this Kingdom, I will now add a little
concerning their Towns. The best are those that do belong to their
Idols, wherein stand their Dewals or Temples. They do not care to
make Streets by building their Houses together in rowes, but each
man lives by himself in his own Plantation, having an hedg it may
be and a ditch round about him to keep out Cattel. Their Towns are
always placed some distance from the High-ways, for they care not that
their Towns should be a thorough-fair for all people, but onely for
those that have business with them. They are not very big, in some
may be Forty, in some Fifty houses, and in some above an Hundred:
and in some again not above eight or ten.

[Many lye in Ruins, and forsaken; and upon what occasion.] And as I
said before of their Cities, so I must of their Towns, That there
are many of them here and there lie desolate, occasioned by their
voluntary forsaking them, which they often do, in case many of them
fall sick, and two or three die soon after one another: For this they
conclude to happen from the hand of the Devil. Whereupon they all
leave their Town and go to another, thinking thereby to avoid him:
Thus relinquishing both their Houses and Lands too. Yet afterwards,
when they think the Devil hath departed the place, some will sometimes
come back and re-assume their Lands again.






CHAP. III.

Of their Corn, with their manner of Husbandry.


[The Products and Commodities of the Countrey.] Having discoursed
hitherto of the Countrey, method will require that I proceed now
to the Products of it; Viz. their Fruits, Plants, Beasts, Birds,
and other Creatures, Minerals, Commodities, &c. whereof I must
declare once for all, That I do not pretend to write an Exact and
Perfect Treatise, my time and leisure not permitting me so to do;
but only to give a Relation of some of the chief of these things,
and as it were a tast of them, according as they that occur to my
Memory while I am writing. I shall first begin with their Corn,
as being the Staff of their Countrey.

[Corn of divers sorts.] They have divers sorts of Corn, tho all
different from ours. And here I shall first speak of their Rice,
the Choice and Flower of all their Corn, and then concerning the
other inferior kinds among them.

[Rice.] Of Rice they have several sorts, and called by several names
according to the different times of their ripening: However in tast
little disagreeing from one another. Some will require seven Months
before it come to maturity, called Mauvi; some six, Hauteal; others
will ripen in five, Honorowal; others in four, Henit; and others in
three, Aulfancol: The price of all these is one and the same. That
which is soonest ripe, is most savoury to the tast; but yieldeth
the least increase. It may be asked then, why any other sort of Rice
is sown, but that which is longest a Ripening, seeing it brings in
most Profit? In answer to this, you must know, [Grows in Water. Their
Ingenuity in watering their Corn Lands.] That all these sorts of Rice
do absolutely require Water to grow in, all the while they stand; so
that the Inhabitants take great pains in procuring and saving water
for their Grounds, and in making Conveyances of Water from their Rivers
and Ponds into their Lands, which they are very ingenious in; also in
levelling their Corn Lands, which must be as smooth as a Bowling-Green,
that the Water may cover all over. Neither are their steep and Hilly
Lands uncapable of being thus overflown with Water. For the doing of
which they use this Art. They level these Hills into narrow Allies,
some three; some eight foot wide one beneath another, according to the
steepness of the Hills, working and digging them in that fashion that
they lye smooth and flat, like so many Stairs up the Hills one above
another. The Waters at the top of the Hills falling down wards are
let into these Allies, and so successively by running out of one into
another, water all; first the higher Lands, and then the lower. The
highest Allies having such a quantity of Water as may suffice to
cover them, the rest runs over unto the next, and that having its
proportion, unto the next, and so by degrees it falls into all these
hanging parcels of Ground. These Waters last sometimes a longer, and
sometimes a shorter Season. [Why they do not alwayes sow the best kind
of Rice.] Now the Rice they sow is according as they foresee their
stock of Water will last. It will sometimes last them two or three,
or four or five Months, more or less; the Rice therefore they chuse
to cast into the Ground, is of that sort that may answer the duration
of the Water. For all their Crop would be spoilt if the Water should
fail them before their Corn grew ripe. If they foresee their Water
will hold out long, then they sow the best and most profitable Rice,
viz. that which is longest a ripening; but if it will not, they must
be content to sow of the worser sorts; that is, those that are sooner
ripe. Again, they are forced sometimes to sow this younger Rice,
for the preventing the damage it might otherwise meet with, if it
should stand longer. For their Fields are all in common, which after
they have sown, they enclose till Harvest; But as soon as the Corn
first sown becomes ripe, when the Owner has reaped it, it is lawful
for him to break down his Fences, and let in his Cattle for grazing;
which would prove a great mischief to that Corn that required to
stand a Month or two longer. Therefore if they are constrained to
sow later than the rest, either through want or sloth, or some other
Impediment, yet they make use of that kind of Rice that will become
ripe, equal with that first sown. [They sow at different times, but
reap together.] And so they all observe one time of reaping to prevent
their Corn being trampled down or eaten up by the Cattle. Thus they
time their Corn to their Harvest; some sowing sooner, some later,
but all reaping together, unless they be Fields that are enclosed by
themselves; and peculiar to one Man.

[Their Artificial Pools.] Where there are no Springs or Rivers to
furnish them with Water, as it is in the Northern Parts, where there
are but two or three Springs, they supply this defect by saving of rain
Water; which they do, by casting up great Banks in convenient places
to stop and contain the Rains that fall, and so save it till they have
occasion to let it out into their Fields: They are made rounding like
a C or Half-Moon, every Town has one of these Ponds, which if they
can but get filled with Water, they count their Corn is as good as
in the Barn. It was no small work to the ancient Inhabitants to make
all these Banks, of which there is a great number, being some two,
some three Fathoms in height, and in length some above a Mile, some
less, not all of a size. They are now grown over with great Trees,
and so seem natural Hills. When they would use the Water, they cut a
gap in one end of the Bank, and so draw the Water by little and little,
as they have occasion for the watering their Corn. These Ponds in dry
weather dry up quite. If they should dig these Ponds deep, it would
not be so convenient for them. It would indeed contain the Water well,
but would not so well nor in such Plenty empty out it self into their
Grounds. [Aligators harbor in them.] In these Ponds are Aligators,
which when the Water is dried up depart into the Woods, and down to the
Rivers; and in the time of Rains come up again into the Ponds. They are
but small, nor do use to catch People, nevertheless they stand in some
fear of them. The Corn they sow in these Parts is of that sort that
is soonest ripe, fearing lest their Waters should fail. As the Water
dries out of these Ponds, they make use of them for Fields, treading
the Mud with Buffeloes, and then [They sow Corn on the Mud.] sowing
Rice thereon, and frequently casting up Water with Scoops on it. I
have hitherto spoken of those Rices that require to grow in Water.

[A sort of Rice that grows Without Water.] There is yet another sort
of Rice, which will ripen tho' it stand not alway in Water: and this
sort of Corn serves for those places, where they cannot bring their
Waters to overflow; this will grow with the Rains that fall; but is
not esteemed equal with the others, and differs both in scent and
taste from that which groweth in the watery Fields.

[The Seasons of Seed-time and Harvest] The ordinary Season of seed
time, is in the Months of July and August, and their Harvest in
or about February; but for Land that is well watered, they regard
no Season; the Season is all the year long. When they Till their
Grounds, or Reap their Corn, they do it by whole Towns generally,
all helping each other for Attoms, as they call it; that is, that
they may help them as much, or as many days again in their Fields,
which accordingly they will do; They Plough only with a crooked piece
of Wood, something like an Elbow, which roots up the Ground, as uneven
as if it were done by Hogs, and then they overflow it with water.

[A particular description of their Husbandry.] But if any be so curious
as to know more particularly how they order and prepare their Lands,
and sow their Corn, take this account of it. But before we go to work,
it will be convenient first to describe the Tools. [Their Plough.] To
begin therefore with their Plough. I said before it was a crooked piece
of Wood, it is but little bigger than a Man's Arm, one end whereof is
to hold by, and the other to root up the Ground. In the hollow of this
Plough is a piece of Wood fastned some three or four Inches thick,
equal with the bredth of the Plough; and at the end of the Plough,
is fixt an Iron Plate to keep the Wood from wearing. There is a Beam
let in to that part of it that the Plough-man holds in his hand,
to which they make their Buffaloes fast to drag it.

[The convenience of these Ploughs.] These Ploughs are proper for
this Countrey, because they are lighter, and so may be the more
easie for turning, the Fields being short, so that they could not
turn with longer, and if heavier, they would sink and be unruly in
the mud. These Ploughs bury not the grass as ours do, and there is no
need they should. For their endeavour is only to root up the Ground,
and so they overflow it with Water, and this rots the Grass.

[Their first Ploughing.] They Plough twice before they sow. But before
they begin the first time, they let in Water upon their Land, to make
it more soft and pliable for the Plough. After it is once Ploughed,
they make up their [Their Banks, and use of them.] Banks. For if
otherwise they should let it alone till after the second Ploughing, it
would be mere Mud, and not hard enough to use for Banking. Now these
Banks are greatly necessary, not only for Paths for the People to
go upon through the Fields, who otherwise must go in the Mud, it may
be knee deep; but chiefly to keep in and contain their Water, which
by the help of these Banks they overflow their Grounds with. These
Banks they make as smooth with the backside of their Houghs, as a
Bricklayer can smooth a Wall with his Trowel. For in this they are
very neat. These Banks are usually not above a Foot over.

[Their second Ploughing.] After the Land is thus Ploughed and the
Banks finished, it is laid under water again for some time, till they
go to Ploughing the second time. Now it is exceeding muddy, so that
the trampling of the Cattel that draws the Plough, does as much good
as the Plough; for the more muddy the better. Sometimes they use no
Plough this second time, but only drive their Cattel over to make
the Ground the muddier.

[How they prepare their Seed-Corn.] Their Lands being thus ordered,
they still keep them overflowed with Water, that the Weeds and Grass
may rot. Then they take their Corn and lay it a soak in Water a whole
night, and the next day take it out, and lay it in a heap, and cover
it with green leaves, and so let it lye some five or six days to make
it grow. [And their Land after it is Ploughed.] Then they take and
wet it again, and lay it in a heap covered over with leaves as before,
and so it grows and shoots out with Blades and Roots. In the mean time
while this is thus a growing, they prepare their Ground for sowing;
which is thus: They have a Board about four foot long, which they drag
over their Land by a yoke of Buffaloes, not flat ways, but upon the
edge of it. The use of which is, that it jumbles the Earth and Weeds
together, and also levels and makes the Grounds smooth and even,
that so the Water (for the ground is all this while under water)
may stand equal in all places. And wheresoever there is any little
hummock standing out of the Water, which they may easily see by their
eye, with the help of this Board they break and lay even. And so it
stands overflown while their Seed is growing, and become fit to sow,
which usually is eight days after they lay it in soak.

When the Seed is ready to sow, they drain out all the Water, and with
little Boards of about a foot and a half long, fastned upon long Poles,
they trim the Land over again, laying it very smooth, making small
Furrows all along, that in case Rain or other Waters should come
in, it might drain away; for more Water now would endanger rotting
the Corn. [Their manner of sowing.] And then they sow their Corn,
which they do with very exact evenness, strewing it with their hands,
just as we strew Salt upon Meat.

[How they Manure and order their young Corn.] And thus it stands
without any Water, till such time as the Corn be grown some three
or four Inches above the Ground. There were certain gaps made in the
Banks to let out the water, these are now stopped to keep it in. Which
is not only to nourish the Corn, but to kill the weeds. For they keep
their Fields as clean as a Garden without a weed. Then when the Corn
is grown about a span high, the Women come and weed it, and pull it up
where it grew too thick, and transplant it where it wants. And so it
stands overflown till the Corn be ripe, when they let out the water
again to make it dry for reaping. They never use any dung, but their
manner of plowing and soaking of their Ground serves instead thereof.

[Their manner of Reaping.] At reaping they are excellent good, just
after the English manner. The whole Town, as I said before, as they
joyn together in Tilling, so in their Harvest also; For all fall in
together in reaping one man's Field, and so to the next, until every
mans Corn be down. And the Custome is, that every man, during the
reaping of his Corn, finds all the rest with Victuals. The womens work
is to gather up the Corn after the Reapers, and carry it all together.

[They tread out their Corn with Cattel.] They use not Threshing,
but tread out their Corn with Cattel, which is a far quicker and
easier way. They may tread out in a day forty or fifty Bushels at
least with the help of half a dozen Cattel.

[The Ceremonies they use when the Corn is to be trodden.] When
they are to tread their Corn they choose a convenient adjoyning
place. Here they lay out a round piece Ground some twenty or five
and twenty foot over. From which they cut away the upper Turf. Then
certain Ceremonies are used. First, they adorn this place with ashes
made into flowers and branches, and round circles. Then they take
divers strange shells, and pieces of Iron, and some sorts of Wood,
and a bunch of betel Nuts, (which are reserved for such purposes)
and lay all these in the very middle of the Pit, and a large stone
upon them. Then the women, whose proper work it is, bring each their
burthen of reaped Corn upon their heads, and go round in the Pit three
times, and then fling it down. And after this without any more ado,
bring in the rest of the Corn as fast as they can. For this Labour,
and that of weeding, the Women have a Fee due to them, which they
call Warapol, that is as much Corn, as shall cover the Stone and the
other Conjuration-Instruments at the bottom of the Pit.

They will frequently carry away their new reaped Corn into the
Pit; and tread it out presently as soon as they have cut it down,
to secure it from the Rains, which in some Parts are very great and
often; and Barns they have none big enough, But in other places not
so much given to Rains, they will sometimes set it up in a Cock,
and let it stand some months.

[How they unhusk their Rice.] They unshale their Rice from its
outward husk by beating it in a Mortar, or on the Ground more often;
but some of these sorts of Rice must first be boyled in the husk,
otherwise in beating it will break to powder. The which Rice, as it
is accounted, so I by experience have found, to be the wholsomest;
This they beat again the second time to take off a Bran from it;
and after that it becomes white. And thus much concerning Rice-Corn.

[Other sorts of Corn among them.] Besides this, tho far inferior to it,
there are divers other sorts of Corn, which serve the People for food
in the absence of Rice, which will scarcely hold out with many of them
above half the Year. [Coracan.] There is Coracan, which is a small
seed like Mustard-seed, This they grind to meal or beat in a Mortar,
and so make Cakes of it, baking it upon the Coals in a potsheard,
or dress it otherwise. If they which are not used to it, eat it, it
will gripe their Bellies; When they are minded to grind it, they have
for their Mill two round stones, which they turn with their hands
by the help of a stick: There are several sorts of this Corn. Some
will ripen in three months, and some require four. If the Ground be
good; it yields a great encrease; and grows both on the Hills and
in the Plains. [Tanna.] There is another Corn called Tanna; It is
much eaten in the Northern Parts, in Conde Uda but little sown. It
is as small as the former, but yieldeth a far greater encrease. From
one grain may spring up two, three, four or five stalks, according
as the ground is, on each stalk one ear, that contains thousands of
grains. I think it gives the greatest encrease of any one feed in the
World. Each Husbandman sowes not above a Pottle at a Seeds-time. It
growes up two foot, or two foot and an half from the ground. The way
of gathering it when ripe, is, that the Women (whose office it is}
go and crop off the ears with their hands, and bring them home in
baskets. They onely take off the ears of Coracan also, but they being
tough, are cut off with knives. This Tanna must be parched in a Pan,
and then is beaten in a Mortar to unhusk it. It will boyl like Rice,
but swell far more; the tast not bad but very dry, and accounted
wholsome; the fashion flattish, the colour yellow and very lovely to
the Eye. It ripens in four months, some sorts of it in three. There
are also divers other sorts, which grow on dry Land (as the former)
and ripen with the Rain. [Moung.] As Moung, a Corn somewhat like
Vetches, growing in a Cod. [Omb.] Omb, a small seed, boyled and eaten
as Rice. It has an operation pretty strange, which is, that when it is
new it will make them that eat it like drunk, sick and spue; and this
only when it is sown in some Grounds, for in all it will not have this
effect: and being old, none will have it. Minere, a small seed. Boumas,
we call them Garavances. Tolla, a seed used to make Oyl, with which
they anoint themselves; and sometimes they will parch it and eat it
with Jaggory, a kind of brown Sugar. And thus much of their Corn.






CHAP. IV.

Of their Fruits, and Trees


[Great variety of Fruits, and delicious.] Of Fruits here are great
plenty and variety, and far more might be if they did esteem or
nourish them. Pleasant Fruits to eat ripe they care not at all to do,
They look only after those that may fill the Belly, and satisfie their
hunger when their Corn is spent, or to make it go the further. These
onely they plant, the other Fruits of Pleasure plant themselves, the
seeds of the ripe Fruits shedding and falling on the ground naturally
spring up again. They have all Fruits that grow in India. Most sorts
of these delicious Fruits they gather before they be ripe, and boyl
them to make Carrees, to use the Portuguez word, that is somewhat to
eat with and relish their Rice. [The best Fruits, where-ever they
grow, reserved for the King.] But wheresoever there is any Fruit
better than ordinary, the Ponudecarso, or Officers of the Countrey,
will tie a string about the Tree in the Kings Name with three knots
on the end thereof, and then, no man, not the Owner himself, dares
presume under pain of some great punishment, if not death, to touch
them. And when they are ripe, they are wrapped in white cloth, and
carried to him who is Governour of that Countrey wherein they grow:
and if they be without any defect or blemish, then being wrapped up
again in white cloth, he presents them to the King. But the owner in
whose Ground they grow is paid nothing at all for them: it is well
if he be not compelled to carry them himself into the bargain unto
the King, be it never so far. These are Reasons why the People regard
not to plant more than just to keep them alive.

[Betel-Nuts.] But to specifie some of the chief of the Fruits in
request among them, I begin with their Betel-Nuts, the Trees that bear
them grow only on the South and West sides of this Island. They do not
grow wild, they are only in their Towns, and there like unto Woods,
without any inclosures to distinguish one mans Trees from anothers;
but by marks of great Trees, Hummacks or Rocks each man knows his
own. They plant them not, but the Nuts being ripe fall down in the
grass and so grow up to [The Trees.] Trees. They are very streight
and tall, few bigger than the calf of a mans Leg. [The Fruit.] The
Nuts grow in bunches at the top, and being ripe look red and very
lovely like a pleasing Fruit. When they gather them, they lay them in
heaps until the shell be somewhat rotted, and then dry them in the
Sun, and afterwards shell them with a sharp stick one and one at a
time. These trees will yield some 500, some a 1000, some 1500 Nuts,
and some but three or four hundred. They bear but once in the Year
generally, but commonly there are green Nuts enough to eat all the
Year long. [The Leaves.] The leaves of it are somewhat like those of a
Coker-Nut Tree, they are five or six foot long, and have other lesser
leaves growing out of the sides of them, like the feathers on each
side of a quill. The Chingulays call the large leaves the boughs,
and the leaves on the sides, the leaves. They fall off every Year,
and the skin upon which they grow, with them. [The Skins, and their
use.] These skins grow upon the body of the Tree, and the leaves grow
out on them. They also clap about the buds or blossoms which bear the
Nuts, and as the buds swell, so this skin-cover gives way to them, till
at length it falls quite off with the great leaf on it. It is somewhat
like unto Leather, and of great use unto the Countrey People. It serves
them instead of Basons to eat their Rice in, and when they go a Journey
to tie up their Provisions: For in these skins or leaves they can tie
up any liquid substance as Oyl or water, doubling it in the middle,
and rowling it in the two sides, almost like a purse. For bigness they
are according to the Trees, some bigger, some less, ordinarily they
are about two foot length, and a foot and an half in breadth. In this
Countrey are no Inns to go to, and therefore their manner when they
Travel is, to carry ready dressed what provisions they can, which
they make up in these leaves. The Trees within have onely a kind of
pith, and will split from one end to the other, the [The Wood.] Wood
is hard and very strong; they use it for Laths for their Houses, and
also for Rails for their Hedges, which are only stakes struck in the
ground, and rails tyed along with rattans, or other withs growing in
the Woods. [The profit the Fruit yields.] Money is not very plentiful
in this Land, but by means of these Nuts, which is a great Commodity
to carry to the Coasts of Cormandel, they furnish themselves with all
things they want. The common price of Nuts, when there was a Trade,
as there was when I came first on this Land, is 20000 for one Doller;
but now they ly and grow, or rot on the ground under the Trees. Some
of these Nuts do differ much from others in their operation, having
this effect, that they will make people drunk and giddy-headed,
and give them some stools, if they eat them green.

[Jacks.] There is another Fruit, which we call Jacks; the Inhabitants
when they are young call them Polos, before they be full ripe Cose; and
when ripe, Warracha or Vellas; But with this difference, the Warracha
is hard, but the Vellas as soft as pap, both looking alike to the eye
no difference; but they are distinct Trees. These are a great help to
the People, and a great part of their Food. They grow upon a large
Tree, the Fruit is as big as a good Peck loaf, the outside prickly
like an Hedg-hog, and of a greenish colour; there are in them Seeds
or Kernels, or Eggs as the Chingulayes call them, which lie dispersed
in the Fruit like Seeds in a Cucumber. They usually gather them before
they be full ripe, boreing an hole in them, and feeling of the Kernel,
they know if they be ripe enough for their purpose. Then being cut in
pieces they boil them, and eat to save Rice and fill their Bellies;
they eat them as we would do Turnips or Cabbage, and tast and smell
much like the latter: one may suffice six or seven men. When they
are ripe they are sweet and good to eat raw. The Kernels do very
much resemble Chesnuts both in colour and tast, and are almost as
good: the poor people will boyl them or roast them in the embers,
there being usually a good heap of them lying in a corner by the
fire side; and when they go a Journey, they will put them in a bag
for their Provisions by the way. One Jack may contain three pints
or two quarts of these seeds or kernels. When they cut these Jacks,
there comes running out a white thick substance like tar, and will
stick just like Birdlime, which the Boyes make use of to catch Birds,
which they call Cola, or bloud of the Cos. Some will mix this with
the flower of Rice, and it will eat like Eggs.

[Jombo.] Another Fruit there is which I never saw in any other Parts
of India, they call it Jombo. In tast it is like to an Apple, full
of Juice, and pleasant to the Palate, and not unwholsom to the Body,
and to the Eye no Fruit more amiable, being white, and delicately
coloured with red, as if it were painted.

[Other fruits found in the Woods.] Also in the wild Woods are
several sorts of pretty Fruits, as Murros, round in shape, and as
big as a Cherry, and sweet to the tast; Dongs, nearest like to a
black Cherry. Ambelo's like to Barberries. Carolla cabella, Cabela
pooke, and Polla's, these are like to little Plums, and very well
tasted. Paragidde, like to our Pears, and many more such like Fruits.

[Fruits common with other parts of India.] Here are also, of Indian
Fruits, Coker-nuts; Plantins also and Banana's of divers and sundry
sorts, which are distinguished by the tast as well as by the names;
rare sweet Oranges and sower ones, Limes but no Lemons, such as ours
are; Pautaurings, in tast all one with a Lemon, but much bigger
than a mans two fists, right Citrons, and a small sort of sweet
Oranges. Here are several other sorts of Lemons, and Oranges, Mangoes
of several sorts, and some very good and sweet to eat. In this sort
of Fruit the King much delights, and hath them brought to him from
all Parts of the Island. Pine-Apples also grow there, Sugar Canes,
Water-Melons, Pomegranates, Grapes both black and white, Mirablins,
Codjeu's, and several other.

There are three other Trees that must not here be omitted; Which
tho they bear no eatable Fruit, yet the Leaves of the one, and the
Juice of the other, and the Bark of the third are very renowned,
and of great benefit.

[The Tallipot; the rare Uses of the Leaf.] The first is the Tallipot;
It is as big and tall as a Ships Mast, and very streight, bearing
only Leaves: which are of great use and benefit to this People;
one single Leaf being so broad and large, that it will cover some
fifteen or twenty men, and keep them dry when it rains. The leaf being
dryed is very strong, and limber and most wonderfully made for mens
Convenience to carry along with them; for tho this leaf be thus broad
when it is open, yet it will fold close like a Ladies Fan, and then
it is no bigger than a mans arm. It is wonderful light, they cut them
into pieces, and carry them in their hands. The whole leaf spread is
round almost like a Circle, but being cut in pieces for use are near
like unto a Triangle: They lay them upon their heads as they travel
with the peaked end foremost, which is convenient to make their way
thro the Boughs and Thickets. When the Sun is vehement hot they use
them to shade themselves from the heat. Souldiers all carry them;
for besides the benefit of keeping them dry in case it rain upon
the march, these leaves make their Tents to ly under in the Night. A
marvelous Mercy which Almighty God hath bestowed upon this poor and
naked People in this Rainy Country! one of these I brought with me
into England, and you have it described in the Figure. These Leaves
all grow on the top of the Tree after the manner of a Coker. It bears
no kind of Fruit until the last year of its life, and then it comes
out on the top, and spreads abroad in great branches, all full first
of yellow blossoms, most lovely and beautiful to behold, but smell
very strong, and then it comes to a Fruit round and very hard, as big
as our largest Cherries, but good only for seed to set: and tho this
Tree bears but once, it makes amends, bearing such great abundance,
that one Tree will yield seed enough for a Countrey. If these Trees
stand near any houses, the smell of the blossoms so much annoyes them,
that they regarding not the seed, forthwith cut them down. This Tree
is within a [The pith good to eat.] Pith only, which is very good to
eat if they cut the Tree down before it runs to seed. They beat it in
Mortars to Flower, and bake Cakes of it; which tast much like to white
bread. It serves them instead of Corn before their Harvest be ripe.

[The Kettule yields a delicious juice.] The next Tree is
the Kettule. It groweth streight, but not so tall or big as a
Coker-Nut-Tree; the inside nothing but a white Pith, as the former. It
yieldeth a sort of Liquor, which they call Tellegie: it is rarely
sweet and pleasing to the Pallate, and as wholsom to the Body,
but no stronger than water. They take it down from the Tree twice,
and from some good Trees thrice, in a day. An ordinary Tree will
yield some three, some four Gallons in a day, some more and some
less. The which Liquor they boyl and make a kind of brown Sugar,
called Jaggory; but if they will use their skill, they can make it
as white as the second best Sugar: and for any use it is but little
inferior to ordinary Sugar. The manner how they take this Liquor
from the Tree is thus; When the Tree is come to maturity, first out
of the very top there cometh out a bud, which if they let it grow,
will bear a round fruit, which is the seed it yieldeth, but is only
good to set for encrease. This bud they cut and prepare, by putting to
it several sorts of things, as Salt, Pepper, Lemons, Garlick, Leaves,
&c. which keeps it at a stand, and suffers it not to ripen. So they
daily cut off a thin slice off the end, and the Liquor drops down in
a Pot, which they hang to catch it.

[The Skin bears strings as strong as wyer.] It bears a leaf like to
that of a Betel-Nut-Tree, which is fastned to a Skin as the Betel-Nut
Leaves were, onely this Skin is hard and stubborn like a piece of
Board: the Skin is all full of strings as strong as Wyer; they use
them to make Ropes withal. As long as the Tree is growing the leaves
shed; but when the Tree is come to its full growth, they remain many
years upon the Tree before they fall; and when they fall, there are
no new ones come again: The top-bud, as it ripens and withers, other
buds come out lower and lower every Year till they come to the bottom
of the Boughs, and then it hath done bearing, and so may stand seven
or ten years, and then dyeth.

[The Wood; its Nature and Use.] The Wood of this Tree is not above
three inches thick, mighty strong and hard to cut in two, but very
apt to split from top to bottom; a very heavy wood, they make pestles
of it to beat their Rice with; the colour black, but looks not like
natural wood, but as if it were composed of divers pieces. The budds
of this Tree, as also of the Coker, and Betel Nut-Tree, are excellent
in tast, resembling Walnuts or Almonds.

[The Cinnamon Tree.] I proceed to the third Tree, which is the
Cinnamon, in their Language Corunda-gauhah. It grows wild in the
Woods as other Trees, and by them no more esteemed; It is most on
the West side of the great River Mavela-gonga. It is much as plenty
as Hazel in England in some places a great deal, in some little, and
in some none at all. The Trees are not very great, but sizable. The
Cinnamon is the [The Bark.] Bark or Rind, when it is on the Tree it
looks whitish. They scrape it and pull it off and dry it in the Sun:
they take it onely from off the smaller Trees, altho the Bark of the
greater is as sweet to the smell and as strong to the tast. The [The
Wood.] Wood has no smell, in colour white, and soft like Fir. Which
for any use they cut down, favouring them no more than other wild
Trees in the Wood. The [The Leaf.] Leaf much resembleth the Laurel
both in colour and thickness; the difference is, whereas the Laurel
hath but one strait rib throughout, whereon the green spreads it self
on each sides, the Cinnamon hath three by which the Leaf stretches
forth it self. When the young leaves come out they look purely red
like scarlet: Break or bruise them, and they will smell more like
Cloves than Cinnamon. It bears a [The Fruit.] Fruit, which is ripe
in September, much like an Acorn, but smaller, it neither tasts nor
smells much like the Bark, but being boyled in water, it will yield an
Oyl swimming on the top, which when cold is as hard as tallow and as
white; and smelleth excellently well. They use it for Oyntments for
Aches and Pains, and to burn in Lamps to give light in their houses:
but they make no Candles of it, neither are any Candles used by any
but the King.

Here are many sorts of Trees that bear Berries to make Oyl of, both in
the Woods and Gardens, but not eatable, but used only for their Lamps.

There are other Trees remarkable either for their strangeness, or use,
or both. Of these I shall mention a few.

[The Orula, the Fruit good for Physick, and Dying.] The Orula, a
Tree as big as an Apple-Tree, bears a Berry somewhat like an Olive,
but sharper at each end, its Skin is of a reddish green colour, which
covereth an hard stone. They make use of it for Physic in Purges; and
also to dy black colour: Which they do after this manner; They take
the fruit and beat it to pieces in Mortars, and put it thus beaten
into water; and after it has been soaking a day or two, it changeth
the water, that it looks like Beer. Then they dip their cloth in it,
or what they mean to dy, and dry it in the Sun. And then they dip it
in black mud, and so let it ly about an hour, then take it and wash it
in water: and now it will appear of a pale black. Then being dry, they
dip it again into the aforesaid Dy, and it becomes a very good black.

[This water will brighten rusty Iron, and serve instead of
Ink.] Another use there is of this water. It is this: Let any rusty
Iron ly a whole night in it, and it will become bright; and the water
look black like Ink, insomuch that men may write with it. These Trees
grow but in some Parts of the Land, and nothing near so plentiful
as Cinnamon. The Berries the Drugsters in the City there, do sell in
their Shops.

[The Dounekaia] The Dounekaia gauhah, a shrub, bears leaves as broad
as two fingers, and six or eight foot long, on both sides of them set
full of Thorns, and a streak of Thorns runs thro the middle. These
leaves they split to weave Matts withal. The Tree bears a bud above a
span long, tapering somewhat like a Sugar-loaf. Leaves cover this bud
folding it about, like the leaves of a Cabbage. Which leaves smell
rarely sweet, and look of a lovely yellow colour like gold. This
bud blowes into divers bunches of Flowers, spreading it self open
like a Plume of Feathers, each Flower whitish, but very small. The
Roots of this shrub they use for Ropes, splitting them into Thongs,
and then making them into Ropes.

[The Capita.] The Capita gauhah, is a shrub never bigger than a
mans arm. The Wood, Rind and Leaves have all a Physical smell; and
they do sometimes make use of it for Physic. The Leaf is of a bright
green, roundish, rough, and as big as the palm of an hand. No sort
of Cattel will eat it, no, not the Goats, that will sometimes brouze
upon rank poyson. There is abundance of these Trees every where, and
they grow in all Countreys, but in Ouvah. And this is supposed to be
the cause, that the Ouvah Cattle dy, when they are brought thence
to any other Country. They attribute it to the smell of this Tree,
of such a venomous nature it is to Beasts. And therefore to destroy
their Fleas, or to keep their houses clear of them, they sweep them
with Brooms made of this shrub. 'Tis excellent good for firing, and
will burn when it is green. There are no other coals the Goldsmiths
use, but what are made of this wood.

[Rattans.] Rattans grow in great abundance upon this Island. They
run like Honey-suckles either upon the Ground, or up Trees, as it
happens, near Twenty fathom in length. There is a kind of a shell or
skin grows over the Rattan, and encloseth it round. Which serves for
a Case to cover and defend it, when tender. This Skin is so full of
prickles and thorns, that you cannot touch it. As the Rattan growes
longer and stronger, this Case growes ripe, and falls off prickles
and shell and all.

[Its Fruit.] It bears fruit in clusters just like bunches of Grapes,
and as big. Every particular Berry is covered with a husk like a
Gooseberry, which is soft, yellow and scaly, like the scales of
a Fish, hansome to look upon. This husk being cracked and broken,
within grows a Plum of a whitish colour: within the Plum a stone,
having meat about it. The people gather and boyl them to make sour
pottage to quench the thirst.

[Canes.] Canes grow just like Rattans, and bear a fruit like them. The
difference onely is, that the Canes are larger.

[The Betel Tree.] The Tree that bears the Betel-leaf, which is so much
loved and eaten in these parts, growes like Ivy, twining about Trees,
or Poles, which they stick in the ground, for it to run up by: and as
the Betel growes, the Poles grow also. The form of the Leaf is longish,
the end somewhat sharp, broadest next to the stalk, of a bright green,
very smooth, just like a Pepper leaf, onely different in the colour,
the Pepper leaf being of a dark green. It bears a fruit just like
long Pepper, but not good for seed, for it falls off and rots upon
the ground. But when they are minded to propagate it, they plant the
spriggs, which will grow.

[The Bo-gauhah, or God Tree.] I shall mention but one Tree more
as famous and highly set by as any of the rest, if not more, tho
it bear no fruit, the benefit consisting chiefly in the Holiness of
it. This Tree they call Bo-gauhah; we, the God-tree. It is very great
and spreading, the Leaves always shake like an Asp. They have a very
great veneration for these Trees, worshipping them; upon a Tradition,
That the Buddou, a great God among them, when he was upon the Earth,
did use to sit under this kind of Trees. There are many of these Trees,
which they plant all the Land over, and have more care of, than of any
other. They pave round under them like a Key, sweep often under them to
keep them clean; they light Lamps, and set up their Images under them:
and a stone Table is placed under some of them to lay their Sacrifices
on. They set them every where in Towns and High wayes, where any
convenient places are: they serve also for shade to Travellers. They
will also set them in memorial of persons deceased, to wit, there,
where their Bodies were burnt. It is held meritorious to plant them,
which, they say, he that does, shall dy within a short while after,
and go to Heaven: But the oldest men onely that are nearest death
in the course of Nature, do plant them, and none else; the younger
sort desiring to live a little longer in this World before they go
to the other.






CHAP. V.

Of their Roots, Plants, Herbs, Flowers.


[Roots for Food.] Some of these are for Food, and some for Medicine. I
begin with their Roots, which with the Jacks before mentioned,
being many, and generally bearing well, are a great help towards
the sustenance of this People. These by the Chingulays by a general
name are called Alloes, by the Portugals and us Inyames. They are of
divers and sundry sorts, some they plant, and some grow wild; those
that grow wild in the Woods are as good, onely they are more scarce
and grow deeper, and so more difficult to be plucked up. It would be
to no purpose to mention their particular names; I shall onely speak a
little in general of them. They serve both for Food, and for Carrees,
that is, sauce, or for a relish to their Rice. But they make many
a meal of them alone to lengthen out their Rice, or for want of it:
and of these there is no want to those that will take pains but to
set them, and cheap enough to those that will, buy.

[The manner of their growing.] There are two sorts of these Alloes;
some require Trees or Sticks to run up on; others require neither. Of
the former sort, some will run up to the tops of very large Trees, and
spread out very full of branches, and bear great bunches of blossoms,
but no use made of them; The Leaves dy every year, but the Roots grow
still, which some of them will do to a prodigious bigness within a
Year or two's time, becoming as big as a mans wast. The fashion of
them somewhat roundish, rugged and uneven, and in divers odd shapes,
like a log of cleft wood: they have a very good, savoury mellow tast.

Of those that do not run up on Trees, there are likewise sundry sorts;
they bear a long stalk and a broad leaf; the fashion of these Roots
are somewhat roundish, some grow out like a mans fingers, which they
call Angul-alloes, as much as to say Finger-Roots; some are of a
white colour, some of a red.

Those that grow in the Woods run deeper into the Earth, they run up
Trees also. Some bear blossoms somewhat like Hopps, and they may be
as big as a mans Arm.

[Boyling Herbs.] For Herbs to boyl and eat with Butter they have
excellent good ones, and several sorts: some of them are six months
growing to maturity, the stalk as high as a man can reach, and being
boyled almost as good as Asparagus. There are of this sort, some having
leaves and stalks as red as blood, some green: some the leaves green,
and the stalk very white.

[Fruits for sawce.] They have several other sorts of Fruits which
they dress and eat with their Rice, and tast very savoury, called
Carowela, Wattacul, Morongo, Cacorebouns, &c. the which I cannot
compare to any things that grow here in England.

[European Herbs and Plants among them.] They have of our English Herbs
and Plants, Colworts, Carrots, Radishes, Fennel, Balsam, Spearmint,
Mustard. These, excepting the two last, are not the natural product
of the Land, but they are transplanted hither: By which I perceive
all other European Plants would grow there: They have also Fern,
Indian Corn. Several sorts of Beans as good as these in England:
right Cucumhers, Calabasses, and several sorts of Pumkins, &c. The
Dutch on that Island in their Gardens have Lettice, Rosemary, Sage,
and all other Herbs and Sallettings that we have in these Countreys.

[Herbs for Medicine.] Nor are they worse supplyed with Medicinal
Herbs. The Woods are their Apothecaries Shops, where with Herbs,
Leaves, and the Rinds of Trees they make all their Physic and
Plaisters, with which sometimes they will do notable Cures. I will not
here enter into a larger discourse of the Medicinal Vertues of their
Plants, &c. of which there are hundreds: onely as a Specimen thereof,
and likewise of their Skill to use them; I will relate a Passage or
two. A Neighbour of mine a Chingulay, would undertake to cure a broken
Leg or Arm by application of some Herbs that grow in the Woods, and
that with that speed, that the broken Bone after it was set should
knit by the time one might boyl a pot of Rice and three carrees,
that is about an hour and an half or two hours; and I knew a man who
told me he was thus cured. They will cure an Imposthume in the Throat
with the Rind of a Tree called Amaranga, (whereof I my self had the
experience;) by chawing it for a day or two after it is prepared,
and swallowing the spittle. I was well in a day and a Night, tho
before I was exceedingly ill, and could not swallow my Victuals.

[Their Flowers.] Of Flowers they have great varieties, growing wild,
for they plant them not. There are Roses red and white, scented like
ours: several sorts of sweet smelling Flowers, which the young Men
and Women gather and tie in their hairs to perfume them; they tie up
their hair in a bunch behind, and enclose the Flowers therein.

[A Flower that serves instead of a Dial.] There is one Flower
deserves to be mentioned for the rarity and use of it, they call it
a Sindric-mal, there are of them some of a Murry colour, and some
white. Its Nature is, to open about four a clock in the Evening,
and so continueth open all Night until the morning, when it closeth
up it self till four a clock again. Some will transplant them out
of the Woods into their Gardens to serve them instead of a Clock,
when it is cloudy that they cannot see the Sun.

There is another white Flower like our Jasmine, well scented, they call
them Picha-mauls, which the King hath a parcel of brought to him every
morning, wrapt in a white cloth, hanging upon a staff, and carried
by people, whose peculiar office this is. All people that meet these
flowers, out of respect to the King, for whose use they are, must turn
out of the Way; and so they must for all other things that go to the
King being wrapt up in white cloth. These Officers hold Land of the
King for this service: their Office is, also to plant these Flowers,
which they usually do near the Rivers where they most delight to grow:
Nay, they have power to plant them in any mans Ground, and enclose
that ground when they have done it for the sole use of their Flowers
to grow in: which Inclosures they will keep up for several years,
until the Ground becomes so worn, that the Flowers will thrive there
no longer, and then the Owners resume their own Lands again.

Hop-Mauls, are Flowers growing upon great Trees, which bear nothing
else, they are rarely sweet scented; this is the chief Flower the
young people use; and is of greatest value among them.






CHAP. VI.

Of their Beasts, Tame and Wild, Insects.


[What Beasts the Country produceth.] Having spoken concerning the Trees
and Plants of this Island, We will now go on to speak of the Living
Creatures on it, viz. Their Beasts, Insects, Birds, Fish, Serpents,
&c. useful or noxious. And we begin first with their Beasts. They have
Cowes, Buffaloes, Hogs, Goats, Deer, Hares, Dogs, Jacols, Apes, Tygers,
Bears, Elephants, and other Wild Beasts. Lions, Wolves, Horses, Asses,
Sheep, they have none. [Deer no bigger than Hares.] Deer are in great
abundance in the Woods, and of several sorts, from the largeness of
a Cow or Buffalo, to the smalness of a Hare. For here is a Creature
in this Land no bigger, but in every part rightly resembleth a Deer,
It is called Meminna, of colour gray with white spots, and good meat.

[Other Creatures rare in their kind.] Here are also wild Buffalo's;
also a sort of Beast they call Gauvera, so much resembling a Bull,
that I think it one of that kind. His back stands up with a sharp
ridg; all his four feet white up half his Legs. I never saw but one,
which was kept among the Kings Creatures. Here was a Black Tygre
catched and brought to the King, and afterwards a Deer milk white;
both which he very much esteemed; there being no more either before
or since ever heard of in that Land.

[The way how a Wild Deer was catched.] If any desire to know how this
white Deer was caught, it was thus; This Deer was observed to come on
Evenings with the rest of the Herd to a great Pond to drink; the People
that were ordered to catch this Deer, fenced the Pond round and plain
about it with high stakes, leaving onely one wide gap. The men after
this done lay in ambush, each with his bundle of Stakes ready cut. In
the Evening the Deer came with the rest of the Herd to drink according
to their wont. As soon as they were entred within the stakes, the men
in ambush fell to their work, which was to fence in the gap left,
which, there being little less than a Thousand men, they soon did;
and so all the Herd were easily caught; and this among the rest.

[Of their Elephants.] The King hath also an Elephant spotted or
freckled all the body over, which was lately caught; and tho he hath
many and very stately Elephants, and may have as many more as he
pleases, yet he prefers this before them all. And since I am fallen
upon discourse of the Elephant, the creature that this Countrey is
famed for above any in India, I will detain my self a little longer
upon it.

[The way of catching Elephants.] I will first relate the manner of
taking them, and afterwards their Sagacity, with other things that
occur to my memory concerning them. This Beast, tho he be so big
and wise, yet he is easily catched. When the King commands to catch
Elephants, after they have found them they like, that is such as have
Teeth, for tho there be many in the Woods, yet but few have Teeth,
and they males onely: unto these they drive some She-Elephants,
which they bring with them for the purpose; which when once the
males have got a sight of, they will never leave, but follow them
wheresoever they go; and the females are so used to it, that they
will do whatsoever either by a word or a beck their Keepers bid them;
and so they delude them along thro Towns and Countreys, thro the
Streets of the City, even to the very Gates of the Kings Palace;
Where sometimes they seize upon them by snares, and sometimes by
driving them into a kind of Pound, they catch them. After they have
brought the Elephant which is not yet caught together with the She,
into the Kings presence, if it likes him not, he commands to let him
go; if it does, he appoints him some certain place near unto the City,
where they are to drive him with the Females; for without them it is
not possible to make him stay; and to keep him in that place until
the Kings further order and pleasure is to catch him, which perhaps
may not be in two or three or four Years; All which time there are
great men with Souldiers appointed to watch there about him: and if
he should chance to stray a little out of his bounds set by the King,
immediately they bring him back fearing the Kings displeasure, which
is no less than death it self. Here these Elephants do, and may do,
great dammage to the Country, by eating up their Corn, and trampling
it with their broad feet, and throwing down their Coker-Nut Trees,
and oftentimes their Houses too, and they may not resist them. It
is thought this is done by the King to punish them that ly under his
displeasure; And if you ask what becomes of these Elephants at last;
sometimes after they have thus kept watch over them two or three Years,
and destroyed the Countrey in this manner, the King will send order
to carry them into the Woods, and let them go free. For he catcheth
them not for any use or benefit he hath by them, but onely for his
recreation and pastime.

[The understanding of Elephants. Their Nature.] As he is the greatest
in body, so in understanding also. For he will do any thing that
his Keeper bids him, which is possible for a Beast not having hands
to do. And as the Chingulayes report, they bear the greatest love
to their young of all irrational Creatures; for the Shees are alike
tender of any ones young ones as of their own: where there are many
She Elephants together, the young ones go and suck of any, as well
as of their Mothers; and if a young one be in distress and should
cry out, they will all in general run to the help and aid thereof;
and if they be going over a River, as here be some somewhat broad, and
the streams run very swift, they will all with their Trunks assist and
help to convey the young ones over. They take great delight to ly and
tumble in the water, and will swim excellently well. Their Teeth they
never shed. Neither will they ever breed tame ones with tame ones;
but to ease themselves of the trouble to bring them meat, they will
ty their two fore-feet together, and put them into the Woods, where
meeting with the wild ones, they conceive and go one Year with young.

[The damage they do.] It is their constant practice to shove down
with their heads great Trees, which they love to eat, when they be
too high, and they cannot otherwise reach the boughs. Wild ones will
run much faster than a man, but tame ones not. The People stand in
fear of them, and oftentimes are kill'd by them. They do them also
great dammage in their Grounds, by Night coming into their Fields and
eating up their Corn and likewise their Coker-nut-Trees, &c. So that
in Towns near unto the Woods, where are plenty of them, the people
are forced to watch their Corn all Night, and also their Outyards and
Plantations; into which being once entred with eating and trampling
they will do much harm, before they can get them out. Who oftentimes
when by lighting of Torches, and hollowing, they will not go out,
take their Bowes and go and shoot them, but not without some hazard,
for sometimes the Elephant runs upon them and kills them. For fear
of which they will not adventure unless there be Trees, about which
they may dodg to defend themselves. And altho here be both Bears
and Tygers in these Woods, yet they are not so fierce, as commonly
to assault people; Travellers and Way-faring men go more in fear of
Elephants than of any other Beasts.

[Serve the King for Executing Malefactors.] The King makes use of
them for Executioners; they will run their Teeth through the body, and
then tear it in pieces, and throw it limb from limb. They have sharp
Iron with a socket with three edges, which they put on their Teeth at
such times; for the Elephants that are kept have all the ends of their
Teeth cut to make them grow the better, and they do grow out again.

[Their Diseases.] At some uncertain seasons the males have an infirmity
comes on them, that they will be stark mad, so that none can rule
them. Many times it so comes to pass that they with their Keepers on
their backs, run raging until they throw them down and kill them: but
commonly there is notice of it before, by an Oyl that will run out of
their cheeks, which when that appears, immediately they chain them fast
to great Trees by the Legs. For this infirmity they use no Medicine,
neither is he sick: but the females are never subject to this.

[The Sport they make.] The Keepers of the Kings Elephants sometimes
make a sport with them after this manner. They will command an Elephant
to take up water, which he does, and stands with it in his Trunk, till
they command him to squirt it out at some body, which he immediately
will do, it may be a whole paleful together, and with such a force,
that a man can hardly stand against it.

[Ants of divers sorts.] There are Ants of several sorts, and some
worthy our remark.

First of all, there are the Coumbias, a sort of small reddish Ants
like ours in England.

Secondly, the Tale-Coumbias, as small as the former but blackish. These
usually live in hollow Trees or rotten Wood, and will sting most
terribly.

Thirdly, the Dimbios, great red Ants. These make their nests upon
the Boughs of great Trees, bringing the Leaves together in clusters,
it may be as big as a mans head; in which they lay their Eggs and
breed. There will be oftentimes many nests of these upon one Tree,
insomuch that the people are afraid to go up to gather the Fruits
lest they should be stung by them.

A fourth sort of Ants are those they call Coura-atch. They are great
and black, living in the ground. Their daily practice is to bring
up dirt out of the ground, making great hollow holes in the Earth,
somewhat resembling Cony-Burrows; onely these are less, and run
strait downwards for some way, and then turn away into divers paths
under ground. In many places of the Land there are so many of these
holes, that Cattle are ready to break their Legs as they go. These
do not sting.

A fifth is the Coddia. This Ant is of an excellent bright black,
and as large as any of the former. They dwell always in the ground;
and their usual practice is, to be travelling in great multitudes,
but I do not know where they are going, nor what their business is;
but they pass and repass some forwards and some backwards in great
hast, seemingly as full of employment as People that pass along
the Streets. These Ants will bite desperately, as bad as if a man
were burnt with a coal of fire. But they are of a noble nature: for
they will not begin; and you may stand by them, if you do not tread
upon them nor disturb them. [How these Coddia's come to sting so
terribly.] The reason their bite is thus terribly painful is this;
Formerly these Ants went to ask a Wife of the Noya, a venomous and
noble kind of Snake; and because they had such an high spirit to
dare to offer to be related to such a generous creature, they had
this vertue bestowed upon them, that they should sting after this
manner. And if they had obtained a Wife of the Noya, they should have
had the priviledg to have stung full as bad as he. This is a currant
Fable among the Chingulays. Tho undoubtedly they chiefly regard the
wisedom that is concealed under this, and the rest of their Fables.

[These Ants a very mischievous sort.] There is a sixth sort called
Vaeos. These are more numerous than any of the former. All the whole
Earth doth swarm with them. They are of a middle size between the
greatest and the least, the hinder part white, and the head red. They
eat and devour all that they can come at; as besides food, Cloth,
Wood, Thatch of Houses and every thing excepting Iron and Stone. So
that the people cannot set any thing upon the ground within their
houses for them. They creep up the walls of their houses, and build
an Arch made of dirt over themselves all the way as they climb,
be it never so high. And if this Arch or Vault chance to be broken,
they all, how high soever they were, come back again to mend up the
breach, which being finished they proceed forwards again, eating every
thing they come at in their way. This Vermin does exceedingly annoy
the Chingulays, insomuch that they are continually looking upon any
thing they value, to see if any of these Vaeos have been at it. Which
they may easily perceive by this Case of dirt, which they cannot go up
any where without building as they go. And wheresoever this is seen,
no doubt the Ants are there.

[The curious Buildings of the Vaeos.] In places where there are no
houses, and they can eat nothing belonging to the people, they will
raise great Hills like Butts, some four or five or six foot high;
which are so hard and strong, that it would be work enough to dig
them down with Pick-Axes. The Chingulays call these Humbosses. Within
they are full of hollow Vaults and Arches where they dwell and breed,
and their nests are much like to Honeycombs, full of eggs and young
ones. These Humbosses are built with a pure refined Clay by the
ingenious builders. The people use this Clay to make their Earthen
Gods of, because it is so pure and fine.

[The manner of their death.] This sort of creatures as they increase
in multitudes, so they dy in multitudes also. For when they come to
maturity they have wings, and in the Evening after the going down
of the Sun, (never before) all those that are fledged and ripe, will
issue forth in such vast numbers, that they do almost darken the Sky,
flying to such an height, as they go out of sight, and so keep flying
till they fall down dead at last upon the Earth. The Birds that tarry
up late, and are not yet gone to roost, fly among them and make good
Suppers of them.

The People in this Land never feed their Poultry. But they feed upon
these Ants, which by scraping among the leaves and dirt they can never
want; and they delight in them above Rice or any thing else. Besides
all these Ants already mentioned, there are divers other distinct
sorts of them.

[Bees of several kinds.] But we will proceed to a more beneficial
Insect, the Bee. Of which there be three sorts. The first are the
Meemasses, which are the right English Bees. They build in hollow
Trees, or hollow holes in the ground, which the Vaeo's have made. Into
which holes the men blow with their mouths, and the Bees presently
fly out. And then they put in their hands, and pull out the Combs,
which they put in Pots or Vessels, and carry away. They are not afraid
of their stinging in the least, nor do they arm themselves with any
cloths against them.

[Bees that build on Trees like Birds.] The second are the Bamburo's,
larger and of a brighter colour than our English Bees. Their Honey is
thin like water comparatively. They make their Combs upon limbs of
Trees, open and visible to the Eye, generally of a great height. At
time of year whole Towns, forty or fifty in company together will go
out into the Woods, and gather this honey, and come home laden with
it for their use.

The third sort they call Connameia, signifying a blind Bee. They are
small like a Fly, and black. They build in hollow Trees; and their
honey somewhat tarrish: and they make such small quantities of it,
that the people little regard it. The Boyes will sometimes cut a hole
and take it out.

[The people eat the Bees, as well as their honey.] When they meet
with any swarms of Bees hanging on any Tree, they will hold Torches
under to make them drop; and so catch them and carry them home. Which
they boyl and eat, and esteem excellent food.

[Leaches that ly in the grass, and creep on Travellers Legs.] There is
a sort of Leaches of the nature of ours, onely differing in colour and
bigness. For they are of a dark reddish colour like the skin of Bacon,
and as big as a Goose quill, in length some two or three inches. At
first, when they are young, they are no bigger than a horse hair,
so that they can scarce be seen. In dry weather none of them appear,
but immediately upon the fall of Rains, the Grass and Woods are full
of them. These Leaches seize upon the Legs of Travellers; who going
barefoot according to the custom of that Land, have them hanging upon
their Legs in multitudes, which suck their blood till their bellies are
full, and then drop off. They come in such quantities, that the people
cannot pull them off so fast as they crawl on. The blood runs pouring
down their Legs all the way they go, and 'tis no little smart neither,
so that they would willingly be without them if they could, especially
those that have sores on their Legs; for they all gather to the sore.

[The remedies they use against them.] Some therefore will tie a piece
of Lemon and Salt in a rag and fasten it unto a stick, and ever and
anon strike it upon their Legs to make the Leaches drop off: others
will scrape them off with a reed cut flat and sharp in the fashion
of a knife. But this is so troublesom, and they come on again so fast
and so numerous, that it is not worth their while: and generally they
suffer them to bite and remain on their Legs during their Journey;
and they do the more patiently permit them, because it is so wholsome
for them. When they come to their Journeys end they rub all their
Legs with ashes, and so clear themselves of them at once: but still
the blood will remain dropping a great while after. But they are most
annoyed by them when they go out to stool a-Nights, being small and
of the colour of their bodies, so that they can neither see nor feel
to pull them off. And these, tho they be in such quantities in some
of these Countreys, yet in others there are none at all, nor ever
were known to have been. But besides these, there are Water Leaches
the same with ours.

[Apes and Monkeys of divers kind.] Monkeys. Of which there are
abundance in the Woods, and of divers sorts, some so large as our
English Spaniel Dogs, of a darkish gray colour, and black faces,
with great white beards round from ear to ear, which makes them shew
just like old men. There is another sort just of the same bigness,
but differ in colour, being milk white both in body and face, having
great beards like the others; of this sort of white ones there
is not such plenty. But both these sorts do but little mischief,
keeping in the Woods, eating onely leaves and buds of Trees, but
when they are catched, they will eat any thing. This sort they call
in their Language, Wanderows. There is yet another sort of Apes,
of which there is great abundance, who coming with such multitudes
do a great deal of mischief to the Corn, that groweth in the Woods,
so that they are fain all the day long to keep Watch to scare them
out: and so soon as they are gone to fray them away at one end of
the Field; others who wait for such an opportunity come skipping in
at the other; and before they can turn, will fill both bellies and
hands full, to carry away with them; and to stand all round to guard
their Fields is more than they can do. This sort of Monkeys have
no beards, white faces, and long hair on the top of their heads,
which parteth and hangeth down like a mans. These are so impudent
that they will come into their Gardens, and eat such Fruit as grows
there. They call these Rillowes. The flesh of all these sorts of Apes
they account good to eat. There are several sorts of Squirrels also,
which they do eat when they can catch them.

Before I make an end of my discourse of their Beasts, it may be
worthwhile to relate the ways they use to catch them. At which they
are very crafty.

[How they catch wild Beasts.] For the catching of Deer or other wild
Beasts, they have this ingenious device. In dark Moons when there
are drisling Rains, they go about this design. They have a basket
made with canes somewhat like unto a funnel, in which they put a
potsheard with fire in it, together with a certain wood, which they
have growing there, full of sap like pitch, and that will burn like a
pitch-barrel. This being kindled in the potsheard flames, and gives
an exceeding light. They carry it upon their heads with the flame
foremost; the basket hiding him that is under it, and those that come
behind it. In their hands they carry three or four small bells, which
they tingle as they go, that the noyse of their steps should not be
heard. Behind the man that carries the light, go men with Bowes and
Arrows. And so they go walking along the Plains, and by the Pond sides,
where they think the Deer will come out to feed. Which when they see
the light, stand still and stare upon it, seeing onely the light,
and hearing nothing but the tingling of the bells.

The eyes of the Deer or other Cattle first appear to them glittering
like Stars of light or Diamonds: and by their long experience they
will distinguish one Beast from another by their eyes. All Creatures,
as Deer, Hares, Elephants, Bears, &c. excepting onely wild Hogs,
will stand still, wondering at this strange sight, till the people
come as near as they do desire, and so let fly their Arrows upon
them. And by this means they seldom go, but they catch something. The
blades of their hunting-Arrowes are at least a foot or a foot and an
half long, and the length of the staff of their Arrowes is a Rian,
that is about two cubits.

Again, they will observe where a Deers haunt is to break over their
Hedges into the Corn Grounds. There they will set a sharp pole like
a Spear full against the Haunt. So that the Deer when she leaps over
thrusts her self upon the point of it.

If a Tyger chance to come into their Grounds and kill a Cow, they will
take notice of the place thro which he passed, and set a Cross-bow
there ready charged. The Tyger coming that way again touches something
that is fastned to the tricker of the Cross-bow, and so it discharges
upon him.

[How they take the Wild Boar.] The wild Hog is of all other the
hardest to be caught; and 'tis dangerous to attempt the catching of
him. For the people make valour to consist in three things, one is to
fight against the Enemy, another to hunt the Elephant, and the third
to catch Hoggs. Yet sometimes by their art they entrap them. And
that they do after this manner. They dig an hole in the Earth of
a convenient depth, and fix divers sharp stakes in the bottom of
it. Then they cover it over lightly with Earth and Leaves, and plant
thereupon roots which the Hog loves, as Potatoes or such like, which
will grow there. And the pit remains, it may be sometimes months or
half a year, till at last an Hog comes, and while he is rooting his
weight betrayes him and in he falls.

Again, sometimes they will set a falling trap of an exceeding weight,
and under it plant Roots and such like things, which the Hog delights
in. There are contrivances under the weeds and leaves, which when he
goes to eat by touching or treading upon something fastned to the trap,
it falls down upon him. These are made so artificially, that people
sometimes have been caught and destroyed by them. Once such a trap
in my remembrance fell upon three women and killed them. Who having
been stealing Cotton in a Plantation, and fearing to be catched went
to creep out at a hole, where this Trap stood.

And thus I have related some of their ways of taking wild Cattel. They
are good also at catching Birds and Vermin; In fine, they are the
cunningest people in the World for such kind of traps and gins. And
all of them they make onely by the help of their Knives with green
sticks and withs that grow in the Woods. And so much of their Beasts.






CHAP. VII.

Of their Birds, Fish, Serpents, Commodities.


[Their Birds.] In the next place I will entertain you with some
relation of the other living Creatures among them. I begin with their
Birds. In that Land there are Crowes, Sparrowes, Tom-titts, Snipes,
just like these in England, Wood-Pigeons also, but not great flocks
of any sorts, as we have, onely of Crowes and Pigeons. I have seen
there Birds just like Woodcocks and Partridges, but they are scarce. A
great many wild Peacocks: small green Parrots, but not very good to
talk. But here is another [Such as will be taught to speak.] Bird
in their Language called Mal-cowda, which with teaching will speak
excellently well. It is black with yellow gills about the bigness of
a Black-Bird: And another sort there is of the same bigness, called
Cau-cowda, yellow like gold, very beautiful to the eye, which also
might be taught to speak.

[Such as are beautiful for colour.] Here are other sorts of small
Birds, not much bigger than a Sparrow, very lovely to look on, but I
think good for nothing else: some being in colour white like Snow, and
their tayl about one foot in length, and their heads black like jet,
with a tuft like a plume of Feathers standing upright thereon. There
are others of the same sort onely differing in colour, being reddish
like a ripe Orange, and on the head a Plume of black Feathers standing
up. I suppose, one may be the Cock, and the other the Hen.

[A strange Bird.] Here is a sort of Bird they call Carlo, which never
lighteth on the ground, but always sets on very high Trees. He is
as big as a Swan, the colour black, the Legs very short, the Head
monstrous, his Bill very long, a little rounding like a Hawks, and
white on each side of the head, like ears: on the top of the crown
groweth out a white thing, somewhat like to the comb of a Cock;
commonly they keep four or five of them together; and always are
hopping from bough to bough; They are seldom silent, but continually
make a roaring noyse, somewhat like the quacking of a Duck, that
they may be heard at least a mile off; the reason they thus cry,
the Chingulayes say, is for Rain, that they may drink. The bodies of
these Fowls are good to eat.

[Water-Fowls resembling Ducks and Swans.] Here is a sort of Bird
very much resembling a Duck, but not very plentiful. And another
sort of Fowl as big as a Duck, cole black, which liveth altogether
upon Fish. It is admirable to see, how long they will remain under
water, and at what a distance they will rise again. Besides these,
there are many other kinds of Birds, much larger than Swans, which
keep about the Ponds and Marshes to catch Fish, but the people eat
them not: Nature hath endowed them with an admirable understanding,
that they are not to be catched by the Allegators, tho there be many
of them in those waters.

[Peacocks.] The Peacocks in rainy weather are sometimes hunted and
caught by Dogs; for their Feathers being wet, they are uncapable of
flying far.

[The King keeps Fowl.] The King hath Geese, Ducks, Turkeys, Pigeons,
which he keeps tame, but none else may. Turkeys he delights not in,
because they change the colour of their heads: Neither doth he kill
any of these to eat, nor any other creature of what sort soever,
and he hath many, that he keeps tame.

[Their Fish.] They have no want of Fish, and those good ones too. All
little Rivers and Streams running thro the Valleys are full of small
Fish, but the Boyes and others wanting somewhat to eat with their Rice,
do continually catch them before they come to maturity: nay all their
Ponds are full of them, which in dry weather drying up, the people
catch multitudes of them in this manner. [How they catch them in
Ponds.] They have a kind of a Basket made of small Sticks, so close
that Fish cannot get thro; it is broad at bottom, and narrow at top,
like a funnel, the hole big enough for a man to thrust his Arm in,
wide at the mouth about two or three foot; these baskets they jobb
down, and the ends stick in the mud, which often happen upon a Fish;
when they do, they feel it by the Fish beating it self against the
sides. Then they put in their hands and take them out. And rieve a
Rattan thro their gills, and so let them drag after them. One end of
this Rattan is stuck in the fisher's girdle, and the other knotted,
that the fish should not slip off: which when it is full, he discharges
himself of them by carrying them ashore. Nay every ditch and little
plash of water but anckle deep hath fish in it.

The great River, Mavela-gonga, abounds exceedingly with them. Some of
them as big as Salmons. But the people have little understanding in
the way of taking them. [How they catch Fish in the River.] In very
dry weather, they stretch a With over the River, which they hang all
full of boughs of Trees to scare the Fish. This With thus hung they
drag down with the stream, and to Leeward they place Fish-pots between
the Rocks, and so drive the Fish into them. Nets or other wayes they
have few or none.

[Fish kept and fed for the Kings Pleasure.] At a Passage-place near
to the City of Candy, the Fish formerly have been nourished and fed
by the Kings order, to keep them there for his Majesties pleasure;
whither, having used to be thus provided for, notwithstanding Floods
and strong Streams, they will still resort: and are so tame, that I
have seen them eat out of mens hands; but death it is to them that
presume to catch them. The people passing over here, will commonly
feed them with some of their Rice, accounting it a piece of charity
so to do, and pleasure to see them eat it. In many other places also
there are Fish thus fed and kept onely for the Kings Recreation:
for he will never let any be catched for his use.

[Serpents. The Pimberah of a prodigious bigness.] Of Serpents,
there are these sorts. The Pimberah, the body whereof is as big as
a mans middle, and of a length proportionable. It is not swift, but
by subtilty will catch his prey; which are Deer or other Cattel; He
lyes in the path where the Deer use to pass, and as they go, he claps
hold of them by a kind of peg that growes on his tayl, with which
he strikes them. He will swallow a Roe Buck whole, horns and all;
so that it happens sometimes the horns run thro his belly, and kill
him. A Stag was caught by one of these Pimberahs, which siesed him
by the buttock, and held him so fast, that he could not get away,
but ran a few steps this way and that way. An Indian seeing the
Stag run thus, supposed him in a snare, and having a Gun shot him;
at which he gave so strong a jerk, that it pulled the Serpents head
off while his tayl was encompassing a Tree to hold the Stag the better.

[The Polonga.] There is another venomous Snake called Polongo, the
most venomous of all, that kills Cattel. Two sorts of them I have seen,
the one green, the other of a reddish gray, full of white rings along
the sides, and about five or fix foot long.

[The Noya.] Another poysonous Snake there is called Noya, of a grayish
colour, about four foot long. This will stand with half his body
upright two or three hours together, and spread his head broad open,
where there appears like as it were a pair of spectacles painted
on it. The Indians call this Noy-Rogerati, that is, a Kings-Snake,
that will do no harm. But if the Polonga and the Noya meet together,
they cease not fighting till one hath kill'd the other.

[The Fable of the Noya and Polonga.] The reason and original of this
fatal enmity between these two Serpents, is this, according to a
Fable among the Chingulays. These two chanced to meet in a dry Season,
when water was scarce. The Polonga being almost famished for thirst,
asked the Noya, where he might go to find a little water. The Noya
a little before had met with a bowl of water in which a Child lay
playing. As it is usual among this people to wash their Children in
a bowl of water, and there leave them to tumble and play in it. Here
the Noya quenched his thirst, but as he was drinking, the Child that
lay in the bowl, out of his innocency and play, hit him on the Head
with his hand, which the Noya made no matter of but bare patiently,
knowing it was not done out of any malice: and having drunk as much
as sufficed him, went away without doing the Child any harm.

Being minded to direct the Polonga to this bowl, but desirous withal to
preserve the Child, he told him, That he knew of water, but that he was
such a surly hasty creature, that he was fearful to let him know where
it was, lest he might do some mischief; Making him therefore promise
that he would not, he then told him, that at such a place there was a
bowl of water with a Child playing in it, and that probably the Child
might, as he was tumbling give him a pat on the Head, as he had done
to him before, but charged him nevertheless not to hurt the Child,
Which the Polonga having promised went his way towards the water, as
the Noya had directed him. The Noya knowing his touchy disposition,
went after him, fearing he might do the Child a mischief, and that
thereby he himself might be deprived of the like benefit afterwards. It
fell out as he feared. For as the Polonga drank, the Child patted
him on the head, and he in his hasty humour bit him on the hand and
killed him. The Noya seeing this, was resolved to be revenged; and so
reproaching him for his baseness, fought him so long till he killed
him, and after that devoured him. Which to this day they ever do,
always fight when they meet, and the Conquerour eats the the body of
the vanquished. Hence the Proverb among the Chingulayes, when they see
two men irreconcileable, they compare them to the Polonga and Noya,
and say, Noya Polonga waghe, like a Noya and Polonga.

[The Carowala.] There is the Carowala, about two foot in length very
poysonous, that lurks in the holes and thatch of houses. The Cats
will seize these and kill and eat them.

[Gerende.] Other Snakes there are, called Gerende, whereof there
are many but not venomous. Of the former there are but a few in
comparison. These last mentioned the greatest mischief they do, is to
destroy young Birds and Eggs, and young Hares. Rabbets cannot be kept
here to run wild, because of these and other Vermin, such as Polecats,
Ferrets, Weazels, &c.

[Hickanella.] Hickanella, much like a Lizzard, venomous, but seldom
bites unless provoked, these ly in the thatch of the houses.

[A Great Spider.] There is a Spider called Democulo, very long black
and hairy, speckled and glistering. Its body is as big as a mans
fist with feet proportionable. These are very poysonous; and they
keep in hollow Trees and holes. Men bitten with them will not dy,
but the pain will for some time put them out of their Sences.

Cattle are often bit by some of these Snakes, and as often found dead
of them, tho not eaten. Treading upon them sleeping, or the like,
may be the cause of it. When the people are bitten by any of these,
they are cured by Charms and Medicines, if taken and applyed in time.

There are also a sort of Water Snakes they call Duberria; but harmless.

Alligators may be reduced hither: there be many of them. Of which we
have said somewhat before.

[Kobbera-guion, a creature like an Alligator.] There is a Creature
here called Kobbera guion, resembling an Alligator. The biggest may
be five or six foot long, speckled black and white. He lives most
upon the Land but will take the water and dive under it: hath a long
blew forked tongue like a sting, which he puts forth and hisseth and
gapeth, but doth not bite nor sting, tho the appearance of him would
scare those that knew not what he was. He is not afraid of people,
but will ly gaping and hissing at them in the way, and will scarce
stir out of it. He will come and eat Carrion with the Dogs and Jackals,
and will not be feared away by them, but if they come near to bark or
snap at him, with his tayl, which is about an Ell long like a whip,
he will so slash them, that they will run away and howl. This Creature
is not eatable.

[Tolla-guion.] But there is the Tolla guion very like the former,
which is eaten, and reckoned excellent meat. The Chingulays say it
is the best sort of flesh; and for this reason, That if you eat other
flesh at the same time you eat of this, and have occasion to vomit, you
will never vomit out this tho you vomit all the other. This creature
eats not carrion, but only leaves and herbs; is less of size than
the Kobbera guion, and blackish, lives in hollow Trees and holes in
the Humbosses: And I suppose is the same with that which in the West
Indies they call the Guiana.

[The People eat Rats.] This Countrey has its Vermin also. They have
a sort of Rats, they call Musk-Rats, because they smell strong of
Musk. These the Inhabitants do not eat of, but of all other sort of
Rats they do.

Before I conclude my discourse of the Growth and Product of this
Countrey, it will not be improper to reduce under this head its
Precious Stones, Minerals, and other Commodities. Of which I shall
briefly speak, and so make an end of this First Part.

[Precious Stones.] In this Island are several sorts of Precious Stones,
which the King for his part has enough of, and so careth not to have
more discovery made. For in certain places where they are known to
be, are sharp Poles set up fixed in the ground, signifying, that none
upon pain of being stuck and impaled upon those Poles, presume so much
as to go that way; Also there are certain Rivers, out of which it is
generally reported they do take Rubies and Saphires for the Kings use,
and Cats eyes. And I have seen several pretty coloured stones, some as
big as Cherry-stones, some as Buttons, and transparent, but understood
not what they were. Rubies and Saphires I my self have seen here.

[Minerals and other Commodities.] Here is Iron and Christal in
great plenty. Salt-Petre they can make. Brimstone some say, is
here, but the King will not have it discovered. Steel they can make
of their Iron. Ebony in great abundance, with choice of tall and
large Timber. Cardamums, Jaggory, Rack, Oyl, black Lead, Turmeric,
Salt, Rice, Bettel-Nuts, Musk, Wax, Pepper, Which last grows here
very well, and might be in great plenty, if it had a Vend. And the
peculiar Commodity of the Island, Cinnamon. Wild Cattel, and wild
Honey in great plenty in the Woods; it lyes in holes or hollow Trees,
free for any that will take the pains to get it. Elephants Teeth,
and Cotton, of which there is good plenty, growing in their own
Grounds, sufficient to make them good and strong cloth for their own
use, and also to sell to the People of the Uplands, where Cotton is
not so plenty. All these things the Land affords, and it might do
it in much greater quantity, if the People were but laborious and
industrious. But that they are not. For the Chingulays are Naturally,
a people given to sloth and laziness: if they can but any ways live,
they abhor to work; onely what their necessities force them to, they
do, that is, to get Food and Rayment. Yet in this I must a little
vindicate them; [The People discouraged from Industry by the Tyranny
they are under.] For what indeed should they do with more than Food and
Rayment, seeing as their Estates encrease, so do their Taxes also? And
altho the People be generally covetous, spending but little, scraping
together what they can, yet such is the Government they are under,
that they are afraid to be known to have any thing, lest it be taken
away from them. Neither have they any encouragement for their industry,
having no Vend by Traffic and Commerce for what they have got.




PART II.





CHAP. I.

Of the present King of Cande.


[The Government of this Island.] Hitherto I have treated of the
Countrey, with the Provisions and Wealth of it: Our next Discourses
shall be of the Political Government there exercised. And here Order
will lead us to speak first of the King and Matters relating to him.

Antiently this Countrey consisted of Nine Kingdoms, all which had
their several Kings; but now by the vicissitude of Times and Things,
they are all reduced under one King, who is an absolute Tyrant, and
Rules the most arbitrarily of any King in the World. We will first
speak of him as to his Personal Capacity, and next as to his Political.

In his Personal Capacity, are to be considered his Birth and Parentage,
his Person, his Relations, his State, his Manners, his Pleasures and
Recreations, his Religion.

[The King's Lineage.] Radga-Singa is his Name, which signifies a
Lyon-King. He is not of the right Descent of the Royal-Blood. For the
former King deceased leaving his Queen a Widow, and two young Princes,
which he had issue by her. She was a Christian, having been baptized
by the Portuguez, and named Dona Catharina. She afterwards married to
the Chief Priest, whom in their Language they call Tirinanxy. And by
him had this Son, the present King. The Tirinanx his Father reigned
and ruled the Land during the minority of the young Princes: but
being aged, he divided the Countrey between the three Princes by Lot,
intending Conde Uda, which is the best part of the Land, for his
own Son, Radga-Singa. Which was obtained by this device. The names
of the three Kingdoms being written on three Papers, were put into
a Pot, and one was appointed, who knew the matter to take them out,
and deliver them one to each, beginning with the Eldest, craftily
delivering that which had Conde Uda written in it unto Radga-Singa;
and so it came to pass according to the old Kings determination. All
these three in the beginning of their Reigns joyned together against
the Portuguez, but soon after fell out among themselves, and this
King in the end prevailed, and got all the Countrey. Danna Polla
Rodgerah the youngest, King of Mautoly, being overthrown, fled down
to the Portuguez to Columba, who sent him to Goa, where he dyed. The
other named Comaure-Singa, King of Owvah, dyed in Cande.

[His Person, Meen and Habit.] As to the Person of the present King. He
is not tall, but very well set, nor of the clearest colour of their
complexion, but somewhat of the blackest; great rowling Eyes, turning
them and looking every way, alwayes moving them: a brisk bold look,
a great swelling Belly, and very lively in his actions and behaviour,
somewhat bald, not having much hair upon his head, and that gray, a
large comely Beard, with great Whiskers; in conclusion, a very comely
man. He bears his years well, being between Seventy and Eighty years
of age; and tho an Old man, yet appears not to be like one, neither
in countenance nor action. His Apparel is very strange and wonderful,
not after his own Countrey-fashion, or any other, being made after
his own invention. On his head he wears a Cap with four corners like a
Jesuits three teer high, and a Feather standing upright before, like
that in the head of a fore-horse in a Team, a long band hanging down
his back after the Portuguez fashion, his Doublet after so strange
a shape, that I cannot well describe it, the body of one, and the
sleeves of another colour; He wears long Breeches to his Anckles,
Shoes and Stockings. He doth not always keep to one fashion, but
changes as his fancy leads him: but always when he comes abroad,
his Sword hangs by his side in a belt over his shoulder: which no
Chingulays dare wear, only white men may: a Gold Hilt, and Scabberd
most of beaten Gold. Commonly he holdeth in his hand a small Cane,
painted of divers colours, and towards the lower end set round about
with such stones, as he hath, and pleaseth, with a head of Gold.

[His Queen, and Children.] His right and lawful Queen, who was a
Malabar, brought from the Coast, is still living, but hath not been
with him, as is known, this Twenty years, remaining in the City of
Cande, where he left her; She wants indeed neither maintenance nor
attendance, but never comes out of the Palace. Several Noble-mens
Daughters hold Land for this Service, viz. to come to her Court in
their turns to wait upon her Majesty. She bare him a Prince, but what
became of him, shall hereafter be shewn. He had also a Daughter by
Her, she came also in her Youth to a piteous and unfortunate death,
as I shall relate in its place.

[His Palace, Situation and Description of it.] He keeps his Court
at Digligy nour, whither he fled in a Rebellion against him. His
Palace stands adjoyning to a great Hill, which was before mentioned;
near unto that part of the Hill next abutting upon his Court none
dares presume to set his foot: that being for his safeguard to fly
unto in time of need. The Palace is walled about with a Clay Wall,
and Thatched, to prevent the Claye's being melted by the Rains, which
are great and violent: Within this Wall it is all full of houses;
most of which are low and thatched; but some are two Stories high, and
tyled very handsomely, with open Galleries for Air, rayled about with
turned Banisters, one Ebony, and one painted, but not much Prospect,
standing between two Hills. And indeed the King lives there not so
much for pleasure as security. The Palace it self hath many large and
stately Gates two leaved; these Gates, with their Posts excellently
carved; the Iron work thereunto belonging, as Bolts and Locks, all
rarely engraven. The Windows inlayd with Silver Plates and Ebony. On
the top of the houses of his Palace and Treasury, stand Earthen Pots
at each corner; which are for ornament; or which is a newer fashion,
something made of Earth resembling Flowers and Branches. And no
Houses besides, except Temples, may have these placed upon them. The
contrivance of his Palace is, as I may say, like Woodstock Bower,
with many turnings and windings, and doors, he himself having ordered
and contrived all these Buildings, and the manner of them. At all the
Doors and Passages stand Watches: and they who thus give attendance
are not to pass without special Order from one place to another,
but are to remain in that place or at that Gate, where the King hath
appointed them. By means of these contrivances it is not easie to know
in what part or place his Person is, neither doth he care they should.

[Strong Guards about his Court.] He has strong Watches night and
day about his Court. And they are his Grandees, who themselves in
person watch in certain places, where the King himself appoints them:
and they dare not be absent from thence, without it be to go to eat,
or upon such like occasions. At Night they all have their set places
within the Court, where they cannot one come to the speech of the
other, neither dare they that are near together, or in fight one of
the other, so much as come and sit together and talk, to pass away
the Nights. All these great men have Souldiers under them, and they
are also to come by turns to watch the Court. But at Night as their
Masters and Commanders watch within the Walls, so they must watch
without, in outward Courts and Guards; neither dare any of them be
seen within with their Commanders. At the end of every Watch there
are a multitude of Trumpets and Drums to make a noise; which is to
keep his People waking, and for the honour of his Majesty. There are
also Elephants, which are appointed all night to stand and watch, lest
there should be any Tumult; which if there should, could presently
trample down a multitude.

[Next his own Person Negro's watch.] He hath also a Guard of Cofferies
or Negro's, in whom he imposeth more confidence, then in his own
People. These are to watch at his Chamber door, and next his Person.

[Spies sent out a Nights.] At uncertain times he will send out a
Spy by Night, to see what Watch is kept. Who once finding one of the
Great Men asleep, took his Cap, his Sword and other Arms, and brought
them to the King; who afterwards restored them to the Owner again,
reproving him, and bidding him take more heed for the future. These
Spyes also are to hear and see what passes: neither is there any
thing said or done but he has notice of it. Formerly he used in the
Nights to disguise himself and walk abroad in the Streets to see all
passages, but now he will not adventure so to do.

[His attendants.] Most of his Attendants are Boyes, and Young Men,
that are well favoured, and of good Parentage. For the supplying
himself with these, he gives order to his Dissava's or Governors of
the Countreys to pick and choose out Boyes, that are comely and of
good Descent, and send them to the Court. These Boyes go bare-headed
with long hair hanging down their backs. Not that he is guilty of
Sodomy nor did I ever hear the Sin so much as mentioned among them.

[Handsom women belong to his Kitchin.] He hath many Women belonging to
his Kitchin, choosing to have his Meat dressed by them. Several times
he hath sent into the Countreys a Command to gather handsome young
Women of the Chingulayes to recruit his Kitchin, with no exceptions
whether married or unmarried and those that are chosen for that
Service never return back again. Once since my being on the Land, all
the Portuguez Women that were young and white were sent for to the
Court, no matter whether Maids or Wives; where some remained until
now, and some that were not amiable in his sight were sent home;
and some having purchased his displeasure were cast into a River,
which is his manner of executing Women. And some sent Prisoners in
the Countrey, being none admitted to speech or fight of them.

[His Women, and the Priviledg of the Towns where they live.] Concubines
he keepeth not many. Some are within his Palace. And those whose Office
is about his Kitchin are reported to be so, which is not improbable,
seeing he admits none but them that are young and very handsom to the
imployment. Other of his women dwell in Towns near to the City. Into
which no Stranger is permitted to go, nay it is dangerous to approach
near. These Towns have this Priviledg, that if any Slave flee from his
Master and come hither, he is safe and free from his Masters service,
but still remains a Slave there to them.

[His State when he walks in his Palace; or goes abroad.] Sometimes he
walketh about his Palace, where there are certain Pedestalls of Stone,
whitened with Lime and laid in Oyl, so that they look purely white,
made and set up in divers places, here he stands when he comes forth,
that he might be above the rest of the People, and see about him. But
when he is minded to go abroad, though it be never so little a way,
and he seldom or never goes far, Order is given some time before,
for all Soldiers of his Guards which are a great many, it may be
Thousands, together with a Dutch and Portugal Captain with their Flags
and Soldiers, Drummers, Trumpeters, Fifers, Singers, and all belonging,
as Elephants, Horses, Falkeners with their Faulkons and many others,
to stand at the Gate in a readiness to attend his pleasure. And tho
he means not to come forth, yet they must wait in this manner, until
he give order, that they may depart to their houses. Commonly all
this assembly are gathered together at the Palace three or four times
before he comes out once. And oftentimes he comes out when none there
are aware of it, with only those that attend on his person within his
Palace. And then when it is heard, that his Majesty is come forth,
they all run ready to break their necks, and place themselves at a
distance to Guard his Person and wait his pleasure. Sometimes, but very
seldom, He comes forth riding upon an Horse or Elephant. But usually
he is brought out in a Pallenkine; which is nothing so well made as
in other parts of India. The ends of the Bambou it is carried by,
are largely tipped with Silver, and curiously wrought and engraven:
for he hath very good workmen of that profession.

The place where he goeth when he comes thus abroad, is to a
Bankqueting-house built by a Pond side, which he has made. It is
not above a Musquet shot from his Palace. Where he goeth for his
diversion. Which I shall by and by more particularly relate.

[His reception of Embassadors.] Another instance of his State
and Grandure will appear in his reception of Ambassadors. Who are
received with great honour and show. First he sends several of his
great men to meet them with great Trains of Soldiers, the ways all cut
broad, and the grass pared away for many miles: Drums and Trumpets,
and Pipes, and Flags going before them, Victuals and all sorts of
varieties are daily brought to them, and continue to be so all the
time they are in the Land, and all at free-cost. For the Custom here
is, Embassadors, stay they never so long, are maintained at the Kings
Cost and Charges. And being in the City, have their Victuals brought
them out from the Kings Palace, ready dressed. Presents, Goods or
whatsoever they please to bring with them, the King prepareth men to
carry. And when they are come to the House that is prepared for them,
which is hung top and sides with white Callico, they are kept under a
Guard, and great Commanders with Soldiers appointed to watch at their
Gates, which is accounted for a great honour. But these Guards dare
not permit any to come to the Speech of them, for the King careth
not that any should talk with Ambassadors, but himself, with whom
he taketh [His delight in them.] great delight to have conference,
and to see them brought before him in fine Apparrel, their Swords by
their sides with great State and Honour, and that the Ambassadors
may see and take notice of the greatness of his Majesty. And after
they have been there some times, he gives them both Men and handsom
young Maids for their Servants, to attend and also to accompany them:
often causing them to be brought into his presence to see his Sports
and Pastimes, and not caring to send them away; but in a very familiar
manner entertaining discourse with them.





CHAP. II.

Concerning the King's Manners, Vices, Recreation, Religion.


Under the Consideration of his Manners, will fall his Temperance,
his Ambition and Pride, his Policy and Dissimulation, his cruel and
bloody Disposition.

[Sparing in his Dyet.] He is temperate both in his Diet and his
Lust. Of the former, I am informed by those that have attended on his
Person in his Palace, that though he hath all sorts of Varieties the
Land affords brought to his Table, yet his chief fare is Herbs, and
ripe pleasant Fruits: and this but once a day. Whatsoever is brought
for him to eat or drink is covered with a white cloath, and whoever
brings it, hath a Mufler tyed about his mouth, lest he should breath
upon the Kings Food. [After what manner he Eats.] The Kings manner
of eating is thus. He sits upon a Stool before a small Table covered
with a white cloath, all alone. He eats on a green Plantane-Leaf laid
in a Gold Bason. There are twenty or thirty Dishes prepared for him,
which are brought into his Dining-Room. And which of these Dishes
the King pleases to call for, a Nobleman appointed for that service,
takes a Portion of and reaches in a Ladle to the Kings Bason. This
person also waits with a mufler about his mouth.

[Chast himself, and requires his Attendants to be so.] And as he is
abstemious in his eating, so in the use of women. If he useth them
'tis unknown and with great secrecy. He hath not had the Company of
his Queen this twenty years, to wit, since he went from Candy, where
he left her. He allowes not in his Court Whoredom or Adultery; and many
times when he hears of the misdemeanors of some of his Nobles in regard
of women, He not only Executes them, but severely punisheth the women,
if known: and he hath so many Spyes, that there is but little done,
which he knows not of. And often he gives Command to expel all the
women out of the City, not one to remain. But by little and little
when they think his wrath is appeas'd, they do creep in again. But
no women of any Quality dare presume, and if they would, they cannot,
the Watches having charge given them not to let them pass. Some have
been taken concealed under mans Apparel, and what became of them
all may judg, for they never went home again. Rebellion does not
more displease this King, then for his Nobles to have to do with
women. Therefore when any are admitted to his Court to wait upon
him, they are not permitted to enjoy the Company of their Wives,
no more then any other women. Neither hath he suffered any for near
this twenty years to have their Wives in the City, except Slaves or
inferior servants.

[He committed incest, but such as was allowable.] Indeed he was once
guilty of an Act, that seemed to argue him a man of most unbridled
Lust. For he had a Daughter that was with Child by himself: but
in Childbed both dyed. But this manner of Incest is allowable in
Kings, if it be only to beget a right Royal Issue, which can only be
gotten that way. But in all other 'tis held abominable, and severely
punished. And here they have a common and usual Proverb, None can
reproach the King nor the Beggar. The one being so high, that none
dare; the other so low that nothing can shame or reproach them.

[His Pride.] His Pride and affectation of honour is unmeasurable. Which
appears in his Peoples manner of Address to him, which he either
Commands or allows of. [How the people Address to the King.] When
they come before him they fall flat down on their Faces to the Ground
at three several times, and then they sit with their legs under them
upon their Knees all the time they are in his presence: And when he
bids them to absent, they go backwards, untill they are out of his
sight or a great distance from him. But of Christian People indeed
he requires no more then to kneel with their Hats off before him.

[They give him divine worship.] Nay, He takes on him all the Ceremonies
and Solemnities of Honour, which they shew unto their Gods; making his
account that as he is now their King, so hereafter he shall be one of
their Gods. And the People did call him God. Formerly since my being
on that Land, he used not to come out of his Palace into the sight of
the People but very seldom out of State and Haughtiness of Spirit;
but now of later times he comes forth daily. And altho he be near
fourscore years of age, yet his greatest delight is in Honour and
Majesty, being [Pleased with high Titles.] most pleased with high
and windy Titles given him. Such as Mauhawaul, a Phrase importing
Greatness, but not expressible in our Language. Hondrewné Boudouind,
Let your Majesty be a God. When the King speaks to them, they answer
him at every period, Oiboa, many Lives. Baula Gaut, the limb of a Dog,
speaking to the King of themselves: yet now of late times since here
happened a Rebellion against him, he fears to assume to himself the
Title of God; having visibly seen and almost felt, that there is a
greater power then His ruling on Earth, which set the hearts of the
People against Him: and so hath given command to prophane that great
Name no more, by ascribing it to him.

[An instance or two of the King's haughty stomach.] In Anno 1675, one
of the Kings greatest and most Valiant Generals, and that had been
notably successful against the Dutch, had done many pieces of good
service for the King, expelled the Hollander out of several Forts,
taking and killing many or them, this man the King was jealous of,
and did resolve to take away his Head as a reward of his Valour;
which he had some private Intelligence of, and so Fled, being then in
Camp against the Dutch, and got to Columba with his wife and goods. By
which the King had an invaluable Loss. [He slights the defection of one
of his best Generals.] Yet the King out of the height of his Stomach,
seemed not in the least to be vexed thereat, neither did he regard it;
as if it were beneath the quality of such a Monarch to be moved with
such a Trifle. But sent down another General in his place; And as for
the house and estate of him that Fled, and whatsoever he left behind
him, he let it lye and rot, scorning to esteem or regard it.

[He scorns to receive his Revenues.] To give you an Instance or two
more of this Princes Spirit. At the time of New-year, all his Subjects,
high and low, do bring him certain Presents, or rather Taxes, each
one a certain rate; which formerly he used constantly to take, but of
late years, He so abounds with all things, continually putting into
his Treasury, and but seldom taking out, and that but little, that he
thinks scorn to receive these his due revenues, least his people should
think it were out of necessity and want. Nevertheless the Great Men
still at the New-year, bring their Presents day after day before the
King at his coming forth, hoping it will please him to accept them,
but now of many years he receives them not. His mind is so haughty,
that he scorns to seem to value any thing in the world. When tydings
are sometimes brought him, that the Dutch have made an Invasion into
his Countrey, although he be well able to expel them, he will not so
much as regard it.

[The Dutch serve their ends upon his Pride by flattering him.] The
Dutch knowing his Proud Spirit make their advantage of it, by
Flattering him with their Ambassadors, telling him that they are his
Majesties humble Subjects and Servants; and that it is out of their
Loyalty to him, that they build Forts, and keep Watches round about
his Countrey, to prevent Forraign Nations and Enemies from coming. And
that as they are thus imployed in his Majesties service, so it is for
sustenance, which they want, that occasioned their coming up into his
Majesties Countrey. And thus by Flattering him, and ascribing to him
High and Honourable Titles, which are things he greatly delights in,
some times they prevail to have the Countrey (they have invaded,) and
he to have the Honour. Yet at other times, upon better Consideration,
he will not be Flattered, but falls upon them at unawares, and does
them great damage.

[The people give away to the King's foul cloaths.] Such a Veneration
does he expect from the People, that whatsoever things are carrying
to him which are known by the white Cloath they are wrapt up in,
all persons meeting them turn out of the way: not excepting the Kings
foul Cloaths. For when they are carried to washing (which is daily)
all even the greatest rise up, as they come by, which is known by
being carried on an hand heaved upwards, covered with a Painted cloth.

[His natural abilities, and deceitful temper.] He is crafty, cautious,
a great dissembler, nor doth he want wisdom. He is not passionate
in his anger. For with whomsoever he be angry, he will not shew it:
neither is he rash or over-hasty in any matters, but doth all things
with deliberation, tho but with a little advise: asking Counsel of no
body but himself. He accounts it Wit and Policy to lie and dissemble,
that his intents and purposes may the better be concealed; but he
abhorreth and punisheth those that lie to him.

[His wise saying concerning Runnawayes.] Dutch Runnawayes, whereof
there are several come to him, he saith are Rogues that either
have robbed or killed, or else would never run away from their own
Nation. And tho he receiveth them, yet esteemeth them not.

[Naturally cruel.] He seems to be naturally disposed to Cruelty:
For he sheds a great deal of blood, and gives no reason for it. His
Cruelty appears both in the Tortures and Painful deaths he inflicts,
and in the extent of his punishments, viz, upon whole Families for
the miscarriage of one in them. For when the King is displeased with
any, he does not alwayes command to kill them outright, but first to
torment them, which is done by cutting and pulling away their flesh
by Pincers, burning them with hot Irons clapped to them to make them
confess of their Confederates; and this they do, to rid themselves of
their Torments, confessing far more than ever they saw or knew. After
their Confession, sometimes he commands to hang their two Hands
about their Necks, and to make them eat their own flesh, and their
own Mothers to eat of their own Children; and so to lead them thro
the City in public view to terrifie all, unto the place of Execution,
the [The Dogs follow Prisoners to execution.] Dogs following to eat
them. For they are so accustomed to it, that they seeing a Prisoner
led away, follow after. At the place of Execution, there are alwayes
some sticking upon Poles, others hanging up in quarters upon Trees;
besides, what lyes killed by Elephants on the ground, or by other
ways. This place is alwayes in the greatest High-way, that all may
see and stand in awe. For which end this is his constant practice.

[The Kings Prisoners; their Misery.] Moreover, he hath a great many
Prisoners, whom he keepeth in Chains, some in the common Gaol, some
committed to the custody of Great Men; and for what or for how long
time none dare enquire. Commonly they ly thus two, four or six years;
and some have Victuals given them, and some not having it, must ask
leave to go out and beg with a Keeper. It is according as the King
appoints, when they are committed. Or some of them being driven to
want do get food by work, such as, sewing, making Caps, Doublets,
Purses. This coming once to the Kings Ears, he said, I put them there
to torment and punish them, not to work and be well maintained; and so
commanded to take away their Sizzars and Needles from them. Yet this
lasted not long, for afterwards they fell to their work again. Those
that have been long there are permitted to build little Shops on
the Street side against the Prison, and to come out in the day time,
and sell their work as they make it; but in the Night time are shut
up again.

When the Streets are to be swept about the Palace, they make the
Prisoners come out in their Chains, and do it.

And after all their Imprisonment, without any examination, they are
carried forth and executed: and these not only the common sort, but
even the greatest and most nobly descended in the Land: For with whom
he is displeased, he maketh no difference.

[He punishes whole generations for the sake of one.] Nor is his
wrath appeased by the Execution of the Malefactor, but oftentimes
he punisheth all his Generation; it may be kills them alltogether,
or gives them all away for Slaves.

[The sad condition of young Gentlemen that wait on his Person.] Thus
he often deals with those, whose Children are his Attendants. I
mentioned before, that young Men of the best Families in the Land,
are sought out to wait upon the King in his Court. These after they
have served here some small time, and have as it were but seen the
Court, and known his Customs and Manners, he requiteth them by cutting
off their Heads, and putting them into their Bellies: other faults
none do know. Heretofore, as it is reported, he was not so Cruel,
but now none escapes, that serves in his Palace. Then he recruits
his Slain out of the Countries, by giving Orders to his Dissava's
or Governors to send him others to Court. Whither they go like an Ox
to the Slaughter, but with far more heavy hearts. For both they and
their Parents full well know what end the King's honorable Service
will bring them to. Howbeit there is no remedy. Being thus by Order
sent unto the Court, their own Parents must provide for and maintain
them, until the King is pleased to call them to his Use which it may
be will not be in some years. Sometimes it happens, that the Boys
thus brought, before the King makes use of them about his Person,
are grown too big, and so escape. But those that are employed in the
Palace, enjoy this favour, That all such Taxes, Customs, or other
Duties belonging to the King, which their Fathers were wont to pay,
are released, until such time as they are discharged from the King's
Employment; which is always either by Execution, or by being given to
somebody for perpetual Bondmen. During the time of the King's favour,
he is never admitted to go home to Visit his Parents and Friends. The
Malekind may come to see him, but no Women are admitted, be it his
Mother that bare him. And after he is killed, tho' for what no man
knows, he is accounted a Rebel and Traitor against the King: and then
his Father's House, Land and Estate is seized on for the King. Which
after some time by giving of Fees and Gifts to the great ones, they do
redeem again: And sometimes the whole Family and Generation perish, as
I said before. So that after a Lad is taken into the King's Palace, his
Kindred are afraid to acknowledge Alliance to him. But these matters
may more properly be related, when we come to speak of his Tyranny.

[His Pleasure Houses.] Sometimes for his Pleasure, he will ride or
be carried to his Banquetting-House, which is about a Musquet-shot
from his Palace. It stands on a little Hill; where with abundance
of pains and many Months labour, they have made a little Plain,
in length not much above an Arrows flight, in breadth less. Where
at the head of a small Valley, he hath made a Bank cross to stop the
Water running down. It is now become a fine Pond, and exceeding full
of Fish. At this Place the King hath several Houses built according
to his own appointment very handsom, born up with carved Pillars and
Painted, and round about Rails and Banisters turned, one Painted and
one Ebony, like Balconie. Some standing high upon a Wall, being for
him to sit in, and see Sport with his Elephants, and other Beasts,
as also for a Prospect abroad. Others standing over this Pond, where
he himself sits and feedeth his Fish with boiled Rice, Fruits and
Sweet-meats. They are so tame that they will come and eat in his hand;
but never doth he suffer any to be catch'd. This Pond is useful for
his Elephants to wash in. The Plain was made for his Horses to run
upon. For often-times he commands his Grooms to get up and ride in
his Presence; and sometimes for that good Service, gives the Rider
five or ten Shillings, and it may be a piece of Cloath. Always when
he comes forth, his Horses are brought out ready saddled before him;
but he himself mounts them very seldom. All of which he had from the
Dutch, some sent to him for Presents, and some he hath taken in War. He
hath in all some twelve or fourteen: some of which are Persian Horses.

[His Pastimes abroad.] Other Pastimes and Recreations he hath (for
this is all he minds or regards.) As to make them bring wild Elephants
out of the Woods, and catch them in his Presence. The manner how
they get them unto the City, I have mentioned already. Also when he
comes out of his Court, he Delights to look upon his Hawks, altho'
he never use them for his Game; sometimes on his Dogs, and tame Deer,
and Tygers, and strange kind of Birds and Beasts; of both which he
hath a great many. Also he will try his Guns, and shoot at Marks,
which are excellently true, and rarely inlay'd with Silver, Gold,
and Ivory. For the Smiths that make them dare not present them to his
hand, not having sufficiently proved them. He hath Eight or Nine small
Iron Cannon, lately taken from the Dutch, which he hath mounted in
Field-Carriages, all rarely carved, and inlay'd with Silver and Brass,
and coloured Stones, set in convenient places, and painted with Images
and Flowers. But the Guns disgrace the Carriages. He keeps them in an
House on the Plain. Upon some Festival times he useth them. I think,
they are set there chiefly for a Memorial of his late Victories: For
he hath many, and far better Guns of Brass that are not so regarded.

[His Diversion at home.] In his Palace he passeth his time with looking
upon certain Toyes and Fancies that he hath, and upon his Arms and
Guns, calling in some or other of his great Men to see the same,
asking them if they have a Gun will shoot further than that: and how
much Steel such a Knife, as he will shew them, needs to have in it. He
takes great delight in Swimming, in which he is very expert. And the
Custom is, when he goes into the Water, that all his Attendance that
can Swim must go in likewise.

[His Religion.] And now lastly for his Religion, you cannot expect
much from him. Of the Religion of his Countrey he makes but a small
Profession; as perceiving that there is a greater God, than those
that they thro long custom, have and do Worship. And therefore when
an Impostor, a Bastard Moor by Nation born in that Land; came and
publickly set up a new nameless God, as he styled him; and that he
was sent to destroy the Temples of their Gods, the King opposed it
not for a good while, as waiting to see which of these Gods would
prevail, until he saw that he aimed to make himself King, then he
allowed of him no longer: as I shall shew more at large hereafter:
when I come to speak of the Religion of the Countrey.

[How he stands affected to the Christian Religion.] The Christian
Religion, he doth not in the least persecute, or dislike, but rather as
it seems to me, esteems and honours it. As a sign of which take this
passage. When his Sister died, for whom he had a very dear Affection,
there was a very grievous Mourning and Lamentation made for her
throughout the whole Nation; all Mirth and Feasting laid aside,
and all possible signs of sorrow exprest: and in all probability,
it was as much as their lives were worth, who should at this time do
any thing, that might look like joy. This was about Christmas. The
Dutch did notwithstanding adventure to keep their Christmas by
Feasting. The News of this was brought to the King. And every body
reckoned it would go hard with the Dutch for doing this. But because
it was done at a Festival of their Religion, the King past it by,
and took no notice of it. The Value also that he has for the Christian
Religion, will appear from the respect he gives the Professors of it;
as will be seen afterwards.






CHAP. III.

Of the Kings Tyrannical Reign.


Wee have all this while considered this King, with respect unto
his Person, Temper, and Inclinations, now we will speak of him with
more immediate respect unto his Office and Government, as he is a
King. And here we will discourse of the manner of his Government,
of his Treasure and Revenues, of his Great Officers, and lastly,
of his Strength and Wars.

[His Government Tyrannical.] As to the manner of his Government,
it is Tyrannical and Arbitrary in the highest degree: For he ruleth
Absolute, and after his own Will and Pleasure: his own Head being
his only Counsellor. The Land all at his Disposal, and all the People
from the highest to the lowest Slaves, or very like Slaves: both in
Body and Goods wholly at his Command. Neither wants He those three
Virtues of a Tyrant, Jealousie, Dissimulation, and Cruelty.

[His Policy.] But because Policy is a necessary endowment of a Prince,
I will first shew in an instance or two, that he is not devoid of it.

[He Farms out His Countrey for Service.] The Countrey being wholly
His, the King Farms out his Land, not for Money, but Service. And the
People enjoy Portions of Land from the King, and instead of Rent,
they have their several appointments, some are to serve the King
in his Wars, some in their Trades, some serve him for Labourers,
and others are as Farmers to furnish his House with the Fruits of
the Ground; and so all things are done without Cost, and every man
paid for his pains: that is, they have Lands for it; yet all have
not watered Land enough for their needs, that is, such Land as good
Rice requires to grow in; so that such are fain to sow on dry Land,
and Till other mens Fields for a subsistence. These Persons are free
from payment of Taxes; only sometimes upon extraordinary occasions,
they must give an Hen or Mat or such like, to the King's use: for as
much as they use the Wood and Water that is in his Countrey. But if
any find the Duty to be heavy, or too much for them, they may leaving
their House and Land, be free from the King's Service, as there is
a Multitude do. And in my judgment they live far more at ease, after
they have relinquished the King's Land, than when they had it.

Many Towns are in the King's hand, the Inhabitants whereof are to Till
and Manure a quantity of the Land according to their Ability, and lay
up the Corn for the King's use. These Towns the King often bestows
upon some of his Nobles for their Encouragement and Maintenance,
with all the fruits and benefits that before came to the King from
them. In each of these Towns there is a Smith to make and mend the
Tools of them to whom the King hath granted them, and a Potter to
fit them with Earthen Ware, and a Washer to wash their Cloaths, and
other men to supply what there is need of. And each one of these
hath a piece of Land for this their Service, whether it be to the
King or the Lord; but what they do for the other People they are
paid for. Thus all that have any Place or Employment under the King,
are paid without any Charge to the King.

[His Policy to Secure himself from Assassination or Rebellion.] His
great Endeavour is to Secure himself from Plots and Conspiracies of
his People, who are sorely weary of his tyrannical Government over
them, and do often Plot to make away with him; but by his subtilty
and good fortune together, he prevents them. And for this purpose he
is very Vigilant in the Night: the noise of Trumpets and Drums, which
he appoints at every Watch, hinders both himself and all others from
sleeping. In the Night also he commonly does most of his Business,
calling Embassadors before him, and reading the Letters; also
displacing some of his Courtiers, and promoting others, and giving
Sentence to execute those whom he would have to live no longer; and
many times Commands to lay hold on and carry away great and Noble men,
who until that instant knew not that they were out of his favour.

[Another point of his Policy.] His Policy is to make his Countrey as
intricate and difficult to Travel as may be, and therefore forbids
the Woods to be felled, especially those that divide Province from
Province, and permits no Bridges to be made over his Rivers: nor the
Paths to be made wider.

[Another, which is to find his People work to do.] He often employs
his People in vast works, and that will require years to finish, that
he may inure them to Slavery, and prevent them from Plotting, against
him, as haply they might do if they were at better leisure. Therefore
he approves not that his People should be idle; but always finds
one thing or other to be done, tho the work be to little or no
purpose. According to the quantity of the work, so he will appoint
the People of one County or of two to come in: and the Governor of the
said County or Counties to be Overseer of the Work. At such times the
Soldiers must lay by their Swords, and work among the People. These
works are either digging down Hills, and carrying the Earth to fill up
Valleys; thus to enlarge his Court, which standeth between two Hills,
(a more uneven and unhandsom spot of ground, he could not well have
found in all his Kingdom); or else making ways for the Water to run
into the Pond, and elsewhere for his use in his Palace. Where he hath
it running thro in many places unto little Ponds made with Lime and
Stone, and full of Fish.

[A vast work undertaken and finished by the King.] To bring this
Water to his Palace, was no small deal of labour. For not having a
more convenient way, they were forced to split a great Mountain in
twain to bring the Water thro, and after that to make a Bank cross a
Valley far above a Cables length, and in height above four Fathom,
with thickness proportionable to maintain it, for the Water to run
over the top. Which at first being only Earth, the Water would often
break down; but now both bottom and sides are paved and wrought up
with Stone. After all this, yet it was at least four or five Miles to
bring this Water in a Ditch; and the ground all Hills and Valleys, so
that they were forced to turn and wind, as the Water would run. Also
when they met with Rocks which they could not move, as this Ground
is full of them, they made great Fires with Wood upon it, until it
was soundly hot; and hereby it became so soft, that they could easily
break it with Mawls.

[The turning this water did great injury to the People.] This Water
was that which nourished that Countrey, from whence it was taken. The
People of which ever since have scarce been able to Till their
Land. Which extremity did compel the People of those Parts to use a
means to acquaint the King how the Countrey was destroyed thereby,
and disabled from performing those Duties and Services, which they
owed unto the King; and that there was Water sufficient both for His
Majestie's Service, and also to relieve their Necessities. Which the
King took very ill from them, as if they would seem to grudge him a
little Water. And sure I am, woe be to him, that should mention that
matter again.

[But he little regards his Peoples good.] So far is he from regarding
the good of his Countrey that he rather endeavours the Destruction
thereof. For issue he hath none alive, and e're long, being of a great
Age Nature tells him, he must leave it. Howbeit no love lost between
the King and his People. Yet he daily contriveth and buildeth in his
Palace like Nebuchadnezzar, wet and dry, day and night, not showing the
least sign of Favour to his People. Who oftentimes by such needless
Imployments, are Letted from the seasonable times of Ploughing and
Harvest, to their great prejudice, and sometimes utter undoing.

[The king by craft at once both pleased and punished his People.] After
the Rebellion, when the People that lived at a further distance,
saw that the King intended to settle himself near the Mountain
to which he fled, Viz. Digligy, and not to come into the old City
again, it being very troublesom and tedious to bring their Rents and
Taxes thither, they all jointly met together, being a great number,
and sent an Address to intimate their Desires to him; which was with
great Submission, That His Majesty would not leave them destitute of
his Presence, which was to them as the Sun, that he would not absent
himself from them to dwell in a Mountain in a desolate Countrey;
but seeing there was no further danger, and all the Rebels destroyed,
that he would return to his old Palace again, vowing all Fidelity to
him. The King did not like this Message, and was somewhat afraid there
being such a tumultuous Company met together, and so thought not fit to
drive them away, or publickly to declare his displeasure at them; but
went to work like a Politician. Which was to tell them that he thanked
them for their love and affection towards him; and that he was desirous
to dwell among them in such a part of their Countrey as he named: and
so bad them all go to work to build him a Palace there. The People
departed with some Satisfaction, and fell to work might and main:
and continued at it for near two years together, felling Timber, and
fetching it out of the Woods, laying Foundations, hewing Stone, till
they were almost killed with labour. And being wrought quite tyred,
they began to accuse and grumble at one another for having been the
occasion of all this toil. After they had laboured thus a long while,
and were all discouraged, and the People quiet, the King sent word to
them to leave off. And now it lies unfinished, all the Timber brought
in, rots upon the place, and the building runs to ruin.

[In what labours he employs his People.] And this is the manner how
he employs his People; pulling down and building up again, equalling
unequal grounds, making sinks under ground for the passage of water
thro' his Palace, dragging of great Trees out of the Wood to make
Pounds to catch Elephants in his Presence; altho' they could catch
them with far less labour, and making houses to keep them in, after
they are taken.

[He Poysons his only son.] He stands not upon any Villainy to establish
himself, or strike terror into his People. This made him cut off his
only Son, a young man of about Fifteen years. After the Rebellion the
Kingdom being setled in the King's hands again, and knowing that the
hearts of the People disaffecting him, stood strongly bent towards the
Prince, and fearing his own safety as the Prince grew to riper years,
to prevent all, he poisoned him. For about a year after the rebellion,
his Son was Sick, the King takes this Opportunity to dispatch him by
pretending to send Physic to him to Cure him. The People hearing of
the Death of the Prince, according to the Custom of the Land when any
of the Royal Blood is deceased, came all in general towards the City
where he was, with black or else very dirty Cloaths, which is their
Mourning, the Men ail bare-headed, the Women with their hair loose
and hanging about their Shoulders, to mourn and lament for the Death
of their young Prince. Which the King hearing of, sent this word unto
them, That since it was not his fortune to live, to sit on his Throne
after him and Reign over the Land, it would be but in vain to mourn;
and a great trouble and lett unto the Countrey: and their voluntary
good will was taken in as good part as the mourning it self, and
so dismist the Assembly; and burned the Princes dead Body without
Ceremonies or Solemnities.

[The extraordinary lamentation at the Death of his Sister.] Yet the
Death of an old Sister which he had, caused no small lamentation. It
was she that carried the Prince away in the Rebellion. Which I shall
relate by and by. Countrey after Countrey came up to mourn, giving
all signs of extraordinary sadness, both in Habit and Countenance;
the King himself was seen to weep bitterly. The White men also came,
which the King took well. Insomuch that the Hollanders supposing the
King himself to be dead, came up to take Possession of the Countrey;
but hearing the contrary and understanding their mistake returned
back again. The King and all his Countrey for more than a years time
went in mourning. And her Body was burnt with all the Honour and
State that could be. Yet notwithstanding all the love and respect
he bare unto her, he did not once Visit her in all the time of her
Sickness. And it is now for certain reported that there is not one
of his Generation left.

[His craft and cruelty shewn at once.] Once to try the hearts of
his Attendants, and to see what they would do; being in the Water a
swimming, he feigned himself to be in extremity, and near Drowning,
and cryed out for help; upon which two young Men more venturous and
forward than the rest, immediately made way and came to his help:
who taking hold of his Body brought him safe to Land. At which he
seemed to be very glad. Putting on his Cloaths he went to his Palace:
then he demanded to know who and which they were that had holpen him
out of the Water. They, supposing by his Speech it was to give them
a reward for the good Service they had so lately done him, answered,
We were they. Whereupon he Commands to call such a great Man. (For
it is they whom he appoints always to see Execution done by their
Soldiers.) To whom he gave Command, saying, Take both these, and lead
them to such a place, and cut off their Heads, who dared to presume
to lay their hands on my Person, and did not prostrate themselves
rather that I might lay my hand on them for my relief and safety. And
accordingly they were Executed.






CHAP. IV.

Of his Revenues and Treasure.


[The King's rents brought three times in the year.] Three times in the
year they usually carry their Rents unto the King. The one is at the
New-year called Ourida cotamaul. The other is for the First fruits,
Alleusal cotamaul. And the last is at a certain Sacrifice in the Month
of November to their God, called Ilmoy cotamaul. But besides these,
whatsoever is wanting in the King's House at any other time, and they
have it, they must upon the King's Order bring it. These Rents are but
little Money, but chiefly Corn, Rice, or what grows out of the Ground.

[The first is accompanied with a great Festival.] To speak a little
of first time, Viz. at the beginning of the New year, when the King's
Duties are brought him. Their New year is always either the 27th,
or the 28th, or the 29th of March: At this time upon a special and
good day (for which the Astrologers are consulted) the King washes
his head, which is a very great Solemnity among them. The Palace is
all adorned with Tor-nes, a sort of Triumphal Arches, that make a very
fine shew. They are high Poles standing in rows before all the Gates
of the Palace, either nine or seven in a row, the middlemost being
the highest, and so they fall lower and lower on each side. Thro
the middle of them there is an arched passage which serves for a
Door. On the top of the Poles are Flags flying, and all about hung
full of painted Cloth with Images, and Figures of Men, and Beasts,
and Birds, and Flowers: Fruits also are hanged up in great order and
exactness. On each side of the entrance of the Arch stand Plantane
Trees, with bunches of Plantanes on them as if they were growing.

There are also in some places single Poles of an exceeding height
standing by, with long Penons of divers colours flying, and a Bell
at the end of each, as in the Figure B. And now they say, The Palace
is adorned beyond Heaven.

All the Army is summoned in to stand and wait at the Palace, for
the greater State. In the mean time he goes to his Washing-houses,
houses built on purpose for him to wash in, called Oulpungi, here
are Baths, and Streams and Conveyances of Water, and many Servants,
whose Office it is to wait upon the business of these houses. Here he
washes his head. Which when he has done, he comes forth into Public
view, where all his Militia stand in their Arms. Then the great Guns
are fired. [How the Nobles bring their Gifts, or Duties.] Now all the
great Men, the Nobles and the Governors of the Countrey make their
appearance before him with their Dackini, their New-years Gifts,
which are due and accustomed Presents, for Persons in their Places
and Offices to give. There is a certain Rate for it. Their manner of
bringing these Gifts or rather Duties is thus, Their Servants bring
them wrapt up in white Cloth to the Court, and then they take them at
their hands, put them upon their heads, and so come in humble manner,
and lay them at the King's feet. These Presents are Gold, Jewels,
Plate, Arms, Knives, Cloth, each one by a rate according to the Place
he is in, and the Countrey he hath under him: And most of them are to
present a Sum of Money besides. And if they can procure any precious
Stone, or Rarity, or any other thing, which they think the King will
accept, that also they bring, and glad they are to be honoured with
the favour of his acceptance. These New-years Gifts for these many
years he thinks scorn to receive, and bids them carry them away again
till another time. Thus they come with them time after time presenting
them, which he as often refusing; at last they bring them no more.

[Inferior Persons present their New-years Gifts.] All sorts of
Tradesmen also, and such as by their Skill can any ways get Money,
at the New year are to pay into the Treasury each one a certain
rate. Which now adayes he accepts not, though formerly he always did.

[What Taxes and Rents the People pay.] At this and the other times the
things which the People carry as their Rents and Taxes, are Wine, Oyl,
Corn, Honey, Wax, Cloth, Iron, Elephants Teeth, Tobacco, Money. They
bring themselves, and wait at Court with them commonly divers Months,
before they be received. The great Officers tell the King, the People
have brought their Rents. The King saith, 'Tis well. But if he give
no order withal to receive the things brought (as he seldom does)
there is no remedy, but there they must wait with them. And this
he doth out of State. The Rents and Duties brought at the two other
times are after the same manner; the great Men do only bring theirs
once at the New year.

[The accidental Incomes of the Crown.] There are other Revenues the
King hath, which are accidental; but bring in great wealth; That
whensoever any man dies, that hath a stock of Cattel, immediately
out thence must be paid a Bull and a Cow with a Calf, and a Male and
Female Buffalo, which tax they call Marral. And there are Officers
appointed, whose place it is, to come and carry them away. Also at
Harvest yearly there is a certain rate of Corn to be paid by every
man according to the Land they hold and enjoy. Heretofore the King
granted, that upon Payment of a Sum of Money, they should be clear
from this yearly Tax of Corn so long, till the present Possessor
died, and the Land descended to his Son or some body else. And then
the Estate became liable again to the forementioned Duties. But now
of late there is no mention of any discharge by Money. [The Profits
that accrue to the King from Corn-Lands.] So that in time all Houses
and Families in the Kingdom will be liable to the Payment of this
Tax of Corn; which will bring in no small quantity of Provision to
the King. Only Soldiers that are slain in the Wars, their Lands are
free from the Payment of this Tax; but if they die naturally they
are not. The Farmers all in general, besides their measures of Corn,
pay a certain Duty in Money, with their Rents.

If they Sell or Alienate their Inheritances, the Kings accustomed
Duties must not be diminished, whosoever buyeth or enjoyeth
them. Neither is here any Land which doth not either pay, or do some
Duty to the King. Only one case excepted, and that is, if they give
or dedicate Land to a Priest, as an Alms or Deed of Charity in God's
Name. On that there is never any more Tax or Duty to be imposed,
as being Sacrilegious to take ought from one that belongs to the
Temple. [Custom of goods imported formerly paid.] Formerly the King
had the Benefit of the trade of two Ports Cotiar and Portalone, unto
each of which used to come yearly some twenty or thirty Sail of small
Vessel, which brought considerable Customs in. But now the Hollander
has deprived him of both, suffering no Vessels to come.

[His Treasuries.] The King hath several Treasure-houses, in several
places, in Cities and Towns, where always are Guards of Soldiers to
watch them both day and night. I cannot certainly declare all that is
contained in them. There are Precious Stones such as his Land affords,
many, but not very much, Cloth, and what he hath got by Shipwrack,
Presents, that have been sent him from other Nations, Elephants-teeth,
Wax, good store of Arms, as Guns, Bowes and Arrows, Pikes, Halberds,
Swords, Ammunition, store of Knives, Iron, Tallipat-Leaves, whereof one
will cover a large Tent, Bedsteads, Tables, Boxes, Mats of all sorts. I
will not adventure to declare further the Contents of his Treasuries,
lest I may be guilty of a mistake. But sure I am he hath plenty of all
such things, as his Land affords. For he is very Provident, and Careful
to be well furnished with all things. And what he does abound with,
he had rather it should lye and rot, then be imbezelled and wasted,
that is, distributed among his Servants, or Slaves; of which he hath
great store.

[He has many Elephants.] He hath some hundreds of Elephants, which he
keepeth tame, and could have as many more as he pleaseth; but altho
not catched, yet they are all his, and at his Command when he pleaseth.

[Great Treasure thrown into the River formerly.] It is frequently
reported and I suppose is true, that both he and his Predecessors,
by the distress they have been driven to by the Portuguezes, have
cast some store of Riches into the great River, Mavelagonga, running
by the City, in deep holes among Rocks, which is irrecoverable,
and into a made Pond by the Palace in the City of Cande, or
Hingodegul-neur. Wherein are kept to this day two Alligators, so that
none dare go into the water for fear of being devoured by them. And
often times they do destroy Cows, that go to drink there. But this
Pond by cutting the Bank might easily be drained.

[The Treasure he most valueth.] To conclude, the Land that is under
his jurisdiction, is all his, with the People, their Estates, and
whatsoever it affords, or is therein. But that which he doth chiefly
value and esteem, are Toys and Novelties, as Hawks, Horses, Dogs,
strange Birds, and Beasts, and particularly a spotted Elephant,
and good Arms, of which he hath no want.






CHAP. V.

Of the Kings great Officers, and the Governours of the Provinces.


[Two greatest Officers in the Land.] There are two, who are the
greatest and highest Officers in the Land. They are called Adigars,
I may term them Chief Judges; under whom is the Government of the
Cities, and the Countries also in the Vacancy of other Governours. All
People have liberty in default of Justice to appeal to these Adigars,
or if their causes and differences be not decided by their Governours
according to their minds.

To these there are many Officers and Sergeants belonging. All which,
to be known, carry staves in their hands like to Bandyes, the crooked
end uppermost, which none but they dare carry. The sight of which
staves upon what message soever they be sent, signifies as much as
the Adigars Hand and Seal. If the Adigar be ignorant in what belongs
to his place and office, these men do instruct him what and how to
do. The like is in all other places which the King bestows: if they
know not what belongs to their places, there are Inferiour Officers
under them, that do teach and direct them how to Act.

[The next great Officers.] Next under the Adigars, are the Dissauva's,
who are Governours over Provinces and Counties of the Land. Each
Province and County has its Governour; but all Governours are not
Dissauva's, nor other great Officers known by other names or Titles,
as Roterauts and Vidanies. But all these Generals or Chief Commanders,
who have a certain number of Soldiers under them. These great men
are to provide, that good orders be kept in the Countries over which
they are placed, and that the Kings accustomed dutie be brought in
due season to the Court. They have Power also to decide controversies
between the People of their Jurisdiction, and to punish contentious
and disorderly persons, which they do chiefly by amercing a Fine
from them, which is for their Profit for it is there own: and also by
committing them Prison. Into which when they are once fallen, no means
without mony can get them out again. But be the fact never so hainous
(Murther it self) they can put none to death. [None can put to death
but the King.] The sentence of death being pronounced only by the
King. They also are sent upon expeditions in War with their Soldiers,
and give Attendance, and watch at Court in their appointed Stations.

These Dissauva's are also to see that the Soldiers in their Countries
do come in due season and order for that purpose.

[These Dissauva's are durante bene placite.] They are appointed by
the King himself, not for life, but during his good pleasure. And when
they are dead or removed, oftentimes their places lay void, somtimes
for months, somtimes perhaps for years; during which time the Adigar
rules and governs those Countries; and for his labour receiveth all
such Incoms and Profits as are accustomed and of right do belong to
the Governour.

[Whome the King makes Dissauva's And their Profits and Honours.] The
King when he advances any to be Dissauva's, or to any other great
Office regards not their ability or sufficiency to perform the same,
only they must be persons of good rank, and gentile extraction: and
they are all naturally discreet and very solid, and so the fitter
for the Kings employment. When he first promotes them, he shews them
great testimonies of his Love and Favour, (especially to those that
are Christians, in whose service he imposeth greater confidence than
in his own people, concluding that they will make more conscience
of their ways, and be more faithful in their Office) and gives them
a Sword, the hilt all carved and inlaid with Silver and Brass very
handsomly, the Scabberd also covered with Silver, a Knife and Halberd;
and lastly, a Town or Towns for their maintenance. The benefit of
which is, that all the Profits which before the King received from
those Towns, now accrues unto the Kings Officer. These Towns are
composed of all sorts of Trades and People that are necessary for his
service to whom the King hath given them a Potter, a Smith, a Washer,
And there is a piece of Land according to the ability of the Town,
which the Townsmen are to Till and manure, and to lay up the Corn for
his use. Which matters I mentioned before in the third Chapter. And
besides the Customs or Taxes that all other free Towns pay to the
King, there is a due, but smaller, to be paid to the Governour out
of them. But these are not all his advantages.

[Other Benefits belonging to other Officers.] When there is a new
Governour made over any Countrey, it is the Custom that that whole
Countrey comes up to appear before him at the Court, for there his
Residence is. Neither may they come empty handed, but each one must
bring his Gift or Present with him. These also are expected at other
times to be brought unto him by the people, tho they have no business
with him, no suits or causes to be decided: even private Soldiers
at their first coming tho to their due watch, must personally appear
before their Commander, and if he have nothing else, he must Present
him with forty leaves of green Betle, which he with his own hand
receiveth, and they with both their and delivers into his, which is
taken for an honour he vouchsafes them.

[They must always reside at Court.] These Governours, nor any other
admitted to Court into the Kings service, are never after to return
home, altho they are not employed at present, and might be spared,
neither are they permitted to enjoy their wives: and they are day and
night to stand guard in certain stations, where the King appoints them.

[The Officers under them.] Things thus standing with them, they
cannot go in Person to visit and oversee their several Charges
themselves. They have therefore several Officers under them to
do it. The chief of whom is the [Courlividani.] Courlividani. This
person beside his entertainment in the Countrey unto which he is sent
to Govern under the Dissauva, hath a due revenue, but smaller then
that of the Governour. His chief business is to wrack and hale all
that may be for his Master, and to see good Government, and if there
be any difference or quarrel between one or other, he takes a Fine
from both, and carrieth to the Governour, not regarding equity but
the profit of himself and him that imploys him. But he hears their
case and determines it. And if they like not his sentence, they may
remove their business unto the Governour himself, whose desire is not
so much to find out the right of the cause, as that that may be most
for his own interest and profit. And these carriages cannot reconcile
them much love among the people; but the more they are hated by the
people for their rigorous government, the better they please the
King. For he cares not that the Countrey should affect the Great men.

The Dissauva's by these Courlividani their Officers do oppress and
squeez the people, by laying Mulcts upon them for some Crimes or
Misdemeanors, that they will find and lay to their Charge. In Fine
this Officer is the Dissauva's chief Substitute, who orders and
manages all affairs incumbent upon his Master.

[Congconna, Courti-atchila.] Next to him is Congconna, An Overseer. Who
is to oversee all things under the Courlividani. But besides him,
there is a Courti-A-chila like our Cunstable, who is to put that in
execution that the Governour orders, to dispatch any thing away that
the Land affords for the Kings use, and to send persons to Court,
that are summoned. And in the discharge of this his Office, he may
call in the assistance of any man.

[The Liannah.] The next Officer under the Governor is the Liannah, The
Writer. Who reads Letters brought, and takes accounts of all Business,
and of what is sent away to the Court: He is also to keep Registers,
and to write Letters, and to take notice of things happening.

[The Undia.] Next to him is the Undia. A word that signifieth a
lump. He is a Person that gathers the King's Money: and is so styled
because he gathereth the King's Monies together into a lump.

[The Monnannah.] After him is the Monnannah, The Measurer. His Place
is to go and measure the Corn that grows upon the King's Land. Or
what other Corn belongeth to him.

The Power of these Officers extends not all a whole County or Province
over, but to a convenient part or division of it. To wit, so much
as they may well manage themselves. And there are several sets of
the like Officers appointed over other Portions of the Countrey. As
with us there are divers Hundreds or Divisions in a County. To each
of which are distinct Officers belonging.

[Some Towns exempt from the Dissauva's Officers.] These Officers
can exercise their Authority, throughout the whole Division over
which they are constituted, excepting some certain Towns, that are of
exempt jurisdiction. And they are of two sorts. First, such Towns as
belong to the Idol-Temples, and the Priests, having been given and
bestowed on them long ago by former Kings. And secondly, The Towns,
which the King allots to his Noblemen and Servants. Over these Towns,
thus given away, neither the forementioned Officers, nor the chief
Magistrate himself hath any Power. But those to whom they are given
and do belong to, do put in their own Officers, who serve to the same
purposes as the abovesaid do.

[Other Officers yet.] But these are not all the Officers; there are
others, whose place it is, upon the Death of any Head of a Family to
fetch away the King's Marrals, Harriots as I may call them; Viz. a
Bull and a Cow, a Male and Female Buffalo, out of his Stock. Which is
accustomably due to the King, as I have mentioned before. And others,
who in Harvest time carry away certain measures of Corn out of every
Man's Crop according to the rate of their Land.

[These Places obtained by Bribes.] These Inferior Officers commonly
get their Places by Bribery; Their Children do pretend a right to
them after their Father's Death, and will be preferred before others,
greazing the Magistrate.

[But remain only during pleasure.] None of these have their Places for
life; and no longer than the Governor pleaseth. And he pretty often
removes them or threatens to do so upon pretence of some neglects,
to get Money from them. And the People have this privilege, that upon
Complaint made of any of these Officers, and request that they may be
changed and others made, They must be displaced, and others put in;
but not at their Choice, but at the Choice of the Chief Magistrate,
or Owner of the Town.

[Countrey-Courts.] For the hearing Complaints and doing Justice among
Neighbours, here are Countrey-Courts of Judicature, consisting of
these Officers, together with the Head-Men of the Places and Towns,
where the Courts are kept: and these are called Gom sabbi, as much as
to say, Town-Consultations. But if any do not like, and is loath to
stand by what they have determined, and think themselves wronged,
they may [They may appeal.] appeal to their Head-Governor, that
dwells at Court; but it is chargeable, for he must have a Fee. They
may appeal also from him to the Adigars, or the Chief Justices of the
Kingdom. But whoso gives the greatest Bribe, he shall overcome. For
it is a common saying in this Land, That he that has Money to see the
Judge, needs not fear nor care, whether his cause be right or not. The
greatest Punishment that these Judges can inflict upon the greatest
Malefactors, is but Imprisonment. From which Money will release them.

[Appeals to the King.] Some have adventured to Appeal to the King
sometimes; falling down on the ground before him at his coming
forth, which is the manner of their obeisance to him, to complain of
Injustice. Sometimes he will give order to the great ones to do them
right, and sometimes bid them wait, until he is pleased to hear the
Cause, which is not suddenly: for he is very slow in all his Business:
neither dare they then depart from the Court, having been bidden to
stay. Where they stay till they are weary, being at Expence, so that
the Remedy is worse than the Disease. And sometimes again when they
thus fall before him, he commands to beat them and put them in Chains
for troubling of him; and perhaps in that Condition they may lay for
some years.

[How these great Officers Travel upon publick Business.] The King's
great Officers when they go abroad into the Countries about the
King's Business, they go attended with a number of Soldiers armed
both before and behind them; their Sword if not by their side, a Boy
carrieth after them, neither do they carry their Swords for their
safety or security. For in travelling here is little or no danger
at all. But it is out of State, and to shew their greatness. The
Custom is that all their journey Victuals be prepared for them ready
dressed; and if their Business requires hast, then it is brought on a
Pole on a Man's shoulder, the Pots that hold it hanging on each end,
so that nothing can be spilt out into the road; and this is got ready
against the great Man's coming. So that they are at no charge for Diet:
It is brought in at the charge of the Countrey. But however this is
not for all his Soldiers that attend him (they must bring their own
Provisions with them) but only for himself, and some of his Captains.

[Their Titles and Signs of State.] The greatest Title that is
allowed in the City to be given to the greatest Man is Oussary, which
signifieth Worshipful. But when they are abroad from the King, men call
them Sihattu and Dishondrew, implying, Honour and Excellency. These
Grandees whensoever they walk abroad, their manner is in State to
lean upon the arm of some Man or Boy. And the Adigar besides this
piece of State, wheresoever he goes, there is one with a great Whip
like a Coach-whip goes before him slashing it, that all People may
have notice that the Adigar is coming.

[The misery that succeeds their Honour.] But there is something comes
after, that makes all the Honour and Wealth of these great Courtiers
not at all desirable: and that is, that they are so obnoxious to
the King's displeasure. Which is a thing so customary, that it is no
disgrace for a Nobleman to have been in Chains, nay and in the Common
Goal too. And the great Men are as ready when the King Commands,
to lay hold on one another, as he to command them: and glad to have
the Honour to be the King's Executioners, hoping to have the Place
and Office of the Executed. When any of these are thus dispatched,
commonly he cuts off or imprisoneth all the Male kind, that are near
of kin, as Sons or Brothers, fearing they should plot revenge, and
seizes on all the Estate. And as for the Family, after Examination
with Punishment to make them confess where the Estate lyes, they have
Monthly Allowance out of the same. But the Wife or Women-Kindred
are now nothing at all in esteem for Honorable Ladies as they were
before. Yet sometimes he will send for the Sons or Brothers of these
whom he hath cut off for Traitors, and remand them out of the Prisons
where he had committed them; and prefer them in honorable Employment.

[The foolish ambition of the Men and Women of this Countrey.] It
is generally reported, and I have seen it so, that those whom he
prefers unto the greatest and weightiest Imployments are those
whom he intends soon to cut off, and contrariwise those whom he
doth affect, and intends to have longer Service of, shall not be
so laden with Places and Honours. Howbeit altho they know and see
this before their eyes daily, yet their hearts are so haughty and
ambitious, that their desires and endeavours are to ascend unto the
highest degrees of honour: tho that be but one remove from Death
and utter Destruction. And the Women's ambition is so great also,
that they will put their Husbands on to seek for Preferment, urging
how dishonorable it is for them to sit at home like Women, that so
they may have respect, and be reputed for great Ladies.






CHAP. VI.

Of the King's Strength and Wars.


[The King's Military Affairs.] It remains now that I speak a little
of the King's Military Affairs. His Power consists, in the natural
Strength of his Countrey, in his Watches, and in the Craft, more than
the Courage, of his Soldiers.

[The natural strength of his Countrey.] He hath no Artificial
Forts or Castles, but Nature hath supplied the want of them. For
his whole Countrey of Cande Uda, standing upon such high Hills, and
those so difficult to pass, is all an Impregnable Fort: and so is
more especially Digligy-neur his present Palace. These Places have
been already described at large; and therefore I omit speaking any
further of them here.

[Watches and Thorn-gates.] There are constant Watches set in convenient
places in all parts of the Countrey, and Thorn-gates: but in time of
danger, besides the ordinary Watches, in all Towns, and in all places
and in every cross Road, exceeding thick, that 'tis not possible for
any to pass unobserved. These Thorn-gates which I here mention and
have done before, are made of a sort of Thorn-bush or Thorn-tree,
each stick or branch whereof thrusts out on all sides round about,
sharp prickles, like Iron Nails, of three or four inches long: one
of these very Thorns I have lately seen in the Repository at Gresham
College: These sticks or branches being as big as a good Cane, are
platted one very close to another, and so being fastned and tyed to
three or four upright spars, are made in the fashion of a Door. This
is hung upon a Door-case some ten or twelve foot high, (so that they
may, and do ride thro upon Elephants) made of three pieces of Timber
like a Gallows, after this manner  the Thorn door hanging upon the
transverse piece like a Shop window; and so they lift it up, or clap
it down, as there is occasion: and tye it with a Rope to a cross Bar.

[None to pass from the Kings City without Pasports.] But especially
in all Roads and Passages from the City where the King now Inhabits,
are very strict Watches set: which will suffer none to pass not having
a Passport: which is the print of a Seal in clay: It is given at the
Court to them that have Licence to go thro the Watches. The Seals are
different, according to the Profession of the Party: as to a Soldier
the print of a man with a Pike on his Shoulder: to a Labourer, a
Man with two Bags hanging on each end of a Pole upon his Shoulder,
which is the manner they commonly carry their Loads. And to a white
man, the Passport is the print of a Man with a Sword by his side,
and a Hat on his head. And so many Men as there are in the Company,
so many prints there must be in the Clay. There is not half the
examination for those that come into the City, as for those that go
out, whom they usually search to see what they carry with them.

[Their Soldiery.] To speak now of their Soldiery, their Expeditions
and manner of Fight. Besides the Dissauvas, spoken of before, who
are great Generals, there are other great Captains. As those they
call Mote-Ralls; as much as to say, Scribes. Because they keep the
Rolls or Registers of certain Companies of Soldiers, each containing
970 Men, who are under their Command. Of these Mote-Ralls, there are
four principal. But besides these, there are smaller Commanders over
Soldiers; who have their Places from the King, and are not under the
Command of the former great ones.

[All Men of Arms wait at Court.] All these both Commanders and common
Soldiers must wait at the Court. But with this difference. The great
Men must do it continually: each one having his particular Watch
appointed by the King. But the private Soldiers take their turns of
Watching. And when they go, they do carry all their Provisions for the
time of their stay with them upon their Backs. These Soldiers are not
listed, (listing Soldiers being only upon extraordinary occasions) but
are by Succession the Son after the Father. [The Soldiers have Lands
allotted them instead of Pay.] For which Service they injoy certain
Lands and Inheritances, which is instead of Wages or Pay. This duty
if they omit or neglect they loose or forfeit their Inheritance. Or
if they please to be released or discharged, they may, parting with
their Land. And then their Commander placeth another in their room;
but so long as the Land lies void, he converts the Profits to his own
proper use. And he that after takes it, gives a Bribe to the Commander,
who yet notwithstanding will not permit him to hold it above two or
three years, unless he renew his Bribes.

[To prevent the Soldiers from Plotting.] The Soldiers of the High
Lands called Cande Uda, are dispersed all over the Land; so that one
scarcely knows the other, the King not suffering many Neighbours and
Townsmen to be in one Company; which hath always heretofore been so
ordered for fear of Conspiracies.

[The manner of sending them out on Expeditions.] When the King sends
any of these Commanders with their Armies abroad to War or otherwise,
sometimes they see not his face, but he sends out their Orders to them
by a Messenger; sometimes admits them into his Presence, and gives
them their Orders with his own mouth, but nothing in Writing. And when
several of them are sent together upon any Design, there is not any
one appointed to be Chief Commander or General over the whole Army;
but each one as being Chief over his own Men, disposeth and ordereth
them according to his pleasure; the others do the like. Which sometimes
begets disagreement among themselves, and by that means their Designs
are frustrated. Neither doth he like or approve, that the great
Commanders of his Soldiers should be very intimate or good Friends,
lest they should conspire against him, nor will he allow them to
disagree in such a degree that it be publickly known and observed.

[The King requires all the Captains singly to send him intelligence
of their Affairs.] And when there is any tidings to send the King,
they do not send in general together by consent, but each one sends
particularly by himself. And there common custom and practice is to
inform what they can one against another, thinking thereby to obtain
the most favour and good will from the King. By this means there can
nothing, be done or said, but he hath notice thereof.

[When the War is finished they may not return without order.] Being
in this manner sent forth, they dare not return, altho they have
performed and finished the Business they were sent upon, until he
send a special Order and Command to recall them.

[The Condition of the common Soldiers.] When the Armies are sent
abroad, as he doth send them very often against the Dutch, it goeth
very hard with the Soldiers; who must carry their victuals and Pots
to dress it in upon their Backs, besides their Arms, which are Swords,
Pikes, Bows and Arrows, and good Guns. As for Tents, for their Armies
alwayes ly in the Fields, they carry Tallipat leaves, which are very
light and convenient, along with them. With these they make their
Tents: Fixing sticks into the ground, and laying other pieces of
Wood overthwart, after the manner of the roof of an House, and so
lay their leaves overall, to shoot the Rains off. Making these Tents
stronger or slighter, according to the time of their tarriance. And
having spent what Provisions they carried out with them, they go home
to fetch more. So that after a Month or two a great part of the Army
is always absent.

[He conceals his purpose, when he sends out his Army.] Whensoever
the King sends his Armies abroad upon any Expedition, the Watches
beyond them are all secured immediately, to prevent any from passing
to carry Intelligence to the Enemy. The Soldiers themselves do not
know the Design they are sent upon, until they come there. None
can know his intentions or meaning by his actions. For sometimes he
sends Commanders with their Soldiers to ly in certain places in the
Woods until farther order, or until he send Ammunition to them. And
perhaps when they have laid there long enough, he sends for them back
again. And after this manner oftentimes he catches the Hollanders
before they be aware, to their great prejudice and dammage. He cares
not that his great Men should be free-spirited or Valiant; if there
be any better than the rest, them to be sure suddenly he cuts off,
lest they might do him any mischief.

[Great exploits done, and but little Courage.] In their War there
is but little valour used, altho they do accomplish many notable
Exploits. For all they do is by crafty Stratagems. They will never
meet their Enemies in the Field, to give them a repulse by Battel,
and force of Arms: [They work chiefly by Stratagems.] neither is the
Enemy like to meet with any opposition at their first goings out to
invade the King's Coasts, the King's Soldiers knowing the adverse
Forces are at first wary and vigilant, as also well provided with all
Necessaries. But their usual practice is to way lay them, and stop up
the wayes before them: there being convenient places in all the Roads,
which they have contrived for such purposes. And at these places the
Woods are not suffered to be felled, but kept to shelter them from
the fight of their enemies. Here they lye lurking, and plant their
Guns between the Rocks and Trees, with which they do great damage to
their Enemies before they are aware. Nor can they then suddenly rush
in upon them, being so well guarded with Bushes and Rocks before
them, thro which before their Enemies can get, they flee carrying
their great Guns upon their Shoulders and are gone into the Woods,
where it is impossible to find them, until they come them selves to
meet them after the former manner.

Likewise they prepare against the enemies coming great bushy Trees,
having them ready cut hanging only by withs which grow in the Wood;
these as they march along they let fall among them with many shot
and Arrows.

Being sent upon any design they are very circumspect to keep it
hidden from the Enemies knowledg; by suffering only those to pass,
who may make for their Benefit and advantage; their great endeavour
being to take their Enemies unprovided and at unawares.

[They understand the manner of Christian Armies.] By the long wars
first between them and the Portugueze, and since with the Hollander,
they have had such ample experience, as hath much improved them
in the art of War above what they were formerly. And many of the
chief Commanders and Leaders of their Armies are men which formerly
served the Portugueze against them. By which they come to know the
disposition and discipline of Christian Armies. Insomuch as they
have given the Dutch several overthrows, and taken Forts from them,
which they had up in the Countrey.

[They seldom hazzard a battel.] Heretofore for bringing the head of
an Enemy, the King used to gratify them with some reward, but now the
fashion is almost out of use. The ordering of their battel is with
great security, there being very few lost in Fight. For if they be
not almost sure to win the battel, they had rather not fight, than
run any hazzard of loosing it.

[If they prove unsuccessful, how he punishes them.] If his men do
not successfully accomplish the design he sends them upon, to be sure
they shall have a lusty piece of work given them, to take revenge on
them; for not using their weapons well he will exercise them with
other tools houghs and pickaxes, about his Palace. And during the
time they stay to work, they must bring their Victuals with them not
having monies there to buy: They cannot carry for above one month,
and when their Provisions are all spent, if they will have any more,
they must go home and fetch them. But that is not permitted them
without giving a Fee to the Governour or his Overseer. Neither can
they go without his leave, for besides the punishment, the Watches
which are in every Road from the Kings City will stop and seize them.







CHAP. VII.

A Relation of the Rebellion made against the King.


[A Comet ushered in the Rebellion.] For the Conclusion of this Part,
it will not be improper to relate here a dangerous rising of the
People against the King. It happened in the year 1664. About which time
appeared a fearful Blazing-Star. Just at the Instant of the Rebellion,
the Star was right over our heads. And one thing I very much wondred,
at, which was that whereas before this Rebellion, the Tail stood away
toward the Westward from which side the Rebellion sprung, the very
night after (for I very well observed it) the Tail was turned and stood
away toward the Eastward. And by degrees it diminished quite away.

[The intent of the Conspirators.] At this time, I say, the people
of this land, having been long and sore oppressed by this Kings
unreasonable and cruel Government, had contrived a Plot against
him. Which was to assault the Kings Court in the night, and to slay
him, and to make the Prince his Son, King. He being then some twelve
or fifteen years of age, who was then with his Mother the Queen in the
City of Cande. At this time the King held his Court in a City called
Nillemby. The Situation of which is far inferior to that of Cande,
and as far beyond that of Digligy where he now is. Nillemby lyeth
some fourteen miles southward of the City of Cande. In the place where
this City stands it is reported by Tradition an Hare gave chase after
a Dog, upon which it was concluded that place was fortunate, and so
indeed it proved to the King. It is invironed with Hills and Woods.

[How the Rebellion began.] The time appointed to put their design
in action was the one and twentieth of December 1664. about Twelve
in the night. And having gotten a select company of men, how many
well I know not, but as is supposed, not above two hundred, neither
needed they many here, having so many Confederates in the Court;
in the dead of the night they came marching into the City. The Watch
was thought to be of their confedracy: but if he were not, it was not
in his power to resist them. Howbeit afterwards, whether he were not,
he was executed for it. The said men, being thus in the City, hastened
and came down to the Court; and fell upon the great men, which then
laid without the Palace upon Watch: since which by the Kings order
they lye allways within the Palace. For they were well informed before
who were for them and who not. Many who before were not intrusted to
know of their design, were killed and wounded; and those that could,
seeing the slaughter of others, got in unto the King. Who was walled
about with a Clay-wall, thatched: that was all his strength. Yet these
people feared to assault him, laying still until the morning. At
which time the [The King Flyes.] King made way to flee, fearing to
stay in his Palace, endeavouring to get unto the mountains, and had
not with him above fifty persons. There were horses went with him,
but the wayes were so bad, that he could not ride. They were fain
to drive an Elephant before him, to break the way through the Woods,
that the King with his followers might pass.

[They pursue him faintly.] As he fled, they pursued him, but at a
great distance, fearing to approach within shot of him. For he wanted
not for excellent good Fowling-pieces, which are made there. So he
got safe upon a Mountain, called Gauluda, some fifteen miles distant,
where many of the Inhabitants, that were near, resorted to him. Howbeit
had the people of the Rebel-party been resolute, who were the major
part (almost all the Land;) this Hill could not have secured him,
but they might have driven him from thence; there being many ways by
which they might have ascended. There is not far from thence a high
and peaked hill called Mondamounour, where there is but one way to
get up, and that very steep, at the top are great stones hanging in
chains to let fall when need requireth. Had he fled hither, there
had been no way to come at him. But he never will adventure to go,
where he may be stopped in.

[They go to the Prince and Proclaim him King.] The People having
thus driven away the old King, marched away to the City of Cande,
and proclaimed the Prince, King: giving out to us English who were
there, that what they had done they had not done rashly, but upon good
Consideration, and with good advice; the King by his evil Government
having occasioned it, who went about to destroy both them and their
Countrey: As in keeping Ambassadours, disanulling of Trade, detaining
of all people that come upon his Land, and killing of his Subjects
and their Children, and not suffering them to enjoy nor to see their
Wives. And all this was contrary to reason, and as, they were informed,
to the Government of other Countries.

[The carriage of the Prince.] The Prince being young and tender, and
having never been out of the Palace, nor ever seen any but those that
attended on his person, as it seemed afterwards, was scared to see so
many coming and bowing down to him, and telling him that he was King,
and his Father was fled into the mountains. Neither did he say or
act any thing as not owning the business, or else not knowing what
to say or do. This much discouraged the Rebells, to see they had no
more thanks for their pains. And so all things stood until the five
and twentieth of December, at which time they intended to march and
fall upon the old King.

[Upon the Prices Flight, the Rebells scatter and run.] But in the
Interim, the Kings Sister Flyes away with the Prince from the Court
into the Countrey near unto the King; which so amazed the Rebells,
that the mony and cloth and plunder which they had taken, and were
going to distribute to the Strangers to gain their good will and
assistance, they scattered about and fled. Others of their Company
seeing the Business was overthrown, to make amends for their former
fact, turned and fell upon their Consorts, killing and taking Prisoners
all they could. The people were now all up in arms one against another,
killing whom they pleas'd, only saying they were Rebells and taking
their goods.

[A great man declares for the King.] By this time a great man had drawn
out his men, and stood in the Field, and there turned and publickly
declared for the old King: and so went to catch the Rebells that were
scattered abroad. Who when he understood that they were all fled,
and no whole party or body left to resist him, marched into the City
killing all that he could catch.

[For eight or ten days nothing but killing one another to approve
themselves good Subjects.] And so all revolted, and came back to
the King again: whilst he only lay still upon his mountain. The
King needed not to take care to catch or execute the Rebells, for
they themselves out of their zeal to him, and to make amends for
what was past, imprisoned and killed all they met; the Plunder being
their own. This continued for some eight or ten days. Which the King
hearing of, commanded to kill no more, but that whom they took they
should imprison, until examination passed; which was not so much to
save innocent persons from violence, as that he might have the Rebells
to torment them, and make them confess of their Confederates. For he
spared none that seemed guilty: some to this day lye chained in Prison,
being sequestred of all their Estates, and beg for their living. One
of the most noted Rebells, called Ambom Wellaraul, he sent to Columba
to the Dutch to execute, supposing they would invent new Tortures
for him, beyond what he knew of. But they instead of executing him,
cut off his chains, and kindly entertained him, and there he still
is in the City of Columba, reserving him for some designs they may
hereafter have against the Countrey.

[The King poysons his Son to prevent a Rebellion hereafter.] The King
could but not be sensible, that it was his rigorous government that
had occasioned this Rebellion, yet amended it not in the least; but on
the contrary like to Rehoboam added yet more to the Peoples yoak. And
being thus safely re-instated in his Kingdom again, and observing
that the life of his Son gave encouragement to the Rebellion, resolved
to prevent it for the future by taking him away. Which upon the next
opportunity he did by Poysoning him, which I have related before.

[His ingratitude.] But one thing there is, that argues him guilty of
imprudence and horrible ingratitude, that most of those that went along
with him when he fled, of whose Loyalty he had such ample experience,
he hath since cut off; and that with extreme cruelty too.

[Another Comet, but without any bad effects following it.] In the
year 1666 in the month of February, there appeared in this Countrey
another Comet or stream in the West, the head end under the Horizon,
much resembling that which was seen in England in the year 1680 in
December. The sight of this did much daunt both King and People,
having but a year or two before felt the sad event of a Blazing-Star
in this Rebellion which I have now related. The King sent men upon
the highest mountains in the Land to look if they could perceive the
head of it, which they could not, being still under the Horizon. This
continued visible about the space of one month, and by that time
it was so diminished, that it could not be seen. But there were no
remarkable passages that ensued upon it.




PART III.





CHAP. I.

Concerning the Inhabitants of this Island.


Wee shall in this Part speak of the Inhabitants of this Countrey,
with their Religion, and Customs, and other things belonging to them.

[The several Inhabitants of this Island.] Besides the Dutch who
possess, as I judg, about one fourth of the Island, there are Malabars,
that are free Denizons and pay duty to the King for the Land they
enjoy, as the Kings natural Subjects do; there are also Moors, who
are like Strangers, and hold no Land, but live by carrying goods to
the Sea-Ports, which now are in the Hollanders hands. The Sea-Ports
are inhabited by a mixt people, Malabars and Moors, and some that are
black, who profess themselves Roman Catholicks, and wear Crosses,
and use Beads. Some of these are under the Hollander; and pay toll
and tribute to them.

But I am to speak only of the natural proper People of the Island,
which they call Chingulays.

[The Original of Chingulays.] I have asked them, whence they derive
themselves, but they could not tell. They say their Land was first
inhabited by Devils, of which they have a long Fable. I have heard a
tradition from some Portugueze here, which was; That an antient King
of China had a Son, who during his Fathers Reign, proved so very
harsh and cruel unto the people, that they being afraid he might
prove a Tyrant if he came to the Crown, desired the King to banish
him, and that he might never succeed. This that King, to please the
people, granted. And so put him with certain Attendants into a ship,
and turned them forth unto the Winds to seek their fortune. The
first shore they were cast upon, was this Island. Which they seated
themselves on, and peopled it. But to me nothing is more improbable
than this Story. Because this people and the Chineses have no agreement
nor similitude in their features nor language nor diet. It is more
probable, they came from the Malabars, their Countrey lying next,
tho they do resemble them little or nothing. I know no nation in the
world do so exactly resemble the Chingulays as the people of Europe.

[Wild-men.] Of these Natives there be two sorts, Wild and Tame. I will
begin with the former. For as in these Woods there are Wild Beasts so
Wild Men also. The Land of Bintan is all covered with mighty Woods,
filled with abundance of Deer. In this Land are many of these wild men;
they call them Vaddahs, dwelling near no other Inhabitants. They speak
the Chingulayes Language. They kill Deer, and dry the Flesh over the
fire, and the people of the Countrey come and buy it of them. They
never Till any ground for Corn their Food being only Flesh. They
are very expert with their Bows. They have a little Ax, which they
stick in by their sides, to cut hony out of hollow Trees. Some few,
which are near Inhabitants, have commerce with other people. They
have no Towns nor Houses, only live by the waters under a Tree,
with some boughs cut and laid round about them, to give notice when
any wild Beasts come near, which they may hear by their rustling and
trampling upon them. Many of these habitations we saw when we fled
through the Woods, but God be praised the Vaddahs were gone.

[By an Acknowledgment to the King.] Some of the tamer sort of these men
are in a kind of Subjection to the King. For if they can be found, tho
it must be with a great search in the Woods, they will acknowledg his
Officers, and will bring to them Elephants-Teeth, and Honey, and Wax,
and Deers Flesh: but the others in lieu thereof do give them near as
much, in Arrows, Cloth &c. fearing lest they should otherwise appear
no more.

[How they bespeak Arrows to be made them.] It hath been reported
to me by many people, that the wilder sort of them, when they want
Arrows, will carry their load of Flesh in the night, and hang it up
in a Smith's Shop, also a Leaf cut in the form they will have their
Arrows made, and hang by it. Which if the Smith do make according
to their Pattern they will requite, and bring him more Flesh: but if
he make them not, they will do him a mischief one time or another by
shooting in the night. If the Smith make the Arrows, he leaves them
in the same place, where the Vaddahs hung the Flesh.

[They violently took away Carriers goods.] Formerly, in this Kings
Reign these wild men used to lye in wait, to catch Carriers people,
that went down with Oxen to trade at the Sea-Ports, carrying down
Betelnuts, and bringing up Cloth, and would make them to give them
such things as they required, or else threatning to shoot them. They
fearing their lives, and not being able to resist, were fain to give
them what they asked; or else most certainly they would have had both
life and goods too. At which this King sent many Commanders with their
Soldiers to catch them, which at length they did: But had not some of
themselves proved false to them, being incouraged by large promises,
they could never have taken them. The chief being brought before
the King, promising amendment, were pardoned: but sent into other
Woods with a Command not to return thither any more, neitheir to use
their former courses. But soon after their departure, they forsook
those Woods they were put into, and came to their old haunt again,
falling to their former course of Life. This the King hearing of,
and how they had abused his Pardon, gave command either to bring them
dead or alive. These Vaddahs knowing now there could be no hope of
Pardon, would not be taken alive, but were shot by the Treachery of
their own men. The heads of two of the chiefest were hanged on Trees
by the City. And ever since they have not presumed to disturb the
Countrey, nor the King them he only desiring their quiet, and not to
be against him.

[Hourly Vadahs trade with the people.] About Hourly the remotest of
the Kings Dominions there are many trade with the of them, that are
pretty tame, and come and buy and sell among the people. The King
once having occasion of an hasty Expedition against the Dutch, the
Governour summoned them all in to go with him, which they did. [One
made to serve the King.] And with their Bows and Arrows did as good
service as any of the rest but afterwards when they returned home
again they removed farther in the Woods, and would be seen no more,
for fear of being afterwards prest again to serve the King.

[Their habit and Religion.] They never cut their hair but tye it up on
their Crowns in a bunch. The cloth they use, is not broad nor large,
scarcely enough to cover their Buttocks. The wilder and tamer sort of
them do observe a Religion. They have a God peculiar to themselves. The
tamer do build Temples, the wild only bring their sacrifice under
Trees, and while it is offering, dance round it, both men and women.

[A Skirmish about their bounds.] They have their bounds in the Woods
among themselves, and one company of them is not to shoot nor gather
hony or fruit beyond those bounds. Neer the borders stood a Jack-Tree;
one Vaddah being gathering some fruit from this Tree, another Vaddah
of the next division saw him, and told him he had nothing to do to
gather Jacks from that Tree, for that belonged to them. They fell
to words and from words to blows, and one of them shot the other. At
which more of them met and fell to skirmishing so briskly with their
Bows and Arrows, that twenty or thirty were left dead upon the spot.

[Curious in their Arrows.] They are so curious of their Arrows
that no Smith can please them; The King once to gratifie them for
a great Present they brought him, gave all of them of his best made
Arrow-blades: which nevertheless would not please their humour. For
they went all of them to a Rock by a River and ground them into another
form. The Arrows they use are of a different fashion from all other,
and the Chingulays will not use them.

[Now they preserve their flesh.] They have a peculiar way by themselves
of preserving Flesh. They cut a hollow Tree and put honey in it,
and then fill it up with flesh, and stop it up with clay. Which lyes
for a reserve to eat in time of want.

[How they take Elephants.] It has usually been told me that their
way of catching Elephants is, that when the Elephant lyes asleep they
strike their ax into the sole of his foot, and so laming him he is in
their power to take him. But I take this for a fable, because I know
the sole of the Elephants foot is so hard, that no ax can pierce it
at a blow; and he is so wakeful that they can have no opportunity to
do it.

[The dowries they give. Their disposition.] For portions with their
Daughters in marriage they give hunting Dogs. They are reported
to be courteous. Some of the Chingulays in discontent will leave
their houses and friends, and go and live among them, where they are
civilly entertained. The tamer sort of them, as hath been said, will
sometimes appear, and hold some kind of trade with the tame Inabitants,
but the wilder called Ramba-Vaddahs never shew themselves.

[A description of a Chingulay.] But to come to the civilized
Inhabitants, whom I am chiefly to treat of. They are a people proper
and very well favoured, beyond all people that I have seen in India,
wearing a cloth about their Loyns, and a doublet after the English
fashion, with little skirts buttoned at the wrists, and gathered at the
shoulders like a shirt, on their heads a red Tunnis Cap, or if they
have none, another Cap with flaps of the fashion of their Countrey,
described in the next Chapter, with a handsom short hanger by their
side, and a knife sticking in their bosom on the right side.

[Their disposition.] They are very active and nimble in their Limbs:
and very ingenious: for, except Iron-work, all other things they have
need of, they make and do themselves: insomuch that they all build
their own houses. They are crafty and treacherous, not to be trusted
upon any protestations: for their manner of speaking is very smooth
and courteous, insomuch that they who are unacquainted with their
dispositions and manners, may easily be deceived by them. For they
make no account nor conscience of lying, neither is it any shame
or disgrace to them, if they be catched in telling lyes: it is so
customary. They are very vigilant and wakeful, sufficed with very
little sleep: very hardy both for diet and weather, very proud and
self conceited. They take something after the Bramines, with whom
they scruple not both to marry and eat. In both which otherwise they
are exceeding shy and cautious. For there being many Ranks or Casts
among them, they will not match with any Inferiour to themselves;
nor eat meat dressed in any house, but in those only that are of as
good a Cast or Race as themselves: and that which any one hath left,
none but those that are near of kin will eat.

They are not very malitious one towards another; and their anger doth
not last long; seldom or never any blood shed among them in their
quarrels. It is not customary to strike; and it is very rare that they
give a blow so much as to their Slaves; who may very familiarly talk
and discourse with their Masters. They are very near and covetous,
and will pinch their own bellies for profit; very few spend-thrifts
or bad husbands are to be met with here.

[The Inhabitants of the Mountains differ from those of the
Low-Lands.] The Natures of the Inhabitants of the Mountains and
Low-lands are very different. They of the Low-lands are kind, pittiful,
helpful, honest and plain, compassionating Strangers, which we found by
our own experience among them. They of the Up-lands are ill-natured,
false, unkind, though outwardly fair and seemingly courteous, and
of more complaisant carriage, speech and better behaviour, than
the Low-landers.

[Their good opinion of Virtue, though they practice it not.] Of
all Vices they are least addicted to stealing, the which they do
exceedingly hate and abhor, so that there are but few Robberies
committed among them. They do much extol and commend Chastity,
Temperance, and Truth in words and actions; and confess that it is
out of weakness and infirmity, that they cannot practice the same,
acknowledging that the contrary Vices are to be abhorred, being
abomination both in the sight of God and Man. They do love and delight
in those Men that are most Devout and Precise in their Matters. As
for bearing Witness for Confirmation in any matters of doubt, a
Christians word will be believed and credited far beyond their own:
because, they think, they make more Conscience of their words.

[Superstitious.] They are very superstitious in making Observations
of any little Accidents, as Omens portending good to them or
evil. Sneezing they reckon to import evil. So that if any chance to
sneeze when he is going about his Business, he will stop, accounting
he shall have ill success if he proceeds. And none may Sneeze, Cough,
nor Spit in the King's Presence, either because of the ill boding of
those actions, or the rudeness of them or both. There is a little
Creature much like a Lizzard, which they look upon altogether as a
Prophet, whatsoever work or business they are going about; if he crys,
they will cease for a space, reckoning that he tells them there is a
bad Planet rules at that instant. They take great notice in a Morning
at their first going out, who first appears in their sight: and if
they see a White Man, or a big-bellied Woman, they hold it fortunate:
and to see any decrepit or deformed People, as unfortunate.

[How they travail.] When they travel together a great many of them,
the Roads are so narrow, that but one can go abreast, and if there
be Twenty of them, there is but one Argument or Matter discoursed
of among them all from the first to the last. And so they go talking
along all together, and every one carrieth his Provisions on his back
for his whole Journey.

[A brief Character of them.] In short, in Carriage and Behaviour they
are very grave and stately like unto the Portugals, in understanding
quick and apprehensive, in design subtil and crafty, in discourse
courteous but full of Flatteries, naturally inclined to temperance
both in meat and drink, but not to Chastity, near and Provident in
their Families, commending good Husbandry. In their dispositions
not passionate, neither hard to be reconciled again when angry. In
their Promises very unfaithful, approving lying in themselves, but
misliking it in others; delighting in sloath, deferring labour till
urgent necessity constrain them, neat in apparel, nice in eating;
and not given to much sleep.

[The Women their Habit and Nature.] As for the Women, their Habit
is a Wastcoat of white Callico covering their Bodies, wrought into
flourishes with Blew and Red; their Cloath hanging longer or shorter
below their Knees, according to their quality; a piece of Silk flung
over their heads; Jewels in their Ears, Ornaments about their Necks,
and Arms, and Middles. They are in their gate and behaviour very high,
stately in their carriage after the Portugal manner, of whom I think
they have learned: yet they hold it no scorn to admit the meanest to
come to speech of them. They are very thrifty, and it is a disgrace
to them to be prodigal, and their Pride & Glory to be accounted near
& saving. And to praise themselves they will sometimes say, That
scraps and parings will serve them; but that the best is for their
Husbands. The Men are not jealous of their Wives, for the greatest
Ladies in the Land will frequently talk and discourse with any Men
they please, altho their Husbands be in presence. And altho they be
so stately, they will lay their hand to such work as is necessary to
be done in the House, notwithstanding they have Slaves and Servants
enough to do it. Let this suffice concerning the Nature and Manners
of the People in general: The ensuing Chapters will be spent in more
particular accounts of them. And because they stand much upon their
Birth and Gentility, and much of what is afterwards to be related
hath reference unto it: I shall first speak of the various ranks and
degrees of Men among them.







CHAP. II.

Concerning their different Honours, Ranks, and Qualities.


[How they distinguish themselves according to their qualities.] Among
this People there are divers and sundry Casts or degrees of Quality,
which is not according to their Riches or Places of Honour the King
promotes them to, but according to their Descent and Blood. And
whatsoever this Honour is, be it higher or lower, it remains
Hereditary from Generation to Generation. They abhor to eat or
drink, or intermarry with any of Inferior Quality to themselves. The
signs of higher or meaner Ranks, are wearing of Doublets, or going
bare-backed without them: the length of their Cloth below their knees;
their sitting on Stools, or on Blocks or Mats spread on the Ground:
and in their Caps.

[They never marry beneath their rank.] They are especially careful
in their Marriages, not to match with any inferior Cast, but always
each within their own rank: Riches cannot prevail with them in the
least to marry with those by whom they must eclipse and stain the
Honour of their Family: on which they set an higher price than on
their lives. And if any of the Females should be so deluded, as to
commit folly with one beneath her self, if ever she should appear to
the sight of her Friends, they would certainly kill her, there being
no other way to wipe off the dishonour she hath done the Family,
but by her own Blood.

[In case a Man lies with a Woman of inferior rank.] Yet for the Men
it is something different; it is not accounted any shame or fault for
a Man of the highest sort to lay with a Woman far inferior to himself,
nay of the very lowest degree; provided he neither eats nor drinks with
her, nor takes her home to his House, as a Wife. But if he should,
which I never knew done, he is punished by the Magistrate, either by
Fine or Imprisonment, or both, and also he is utterly ecluded from
his Family, and accounted thenceforward of the same rank and quality,
that the Woman is of, whom he hath taken. If the Woman be married
already, with whom the Man of better rank lies, and the Husband come
and catch them together; how low soever the one be and high the other,
he may kill him, and her too, if he please.

And thus by Marrying constantly each rank within it self, the Descent
and Dignity thereof is preserved for ever; and whether the Family be
high or low it never alters. But to proceed to the particular ranks
and degrees of Men among them.

[Their Noblemen.] The highest, are their Noblemen, called
Hondrews. Which I suppose comes from the word Homdrewné, a Title given
to the King, signifying Majesty: these being honourable People. 'Tis
out of this sort alone, that the King chooseth his great Officers
and whom he imploys in his Court, and appoints for Governors over
his Countrey. Riches are not here valued, nor make any the more
Honourable. For many of the lower sorts do far exceed these Hondrews
in Estates. But it is the Birth and Parentage that inobleth.

[How distinguished from others.] These are distinguished from others
by their names, and the wearing of their cloth, which the Men wear
down half their Legs, and the Women to their Heels: one end of which
Cloth the Women fling over their Shoulders, and with the very end
carelesly cover their Breasts; whereas the other sort of Women must
go naked from the wast upwards, and their Cloaths not hang down much
below their Knees: except it be for cold; for then either Women or Men
may throw their Cloth over their Backs. But then they do excuse it to
the Hondrews, when they meet them, saying, Excuse me, it is for warmth.

[The distinction by Caps.] They are distinguished also by their own
Countrey-Caps, which are of the fashion of Mitres: there are two flaps
tied up over the top of the Crown. If they be Hondrews, their Caps
are all of one Colour, either White or Blew: if of inferior quality,
than the Cap and the flaps on each side be of different Colours,
whereof the Flaps are always Red.

[Of the Hondrews two sorts.] Of these Hondrews there be two sorts,
the one somewhat Inferior to the other as touching Marriage; but not
in other things. The greatest part of the Inhabitants of the Land
are of the degree of Hondrews.

All Christians either White or Black are accounted equal with the
Hondrews. The Whites are generally Honourable, only it is an abatement
of their Honour that they eat Beef, and wash not after they have been
at Stool; which things are reckoned with this People an Abomination.

[An Honour like unto Knighthood.] Among the Noblemen may be mentioned
an Honour, that the King confers, like unto Knighthood; it ceaseth
in the Person's death, and is not Hereditary. The King confers it
by putting about their Heads a piece of Silk or Ribbond embroidered
with Gold and Silver, and bestowing a Title upon them. They are
stiled Mundianna. There are not above two or three of them now in
the Realm living.

[Goldsmiths, Blacksmiths, Carpenters, &c.] Next after the degree
of Hondrews may be placed Goldsmiths, Blacksmiths, Carpenters and
Painters. Who are all of one degree and quality. But the Hondrews will
not eat with them: however in Apparel there is no difference; and they
are also privileged to sit on Stools, which none of the Inferior ranks
of People hereafter mentioned, may do. Heretofore they were accounted
almost equal to the Inferior sort of Hondrewes, and they would eat
in these Artificers Houses, but afterwards they were degraded upon
this occasion. It chanced some Hondrews came to a Smith's Shop to
have their Tools mended, when it came to be Dinner time, the Smith
leaves work, and goes in to his House to dine, leaving the Hondrewes
in his Shop: who had waited there a great while to have their work
done. Now whether the Smith fearing lest their hunger might move them
to be so impudent or desperate as to partake with him of his Dinner,
clapt to his Door after him: Which was taken so hainously by those
hungry People in his Shop, that immediately they all went and declared
abroad what an affront the Smith had put upon them. Whereupon it was
decreed and confirmed, that for ever after all the People of that rank
should be deposed, and deprived of the Honour of having the Hondrewes
to eat in their Houses. Which Decree hath stood in force ever since.

[The Privilege and state of the Smiths.] Nevertheless these Smiths
take much upon them, especially those who are the King's Smiths; that
is, such who live in the King's Towns, and do his work. These have
this Privilege, that each has a parcel of Towns belonging to them,
whom none but they are to work for. The ordinary work they do for
them is mending their Tools, for which every Man pays to his Smith a
certain Rate of Corn in Harvest time according to ancient Custom. But
if any hath work extraordinary, as making new Tools or the like,
besides the aforesaid Rate of Corn, he must pay him for it. In order
to this, they come in an humble manner to the Smith with a Present,
being Rice, Hens, and other sorts of Provision, or a bottle of Rack,
desiring him to appoint his time, when they shall come to have their
work done. Which when he hath appointed them, they come at the set
time, and bring both Coals and Iron with them. The Smith sits very
gravely upon his Stool, his Anvil before him, with his left hand
towards the Forge, and a little Hammer in his Right. They themselves
who come with their work must blow the Bellows, and when the Iron is
to be beaten with the great Maul, he holds it, still sitting upon his
Stool, and they must hammer it themselves, he only with his little
Hammer knocking it sometimes into fashion. And if it be any thing to
be filed, he makes them go themselves and grind it upon a Stone, that
his labour of fileing may be the less; and when they have done it as
well as they can, he goes over it again with his file and finisheth
it. That which makes these Smiths thus stately is, because the Towns
People are compelled to go to their own Smith, and none else. And if
they should, that Smith is liable to pay Dammages that should do work
for any in another Smith's Jurisdiction.

[Craftsmen.] All that are of any Craft or Profession are accounted
of an inferior degree, as Elephant Catchers, and Keepers, who are
reckoned equal with the Smiths, &c. abovesaid, tho they neither eat
nor marry together; and these may wear Apparel as do the Hondrews,
and sit on Stools, but the Hondrews eat not with them.

No Artificers ever change their Trade from Generation to Generation;
but the Son is the same as was his Father, and the Daughter marries
only to those of the same Craft: and her Portion is such Tools as
are of use, and do belong unto the Trade: tho the Father may give
over and above what he pleaseth.

[Barbars.] Next are are Barbars; both the Women and Men may wear
Doublets, but not sit on Stools, neither will any eat with them.

[Potters] Potters yet more Inferior, may not wear any Doublets, nor
their Cloth much below the Knee, nor sit on Stools, neither will any
eat with them. But they have this Privilege, because they make the
Pots, that when they are athirst being at a Hondrew's House, they may
take his Pot, which hath a Pipe to it, and pour the Water into their
mouths themselves: which none other of these inferior degrees may be
admitted to do: but they must hold their hands to their mouths and
gape, and the Hondrews themselves will pour the Water in. The Potters
were at first denied this Honour, upon which they joyntly agreed to
make Pots with Pipes only for themselves, and would sell none to the
Hondrews that wanted; whereat being constrained, they condescended to
grant them the Honour above other inferior People, that they should
have the favour to drink out of these Pots with spouts at their Houses.

[Washers.] The next are the Ruddaughs, Washers. Of these there are
great Numbers. They wash Cloths for all People to the degree of a
Potter; but for none below that degree. Their usual Posture is to
carry a Cloth on their Shoulder, both Men and Women: They use Lye
in their washing, setting a Pot over the Fire holding seven or eight
Gallons of Water, and lay the foul Cloths on the top; and the steam
of the water goes into the Cloths and scalds them. Then they take
them and carry them to a River side, and instead of rubbing them with
their hands, slap them against the Rock, and they become very clean;
nor doth this tear the Cloths at all, as they order it.

[Jaggory-Makers.] Another rank after these are the Hungrams, or
Jaggory-Makers. Tho none will eat with them, yet it is lawful to
buy and eat the Jaggory they make, (which is a kind of Sugar) but
nothing else.

[The Poddah.] Another sort among them is the Poddah. These are of no
Trade or Craft, but are Husbandmen and Soldiers, yet are inferior to
all that have been named hitherto. For what reason neither I, nor,
I think, themselves can tell: only thus it falls to them by Succession
from their Predecessors, and so will ever remain.

[Weavers.] After these are the Weavers. Who beside their Trade,
which is Weaving Cloth, are Astrologers, and tell the People good
Days and good Seasons: and at the Birth of a Child write for them an
account of the day, time and Planet, it was born in and under. These
accounts they keep with great Care all their Life-time: by which they
know their Age, and what success or evil shall befall them.

These People also beat Drums, and play on Pipes, and dance in the
Temples of their Gods, and at their Sacrifices; they eat and carry
away all such Victuals as are offered to their Idols. Both which to
do and take, is accounted to belong to People of a very low degree
and quality. These also will eat dead Cows.

[Basket-Makers.] Next to the Weavers are the Kiddeas or
Basket-Makers. Who make Fans to fan Corn, and Baskets of Canes,
and Lace, Bedsteds and Stools.

[Mat-Makers.] Then follow the Kirinerahs. Whose Trade is to make fine
Matts. These Men may not wear any thing on their Heads. The Women of
none of these sorts ever do. Of these two last there are but few.

[The lower ranks may not assume the Habit or Names of the higher.] All
below the Couratto or Elephant-Men, may not sit on Stools, nor
wear Doublets, except the Barbar, nor wear the Cloth low down their
Legs. Neither may any of these ranks of People, either Man or Woman,
except the Potter and the Washer, wear the end of their Cloth to cover
their Bodies, unless they be sick or cold. Neither may they presume to
be called by the Names that the Hondrews are called by; nor may they,
where they are not known, change themselves by pretending or seeming
to be higher than Nature hath made them: and I think they never do,
but own themselves in the rank and quality wherein they were born,
and demean themselves accordingly.

All Outlandish People are esteemed above the inferior ranks. The Names
of the Hondrews always end in oppow, of others below the degree of
the Elephant People in adgah.

[Slaves.] The Slaves may make another rank. For whose maintenance,
their Masters allow them Land and Cattle. Which many of them do so
improve; that except in Dignity they are not far behind their Masters,
only they are not permitted to have Slaves. Their Masters will not
diminish or take away ought, that by their Diligence and Industry
they have procured, but approve of it, as being Persons capable to
repose trust in. And when they do buy or otherways get a new Slave,
they presently provide him a Wife, and so put him forward to keep
House, and settle, that he may not think of running away. Slaves that
are born of Hondrew Parents, retain the Honour of their degree.

[Beggars.] There is one sort of People more, and they are the Beggars:
who for their Transgression, as hereafter shall be shewn, have by
former Kings been made so low and base, that they can be no lower
or baser. And they must and do give such titles and respects to all
other People, as are due from other People to Kings and Princes.

[The Reason they became so base and mean a People.] The Predecessors
of these People, from whom they sprang, were Dodda Vaddahs, which
signifies Hunters: to whom it did belong to catch and bring Venison
for the King's Table. But instead of Venison they brought Man's flesh,
unknown; which the King liking so well, commanded to bring him more of
the same sort of Venison. The king's Barbar chanced to know what flesh
it was, and discovered it to him. At which the King was so inraged,
that he accounted death too good for them; and to punish only those
Persons that had so offended, not a sufficient recompence for so
great an Affront and Injury as he had sustained by them. Forthwith
therefore he established a Decree, that all both great and small,
that were of that Rank or Tribe, should be expelled from dwelling
among the Inhabitants of the Land, and not be admitted to use or
enjoy the benefit of any means, or ways, or callings whatsoever,
to provide themselves sustinence; but that they should beg from
Generation to Generation, from Door to Door, thro the Kingdom; and to
be looked upon and esteemed by all People to be so base and odious,
as not possibly to be more.

And they are to this day so detestable to the People, that they are
not permitted to fetch water out of their Wells; but do take their
water out of Holes or Rivers. Neither will any touch them, lest they
should be defiled.

And thus they go a begging in whole Troops, both Men, Women,
and Children, carrying both Pots and Pans, Hens and Chickens, and
whatsoever they have, in Baskets hanging on a Pole, at each end one,
upon their Shoulders. The Women never carry any thing, but when they
come to any House to beg, they Dance and shew Tricks, while the Men
beat Drums. They will turn Brass Basons on one of their fingers,
twirling it round very swift, and wonderfully strange. And they will
toss up Balls into the Air one after another to the number of Nine,
and catch them as they fall, and as fast as they do catch them, still
they toss them up again; so that there are always Seven up in the
Air. Also they will take Beads of several Colours, and of one size,
and put them in their mouths, and then take them one by one out of
their mouths again each Colour by themselves. And with this Behaviour,
and the high and honourable Titles which they give, as to Men, Your
Honour, and Your Majesty; and to Women, Queens, Countesses; and to
white Men, White of the Royal Blood, &c. They do beg for their living;
and that with so much importunity, as if they had a Patent for it from
the King, and will not be denied; pretending that it was so ordered and
decreed, that by this very means they should be maintained, and unless
they mean to perish with hunger they cannot accept of a denyal. The
People on the other hand cannot without horrible shame, lift up their
hand against them to strike or thrust them away; so rather than to
be troubled with their importunity, they will relieve them.

[They live well.] And thus they live, building small Hovels in remote
Places, Highways, under Trees. And all the Land being, as it were of
Necessity, Contributers towards their maintenance, these Beggars live
without labour, as well or better, than the other sorts of People;
being free from all sorts of Service and Duties, which all other are
compelled to perform for the King. [Their Contest with the Weavers
about dead Cows.] Of them it is only required to make Ropes of such
Cow-hides, as die of themselves, to catch and tie Elephants with:
By which they have another Privilege, to claim the flesh there of
for themselves, from the Weavers. Who when they meet with any dead
Cows, use to cut them up and eat them. But if any of these Roudeahs,
Beggars, see them, they will run to them and drive them away, offering
to beat them with the Poles, whereon they carry their Baskets, saying
to them, How can we perform the King's Service to make Ropes of the
Hide, if the Weavers hack and spoil it? telling them also, That it
is beneath such honourable People as they, to eat such Unclean and
Polluted flesh. By these words, and the fear the Weavers are in to be
touched by that base People, than which nothing could be more infamous,
they are glad to get them away as fast as they can.

[Incest common among them.] These Men being so low that nothing they
can do, can make them lower, it is not unusual with them to lay with
their Daughters, or for the Son to lay with his Mother, as if there
were no Consanguinity among them.

[A Punishment to deliver Noble Women to these Beggars.] Many times
when the King cuts off Great and Noble Men, against whom he is
highly incensed, he will deliver their Daughters and Wives unto
this sort of People, reckoning it, as they also account it, to be
far worse Punishment than any kind of Death. This kind of Punishment
being accounted such horrible Cruelty, the King doth usually of his
Clemency shew them some kind of Mercy, and pittying their Distress,
Commands to carry them to a River side, and there to deliver them
into the hands of those, who are far worse than the Executioners of
Death: from whom, if these Ladies please to free themselves, they
are permitted to leap into the River and be drowned; the which some
sometimes will choose to do, rather than to consort with them.

[Some of these Beggars keep Cattle and shoot Deer.] There are some
of this sort of People which dwell in remote Parts, distant from any
Towns, and keep Cattle, and sell them to the Chingulayes, also shoot
Deer and sell them where they fall in the Woods; for if they should
but touch them, none would buy them.

[Refuse Meat dressed in a Barbar's house.] The Barbar's Information
having been the occasion of all this misery upon this People, they in
revenge there of abhor to eat what is dressed in the Barbar's House
even to this day.






CHAP. III.

Of their Religion, Gods, Temples, Priests.


To take a more particular view of the state of this Countrey, we shall
first give some account of their Religion, as it justly requires the
first place, and then of their other secular concerns.

Under their Religion will come to be considered, Their Gods, their
Temples, their Priests, their Festivals, Sacrifices, and Worship,
and their Doctrines and Opinions; and whatsoever other matters occur,
that may concern this Subject.

[Their Religion, their gods.] The Religion of the Countrey is
Idolatry. There are many both Gods and Devils, which they worship,
known by particular Names, which they call them by. They do acknowledge
one to be the Supreme, whom they call Ossa polla maupt Dio, which
signifieth the Creator of Heaven and Earth; and it is he also, who
still ruleth and governeth the same. This great Supreme God, they hold,
sends forth other Deities to see his Will and Pleasure executed in
the World; and these are the petty and inferior gods. These they say
are the Souls of good men, who formerly lived upon the Earth. There
are Devils also, who are the Inflicters of Sickness and Misery upon
them. And these they hold to be the Souls of evil men.

[They worship the God that saves Souls.] There is another great God,
whom they call Buddou, unto whom the Salvation of Souls belongs. Him
they believe once to have come upon the Earth. And when he was
here, that he did usually fit under a large shady Tree, called
Bogahah. Which Trees ever since are accounted Holy, and under which
with great Solemnities they do to this day celebrate the Ceremonies
of his Worship. He departed from the Earth from the top of the highest
Mountain on the Island, called Pico Adam: where there is an Impression
like a foot, which, they say, is his, as hath been mentioned before.

[The Sun and Moon they repute Deities.] The Sun and Moon they seem
to have an Opinion to be gods from the Names they sometimes call
them by. The Sun in their Language is Irri, and the Moon Handa. To
which they will sometimes add the Title Haumi, which is a name they
give to Persons of the greatest Honour; and Dio, that signifies God:
saying Irrihaumi, Irridio: Handahaumi, handa Dio. But to the Stars
they give not these Titles.

[Some of their Temples of exquisite Work.] The Pagoda's or Temples
of their Gods are so many that I cannot number them. Many of them
are of Rare and Exquisite work, built of Hewn Stone, engraven with
Images and Figures; but by whom and when I could not attain to know,
the Inhabitants themselves being ignorant therein. But sure I am they
were built by far more Ingenious Artificers, than the Chingulayes
that now are on the Land. For the Portugueze in their Invasions have
defaced some of them, which there is none found that hath Skill enough
to repair to this day.

[The form of their Temples.] The fashion of these Pagoda's are
different; some, to wit those that were anciently built, are of
better Workmanship, as was said before; but those lately erected are
far Inferior; made only with Clay and Sticks, and no Windows. Some,
viz. Those belonging to the Buddou, are in the form of a Pigeon-House,
foursquare, one Story high, and some two; the Room above has its
Idols as well as that below. Some of them are Tiled, and some Thatched.

[The shape of their Idols.] In them are Idols and Images most monstrous
to behold, some of silver, some of brass and other metals: and also
painted sticks, and Targets, and most strange kind of Arms, as Bills,
Arrows, Spears and Swords. But these Arms are not in the Buddou's
Temples, he being for Peace: therefore there are in his Temples only
Images of men cross-legged with yellow coats on like the Gonni-Priests,
their hair frilled, and their hands before them like women. And
these they say are the spirits of holy men departed. Their Temples
are adorned with such things as the peoples ability and poverty can
afford; accounting it the highest point of Devotion, bountifully to
dedicate such things unto their Gods, which in their estimation are
most precious.

[They worship not the Idol, but whom it represents.] As for these
Images they say they say they do not own them to be Gods themselves
but only Figures, representing their Gods to their memories; and as
such, they give to them honour and worship.

[The revenues of the Temples; and the honours thereof.] Women having
their natural infirmities upon them may not, neither dare they presume
to come near the Temples or houses of their Gods. Nor the men, if
they come out of houses where such women are.

[They are dedicated to Gods.] Unto each of these Pagodas, there are
great Revenues of Land belonging: which have been allotted to them
by former Kings, according to the State of the Kingdom: but they have
much impaired the Revenues of the Crown, there being rather more Towns
belonging to the Church, than unto the King. These estates of the
Temples are to supply a daily charge they are at; which is to prepare
victuals or sacrifices to set before the Idols. They have Elephants
also as the King has, which serve them for State. Their Temples have
all sorts of Officers belonging to them, as the Palace hath.

Most of these Pagodas are dedicated to the name and honour of those,
whom they call Dio or Gods: to whom, they say, belong the Government
on earth, and of all things appertaining to this life.

[Private Chappels.] Besides these Publick Temples, many people do
build in their yards private Chappels, which are little houses, like
to Closets, sometimes so small, that they are not above two foot in
bigness, but built upon a Pillar three or four foot from the ground
wherein they do place certain Image of the Buddou, that they may have
him near them, and to testifie their love and service to him. Which
they do by lighting up candles and lamps in his house, and laying
flowers every morning before him. And at some times they boyl victuals
and lay it before him. And the more they perform such ceremonious
service to him here, the more shall be their ward hereafter.

All blessings and good success, they say, come from the hand of God,
but sickness and diseases proceed from the Devil; not that of himself
he hath such absolute power, but as servants have power, licence and
authority from their Masters, so they from God.

[The Priests.] But the Gods will require some to wait at their Altars;
and the Temples, men to officiate in them: their Priests therefore
fall under the next confederation. Of these there are three sorts
according to the three differences of Gods among them. And their
Temples are also called by three different names.

[The first order of them.] The first and highest order of Priests are
the Tirinanxes. Who are the Priests of the Buddou God. Their Temples
are styled Vehars. There is a religious house in the City of Digligy,
where they dwell and assemble and consult together about their affairs,
which being the meeting place of such holy men, they call it a Vihar;
also they admit none to come into their order but persons of the most
noble birth, and that have learning and be well bred; of such they
admit many. But they do not presently upon their admission arrive
unto the high degree of a Tirinanx. For of these there are but
three or four: and they are chose out of all the rest of the order
unto this degree; These Tirinanxes only live in the Vihar, and enjoy
great Revenues, and are as it were the Superiors of all the Priests,
and are made by the King.

Many of the Vehars are endowed and have Farms belonging to them. And
these Tirinanxes are the Landlords, unto whom the Tenants come at a
certain time and pay in their Rents. These Farmers live the easiest
of any people in the Land, for they have nothing to do but at those
set times to bring in their dues and so depart, and to keep in
repair certain little Vehars in the Countrey. So that the rest of
the Chingulais envy them and say of them, Though they live easy in
this world, they cannot escape unpunished in the life to come for
enjoying the Buddou's land and doing him so little service for it.

[The habit of these Priests.] All the rest of the order are called
Gonni. The habit is the same to the whole order, both Tirinanxes
and Gonni. It is a yellow coat gathered together about their wast,
and comes over their left shoulder, girt about with a belt of fine
pack-thread. Their heads are shaved, and they go bare-headed and
carry in their hands a round fan with a wooden handle, which is to
keep the sun off their hands.

[Their Priviledges.] They have great benefit and honour. They
enjoy their own lands without paying scot or lot or any Taxes to the
King. They are honoured in such a measure, that the people, where ever
they go, bow down to them as they do to their Gods, but themselves
bow to none. They have the honour of carrying the Tallipot with the
broad end over their heads foremost; which none but the King does:
Wheresoever they come, they have a mat and a white cloth laid over
upon a stool for them to sit upon; which is also an honour used only
to the King.

[What they are prohibited.] They are debarred from laying their hands
to any manner of work; and may not marry nor touch women, nor eat but
one meal a day, unless it be fruit and rice and water, that they may
eat morning and evening: nor must they drink wine. They will eat any
lawful flesh that is dressed for them, but they will have no hand in
the death of it; as to give order or consent to the killing of it.

They may lay down their order, if they please; which some do, that
they may marry. This is done by pulling off their coat, and flinging
it into a River, and washing themselves head and body, and then they
become like other lay-men.

[When any is religiously disposed, these Priests sent for in great
ceremony.] There is a benefit that accrueth to them, which is, when any
man is minded to provide for his soul, they bring one of these Priests
under a cloth held up by four men, unto his house, with drums and Pipes
and great solemnity which only can be done unto the King besides. Then
they give him great entertainment and bestows gifts on him according
as they are able: which, after he hath tarried a day or more, they
carry for him, and conduct him home with the like solemnities as he
came. But the night that he tarries with them he must sing Bonna, that
is matter concerning their Religion out of a Book made of the leaves
of Tallipot: and then he tells them the meaning of what he sings, it
being in an eloquent style which the Vulgar people do not understand.

[None ever used violence towards them before the present King.] Some of
these Priests, against whom the King took displeasure, were beheaded,
afterwards cast into the River. Which thing caused amazement in all
the people, how the King durst presume to do it towards such holy
and reverend persons.

And none heretofore by any former Kings have ever been so served:
being reputed and called Sons of Boddou. But the reason the King flew
them was because they conspired in the Rebellion. They threw aside
their Habits, and got their swords by their sides.

[The second order of their Priests.] The second order of Priests
are those called Koppuhs. Who are the Priests that belong to the
Temples of the other Gods. Their Temples are called Dewals. These
are not distinguished by any habit from the rest of the People, no,
nor when they are at their worship; only they wear clean cloths, and
wash themselves before they go to their service. These are taken out
from among the Hondrews. They enjoy a piece of Land that belongs to
the Dewal where they officiate, and that is all their benefit, unless
they steal somewhat that is dedicated to the Gods. They follow their
Husbandry and employments as other men do, but only when the times
of worship are, which usually is every morning and evening, oftner or
seldomer according as the Revenue will hold out, that belongs to that
Temple, whereof each is Priest. The service is, that when the boyled
rice and other victuals are brought to the Temple door by others,
he takes it and presents it before the Idol. Whence, after it hath
stood a while, he brings it out again, and then the drummers, pipers,
and other servants that belong to the Temple, eat it. These Gods have
never any flesh brought in sacrifice to them, but any thing else.

[The third order.] The third order of Priests are the Jaddeses, Priests
of the Spirits, which they call Dayautaus. Their Temples are called
Covels, which are inferior to the other Temples, and have no revenues
belonging to them. A man piously disposed, builds a small house at
his own charge, which is the Temple, and himself becomes Priest
thereof. Therein are Bills, and Swords, and Arrows, and Shields,
and Images, painted upon the walls like fierce men. This house is
seldom called Gods house, but most usually Jacco, the Devils. Upon
some extradinary festival to the Jacco, the Jaddese shaves off all
his beard.

[How they dedicate a red Cock to the Devil.] When they are sick,
they dedicate a red Cock to the Devil. Which they do after this
manner. They send for the Jaddese to their house, and give him a red
Cock chicken, which he takes up in his hand and holds an Arrow with
it, and dedicates it to the God, by telling him that if he restore the
party to his health, that Cock is given to him; and shall be dressed
and sacrificed to him in his Covel. They then let the Cock go among
the rest of the Poultry, and keep it afterwards, it may be, a year
or two: and then they carry it to the Temple, or the Priest comes
for it. For sometimes he will go round about, and fetch a great many
Cocks together, that have been dedicated, telling the owners that he
must make a sacrifice to the God; though it may be when he hath them,
he will go to some other place and convert them into mony for his
own use, as I my self can witness, We could buy three of them for
four pence half-peny.

When the people are minded to enquire any thing of their Gods, the
Priests take up some of the Arms and Instruments of the Gods, that are
in the Temples, upon his shoulder; and their he either fains himself
to be mad, or really is so: which the people call Pissowetitch; and
then the spirit of the Gods is in him, and whatsoever he pronounceth,
is looked upon as spoken by God himself, and the people will speak
to him, as if it were the very person of God.






CHAP. IV.

Concerning their Worship, and Festivals.


[The chief days of worship.] Wednesdays and Saturdays are the days,
when people, who have any business with the Gods, come and address
themselves; that is either to pray to their God for health, or
for their help in some weighty matters, as in War &c. or to swear
concerning any matter in controversy, which is done before the Idols.

[How they know what God or Devil have made them sick.] But one
of their great and frequent businesses with their Gods is for the
Recovery of health. And that God or Devil that hath made them sick,
in his power only it is to restore them. Therefore when they feel
themselves sick or sore, first, they use means to know which God
or Devil hath been the cause or author thereof. Which to find they
use these means. With any little stick they make a bow, and on the
firing thereof they hang a thing they have to cut Betel-nuts, somewhat
like a pair of Sizzars; then holding the stick or Bow by both ends,
they repeat the names of all both God and Devils: and when they come
to him who hath afflicted them, then the Iron on the bow-string will
swing. They say by that sign they know their ilness proceeds from the
power of that God last named; but I think this happens by the power
of the Hands that hold it. The God being thus found, to him chiefly
they offer their oblations and sacrifices.

[The Gods of their fortunes.] There are nine Deities, which they call
Gerehah, which are the Planets (reckoning in probably the Dragons
head and Tail.) From whom proceed their Fortunes. These they reckon
so powerful, that if they be ill affected towards any party, neither
God nor Devil can revoke it.

[What worship they give the Planets.] When they are disposed to
worship these Gerehah, they make Images of Clay according to the
number that stand disaffected, towards them, which by certain Magick
Tricks they know these Images, which are made by the Weavers, they
paint of divers colours, of horrible and monstrous shapes; some with
long tusks like a Boar, some with hornes like a Bull, all in a most
deformed manner, but something resembling the shape of a man. Before
them they prostrate Victuals, the sick party sitting all the while
before them. These ceremonies are always celebrated in the night
with Drums and Pipes and dancing until almost day, and then they
take these Images and cast them out into the high ways to be trampled
under foot: and the Victuals taken away and eaten by the attendants,
and despicable people that wait there on purpose.

[What worship they give Devils.] When they worship those whom they
call Devils, many of whom they hold to be the Spirits of some that died
heretofore, they make no Images for them, as they did for the Planets;
but only build a new house in their yard, like a Barn very slight,
covered only with leaves, and adorn it with Branches and Flowers. Into
this House they bring some of the Weapons or Instruments, which are
in the Pagods or Temples, and place them on Stools at one end of
the house, which is hanged with Cloth for that purpose, and before
them on other Stools they lay Victuals: and all that time of the
Sacrifice there is Drumming, Piping, Singing, and Dancing. [Who eat
the Sacrifices.] Which being ended, they take the Victuals away, and
give it to those which Drum and Pipe, with other Beggars and Vagabonds;
for only such do eat of their Sacrifices; not that they do account such
things hallowed, and so dare not presume to eat them, but contrariwise
they are now looked upon as polluted meat. And if they should attempt
to eat thereof, it would be a reproach to them and their Generations.

[Their Gods are local.] These Spirits or Gods are local. For those
which they worship in one County or part of the Land, are not known or
owned to have power over the People in other parts. But each Countrey
hath several Spirits or Devils, that are peculiar to those places,
and do domineer over them, and are known by several names they call
them by: under whose subjection the People do acknowledge themselves
to be: and, as I well perceive, do stand in a greater awe of them,
than they do of them, whom they call and own to be their Gods.

[The subjection of this People to the Devil.] And indeed it is sad
to consider, how this poor People are subjected to the Devil, and
they themselves acknowledge it their misery, saying their Countrey
is so full of Devils, and evil Spirits, that unless in this manner
they should adore them, they would be destroyed by them. Christians
they do acknowledge have a Prerogative above themselves, and not to
be under the Power of these infernal Spirits.

[Sometimes the Devil possesses them.] I have many times seen Men and
Women of this People strangely possest, insomuch that I could judge it
nothing else but the effect of the Devil's power upon them: and they
themselves do acknowledge as much. In the like condition to which I
never saw any that did profess to be a worshipper of the Holy Name of
JESUS. They that are thus possest, some of them will run mad into the
Woods, screeching and roaring, but do mischief to none; some will be
taken so as to be speechless, shaking, and quaking, and dancing, and
will tread upon the fire and not be hurt; they will also talk idle,
like distracted folk.

This may last sometimes two or three Months, sometimes two or three
dayes. Now their Friends reckoning it to proceed from the Devil, do go
to him and promise him a reward if he will cure them. Sometimes they
are cured, and sometimes die. The People do impute this madness to
some breach of promise that the Party affected had made to the Devil,
or else for eating some fruit or Betel-leaves dedicated to him: For
they do dedicate some fruit-trees to the Devil; and this they do, to
prevent People from stealing them (which few will dare to do after
such a Dedication) and also to excuse themselves in not bestowing
their fruit upon any that might ask or desire it. But before this
dedicated fruit is lawful for them to use, they must carry some of
it to the Temple.

[The Devil's Voice often heard.] This for certain I can affirm, That
oftentimes the Devil doth cry with an audible Voice in the Night;
'tis very shrill almost like the barking of a Dog. This I have often
heard my self; but never heard that he did any body any harm. Only
this observation the Inhabitants of the Land have made of this Voice,
and I have made it also, that either just before or very suddenly
after this Voice, the King always cuts off People. To believe that
this is the Voice of the Devil these reasons urge, because there is no
Creature known to the Inhabitants, that cry like it, and because it
will on a sudden depart from one place, and make a noise in another,
quicker than any fowl could fly: and because the very Dogs will tremble
and shake when they hear it; and 'tis so accounted by all the People.

This Voice is heard only in Cande Uda, and never in the Low
Lands. When the Voice is near to a Chingulaye's house, he will curse
the Devil, calling him Geremoi goulammah, Beef-eating Slave be gone,
be damned, cut his Nose off, beat him a pieces. And such like words
of Railery, and this they will speak aloud with noise, and passion,
and threatning. This Language I have heard them bestow upon the Voice;
and the Voice upon this always ceaseth for a while, and seems to
depart, being heard at a greater distance.

[Their Sacrifice to the chief Devil.] When smaller Devils do fail them,
they repair unto the great one. Which they do after this manner. They
prepare an Offering of Victuals ready dressed; one dish whereof is
always a red Cock. Which they do as frequently offer to the Devil,
as Papists do Wax-Candles to Saints. This Offering they carry out
into a remote place in the Woods, and prostrate it to the honour and
service of the Grand Devil, before which there are men in an horrible
disguise like Devils, with Bells about their Legs and Doublets of a
strange fashion, dancing and singing, to call, it it were possible,
the Devil himself to come and eat of the Sacrifices they have brought;
the sick Party is all the while present.

[Their Festivals.] I have hitherto spoke of their ordinary and daily
Worship, and their private and occasional Devotions; besides these
they have their solemn and annual Festivals. Now of these there are
two sorts, some belonging to their Gods that govern the Earth, and all
things referring to this life; and some belonging to the Buddou whose
Province is to take care of the Soul and future well-being of Men.

[Festivals to the honour of the Gods that govern this World.] I
shall first mention the Festivals of the former sort. They are two or
three. That they may therefore honour these Gods, and procure their aid
and assistance, they do yearly in the Month of [The great Festival in
June.] June or July, at a New Moon, observe a solemn Feast and general
Meeting, called Perahar; but none are compelled, and some go to one
Pagoda, and some to another. The greatest Solemnity is performed in
the City of Cande; but at the same time the like Festival or Perahar
is observed in divers other Cities and Towns of the Land. The Perahar
at Cande is ordered after this manner.

The Priest bringeth forth a painted stick, about which strings of
Flowers are hanged, and so it is wrapped in branched Silk, some
part covered, and some not; before which the People bow down and
worship; each one presenting him with an Offering according to his
free will. These free-will Offerings being received from the People,
the Priest takes his painted stick on his Shoulder, having a Cloth
tied about his mouth to keep his breath from defiling this pure piece
of Wood, and gets up upon an Elephant all covered with white Cloth,
upon which he rides with all the Triumph that King and Kingdom can
afford, thro all the Streets of the City. But before him go, first
some Forty or Fifty Elephants, with brass Bells hanging on each side
of them, which tingle as they go.

Next, follow men dressed up like Gyants, which go dancing along
agreeable to a Tradition they have, that anciently there were
huge men, that could carry vast Burthens, and pull up Trees by
the Roots. &c. After them go a great multitude of Drummers, and
Trumpetters, and Pipers, which make such a great and loud noise, that
nothing else besides them can be heard. Then followeth a Company of
Men dancing along, and after these Women of such Casts or Trades as are
necessary for the service of the Pagoda, as Potters and Washer-women,
each cast goeth in Companies by themselves, three and three in a row,
holding one another by the hand; and between each Company go Drummers,
Pipers and Dancers.

After these comes an Elephant with two Priests on his back: one
whereof is the Priest before spoken of, carrying the painted stick
on his Shoulder, who represents Allout neur Dio, that is, the God and
Maker of Heaven and Earth. The other sits behind him, holding a round
thing, like an Umbrello, over his head, to keep off Sun or Rain. Then
within a yard after him on each hand of him follow two other Elephants
mounted with two other Priests, with a Priest sitting behind each,
holding Umbrello's as the former, one of them represents Cotteragom
Dio, and the other Potting Dio. These three Gods that ride here in
Company are accounted of all other the greatest and chiefest, each
one having his residence in a several Pagoda.

Behind go their Cook-women, with things like whisks in their hands to
scare away flies from them; but very fine as they can make themselves.

Next after the Gods and their Attendance, go some Thousands of Ladies
and Gentlewomen, such as are of the best sort of the Inhabitants of
the Land, arrayed in the bravest manner that their Ability can afford,
and so go hand in hand three in a row; At which time all the Beauties
on Zelone in their Bravery do go to attend upon their Gods in their
Progress about the City. Now are the Streets also all made clean,
and on both sides all along the Streets Poles stuck up with Flags
and Pennons hanging at the tops of them, and adorned with boughs and
branches of Coker Nut-Trees hanging like Fringes, and lighted Lamps
all along on both sides of the Streets, both by day and night.

Last of all, go the Commanders sent from the King to see these
Ceremonies decently performed, with their Soldiers after them. And in
this manner they ride all round about the City once by day and once
by night. This Festival lasts from the New Moon until the Full Moon.

Formerly the King himself in Person used to ride on Horseback with
all his Train before him in this Solemnity, but now he delights not
in these Shows.

Always before the Gods set out to take their Progress, they are set in
the Pagoda-Door, a good while, that the People may come to worship and
bring their Offerings unto them; during which time there are Dancers,
playing and shewing many pretty Tricks of Activity before him; To see
the which, and also to shew themselves in their Bravery, occasions
more People to resort hither, than otherwise their Zeal and Devotion
would prompt them to do.

Two or thee days before the Full Moon, each of these Gods hath a
Pallenkine carried after them to add unto their honour. In the which
there are several pieces of their superstitious relicts, and a Silver
Pot. Which just, at the hour of Full Moon they ride out unto a River,
and dip full of water, which is carried back with them into the Temple,
where it is kept till the year after and then flung away. And so the
Ceremony is ended for that year.

This Festival of the Gods taking their Progress thro the City, in
the year 1664. the King would not permit to be performed; and that
same year the Rebellion happened, but never since hath he hindred it.

At this time they have a Superstition, which lasteth six or seven days,
too foolish to write; it consists in Dancing, Singing, and Jugling. The
reason of which is, lest the eyes of the People, or the Power of
the Jacco's, or Infernal Spirits, might any ways prove prejudicial
or noisom to the aforesaid Gods in their Progress abroad. During the
Celebration of this great Festival, there are no Drums allowed to be
beaten to any particular Gods at any private Sacrifice.

[The Feast in November.] In the Month of November the Night when the
Moon is at the Full, there is another great solemn Feast, called in
their Language Cawtha Poujah. Which is celebrated only by lighting of
Lamps round about the Pogada. At which time they stick up the longest
Poles they can get in the Woods, at the Doors of the Pagods and of
the King's Palace. Upon which they make contrivances to set Lamps in
rows one above the other, even unto the very tops of the Poles, which
they call Tor-nes. To maintain the charge hereof, all the Countrey in
general do contribute, and bring in Oil. In this Poujah or Sacrifice
the King seems to take delight. The reason of which may be, because he
participates far more of the Honour, than the Gods do, in whose name
it is celebrated; his Palace being far more decked and adorned with
high Poles and Lights, than the Temples are. This Ceremony lasteth
but for one Night.

[The Festival in honour of the God of the Soul.] And these are their
Anniversary Feasts to the honour of those Gods, whose power extends
to help them in this Life; now follows the manner of their Service
to the Buddou, who it is, they say, that must save their Souls,
and the Festival in honour of him.

To represent the memorial of him to their eye, they do make small
Images of Silver, Brass, and Clay, and Stone, which they do honour with
Sacrifices and Worship, shewing all the signs of outward reverence
which possibly they can. In most places where there are hollow Rocks
and Caves, they do set up Images in memorial of this God. Unto which
they that are devoutly bent, at New and Full Moons do carry Victuals,
and worship.

His great Festival is in the Month of March at their New-years
Tide. The Places where he is commemorated are two, not Temples, but the
one a Mountain and the other a Tree; either to the one or the other,
they at this time go with Wives and Children, for Dignity and Merit
one being esteemed equal with the other.

The Mountain is at the South end of the Countrey, called Hammalella,
but by Christian People, Adam's Peak, the highest in the whole Island;
where, as has been said before, is the Print of the Buddou's foot,
which he left on the top of that Mountain in a Rock, from whence
he ascended to Heaven. Unto this footstep they give worship, light
up Lamps, and offer Sacrifices, laying them upon it, as upon an
Altar. The benefit of the Sacrifices that are offered here do belong
unto the Moors Pilgrims, who come over from the other Coast to beg,
this having been given them heretofore by a former King. So that at
that season there are great numbers of them always waiting there to
receive their accustomed Fees.

The Tree is at the North end of the King's Dominions at
Annarodgburro. This Tree, they say, came flying over from the other
Coast, and there planted it self, as it now stands, under which the
Buddou-God at his being on earth used, as they say, often to fit. This
is now become a place of solemn worship. The due performance whereof
they reckon not to be a little meritorious: insomuch that, as they
report, Ninety Kings have since reigned there successively, where
by the ruins that still remain, it appears they spared not for pains
and labour to build Temples and high Monuments to the honour of this
God, as if they had been born only to hew Rocks, and great Stones,
and lay them up in heaps. These Kings are now happy Spirits, having
merited it by these their labours.

Those whose Ability or Necessity serve them not to go to these Places,
may go to some private Vihars nearer.

[The high honour they have for this God.] For this God above all other,
they seem to have an high respect and Devotion; as will appear by this
that follows. Ladies and Gentlewomen of good Quality, will sometimes
in a Fit of Devotion to the Buddou, go a begging for him. The greatest
Ladies of all do not indeed go themselves, but send their Maids dressed
up finely in their stead. These Women taking the Image along with them,
carry it upon the palms of their hand covered with a piece of white
Cloth; and so go to mens houses, and will say, We come a begging of
your Charity for the Buddou towards his Sacrifice. And the People are
very liberal. They give only of three things to him, either Oyl for his
Lamps, or Rice for his Sacrifice, or Money or Cotton Yarn for his use.

Poor men will often go about begging Sustenance for themselves by
this means: They will get a Book of Religion, or a Buddou's Image in
a Case, wrapping both in a white Cloth, which they carry with great
reverence. And then they beg in the name of the Book or the God. And
the People bow down to them, and give their Charity, either Corn,
or Money, or Cotton yarn. Sometimes they will tell the Beggar, What
have I to give? And he will reply, as the saying is, as much as you
can take up between your two fingers is Charity. After he has received
a gift from any, he pronounceth a great deal of blessing upon him,
Let the blessing of the Gods and the Buddou go along with you; let
your Corn ripen, let your Cattle increase, let your Life be long, &c.

Some being devoutly disposed, will make the Image of this God at their
own charge. For the making whereof they must bountifully reward the
Founder. Before the Eyes are made, it is not accounted a God, but a
lump of ordinary Metal, and thrown about the Shop with no more regard
than any thing else. But when the Eyes are to be made, the Artificer
is to have a good gratification, besides she first agreed upon
reward. The Eyes being formed, it is thenceforward a God. And then,
being brought with honour from the Workman's Shop, it is dedicated
by Solemnities and Sacrifices, and carried with great state into its
shrine or little house, which is before built and prepared for it.

Sometimes a man will order the Smith to make this Idol, and then after
it is made will go about with it to well-disposed People to contribute
toward the Wages the Smith is to have for making it. And men will
freely give towards the charge. And this is looked upon in the man
that appointed the Image to be made, as a notable piece of Devotion.

I have mentioned the Bogahah Tree before, which in memory of this God
they hold Sacred, and perform Sacrifices, and celebrate Religious
Meetings under. Under this Tree at some convenient distance about
ten or twelve foot at the outmost edge of the Platform, they usually
build Booths or Tents; some are made slight only with leaves for
the present use, but some are built substantial with hewn Timber and
Clay Walls, which stand many years. These Buildings are divided into
small Tenements for each particular Family. The whole Town joyns,
and each man builds his own Appartment: so that the Building goes
quite round like a circle, only one gap is left, which is to pass
thro to the Bogahah Tree: and this gap is built over with a kind
of Portal. The use of these Buildings is for the entertainment of
the Women. Who take great delight to come and see these Ceremonies,
clad in their best and richest Apparel. They employ themselves in
seeing the Dancers, and the Juglers do their Tricks: who afterwards
by their importunity will get Money of them, or a Ring off their
Fingers, or some such matters. Here also they spend their time in
eating Betel, and in talking with their Consorts, and shewing their
fine Cloths. These Solemnities are always in the Night, the Booths
all set round with Lamps; nor are they ended in one Night, but last
three or four, until the Full Moon, which always puts a Period to them.







CHAP. V.

Concerning their Religions Doctrines, Opinions, And Practices.


[As to their Religion they are very indifferent.] There are few or
none zealous in their worship, or have any great matter of esteem
for their Gods. And they seldom busie themselves in the matters of
their Religion, until they come to be sick or very aged. They debar
none that will come to see the Ceremonies of their worship; and if a
stranger should dislike their way, reprove or mock at them for their
Ignorance and Folly, they would acknowledge the same, and laugh at the
superstitions of their own Devotion, but withall tell you that they
are constrained to do what they do, to keep themselves safe from the
malice and mischiefs that the evil spirits would otherwise do them,
with which, they say, their Country swarm.

[If their Gods answer not their desires, they Curse them.] Sometimes
in their Sickness they go to the House of their Gods with an Offering,
with which they present him, intreating his favour and aid to restore
them to health. Upon the recovery whereof they promise him not to fail
but to give unto His Majesty (for so they entitle him) far greater
Gifts or Rewards, and what they are, they do particularly mention;
it may be, Land, a Slave, Cattle, Money, Cloth, &c. and so they will
discourse, argue and expostulate with him, as if he were there present
in Person before them. If after this, he fails on his part, and cannot
restore them to their health, then the fore-promised things are to
remain where they were; and instead of which perhaps he gets a Curse,
saying, He doth but cheat and deceive them.

[They undervalue and revile their Gods.] It is a usual saying, and
very frequent among them (if their Gerahah, which is their fortune,
be bad) What can God do against it: Nay, have often heard them say,
Give him no Sacrifice, but shit in his Mouth, what a God is He? So
slight an estimation have they of their Idol-Gods; and the King far
less esteems them. For he doth not in the least give any countenance
either to the Worshipper, or to the manner of worship. And God's name
be magnified, that hath not suffered him to disturb or molest the
Christians in the least in their Religion, or ever attempt to force
them to comply with the Countreys Idolatry. But on the contrary,
both King and People do generally like the Christian Religion better
than their own: and respect and honour the Christians as Christians;
and do believe there is a greater God than any they adore. And in
all probability they would be very easily drawn to the Christian or
any other Religion: as will appear by this story following.

[A fellow gives out himself for a Prophet.] There was lately one
among them that pretended himself a Prophet sent to them from a
new God, that as yet was nameless. At which the People were amused,
especially because he pretended to heal the Sick, and do Miracles:
and presently he was had in high veneration. He gave out it was the
command of the new nameless God to spoil and pull down the Dewals,
that is, the Temples of the former Gods. This he made a good progress
in, with no let or impediment from King or People. The King all this
while inclined neither to one or other, as not regarding such matters,
until he might see which of these Gods would prevail, the old or the
new. For this People stand in fear of all that are called Gods; and
this especially surprized them, because without a Name; so contrary
to all their old ones, who have Names. This new-found God therefore
went on boldly and successfully without controul: [His Success.] the
People all in general began to admire him thus come among them. And
great troops of People daily assembled thither with Sacrifices, and
to worship him. Whereby seeing their inclination so strong towards
him, he began to perceive it was not only possible, but also easie
and probable to change his Priesthood for a Kingdom.

[The King sends for one of his Priests.] At which time, whether
the King began to suspect or not, I cannot say; but he sent for one
of his Priests to be brought up to the Court. For this God had his
residence in the Countrey at Vealbow in Hotcourly, somewhat remote
from the King. This Priest having remained at the City some days,
the King took a Ring from off his Finger, and put it in an Ivory Box,
and sent it by three of his great Men to him, bidding him to enquire
of his nameless God what it was that was therein; which amazed this
Priest; but he returned this subtil answer, that he was not sent
to divine, but to heal the Diseases and help the Infirmities of the
People. Upon which the King gave Command to take him and put him in
the Stocks under a Tree, there to be wet with the Rain, and dry again
with the Sun. Which was executed upon him accordingly.

[Flies to Columba, pretends himself to be a former King's Son.] The
Chief Priest, who was the first Inventor of this new God, hearing what
the King had done, and fearing what might follow, suddenly dispatched,
and carried all what he had plundered out of the Pagods with him to
Columba, and stole one of the King's Elephants to carry it upon. Where
being arrived, he declares himself to be Son of the King of Mautoly;
who was elder Brother to this King that now is, and for fear of whom
he fled to Columba; being at that time when the Portugals had it,
who sent him to Goa, where he died.

[Flies from the Dutch.] This being noised abroad that he was a Prince,
made the People flock faster to him than before. Which changed both
his heart and behaviour from a Priest to a King. Insomuch that the
Dutch began to be in doubt what this might grow to. Who to prevent
the worst, set a watch over him: which he not liking of, took the
advantage of the night, and fled with all his Followers and Attendance
up to the King again, and came to the same place where he lay before.

[The King catches and quarters him.] No sooner had the King notice
of his arrival, but immediately he dispatched five of his greatest
Commanders with their Soldiers to catch him, and to bring him up
to him. Which they did, laying both him and all his followers in
Chains. The King commanded to keep him in a certain Pagoda of the
Chingulayes, until the matter were examined, the People in general much
lamenting him, tho not able to help. The chief of their Church-men,
viz. their Gonni-nancies, were all commanded to make their Personal
appearance at Court. Which all thought was to see the Prince or
Priest, should have a legal Trial. But in the mean time, the King
commanded to cut him in four quarters, and hang them in places,
which he appointed. Which was done.

[The Peoples opinion still of this new God.] Nevertheless the Vulgar
People to this day do honour and adore the name & memorial of the
nameless God. With which if he could have been content, and not have
gone about to usurp the Crown, the King so little regarding Religion,
he might have lived to dye a natural death.

[Their Doctrins and Opinions.] These people do firmly believe a
resurrection of the body, and the Immortality of Souls, and a future
State. Upon which account they will worship their Ancestors. They
do beleive that those they call Gods are the spirits of men that
formerly have lived upon the earth. They hold that in the other world,
those that are good men tho they be poor and mean in this world, yet
there they shall become high and eminent; and that wicked men shall be
turned into beasts. There is a Spider among them, that breeds an Egg,
which she carries under her belly, 'tis as wide as groat, and bigger
then the body of the Spider. This egg is full of young Spiders that
breed there: it hangs under her belly wheresoever she goes: and as
their young ones grow to bigness they eat up the old one. Now the
Chingulayes say, that disobedient children shall become Spiders in
the other world, and their young ones shall eat them up.

They hold that every mans good or bad Fortune was predetermined by
God, before he was born, according to an usual Proverb they have,
Ollua cottaula tiana, It is written in the head.

[The highest points of Devotion.] They reckon the chief poynts of
goodness to consist in giving to the Priests, in making Pudgiahs,
Sacrifices to their Gods, in forbearing shedding the blood of any
creature: which to do they call Pau boi, a great Sin: and in abstaining
from eating any flesh at all, because they would not have any hand,
or any thing to do in killing any living thing. They reckon Herbs
and Plants more innocent food. It is religion also to sweep under
the Bogaha or God-Tree, and keep it clean. It is accounted religion
to be just and sober and chast and true and to be endowed with other
vertues, as we do account it.

[Their Charity.] They give to the poor out of a Principle of
Charity, which they extend to forraigners, as well as to their own
Country-men. But of every measure of rice they boyl in their houses
for their families they will take out an handful, as much as they
can gripe, and put into a bag, and keep it by it self, which they
call Mitta-haul. And this they give and distribute to such poor as
they please, or as come to their doors.

[The priviledg of the Moorish beggars.] Nor are they charitable only to
the poor of their own Nation, but as I said to others: and particularly
to the Moorish beggars, who are Mahometans by religion. These have a
Temple in Cande. A certain former king gave this Temple this Priviledg,
that every Free-holder should contribute a Ponnam to it. And these
Moors go to every house in the land to receive it. And if the house
be shut, they have power to break it open, and to take out of goods
to the value of it. They come very confidently when they beg, and
they say they come to fulfill the peoples charity. And the people do
liberrally releive them for charity sake.

There is only one County in the Land, viz. Dolusbaug, that pays not the
aforesaid duty to the Moors Temple. And the reason is, that when they
came first thither to demand it, the Inhabitants beat them away. For
which act they are free from the payment of that Ponnam and have also
another priviledg granted them for the same, That they pay no Marral,
or Harriots, to the King as other Countreys do.

These Moors Pilgrims have many pieces of Land given them by well
disposed persons out of charity, where they build houses and live. And
this land becomes theirs from generation to generation for ever.

[They respect Christians, and why.] They lay Flowers, out of religion,
before their Images every morning and evening, for which Images
they build little Chappels in their yards as we said before. They
carry beads in their hands on strings, and say so many prayers
as they go. Which custom in all probability they borrowed of the
Portugueze. They love a man that makes conscience of his ways. Which
makes them respect Christians more than any others, because they
think they are just and will not lye. And thus we have finished our
discourse of their Religion.






CHAP. VI.

Concerning their Houses, Diet, Housewifry, Salutation, Apparel.


Having already treated of their Religion, we now come to their secular
concerns. And first we will lead you into their houses, and shew you
how they live.

[Their houses.] Their Houses are small, low, thatched Cottages, built
with sticks, daubed with clay, the walls made very smooth. For they are
not permitted to build their houses above one story high, neither may
they cover with tiles, nor whiten their walls with lime, but there is
a Clay which is as white, and that they use sometimes. They employ no
Carpenters, or house-builders, unless some few noble-men, but each one
buildeth his own dwelling. In building whereof there is not so much as
a nail used; but instead of them every thing which might be nailed,
is tyed with rattans and other strings, which grow in the woods in
abundance; whence the builder hath his Timber for cutting. The Country
being warm, many of them will not take pains to clay their walls,
but make them of boughs and leaves of Trees. The poorest sort have
not above one room in their houses, few above two, unless they be
great men. Neither doth the King allow them to build better.

[No chimneys.] They are not nice nor curious in their houses. They
have no Chimneys in them, but make their fires in one corner, so that
the roof is all blacked with the smoak.

[The houses of the better sort.] The great people have handsom and
commodious houses. They have commonly two buildings one opposit to
the other, joined together on each side with a wall, which makes a
square Court-yard in the middle. Round about against the walls of
their houses are banks of clay to sit on; which they often daub over
with soft Cow-dung, to keep them smooth and clean. Their Slaves and
Servants dwell round about without in other houses with their wives
and children.

[Their Furniture.] Their Furniture is but small. A few earthen pots
which hang up in slings made of Canes in the middle of their houses,
having no shelves; one or two brass Basons to eat in, a stool or
two without backs. For none but the King may sit upon a stool with a
back. There are also some baskets to put corn in, some mats to spread
upon the ground to sleep on: which is the bedding both for themselves
and friends when they come to their houses. Also some Ebeny pestels
about four foot long to beat rice out of the husk, and a wooden Morter
to beat it in afterwards to make it white, a Hirimony or Grater to
grate their Coker-nuts with, a flat stone upon which they grind their
Pepper and Turmeric, &c. With another stone which they hold in their
hands at the same time. They have also in their houses Axes, Bills,
Houghs, Atches Chissels, and other Tools for their use. Tables they
have none, but sit and eat on the ground.

[How they eat.] And now we are mentioning eating, let us take a
view of this people at their meals. Their Dyet and ordinary fare is
but very mean, as to our account. If they have but Rice and Salt in
their house, they reckon they want for nothing. For with a few green
Leaves and the juice of a Lemmon with Pepper and Salt, they will
make a hearty meal. Beef here may not be eaten; it is abominable:
Flesh and Fish is somewhat scarce. And that little of it they have,
they had rather sell to get mony to keep, then eat it themselves:
neither is there any but outlandish men, that will buy any of them. It
is they indeed do eat the fat and best of the Land. Nor is it counted
any shame or disgrace, to be a niggard and sparing in dyet; but rather
a credit even to the greatest of them, that they can fare hard and
suffer hunger, which they say, Soldiers ought to be able to endure.

[How the great men eat.] The great ones have always five or fix sorts
of food at one meal, and of them not above one or two at most of
Flesh or Fish, end of them more pottage than meat, after the Portugal
fashion. The rest is only what groweth out of the ground. The main
substance with which they fill their bellies is Rice, the other things
are but to give it a relish.

[Discouraged from nourishing Cattel.] If these people were not
discouraged from rearing and nourishing of Cattle and Poultry,
provisions might be far more plentiful. For here are many Jackalls,
which catch their Hens and some Tigres, that destroy their Cattle:
but the greatest of all is the King; whose endeavour is to keep them
poor and in want. For from them that have Hens his Officers take
them for the Kings use giving little or nothing for them; the like
they do by Hogs. Goats none are suffered to keep, besides the King,
except strangers.

[Cleanly in dressing their meet.] In dressing of their victuals they
are not to be discommended: for generally they are cleanly and very
handy about the fame. And after one is used to that kind of fare,
as they dress it, it is very savoury and good. They sit upon a mat
on the ground, and eat. But he, whom they do honour and respect,
sits on a stool and his victuals on another before him.

[Their drink and manner of eating.] Their common drink is only water:
and if they drink Rack, it is before they eat, that it may have the
more operation upon their bodies. When they drink they touch not the
Pot with their mouths, but hold it at a distance, and pour it in. They
eat their Rice out of China dishes, or Brass Basons, and they that
have not them, on leaves. The Carrees, or other sorts of Food which
they eat with their Rice, is kept in the Pans it is dressed in,
and their wives serve them with it, when they call for it. For it
is their duties to wait and serve their Husbands while they eat,
and when they have done, then to take and eat that which they have
left upon their Trenchers. During their eating they neither use nor
delight to talk to one another.

[Their manner of washing before and after meals.] They always wash
their hands and mouths both before and after they have eaten; but
for others to pour the water on their hands is looked upon as an
affront. For so they do to them, whom they account not worthy to
handle their Water pot. But when they wash, with one hand they pour
it themselves upon the other. They are very cleanly both in their
bodies and heads, which they do very often wash, and also when they
have been at stool they make use of water.

[None must speak while the Rice is put into the Pot.] But to give you
a little of their Cookery. If People be in the room talking together,
the woman being ready to put the Rice into the Pot, bids them all be
silent till she has put it in, and then they may procede with their
discourse. For if they should talk while the Rice is putting in,
it would not swell.

[Sawce made of Lemmon juyce.] At the time of the year that there is
most plenty of Lemmons, they take them and squeez the juyce into an
earthen Pot, and set over the fire, and boil it so long, till it
becomes thick and black like Tar. This they set by for their use,
and it will keep as long as they please. A very small quantity of it
will suffice for sawce. They call it Annego.

[Their sweet meats.] They have several sorts of sweet-meats. One
they call Caown. It is like to a Fritter made of Rice-flower, and
Jaggory. They make them up in little lumps, and lay them upon a Leaf,
and then press them with their thumbs, and put them into a Frying-Pan,
and fry them in Coker-nut Oyl or Butter. When the Dutch came first to
Columba, the King ordered these Caown to be made and sent to them as
a royal Treat. And they say, the Dutch did so admire them, that they
asked if they grew not upon Trees, supposing it past the Art of man
to make such dainties.

Oggulas another sort of sweet-meats, made of parched Rice, Jaggory,
Pepper, Cardamum, and a little Cinnamons. They rowl them up in Balls,
which will grow hard. These they tie up in bags and carry them with
them when they travail to eat in afternoons when they are hungry.

Alloways made much after the former manner, only they are flat in the
fashion of a Lozenge; which are good for faintings and thirsty souls
to relish their water, and to eat of in afternoons when they are at
home. We carried some of these along with us in our travayl.

[A kind of Puddings.] Tacpetties, made of Rice-flower, and the meat of
the Coker-nut and Jaggory. They are made up into small lumps, and so
put in a Leaf, and laid on a cloth over a Pot of boyling water. The
stream of which heats that which is laid upon it: and so they are
sodden like a Pudding. They tast like white bread, Almonds and Sugar.

Pitu. Which is made thus. They take flower of Coracan, and sprinkle
a little water into it, being both put into a large Pot for the
purpose. Then they stir and rowl it in the Pot with their hands: by
which means it crumbles into corns like Gun-Powder. Then they have a
Pot of boyling water with a cloth tyed over it; and upon this cloth
they lay so much of this corn flower as they can conveniently cover
with another Pot. And so the steam coming through the cloth boils it,
that it will be much like unto a Pudding. And this they use to eat
as they do Rice.

[The Womens Houswifry.] The womens Housewifry is to beat the Rice out
of the husk; which they do with an Ebeny Pestle before mentioned. They
lay the Rice on the ground, and then beat it, one blow with one hand,
and then tossing the Pestle into the other, to strike with that. And
at the same time they keep stroke with their feet (as if they were
dancing) to keep up the Corn together in one heap. This being done,
they beat it again in a wooden Morter to whiten it, as was said
before. This work tho it be very hard, belongeth only to the women:
as also to fetch both wood and water. The wood they bring upon their
heads, the water in an earthen Pot, placing it upon their hip. To the
women also belongs a small bill to cut Herbs, Pumkins &c. Which she
is to dress. Which bill she lays upon the ground, the edg upwards,
and sets her self upon a Staff or handle to hold it fast, and what
she meaneth to cut, she lays it upon the edge, and shoveth it on it.

[How they entertain strangers.] When one comes to anothers house,
being set down the Entertainment is, green Leaves, they call Bullat,
which they eat raw with Lime and Betel-nut, and Tobacco. And being set
a while, the man of the house will ask the Stranger what he comes tor,
which if he does not suddenly, the Stranger will take exceptions at
it, as thinking he is not welcom to him. Neither do they ever go one
to visit the other, unless it be for their own ends, either to beg
or borrow.

[And Kindred.] And if Kindred, that are very nearly related come
together, they have no loving or private conference one with the other,
but fit like strangers very solid and grave. And if they stay above
one night, which is the common custom, then they do help and assist
the man of the house in any work or service he hath to do.

[When they visit.] When any friends go to anothers house to visit,
they never go empty handed, but carry provisions and sweat meats with
them to their friend. And then he makes them a Feast according to
his ability, but they never eat of those things, which themselves
brought. But there is but little feasting among them unless at
a Wedding.

We have been long enough in the house, let us walk abroad, and show
you how the People demean themselves without doors.

[Their manner of Salutations.] When they meet one another, their
manner of Salutation or obeisance is, to hold forth their two hands,
the Palms upwards, and bow their Bodies: but the superior to the
inferior holds forth but one hand, and if the other be much beneath,
him he only nods his head. The women salute by holding up both
their hands edgways to their Foreheads. The general complement one
to another at first meeting is to say Ay; it signifies how do you:
and the other answers, Hundoi, that is, well.

[The Nobles in their best Apparel.] The Habit of the men when they
appear abroad is after this sort. The Nobles wear Doublets of white
or blew Callico, and about their middle a cloth, a white one next
their skin, and a blew one or of some other colour or painted, over
the white: a blew or shash girt about their loyns, and a Knife with a
carved handle wrought or inlaid with Silver sticking in their bosom;
and a compleat short Hanger carved and inlaid with Brass and Silver
by their sides, the Scabbard most part covered with Silver; bravely
ingraven; a painted Cane and sometimes a Tuck in it in their hands,
and a boy always bare-headed with long hair hanging down his back
waiting upon him, ever holding a small bag in his hand, which is
instead of a Pocket, wherein is Betel-leaves and nuts. Which they
constantly keep chewing in their mouths, with Lime kept in a Silver
Box rarely engraven, which commonly they hold in their hands, in
shape like a Silver Watch.

[The fashion of their hair.] The great ones also generally, and
spruce young men, do wear their hair long hanging down behind: but
when they do any work or travail hard, it annoying them, they tie it
up behind. Heretofore generally they bored holes in their ears and
hung weights in them to make them grow long, like the Malabars, but
this King not boring his, that fashion is almost left off. The men
for ornament do wear Brass, Copper, Silver Rings on their Fingers,
and some of the greatest Gold. But none may wear any Silk.

But the women in their Apparel do far surpass the men, neither are they
so curious in clothing themselves as in making their wives fine. The
mens Pride consists in their Attendance, having men bearing Arms
before and behind them.

[The Women drest in their bravery.] In their houses the women regard
not much what dress they go in, but so put on their cloths as is most
convenient for them to do their work. But when they go abroad, and
make themselves fine, They wear a short Frock with sleeves to cover
their bodies of fine white Callico wrought with blew and red Thread
in flowers and branches: on their Arms Silver Bracelets, and their
fingers and toes full of Silver Rings, about their necks, Necklaces of
Beads or Silver, curiously wrought and engraven, guilded with Gold,
hanging down so low as their brests. In their ears hang ornaments
made of Silver set with Stones, neatly engraven and guilded. Their
ears they bore when they are young, and rowl Coker-nut leaves and put
into the holes to stretch them out, by which means they grow so wide
that they stand like round Circles on each side of their faces, which
they account a great ornament, but in my Judgment a great deformity,
they being well featured women.

[How they dress their heads.] Their other ornaments and Apparel
show very comely on them Their Hair they oyl, with Coker-nut oyl
to make it smooth, and comb it all behind. Their hair grows not
longer than their wasts, but because it is a great ornament to have
a great bunch of hair, they have a lock of other hair fastened in
a Plate of engraved Silver and guilded, to tie up with their own,
in a knot hanging down half their Backs. Their hands are bare, but
they carry a scarf of striped or branched Silk or such as they can
get, casting it carelesly on their head and shoulders. About their
Wasts they have one or two Silver girdles made with Wire and Silver
Plate handsomly engraven, hanging down on each side, one crossing the
other behind. And as they walk they chew Betel. But notwithstanding
all their bravery neither man nor woman wears shoos or stockings,
that being a Royal dress, and only for the King himself.

[They commonly borrow their fine cloths.] It is in general a common
custom with all sorts of People, to borrow Apparel or Jewels to wear
when they go abroad, which being so customary is no shame nor disgrace
to them, neither do they go about to conceal it. For among their
friends or strangers where they go, they will be talking saying, This
I borrowed of such an one, and this of another body. Their Poverty
is so great, that their ability will not reach to buy such Apparel
as they do desire to wear; which nevertheless is but very mean and
ordinary at the best.






CHAP. VII.

Of their Lodging, Bedding, Whoredom, Marriages, and Children.


Having been thus entertained with the fine Ladies abroad, it is time
now to return home to our Lodging. And the night coming on, we will
lead you to their Bed-Chambers, and shew you how they sleep. About
which they are not very curious. If their house be but one room (as
it often is) then the men sleep together at one end and the women at
the other.

[Their Bed, and how they sleep a nights.] They have Bedsteads laced
with Canes or Rattans, but no Testars to them, nor Curtains; that the
King allows not of; neither have they nor care they for more than
one Bedstead, which is only for the Master of the house to sit or
sleep on. To this Bedstead belongs two mats and a straw Pillow. The
Woman with the Children always lyes on the ground on mats by the
fire-side. For a Pillow she lays a block or such like thing under
her mat, but the Children have no Pillows at all. And for covering
and other bedding they use the cloth they wear by day. But always at
their feet they will have a fire burning all night. Which makes more
work for the Women; who must fetch it all upon her head. For it is
accounted a disgrace for the man to meddle or make with those affairs,
that properly do belong unto the Woman.

[They rise in the night.] The younger sort of Children, such as go
naked by day, creep in under a corner of their mothers cloths. And
if they feel themselves cold in the night, they rise and blow the
fire with their mouths, having no Bellows in that Countrey, and so
sit and warm themselves thereby.

They are so little given to sleep, that they do rise many times in
the night to eat Beatel and to take Tobacco. Which done they lay them
down, and sing songs until they fall a sleep again.

[Children taught to sing at going to Bed.] At their first going to
bed, it is very seldom that they do pray to God, neither do they
ever teach their Children so to do. But sometimes will say Auh Dio,
which is God help or keep me. But they do instead of that, teach and
bid their Children to sing songs when they go to bed.

[Young People lie at one anotheir houses.] Where their houses consist
but of one room, the Children that are of any years always go and
sleep in other houses among their neighbours. Which please them better
than their own. For so they come to meet with bedfellows, nor doth it
displease the Parents, if young men of as good quality as themselves
become acquainted with their daughters, but rather like well of it;
knowing that their daughters by this means can command the young men
to help and assist them in any work or business that they may have
occasion to use them in. And they look upon it so far distant from a
disgrace, that they will among their consorts brag of it, that they
have the young men thus at their command.

[Nothing so common as Whoredom.] So that youth are bred up to
Whoredom. Indeed here are no Publick Whores allowed by Authority. In
the City some that have followed that Trade, have oftentimes by the
King's order been severely punished by Whipping, and having their Ears
and Hair cut off. But in private few or none can exempt themselves. And
for the matter of being with Child, which many of them do not desire,
they very exquisitely can prevent the same.

[They are guilty of the thing, but love not the name.] Indeed the
Publick Trade would be bad, and hardly maintain them that exercised it,
the private one being so great. And tho I think they be all Whores,
yet they abhor the Name of Vesou, which is Whore. Neither do they in
their anger reproach one another with it, unless they should lay with
a Man of an inferior quality to themselves, And the Woman reckons her
self as much obliged to the Man for his Company, as he does to her
for hers. In these affairs the Women are very expert (it being their
continual practice) to keep their design from the Husbands knowledge:
tho by his own Experience he cannot be ignorant of Womens devices. And
unless he catch them in the act he doth not much trouble himself to
prove himself a Cuckold; Cuckolds being so common, that it is not
here regarded.

[The Man may kill whom he finds in Bed with his Wife.] It is a Law
here, that if a Man catch another in Bed with his Wife, he may, be it
whosoever, kill him and her, if he please. It hath so happened that
the Man hath come to the Door, when another hath been within with
his Wife, there being no way to escape, the Woman has took a pan of
hot ashes, and as she opened the Door, her Husband being entring,
cast them in his Eyes, and so she and her Bedfellow made an escape.

[The Womens craft to compass and conceal their Debauchery.] To fetch
wood out of the Woods to burn, and to fetch home the Cattle is the
Woman's work. If they cannot have their opportunities at home, now
they appoint their meetings, while the Husband stays at home holding
the Child. In the Evenings it is common for them with whom the Women
be acquainted, to come and wait behind the House when it is dark to
attend their coming forth to them. To which end they give them notice
either by breaking of a stick, or by putting some Betel over the Wall
to fall in such places as they have appointed, where she will look
to find it. And when she has such notice, she cannot want an excuse
to go forth to meet him.

They bear such love to their Bedfellows, that I have known this done,
The Husband hath beset the House, and the Womans Friend in it, when
she hath holpen him to make a hole thro the Thatch to get out at,
which he hath done and made his Escape, and she remain behind to suffer
all the blame her self. When other opportunities are wanting to enjoy
the Company of their Paramours whole Nights together, they usually
take occasion to be discontented and fall out with their Husbands,
and so go home to their Friends houses, to get longer enjoyments. Who
to shew their Friendship will not hinder but further them in what
they delight in.

[They do treat their Friends with the use of their Wives and
Daughters.] In some Cases the Men will permit their Wives and Daughters
to lye with other Men. And that is, when intimate Friends or great
Men chance to Lodge at their houses, they commonly will send their
Wives or Daughters to bear them company in their Chamber. Neither do
they reckon their Wives to be Whores for lying with them that are as
good or better than themselves.

[The Mother for a small reward prostitutes her Daughter.] They do not
matter or regard whether their Wives at the first Marriage be Maids or
not. And for a small reward the Mother will bring her Daughter being
a Maiden unto those that do desire her. But it is so much abhorred
for Women of the high Cast or Descent to admit Men of the low Cast
to have any thing to do with them, that I think they never do it.

[Marriages.] But enough of this Ribaldry, let us turn away to more
honest Practices. To speak of their Marriages, which make the Bed
lawful. There are not many Ceremonies used in or about the same. [No
wooing.] Here is no wooing for a Wife. The Parents commonly make the
Match, and in their choice regard more the Quality and Descent than
the Beauty. If they are agreed, all is done. The Match being thus made,
the Man carrieth or sends to the Woman her Wedding Cloths; which is a
Cloth containing six or seven yards in length, and a Linnen Wast-coat
wrought with Blew and Red. If the Man be so poor that he cannot buy a
Cloth, it is the Custom to borrow one. In case the Man with his Friends
goes and carries it himself, that Night they both sleep together to
beget acquaintance one with the other. And then they appoint a day
when he is to come and fetch her home; which is the Marriage-Day.

[The Bridegroom goes to the Brides House.] The day being come, he
attended with his Friends goes to her house, which is always in the
Evening, and brings Provisions and Sweet-meats with him according
to his Ability, towards the Charges of the Wedding. Which is never
more than two Meals. Whereof Supper is the first. Then the Bride and
Bridegroom both eat together in one Dish, which is to intimate that
they are both of one rank and quality, and sometimes they tye their
Thumbs together, but not always: and that Night go to sleep together.

[How the Bridegroom carrieth home his Bride.] The next day having
dined he taketh his Bride and departeth home with her, putting her
before him, and he following her, with some of her Friends to Conduct
her. For it is the constant Custom and Fashion in this Land for the
Husband to follow his Wife. The reason whereof is a Tradition among
them, that a Man once going foremost, it happened that his Wife was
stoln away, and he not aware of it. Being come home the Bridegroom
makes a Feast as he is able.

[A Ceremony of Marriage.] Some few days after, her Friends usually come
to see her bringing a present of Provision with them. And sometimes
they use this Ceremony, the Man is to stand with one end of the Woman's
Cloth about his Loins, and she with the other, and then they pour
water on both their Heads, wetting all their Bodies: which being done,
they are firmly Married to live together, so long as they can agree.

The Elder sorts of People usually woe and conclude their Marriages as
they are in Bed together. For when they have lost their Maidenheads,
they fear not much what Man comes to sleep with them, provided he be
of as good quality as they, having nothing more to lose. And at the day
appointed the Man gives the Woman her Cloths, and so takes her home.

[Man and Wife may part at pleasure.] But their Marriages are but
of little force or validity. For if they disagree and mislike one
the other; they part without disgrace. Yet it stands firmer for the
Man than for the Woman; howbeit they do leave one the other at their
pleasure. They do give according to their Ability a Portion of Cattle,
Slaves and Money with their Daughters; but if they chance to mislike
one another and part asunder, this Portion must be returned again,
and then she is fit for another Man, being as they account never the
worse for wearing.

[Men and Women change till they can please themselves.] Both Women
and Men do commonly wed four or five times before they can settle
themselves to their contentation. And if they have Children when they
part, the Common Law is, the Males for the Man, and the Females for
the Woman. But many of the Women are free from this controversie,
being Childless.

[Women have two Husbands.] In this Countrey each Man, even the
greatest, hath but one Wife; but a Woman often has two Husbands. For it
is lawful and common with them for two Brothers to keep house together
with one Wife, and the Children do acknowledge and call both fathers.

[Women unclean] So long as the Women have their Infirmities or Flowers
upon them, they are accounted very unclean, insomuch that the very
house is polluted in that degree that none will approach near it. And
even she her self cares not to conceal it, but calls out to them that
come near, that they may avoid her house. But after she hath washed
her Head and Body all is purified again. [Privileges of Men above
Women.] It is lawful for no Woman, altho they be great Men's Wives,
to sit on a Stool in the presence of a Man. It is customary for Men
upon any frivolous account to charge one another in the King's Name
to do or not to do, according as they would have it. This the Women
upon Penalty of having their Tongues cut out, dare not presume to do.

As it is usual to punish Men for faults committed by Imprisonment and
Chains, or by making them stand with a weight on their Backs, until
they do pay such a Sum of Money as is demanded: which for ordinary
faults may be five or ten Shillings. So the Punishment which is
inflicted upon Women, is to make them stand with a Basket of Sand
upon their Heads, so long as they shall think fitting, who appoint
the Punishment. Punishment by stripes is never used either to Men or
Women, but only to those on whom the King Commands them to be laid.

[Privileges of Women.] Lands of Inheritance which belong to Women
are exempted from paying Harriots to the King. Women pay no Custom
for things they carry to the Sea-Ports. Neither is any Custom paid
for what is carried upon any Female Cattel, Cow or Buffalo.

[They often destroy new born Infants.] They have no Midwives, but
the neighbouring good Women come in and do that Office. As soon as
the Child is born, the Father or some Friend apply themselves to an
Astrologer to enquire, whether the Child be born in a prosperous
Planet, and a good hour or in an evil. If it be found to be in an
evil they presently destroy it, either by starving it, letting it
lye and die, or by drowning it, putting its head into a Vessel of
water, or by burying it alive, or else by giving it to some body of
the same degree with themselves; who often will take such Children,
and bring them up by hand with Rice and Milk; for they say, the Child
will be unhappy to the Parents, but to none else. We have asked them
why they will deal so with their poor Infants, that come out of their
Bowels. They will indeed have a kind of regret and trouble at it. But
they will say withal, Why should I bring up a Devil in my House? For
they believe, a Child born in an ill hour, will prove a plague and
vexation to his Parents by his disobedience and untowardliness.

[But seldom a First-born.] But it is very rare that a First-born
is served so. Him they love and make much of. But when they come to
have many, then usual it is, by the pretence of the Childs being born
under an unlucky Planet, to kill him. And this is reputed no fault,
and no Law of the Land takes cognizance of it.

[Their Names.] In their Infancy they have Names, whereby one may
be called and distinguished from the other. But when they come to
years it is an affront and shame to them either Men or Women, to be
called by those Names. Which they say is to be like unto Dogs. Then
they change their Names into Titles according to the Town wherein
they were born or do dwell. Also they have other Names, which may be
compared to Coats of Arms, properly and only belonging to that Family:
by which likewise they are called.

[They are ambitious of high Titles.] This People are very Ambitious
of their Titles having but little else that they can boast in; and of
Names and Titles of respect they have great plenty in their Language;
instances whereof shall be given afterwards.






CHAP. VIII.

Of their Employments and Recreations.


It is full time now, that we relate what course of life the People
take, and what means they use for a livelihood. This has been in part
already related.

[Their Trade.] As for Commerce and Merchandize with Foreign Nations,
there is little or nothing of that now exercised. Indeed in the times
when the Portugueze were on this Island, and Peace between them and
the King, he permitted his People to go and Trade with them. The
which he would never permit them to do with the Hollander, tho they
have much sought for it. They have a small Traffic among themselves,
occasioned from the Nature of the Island. For that which one part of
the Countrey affords, will not grow in the other. But in one part or
other of this Land they have enough to sustain themselves, I think,
without the help of Commodities brought from any other Countrey:
exchanging one Commodity for another; and carrying what they have to
other parts to supply themselves with what they want.

[Work not discreditable to the best Gentleman.] But Husbandry is
the great Employment of the Countrey, which is spoken of at large
before. In this the best men labour. Nor is it held any disgrace for
Men of the greatest Quality to do any work either at home or in the
Field, if it be for themselves; but to work for hire with them is
reckoned for a great shame: and very few are here to be found that
will work so; But he that goes under the Notion of a Gentleman may
dispence with all works, except carrying, that he must get a man to do
when there is occasion. For carrying is accounted the most Slave-like
work of all.

[How they geld their Cattel.] Under their Husbandry, it may not be
amiss to relate how they geld their Cattel. They let them be two or
three years old before they go about this work; then casting them and
tying their Legs together; they bruise their Cods with two sticks
tied together at one end, nipping them with the other, and beating
them with Mallets all to pieces. Then they rub over their Cods with
fresh Butter and Soot, and so turn them loose, but not suffer them
to lye down all that day. By this way they are secured from breeding
Maggots. And I never knew any die upon this.

[How they make Glew.] Whensoever they have occasion to use Glew,
they make it after this fashion. They take the Curd of milk, and
strain the water from it through a cloth. Then tying it up in a
cloth like a Pudding, they put it into boyling water, and let it
boyl a good while. Which done it will be hard like Cheese-curd,
then mixing it with Lime, use it. If it be not for present use,
they will roul up these Curds into a Ball; which becomes hard,
and as they have occasion will scrape some of it off with a Knife,
and so temper it with Lime. This Lime with them is as soft as Butter.

[Their Manufactures.] Their Manufactures are few: some Callicoes,
not so fine as good strong Cloth for their own use: all manner of
Iron Tools for Smiths, and Carpenters, and Husbandmen: all sorts of
earthen ware to boil, stew, fry and fetch water in, Goldsmith's work,
Painter's Work, carved work, making Steel, and good Guns, and the like.

But their Art in ordering the Iron-Stone and making Iron, may deserve
to be a little insisted on. For the Countrey affords plenty of Iron,
which they make of Stones, that are in several places of the Land;
they lay not very deep in the ground, it may be, about four or five
or six foot deep.

[How they make Iron.] First, They take these Stones, and lay them
in an heap, and burn them with wood, which makes them more soft
and fitter for the Furnace. When they have so done they have a
kind of Furnace, made with a white sort of Clay, wherein they put a
quantity of Charcoal, and then these Stones on them, and on the top
more Charcoal. There is a back to the Furnace, like as there is to a
Smith's Forge, behind which the man stands that blows, the use of which
back is to keep the heat of the fire from him. Behind the Furnace they
have two logs of Wood placed fast in the ground, hollow at the top,
like two pots. Upon the mouths of these two pieces of hollow wood
they tie a piece of a Deers Skin, on each pot a piece, with a small
hole as big as a man's finger in each skin. In the middle of each
skin a little beside the holes are two strings tied fast to as many
sticks stuck in the ground, like a Spring, bending like a bow. This
pulls the skin upwards. The man that blows stand with his feet, one
on each pot, covering each hole with the soles of his feet. And as
he treads on one pot, and presseth the skin down, he takes his foot
off the other, which presently by the help of the Spring riseth; and
the doing so alternately conveys a great quantity of wind thro the
Pipes into the Furnace. For there are also two Pipes made of hollow
reed let in to the sides of the Pots, that are to conduct the wind,
like the nose of a Bellows, into the Furnace.

For the ease of the Blower, there is a strap, that is fastned to
two posts, and comes round behind him, on which he leans his back:
and he has a stick laid cross-ways before him, on which he lays both
his hands, and so he blows with greater ease. As the Stones are thus
burning, the dross that is in them melts and runs out at the bottom,
where there is a slanting hole made for the purpose so big as the lump
of Iron may pass thro: out of this hole, I say, runs out the dross
like streams of fire, and the Iron remains behind. Which when it is
purified, as they think, enough, so that there comes no more dross
away, they drive this lump of Iron thro the same sloping hole. Then
they give it a chop with an Ax half thro, and so sling it into the
water. They so chop it, that it may be seen that it is good, Iron
for the Satisfaction of those that are minded to buy.

[How they make Butter.] For a farewel of their labours, let it not
be unacceptable to relate here a piece of their Housewifry; and tell
you how they make Butter. First, They boil the Milk, then they turn
it into a Curd; the next morning they skim off the Cream, and drill
it in an earthen Vessel with a stick having a cross at the bottom
of it, somewhat like a Chocolate stick. When the Butter is come,
they put it in a pan, and fry it, to get all the water dry out of it,
and so put it into an earthen pot for use.

[Shops in the City.] There are no Markets on the Island. Some few
Shops they have in the Cities, which sell Cloth, Rice, Salt, Tobacco,
Limes, Druggs, Fruits, Swords, Steel, Brass, Copper, &c.

[Prizes of Commodities.] As to the Prices of Commodities, they are
sold after this rate. Rice in the City, where it is dearest, is
after six quarts for fourpence half-peny English, or a small Tango,
or half a Tango; six Hens as much; a fat Pig the same: a fat Hog,
three shillings and six pence or four shilling: but there are none
so big as ours. A fat Goat, two and fix pence. Betle-nuts 4000 nine
pence Currant price, when a Trad.

And now we are discoursing or their Traffick, we will speak a little
of their Measures, Weights, and Coin.

[Of their Measures.] First for Measures. A Rian is a Cubit, which is
with them from the bone on the inside of the Elbow to the tip of the
fourth Finger. A Waddo rian is the Carpenters Rule. It is as much as
will reach from one Elbow to the other, the Thumbs touching one the
other at the tops, and so stretching out both Elbows.

For their Corn-measures, the least is a Potta, which is to contain
as much Grain as a man can hold heaped up in his whole hand palm
and fingers and all. Four Pottas make a lawful or Statute-measure,
called Bonder Nellia, signifying the King's measure. Which is the
King's ordinary allowance to a man, that is as much as he can eat in a
day. But we Englishmen were allowed two. Four of these Bonder Nellias
make a Courney. In fashion it is an handsom turned measure, some of
them are made with Canes like a Basket. Ten of these Courneys make a
Pale, that is forty measures, which is the usual quantity that they
sell for a Laree, or fifth part of a Piece of eight, the usual price
in Cande Vda. But in time of Harvest two Pales for a Laree. Four of
these Pales make an Ommouna. In which they keep the account of their
Corn, reckoning by Ommounas.

[Their Weights.] For their Weights, their smallest is Collonda, six
make just a Piece of eight. They have half Collondas and quarter
Collondas. When they are to weigh things smaller than a Collonda,
they weigh them with a kind of red Berries, which grow in the Woods,
and are just like Beads. The Goldsmiths use them, Twenty of these
Beads make a Collonda and Twenty Collondas make a Pallum.

[Measures bigger than the Statute punishable, but less not; and
why.] Here is no Punishment for those that make less weights and
measures. They are more circumspect that their measures be not too
big than too little. For Money being scarce, Corn passeth instead
of Money, and every man mets by his own measure. Which therefore he
makes as large as he can or dares, that so when he receives his Debt
of Corn, he may get as much as he can. Which upon this account would
be a great injury to the poorer sort of People, who commonly are
the Debtors. Therefore the Adigars Officers will go about the Towns
to examine the measures by a Statute-Measure; and where they find
great ones they cut them in pieces, and hang them up in the Streets
to terrifie others, and sometimes will amerce a Fine upon them that
have them.

[Of their Coin.] Of Money they have but three sorts that passeth
for Coin in the King's Dominions. The one was Coined by Portugals,
the King's Arms on one side, and the Image of a Frier on the other,
and by the Chingulayes called Tangom massa. The value of one is
nine pence English, Poddi Tangom, or the small Tangom is half as
much. There is another sort, which all People by the King's Permission
may and do make. The shape is like a fish-hook, they stamp what mark
or impression on it they please. The Silver is purely fine beyond
pieces of Eight. For if any suspect the goodness of the Plate, it is
the Custom to burn the Money in the fire red hot, and so put it in
water: and if it be not then purely white, it is not Currant Money.

The third sort of Money is the King's proper Coin. For none upon
pain of Death may Coin it. It is called a Ponnam. It is as small as a
Spangle: Seventy five make a piece of Eight, or a Spanish Dollar. But
all sorts of Money is here very scarce: And they frequently buy and
sell by exchanging Commodities.

[Of their Play.] Pass we now from their Business to their Pastimes
and Diversions. They have but few Sports, neither do they delight in
Play. Only at their New year, they will sport and be merry one with
another. Their chief Play is to bowl Coker-nuts one against the other,
to try which is the hardest. At this time none will work, until their
Astrolagers tell them, it is a good hour to handle their Tools. And
then both Men and Women do begin their proper works; the Man with
his Ax, Bill, and Hough, and the Woman with her Broom, Pestle, and
Fan to clean her Corn.

[A Play or a Sacrafice.] There is another Sport, which generally all
People used with much delight, being, as they called it, a Sacrifice
to one of their Gods; to wit, Potting Dio. And the benefit of it is,
that it frees the Countrey from grief and Diseases. For the beastliness
of the Exercise they never celebrated it near any Town, nor in sight of
Women, but in a remote place. The manner of the Game is thus. They have
two crooked sticks like Elbows, one hooked into the other, and so with
contrivances they pull with Ropes, until the one break the other; some
riding with one stick, and some with the other; but never is Money laid
on either side. Upon the breaking of the stick, that Party that hath
won doth not a little rejoyce. Which rejoycing is exprest by Dancing
and Singing, and uttering such sordid beastly Expressions, together
with Postures of their Bodies, as I omit to write them, as being their
shame in acting, and would be mine in rehearsing. For he is at that
time most renowned that behaves himself most shamelesly and beast-like.

[For the filthiness of it forbid by the King.] This filthy Solemnity
was formerly much in use among them; and even the King himself hath
spent time in it, but now lately he hath absolutely forbidden it under
penalty of a forfeiture of Money. So that now the practice hereof is
quite left off.

[A cunning stratagem of an Officer.] But tho it is thus gone into
dis-use, yet out of the great delight the People had in it, they of
Gompala would revive it again; and did. Which coming to the King's
ear, he sent one of his Noblemen to take a Fine from them for it. The
Nobleman knew the People would not come to pay a Fine, and therefore
was fain to go to work by a Stratagem. Pitching therefore his Tents
by a Pond, he gave order to call all the People to his assistance
to catch Fish for the King's use. Which they were very ready to do,
hoping to have the refuse Fish for themselves. And when they were all
thus assembled together with their Tools, and necessary Instruments
for that purpose, the Nobleman charged them all in the King's Name
according to the Countries fashion, which was by pulling off his Cap,
and falling down upon the ground three times, that not a man of them
should budge till they had paid such a Sum of Money, which was so
much a piece, for reviving that Play that the King had forbid. Which
they were forced to do before they departed from the Pond side. And
the Money was carried into the King's Exchequer.

[Tricks and feats of Activity.] When they would be merry, and
particularly at their great Festival in the New Moon of June or July
(before mentioned;) they have People that shew pretty tricks and feats
of Activity before them. A man sets a Pole of seven or eight foot long
upon his Breast; a Boy gets to the top of this Pole, and leans with
his Belly upon the end of it; and thus the man danceth with the Pole
on his Breast, and the Boy on it, and but little holding the Pole. A
man takes four Arrows with blades about a foot long, they are tied
one cross another, and so laid upon the end of a Pole, which rests
upon the man's Breast. On a sudden he squatts down upon the ground,
and the four Arrows all fall on the four sides of him, sticking in the
ground. Two Cross-bows stand bent one opposite to the other, charged
with Arrows drawn up to the heads: they are placed just so high, as
they may fly over a man's back when he lyes flat upon the ground. A
man danceth between them and shows Tricks, and when he is pleased,
he touches a string made fast to both their trickers, at which they
both instantly Discharge, and he falls flat down between them, and
the Arrows fly over his back, which if they hit him, undoubtedly fly
thro his Body. A Woman takes two naked Swords under each Arm one,
and another she holds in her mouth, then fetcheth a run and turns
clear over, and never touches the ground till she lights on her feet
again, holding all her Swords fast. There are divers other Diversions
of this nature too large to mention.

[At leisure times they meet, and discourse of News.] At their leisure
when their affairs will permit, they commonly meet at places built
for strangers and way-faring men to lodge in, in their Language called
Amblomb, where they sit chewing Betel, and looking one upon the other
very gravely and solidly, discoursing concerning the Affairs at Court,
between the King and the great Men; and what Employment the People of
the City are busied about. For as it is the chief of their business
to serve the King, so the chief of their discourse is concerning
such matters. Also they talk of their own affairs, about Cattel and
Husbandry. And when they meet with Outlandish-men they enquire about
the Laws and Government of their Countrey, and if it be like theirs;
and what Taxes and Duties we are bound to pay, and perform to our
King, &c.

[Drunkenness abhored.] And this manner of passing their leisure time
they account the greatest Recreation. Drunkenness they do greatly
abhor, neither are there many that do give themselves to it. Tobacco
likewise they account a Vice, but yet is used both by Men and Women;
but more eaten than drunk in Pipes.

[Their great delight in Betel.] But above all things Betel leaves
they are most fond of, and greatly delighted in: when they are
going to Bed, they first fill their mouths with it, and keep it
there until they wake, and then rise and spit it out, and take in
more. So that their months are no longer clear of it, than they are
eating their Victuals. This is the general practice both of Men and
Women, insomuch that they had rather want Victuals or Cloths than
be without it; and my long practice in eating it brought me to the
same condition. And the Reasons why they thus eat it are, First,
Because it is wholsom. Secondly, To keep their mouths perfumed: for
being chewed it casts a brave scent. And Thirdly, To make their Teeth
black. For they abhor white Teeth, saying, That is like a Dog.

The better sort of Women, as Gentlewomen or Ladies, have no other
Pastime but to sit and chew Betel, swallowing the spittle, and spitting
out the rest. And when Friends come to see and visit one the other,
they have as good Society thus to sit and chew Betel, as we have to
drink Wine together.

[The Manner of their eating Betel-leaves.] But to describe the
particular manner of their eating these Leaves. They carry about with
them a small Box filled with wet Lime; and as often as they are minded
to eat Betel, they take some of this Lime, as much as they judge
convenient, and spread it thin upon their leaf; then they take some
slices of the Betel-nut, and wrap them up in the leaf, and so eat it,
rubbing their Teeth therewith ever and anon to make them black. Thus
they eat it generally: but sometimes they eat it otherwise, according
as they please; neither spreading the Lime on the leaf, nor rolling
up slices of the Nut into it: But they will take a little of the Lime
out of their Box between their Fingers, and put it in their mouths,
and eat of the Nut and the Leaf by themselves. But whensoever they
eat of the Betel-leaf, the Lime and the Nut always accompany it.

[How they make Lime.] They have a pretty shift of making their
Lime, when they chance to need it as they are travailing. They take
certain Shells, almost resembling Snails Shells, which they pick up
in fresh water Rivers, washed a shore with the water beating upon the
Rocks. These Shells, mixed with Charcoal and, fire they wrap up in
a wisp of Rice-straw, and bind them together in a round bundle of a
convenient bigness, tying all up with green Withs, that they may not
fall in pieces. By a With some four foot long they hold it in their
hands, swinging it round over their heads. Which motion blows the
Coals and makes them burn. And as they are weary with swinging it in
one hand, they shift and take it in the other: and so keep swinging
it for half an hour or thereabouts. By which time it will be burnt
to very good Lime, and most part of the straw consumed: but it is
still kept together by the green Withs. Then they take it and wet it
in water, and put it into their Pots or Boxes for their use. The Lime
made of white stone burnt in a Kiln they do indifferently use to eat
with their Leaves, as well as this made of Shells now described.






CHAP. IX.

Of their Laws and Language.


There are three things, that ingenious men may possibly be inquisitive
after, which have not yet been professedly handled, their Laws,
their Language, and their Learning.

[Their Laws.] Concerning the first, here are no Laws, but the Will
of the King, and whatsoever proceeds out of his mouth is an immutable
Law. Nevertheless they have certain antient usages and Customes that
do prevail and are observed as Laws; and Pleading them in their Courts
and before their Governors will go a great way.

[Lands descend.] To hint some of them, their Lands are hereditary,
and do descend from Parents to their Children. But the eldest son
by Priviledg of Birth-right does not possess and enjoy all the Land,
but if the Father please he can divide it among his Children. Yet in
case the eldest son does enjoy the Land, then without dispute he is
to maintain his Mother and her Children until they come to years or
ability to provide for themselves.

[In case Corn receives dammage by a Neighbours Cattle.] They have a
custom in the Land Ouvah, which is a great breeder of Cattle, and hath
but very little Wood, so that they have not where with to make hedges;
It is that when they sow their Lands, they drive their Cattle thence,
and watch them all day that they break not into the Corn; and at night
they tie their Cattle to secure them from straying into the Corn-Lands:
otherwise if one Neighbours Cattle eats another neighbours Corn,
he must pay the dammage.

Those that are lazy and loath to Plow, or that are Poor and want Corn
to sow, the Custom is, to let out their ground to others to Till
at Ande, that is at halves; but fees and accustomable dues taken,
out by the Husbandman that tills it, the Owner of the Land receives
not much above a third part.

[The loss of leting out land to Till.] For the Husband hath divers
considerable payments besides his half share of the Corn. As namely,
first he hath Cotoumaun, that is, so much Corn as they scratch off
from the whole heap of trodden Corn by drawing a bundle of Thorns over
it. Secondly, Waracool, that is a consideration for the expences they
are at in Tilling and Sowing; for which there is a Rate according to
the bigness of the field. Thirdly, Warrapoll, that is the Corn they
leave at the bottom of the heap after they have done fanning. Which
is the Womans fee for their pains in weeding the Corn, and in pulling
it it up where it is too thick, and planting it where it is thin,
&c. Fourthly, Bolerud which is the Chaff and sweepings of the Pit. This
sometimes comes to a considerable value according to the quantity
of Corn that is trodden. Fifthly, Peldorah, which is a piece of Corn
they leave standing before the watch house, which is set up in their
Corn grounds to watch their Corn from the wild beasts. And this left
standing is the fee for watching. There is yet another due Ockyaul
which belongs to their Gods, and is an offering sometimes carried
away by the Priest; and sometimes they bestow it upon the beggar,
and sometimes they will take it and hang it up in their houses, and at
convenient time sacrifice it themselves. It is one of their measures,
which is about half a Peck.

[The great consideration for Corn borrowed.] And in the mean time
until this Corn is ripe, the Owner is fain to go a borrowing Corn to
sustain himself and Family. Which he pays consideration for; which is,
when his own Corn is ripe, a bushel and an half for a bushel that is,
at the rate of Fifty per Cent. Which manner of lending Corn is a means
that doth maintain many strangers and others. For they who have got a
small stock of Corn by that Profit may competently live upon it. Which
was the means that Almighty God prepared for my relief and maintenance.

Corn thus lent is somewhat difficult to receive again. For the Debtor
being Poor, all the Creditors will come into the field, when the Corn
is a shareing, that being the place of payment: and as soon as it is
divided each one will scramble to get what he can. And having taken
possession of it, from thence the Creditor must carry it home himself,
be it far or near.

[The debt becomes double in two years.] If the Debt remains in the
Debtors hands two years, it becomes doubled: and from thence forward
be it never so long, no more use is to be paid by the Law of the
Land, which Act was established by the King in favour of the Poor,
there having been some whole Families made Slaves for a bushel of Corn.

[If the debtor pay not his debt he is lyable to be a slave for it.] But
yet it is lawful for the Creditor, missing Corn, to lay hands on any
of his goods: or if the sum be somewhat considerable on his Cattle or
Children, first taking out a License from the Magistrate so to do,
or if he have none, on himself or his wife, if she came with him
to fetch the debt, if not, she is clear from this violence; but his
Children are not.

[Divers other Laws and Customes.] If a woman goes away from her
Husband without his consent, no Man may marry her, until he first
be married. In lending of mony by the use of it in one years time,
it becomes double. And if the Creditor receive not his mony at the
expiration of the year, but lets it lie in the Debtors hands never
so long after, no more than double is to be paid, the encrease never
runs up higher as it is in lending Corn. If a Bond-woman has Children
by a Free-man, the Children all are Slaves to her Master: but if a
Bond-man has Children by a Free-woman, the Children are free: For the
Children are always as the Mother, whether Bond or Free. No man may
cut down a Coker-nut-Tree. If any man to a bargain or promise gives a
stone in the Kings name, it is as firm as hand and seal. And if any
after this go back of his word, it will bear an Action. If any man
be taken stealing, he must restore seven for one, or else be made a
Slave, if he be not able to pay it.

It is lawful and customary for a man in necessity to sell or pawn his
Children, or himself. No man building an house either in his own or
another mans ground, if he be afterwards minded to leave his Land,
where his house stood, may pull it down again: But must let it stand
for the benefit of whosoever comes after him.

[For deciding controversies.] For the deciding of matters in
controversie especially of more abstruse cognizance, the parties
do both swear before their Gods, sometimes in their Temples, and
sometimes upon more extraordinary occasions in hot Oyl.

[Swearing in the Temples.] Sometimes in their Temples. To explain
which, take this following relation. A Slave was accused by a
Merchant to have robbed his house. Whereupon to clear himself, the
Slave desired he might swear. So the Merchant and Slave went both to
the Temple to swear. The Merchant swore positively that the Slave
had robbed his house; and the Slave swore as poynt blank that he
had not robbed his house: and neither of them having any witnesses,
God who knew all things was desired to shew a Judgment upon him that
was forsworn. They both departed to their houses, waiting to see upon
whom the Judgment would fall. In the mean time the Slave privatly
sets the Merchants house on fire, and his house was burnt down to
the ground. Then it was clear by this supposed divine Judgment, the
Merchant was forsworn. The Slave presently demands satisfaction for
laying Theft falsly to his charge. The Merchant could not tell what
to say to it, but would give him none. The Slave was now to take
his own satisfaction, as he had opportunity. And his Master bids
him seize upon the Merchants Person or any other relating to him,
and bring them to his house, and there detain them. Within a short
time after, the Slave seeing a Kinsman of the Merchants passing by,
offers to seize him. But he, rather than be taken, draws his Knife and
Stabs the Slave on the shoulder, and so escapes. In Fine, the Merchant
was fain to bribe the Great Men to save himself from further dammage,
and sit down contented with the loss of his goods and house. Though
the Slave was a person of a very bad reputation, and had done divers
Thefts; and some of his stolen goods he hath brought to me to sell.

[The benefit of swearing in hot Oyl.] Sometimes they do decide their
debates by swearing in hot Oyl. Which because it is remarkable, I will
relate at large. They are permitted thus to swear in matters of great
importance only, as when Law Suits happen about their Lands, or when
their is no witness. When they are to swear, each party hath a Licence
from the Governor for it, written with his hand to it. Then they go
and wash their heads and bodies, which is a religious ceremony. And
that night they are both confined Prisoners in an house with a guard
upon them, and a cloth tyed over each of their right hands and sealed,
least they might use any charm to harden their fingers.

The next morning they are brought out; they then put on clean
cloths, and purifie themselves, reckoning they come into the
presence of God. Then they tie to their wrists the Leaf wherein
the Governors Licence is, and repair under some Bogahah, God-Tree,
and all the Officers of the County assemble with a vast number of
people besides. Coker-nuts are brought, and Oyl is there extracted
from them in the sight of the people, that all may see their is no
deceit. Also they have a Pan of Cow-dung and water boyling close by:
The Oyl and Cow-dung being both boyling and throughly hot, they take
a young leaf of a Coker-nut Tree and dip that into the Oyl, that all
may see it is hot. For it singes, and frizzels up, and roars as if
you poured water into hot boyling Oyl. And so they do likewise to the
Cow-dung. When all are satisfied the Oyl is hot, the two men come and
stand on each side of this boyling Oyl; and say, The God of Heaven
and Earth is witness, that I did not do this that I am accused of;
Or, The four sorts of Gods be witness, That this Land in controversie
is mine. And then the other swears quite contrary. But first the
Accuser alwayes swears. The Accused also relates his own innocence,
or his own Right and Title. The cloths that their hands were bound
up in are taken off. And immediatly upon using the former words,
he dips his two fingers into the hot Oyl, flinging it out three
times. And then goes to the boyling Cow-dung, and does the same. And
so does the other. Then they tie up their hands again with the cloth,
and keep both of them Prisoners till the next day. When their hands
are looked upon, and their fingers-ends rubbed with a cloth, to see
if the skin come off. And from whose fingers the skin comes, he is
forsworn. The Penalty of which is a great forfeiture to the King and
great satisfaction to the Adversary.

I am able to testifie, that the fingers of some of these that have
thus sworn have been whole from any scald after this use of hot Oyl:
but whether it be their innocence or their Art, that it thus comes to
pass, I know not. The penalty of the breach of the Laws or Customes
of this Land is at the pleasure of the Judg, either amercement,
or imprisonment, or both.

[How they exact Fines.] For the taking of Fines from men, on whom they
are laid, this is their Custom. The Officers, wheresoever they meet the
man, stop him in the place. Where they take away his Sword and Knife;
and make him pull off his Cap and Doublet; and there he sits with his
Keepers by him, till he pays the Fine. And if he delays paying it,
they clap a great Stone upon his back; in which condition he must
remain till he pays it. And if he doth not pay, they load him with
more Stones, until his compliance prevent further pains. Another way
they have to exact the payment of the Fines laid upon them. They take
some sprigs of Thorns, and draw them between the mans naked Legs till
he pays. But if he remain obstinate they clap him up in chains.

They have an odd usage among them to recover their debts. Which
is this. They will sometimes go to the house of their debtor with
the leaves of Neiingala a certain Plant, which is rank Poyson, and
threaten him, that they will eat that Poyson and destroy themselves,
unless he will pay him what he ows. The debtor is much afraid of this,
and rather than the other should Poyson himself, will sometimes sell
a Child to pay the debt: Not that the one is tender of the life of
the other, but out of care of himself. For if the party dyes of the
Poyson, the other for whose sake the man Poysoned himself must pay a
ransome for his life. By this means also they will sometimes threaten
to revenge themselves of those with whom they have any contest, and
do it too. And upon the same intent they will also jump down some
steep place or hang or make away with themselves; that so they might
bring their Adversary to great dammage.

[Of their Language.] To speak now a little of their Language. It is a
language peculiar to that Island: and I know not any Indian Nations
that speak it but themselves. There are a few words that are common
to the Chingulays and the Malabars, which they might borrow of one
another, by Intercourse and Commerce, but the words are so few,
that a Malabar cannot understand a Chingulay, nor on the contrary.

Their language is Copious Smooth, Elegant, Courtly; according as
the People that speak it are. Who are full of words, Titles and
Complements. They have no less than twelve or more Titles that they
use when they speak to Women according to their ranks and qualities.

[Titles to women according to their qualities.]


    Puddeci.      A word for a woman of the lowest condition.
    Kiddekel.     A term of more respect, given to a young wench.
    Nanda.        A term for an inferior woman something in years
                  signifies also Ant.
    Nandadga.     A little higher yet, of the like years.
    Nauchere.     A Title may be given to an ordinary woman, still,
                  but yet higher.
    Lamhaumi.     A Title higher than any yet.
    Ettani.       Higher still.
    Lam-Ettani.   Of more respect.
    Ettanihaumi.  Higher than that.
    Maugi.        Proper only to an old woman but of good quality.
    Maugiwanxi.   Better then the Maugi.
    Comaurehaumi. A Title due to the greatest Ladies.
    Hondreunié.   Given to the Queen or the King.


So that it is hard to speak to a woman without they know what she is
before, least they might mistake her Title. And the women are much
pleased with some of the better Titles.

[Titles given to men.] The men also have various Titles, tho not so
many as the women. People give to them these Titles according to the
business they have with them. If they come for some favour or kindness
to be done them, they bestow the better sort of Titles upon them.

They have seven or eight words for Thou, or You, which they apply to
persons according to their quality, or according as they would honour
them. And they are so, Topi, Umba, Umbela, Tomnai, Tomsi, Tomsela,
Tomnanxi. All these words are gradually one higher than the other.

[No difference between a Country man and a Courtier for
Language.] Their ordinary Plow men and Husbandmen do speak elegantly,
and are full of complement. And there is no difference between the
ability and speech of a Country-man and a Courtier. When any hath
a favour to beg of a Noble-man, or any business with him, they do
not abruptly speak their desires or errand at first, but bring it in
with a long harangue of his worth or good disposition or abilities;
[Their speech and manner of Addresses is Courtly and becoming.] and
this in very handsom and taking stile. They bring up their Children
to speak after this manner, and use them to go with errands to great
men; and they are able to tell their tale very well also.

In their speech the people are bold without sheepish shame facedness,
and yet no more confidence than is becoming.

[Their Language in their address to the King.] The King they call
by a name, that signifies somewhat higher than a man, and next to
God. But before the Wars they stiled him Dionanxi, which is a Title
higher than God by the addition of Nanxi. This Title the King took
before the Rebellion, but since he forbad it. When they speak to the
King concerning themselves, they do not speak in the first person,
and say I did so or so, but Baulagot the limb of a Dog did it or will
do it. And when they speak of their Children unto the King, they call
them Puppies. As if he ask them how many Children they have, they say
so many Puppy dogs, and so many Puppy-bitches. By which by the way,
we may conjecture at the height of the King and the slavery of the
People under him.

[Words of Form and Civility.] They have certain words of Form and
Civility, that they use upon occasion. When they come to another
mans house, he asks them what they come for, which is his civility,
and they answer Nicamava, I come for nothing, which is their ordinary
reply, tho they do come for something. And upon this they have a Fable.

A God came down upon earth one day, and bad all his Creatures
come before him and demand what they would have and it should be
granted them. So all the beasts and other Creatures came, and one
desired Strength, and another Legs, and another Wings, &c. And it
was bestowed on them. Then came the White men, the God asked them,
what they came for? And they said, they desired Beauty and Valour
and Riches. It was granted them. At last came the Chingulays, the
God required of them, what they came for. They answered, Nicamava,
I come for nothing. Then replyed he again, do you come for nothing,
then go away with nothing. And so they for their complement fared
worse than all the rest.

When one proffers something as a gift to another, altho it be a
thing that he is willing to have, and would be glad to receive,
yet he will say, E eppa queinda, No, I thank you; how can I be so
chargeable to you? And in the same time while the words are in his
mouth, he reacheth forth his hand to receive it.

[Full of words and complement.] Neither are they free or forward
to requite them, from whom they have received a gift or good turn,
otherwise than with words and windy protestations; the which shall
not be wanting. But forwards they are to receive, yet very backward
to part with any thing. And if one neighbour asketh ought of another,
or to borrow any thing, which the other is unwilling either to give or
lend, they never will plainly deny by saying, I cannot or will not;
but with dissembling they will excuse themselves, saying, They have
it not, or is it lent abroad already, altho it be with them in the
house at the same time.

[By whom they swear.] Their usual manner of swearing in protestations,
is by their Mother, or by their Children, or by their two Eyes,
oftner than by their Gods. But their protestations be they never so
deep, and seem they never so serious, they are not to be regarded,
as proceeding more from custom than truth.

[Their Railery] Some of their words of Reproach, or Railery are such
as these. One brother will say to another, and that in presence of
their Mother, Tomotowoy, go lye with your Mother, the other replyes go
you and lye with your Mother. And the Mother will say to the Daughter,
Jopi oppota audewind, go lye with your Father; intimating she is good
for nothing. They will commend their Children, when they can use their
tongues in their own defence by scolding and say, Hoerri, oppana, Well
said, valiantly spoken. They will say also in reproach, Creep between
my legs, cut your Nose off. If you have five hundred lives, you shall
be damned. The worst railery they can give a woman is to tell her,
she has laid with ten sorts of inferior ranks of People, which they
will rather dye than do. If any thing be stole out of their grounds or
Plantations fruit or the like, they will cry out aloud, This was done
by some low-cast begotten Rogue, or She was a whore to some inferior
rank who dressed it; and this Language they will continue for half
an hour together, tho they know not who hath done it. The worst word
they use to Whites and Christians, is to call them Beaf-eating Slaves.

I shall conclude this Discourse of their Language, by giving you a
tast of their Proverbs, some hints of the strain of their Speech.

[Proverbs.] Miris dilah, ingurah gotta. I have given Pepper, and got
Ginger. Spoken when a man makes a bad exchange. And they use it in
reference to the Dutch succeeding the Portugueze in their Island.

Datta horrala Badda perind. Pick your Teeth to fill your Belly. Spoken
of stingy niggardly People.

Caula yonawa ruah atti. To eat before you go forth is handsom and
convenient. Which they therefore ever do.

Kiallah tiannah, Degery illand avah oppala hanguand mordy, As
the saying is, if I come to beg Butter-milk, why should I hide my
Pan. Which is ordinarily spoken to introduce the business that one
man comes to speak to the other about.

Hingonna wellendam cor cottonwat geah par wardenda netta. A Begger
and a Trader cannot be lost. Because they are never out of their way.

Atting mitting delah hottarah harracurnowah. To lend to another makes
him become an Enemy. For he will hate you if you ask him for it again.

Annuna min yain ecka ourowaying younda eppa. Go not with a Slave in
one Boat. It signifies, to have no dealing or correspondence with any
ones Slave. For if any dammage should happen, it would fall upon your
head, and by their Law you must make it good.

Issara otting bollanowa pos cotting. First look in the hand, afterwards
open the mouth. Spoken of a Judge, who first must have a Bribe before
he will pronounce on their side.

Take a Ploughman from the Plough, and wash off his dirt, and he is fit
to rule a Kingdom. Spoken of the People of Cande Uda, where there are
such eminent Persons of the Hondrew rank; and because of the Civility,
Understanding, and Gravity of the poorest Men among them.

No body can reproach the King and the Beggar. Because the former is
above the slander of the People, and nothing can be said bad enough
of the latter:

Like Noia and Polonga. Denoting Irreconcileable Enemies. The story
of which two Serpents hath been related before.

He that hath Money to give to his Judge, needs not fear, be his
Cause right or wrong. Because of the corruption of the great Men,
and their greediness of Bribes.

If our Gerehah, fortune be bad, what can God do against it? Reckoning
that none of their Gods have Power to reverse the fate of an ill
Planet.

The Ague is nothing, but the Head-ach is all. That Countrey is very
subject to Agues, which do especially afflict their heads who have
them. I might multiply many more of their Proverbial sayings, but
let these suffice.

I cannot pretend to give an account, of the Grammar of this Tongue;
I shall only give a few instances of their words, and leave it to
the Learned to make their Conjectures. First, I will give you some
of their Nouns Plural.

[Something of their Grammer.]


    Minnia,   A Man.        Minnis,    Men.
    Cucula,   A Cock.       Cuculong,  Cocks.
    Cole-la,  A Boy.        Colani,    Boyes.
    Gahah,    A Tree.       Gos,       Trees.
    Auhoun,   A Horse.      Auspio,    horses.
    Polaha,   A young Jack  Polas,     Jacks.


But usually when they have occasion to speak of many they express
themselves by Numerals set after the Noun; as Dissawva two, three,
&c. An Egg, Bittera, Eggs, Bittera cattei, word for word, Egg many.

Their Verbs they form after this manner:


    Mam conna,              I eat.
    Mam conyum,             I will eat.
    Mam cava,               I have eat.
    Conowa,                 Eating.
    Caupoudi,               Let him eat.
    Caum,                   Let us eat.
    Conda,                  To eat.
    Caula,                  Eaten.


    Mam denyam,             I will give.
    Mam Doun na,            I gave.
    Dila,                   I have given.
    Dendi,                  Shall I give?
                            To give.
    Dem,                    Let us give.
    Dennowa,                Giving.
    Dipon,                  Give him.
    Douna, or Dila tiana,   Given.


    Mam yonyam,             I'le go.
    Mam yonda oni,          I will go.
    Yong,                   Let us go.
    Yonowa,                 Going.
    Yonda dipadi,           Let him go.
    Pollatch,               Gone, spoken of an ordinary person.
    Pollad-da,              Gone, spoken of a person of great quality.


    Mam oy,                 I am,
    Eai,                    He, or They or He is.
    Mam gia atti,           I have been. [Atti] signifieth [have]
    Gia dendi.              Let him, or give him leave to go.


[A Specimen of their words.]



    Dio,            God.
    Dio loco,       Heaven.
    Jacco,          The Devil.
    Narra cauda,    Hell.
    Aucoi,          The Sky.
    Taurcoi,        A Star.
    Deure,          Water.
    Gindere,        Fire.
    Gani,           A Woman.
    Rodgura,        A King.
    Haul,           Raw rice.
    Bat,            Boyled rice.
    Banglale,       A Table.
    Wellau,         Time.
    Wauri,          Season.
    Colading,       Harvest

    Oppa,           Father.
    Pianannah,
    Oppatchi,

    Omma,           Mother.
    Ommandea,

    Puta,           Son.
    Putandi,

    Dua,            Daughter.
    Donianna,

    Molla,          A flower.
    Gauhah,         A tree.
    Courilla,       A bird.
    Gom,            A town.
    Oppuland,       To wash cloths.
    Naund,          To wash the body.
    Pinaund,        To swim.
    Coppaund,       To cut.
    Horraund,       To bore.
    Hoppacaund,     To bite.
    Coraund,        To do. (done.
    Corowaund,      To cause to be
    Goumanic,       A journey.
    Gauman corowaund,   To send, word for word, to cause to do
                        a journey.

    Heuwoya,        All words Signifying Common Soldiers, only they
    Heuwoynanna,    are titles one above another, and the two last
    Heuwoynanoura,  are as much to say Gentlemen Soldiers.

    Heuwaycom,      To fight
    Coraund,        as much as as to say, To act the Soldier.

    Mihi,           To dye.
    Mich,           Dead.
    Mienyum,        I will dye.
    Mioenowa,       Dying.
    Eppa,           Do not.

    Negatind,       To rise.
    Upaudénowa,     The Resurrection.
    Negantind Eppa, Do not rise.

    Tonnaund,       To build.
    Tannitch,       Built.

    Touncheroutwitch,   It is finished.
    Na & Natti,     No, or not.


I shall only make one Observation from these words, and that is
concerning the four first. It is this, that they have no words of
their own Language for God and Heaven, but in all probability borrowed
them from the Portugueze. But for the two next, The Devil and Hell,
words of their own. They number thus,

[Their Numbering.]


    Eckhoi               I.
    Deckhoi             II.
    Tunhoi             III.
    Hotterhoi           IV.
    Pauhhoi              V.
    Hoyhoi              VI.
    Hothoi             VII.
    Ot hoi            VIII.
    Novihoi             IX.
    Dauhoihoi            X.
    Eckolauhoi          XI.
    Dolahoi            XII.
    Dauhottunhoi      XIII.
    Dauhotterhoi       XIV.
    Paulohoi            XV.
    Dauhossahoi        XVI.
    Dauhahottoi       XVII.
    Dauha ot hoi     XVIII.
    Dauhanovihoi       XIX.
    Vishoi              XX.
    Tihoi              XXX.
    Hottalehoi          XL.
    Ponnahoi             L.






CHAP. X.

Concerning their Learning, Astronomy, and Art Magick.


[Of their Learning.] Their Learning is but small. All they ordinarily
learn is to read and to write. But it is no shame to a man if he can
do neither. Nor have they any Schools wherein they might be taught
and instructed in these or any other Arts.

[Their Books, and Arts.] Their Books are only of their Religion and
of Physick. Their chief Arts are Astronomy and Magick. They have a
Language something differing from the vulgar tongue (like Latin to
us) which their Books are writ in. [How they learn to write.] They
learn to write upon Sand, spreading it upon the ground, and making
it smooth with the hand, and so write the letters with their fingers
to bring their hand in use.

They write not on Paper, for of that they have little or none; but on
a Talli-pot leaf with an Iron Bodkin, which makes an impression. This
leaf thus written on, is not folded, but rolled up like Ribbond,
and somewhat resembles Parchment.

[How they make and write a Book.] If they are to write a Book,
they do it after this manner. They take the Tallipot leaf, and
cut it into divers pieces of an equal shape and size, some a foot,
some eight inches, some a foot and an half long, and about three
fingers broad. Then having thus prepared the leaves, they write in
them long ways from the left hand to the right, as we do. When the
Book is finished they take two pieces of board, which are to serve
for the cover of the Book. To these boards are fastened two strings,
which do pass thro every leaf of the Book, and these tye it up fast
together. As the Reader hath read each leaf, he lifts it up, and lays
it by still hanging upon the strings, and so goes to the next leaf,
something resembling Bills filed upon Wyre.

[The Priests write Books of Bonna.] The Gonnies, who are men of
leisure, write many Books of Bonna, that is of the Ceremonies of their
Religion: and will sometimes carry them to great Men, as a present,
and do expect a reward.

[The King's Warrants how wrapped up.] The King when he sends any
Warrants or Orders to his Officers, hath his Writings wrapped up in
a way proper to himself, and none else do or may fold up their leaves
in that manner but He.

[They write upon two sorts of leaves.] They write upon the Tallipat
leaves Records or matters of great moment, or that are to be kept
and preserved: but for any ordinary business as Letters, &c. they
commonly use another leaf, called Taulcole. The leaves of which will
bear a better impression than the Tallipat, but they are more stubborn,
and harder than the other, and will not fold.

[Their Skill in Astronomy.] But to speak a little of their
Astronomy. They who have understanding in it, and practise it, are
the Priests of the highest Order, of which the present King's Father
was. But the common sort of Astronomers are the Weavers. These men
can certainly foretel Eclipses of the Sun and Moon. They make [Their
Almanacks.] Leet, that is Almanacks that last for a Month. They are
written upon a Tallipat leaf, a little above a foot long, and two
fingers broad. In them are told the Age of the Moon, and the good
Seasons and times to begin to Plough or to Sow, or to go a Journey,
or to take any work in hand. On this precise time they will be sure
to sprinkle their first Seed, tho they sow all their Field it may be
a Month after. And so they will begin to set forth at the very moment,
tho possibly they will not go till some days after.

These Astronomers tell them also when the old year ends to the very
minute. At which time they cease from all work, except the Kings,
which must not be omitted. They acquaint them also with the good hour
of the New year, they are to begin to work. At which time every Man
and Woman begins to do somewhat in their employment they intend to
follow the ensuing year. They have also another season directed them by
their Astronomers: that is, when to begin to wash their heads, which
is assigned to every one according to the time of their Nativities,
which Ceremony they observe very religiously.

[They pretend to know future things by the Stars.] These Astronomers,
or rather Astrologers, are skilful in the Knowledge of the Stars, and
Planets, of which they reckon nine: 'tis supposed they may add the
Dragon's Head and Tail. By which they pretend to foretel all things
concerning the health and recovery of Sick Persons; also concerning
the fate of Children born, about which the Parents do presently consult
them, and save their Children or kill them according to the fortunate
or unfortunate hour they tell the Parents they were born in.

When a Person is Sick, he carries to the men his Nativity, which
they call Hanna hom pot, upon the perusal of which they tell his
destiny. These also direct fit times for beginning Journeys, or other
undertakings. They are likewise consulted concerning Marriages by
looking upon the Man and Womans Nativity.

[Their Æra, Their Years, Months, Weeks, Days, Hours.] They reckon
their Time from one Saccawarsi an ancient King. Their year consists
of 365 days, They begin their year upon our Eight and twentieth
day of March, and sometimes the Seven and twentieth, and sometimes,
but very seldom, on the Nine and twentieth. The reason of which I
conceive to be, to keep it equal to the course of the Sun, as our Leap
year doth. They call the year Ouredah. This they divide in to Twelve
Months, named, Wasachmaha, Pomaha, Ahalamoha, Micheneha, Bochmoha,
&c. They divide their Months into Weeks, each consisting of seven
days, called Fridah, Sandudah, Onghorudah, Bodadah, Braspotindah,
Secouradah, Henouradah. The first of which they account a good and
a fortunate day to begin to do or undertake any thing: and it falls
out upon our Sunday. On their Wednesdays, and Saturdays they open
their Churches, and perform their Ceremonies. Their day, which they
call Dausack, they divide into Thirty Pays, hours or parts, and begin
their account from the Sun rising, and their Night also into as many,
and begin from Sun-setting: So that the Fifteenth Pay is Twelve a
Clock at Noon. They have a Flower by which they judge of the time,
which constantly blows open seven Pays before Night.

[How they measure their time.] They have no Clocks, Hour-glasses,
or Sun-Dials, but keep their time by guess. The King indeed hath a
kind of Instrument to measure time. It is a Copper Dish holding about
a Pint, with a very small hole in the bottom. This Dish they set
a swimming in an Earthen Pot of water, the water leaking in at the
bottom till the Dish be full, it sinks. And then they take it out,
and set it empty on the water again, and that makes one Pay. Few or
none use this but the King, who keeps a man on purpose to watch it
continually. The People will use it upon some occasions, as if they
are to sow their Corn at any particular hour, as being the good lucky
Season, then they make use of the Copper Pan, to know the time exactly.

[Their Magick.] They do practise Magick. Whereof take these two
remarkable instances of many that might be given.

[The Plenty of a Countrey destroyed by Magick.] The Countrey of
Neurecalava formerly brought forth great plenty of Corn, occasioned
by reason of its large waterings. A Neighbour Kingdom, the Kingdom
of Cournegal which lyes in Hotcourley, in those times was brought to
a great dearth. At which the King sends to the People of Neurecalava,
that they would bring a supply of Corn to his Countrey, which they did
in great store upon Beasts in Sacks, and arrived at the King's City:
and there for the more expeditious measuring out every Housholder his
proportion of Corn, they made a hole in the Sacks, and let it run out,
still driving on the Beasts before them: and all that was shed before
every man's House, was to be his share. This exceedingly gratified
the King.

Afterward the King to requite them, asked what they most needed in
their Countrey? They answered, They had plenty of all things only
they wanted Cahah mirris, that is Turmeric and Pepper. The King to
gratifie them sent them such a quantity of each as his Country could
afford. As soon as this was brought to the People of Neurecalava,
they went to measure it out to every man his Portion, but finding it
of so small a quantity, they resolved to grind it, as they do when
they use it with their Victuals, and put it into the River to give
a seasoning to the water, and every Man was to take up his Dish of
water thus seasoned. From whence Neurecalava had its denomination,
viz. from Neur, signifying a City, and Cahah that signifies Turmeric,
and Lava, as if it were Lalla, put into the River.

The King hearing of this Action of theirs was offended, in that they
so contemned his gift; but concealed his displeasure. Sometime after
he took a Journey to them, and being there, desired to know how their
Countrey became so very fruitful. They told him, it was the water of
the River pent up for their use in a very vast Pond. Out of which they
made Trenches to convey the water down into their Corn Grounds. This
Pond they had made with great Art and Labour with great Stones and
Earth thrown up of a vast length and thickness, in the fashion of an
half Moon. The King afterwards took his leave of them and went home;
and by the help of his Magicians brake down this vast Dam that kept in
the water, and so destroyed the Pond. And by this means this fruitful
Countrey wanting her water is become as ordinary Land as the rest,
having only what falls out of the Sky.

[Their Charm to find out a Thief.] When a Robbery is committed to find
the Thief, they Charm a Coker-nut, which is done by certain words,
and any one can do it, that can but utter the Charm words. Then they
thrust a stick into it, and set it either at the Door or hole the Thief
went out at. Then one holds the stick with the Nut at the end of it,
and the Nut pursues and follows in the Tract that the Thief went. All
the way it is going they still continue Charming, and flinging the
Blossoms of the Betel-nut-Tree upon it. And at last it will lead to
the house or place where the Thief is, and run upon his Feet. This
Nut will sometimes go winding hither and thither, and sometimes will
stand still. Then they follow their Charms, strewing on Blossoms,
and that sets it forward again. This is not enough to find the Thief
guilty; but if they intend to prosecute the Man upon this Discovery,
the Charmer must swear against him point blank: which he sometimes
will do upon the Confidence of the Truth of his Charm. And the supposed
Thief must either Swear or be Condemned.

[The way to dissolve this Charm.] Oftentimes Men of courage and metal,
will get Clubs, and beat away the Charmer, and all his Company, and
by this means put all to an end. If the Thief has the wit to lay his
tail by the way, the Coker-nut when it comes thither will stop and run
round about it, but go no further. I doubting the truth hereof, once
took the stick, and held it my self, when they were upon this Business,
but it moved not forward while I held it in my hand, tho they strewed
their Flowers, and used their mutterings to provoke it. But afterwards
when another took it, it went forward. I doubted whether they did
not guide it with their hand, but they assured me it guided their hand.

[Inscriptions upon Rocks.] Here are some antient writings engraven
upon Rocks which poseth all that see them. There are divers great
Rocks in divers parts in Cande Uda, and in the Northern Parts. These
Rocks are cut deep with great Letters for the space of some yards,
so deep that they may last to the worlds end. Nobody can read them
or make any thing of them. I have asked Malabars, Gentuses, as
well as Chingulays and Moors, but none of them understood them. You
walk over some of them. There is an antient Temple Goddiladenni in
Tattanour stands by one place where there are of these Letters. They
are probably in memorial of something, but of what we must leave to
learned men to spend their conjectures.






CHAP. XI.

Of their Sickness, Death and Burial.


[The diseases this Countrey is subject to.] Nothing now remains,
but to carry you to their Sick-beds, and to tell you what they do
with the Bodies of their friends deceased, and their Behavior on
these occasions. They live to a great Age very often to fourscore,
and hale at that age the Kings Sister was near an hundred. They are
healthy and of a sound constitution. The Diseases this Land is most
subject to are Agues and Feveurs, and sometimes to Bloody-fluxes. The
Small-Pox also sometimes happeneth among them. From which they cannot
free themselves by all their charms and inchantments, which are
often times successful to them in other distempers. Therefore they
do confess like the Magicians in Egypt, that this is the very finger
of Almighty God. They are also subject to Aches and Pains in their
Bodies. For the Remedy whereof they have excellent oyntments and oyls,
which they make and keep to have ready when they have occasion.

[Every one a Physitian to himself.] Here are no professed Physitians
nor Chyrurgeons, but all in general have some skill that way, and are
Physitians and Chyrurgeons to themselves. Their Medicines they make of
the leaves that are in the Woods, and the barks of Trees. With which
they purge and vomit themselves, and will do notable Cures upon green
wounds, and also upon sore eyes.

To give a few hints of their method of Physick and what Ingredients
they make use of.

[To purge.] For purging they make use of a Tree called Dallugauhah. It
bears no leaves, nothing but thorns, and is of a soft substance. Being
cut there runs out a white thick milk; in which we soak some whole
corns of Pepper a whole night. The next day the Pepper is taken out,
and washed clean, and then boyled in fair water with a sower fruit
they call Goraca, which we shall speak of by and by. This they drink,
and it purgeth very well. This milk is rekoned as rank Poyson as any
thing can be, and yet the Goats eat of the Tree greedily without harm.

[To Vomit.] For a Vomit, there is is a leaf of a Plant called Warracole
in colour like a Cabbage leaf, but smaller; it grows upon a long stalk
some three foot high. This leaf as soon as it is broken from the stalk
is full of milk, which runs out. In this milk they put a lump of Salt,
and let it lye a whole night. The next day they take the Salt out,
which is not dissolved, and wash it clean: then boyl a little Rice
and Water together. After tis taken off the fire, they put this salt
into it, and drink it.

There is a strong Purge they make with a berry called Jawpolls, which
is a little long greenish berry. Of it self it is rank Poyson. They
boyl it with Goraca, and Pepper in water, and drink a little of
the water.

[To heal Sores.] For drawing and healing of Sores, they have a leaf
called Mockina-cola; it is a very like our Tunhoof or Ground-ivy,
only it is a brighter green; it runs along upon the ground and spreads
it self as Tunhoof doth. They only take the leaf and clap it upon
the sore.

[To heal an Impostume.] For an Impostume in the Throat, we take
the rind of the Tree Amaranga and bruise it and rub it with green
Turmeric, and wrap it up in a Plantane leaf, and bury it in hot ashes,
and there let it lye an hour or two till the fire hath well qualified
it. Then the Patient takes it, and keeps chewing it for a day or two
swallowing the spittle. The Virtue of this I my self can testifie
being exceedingly ill with a sore Throat, and could not swallow. By
the use of this I was well within a day and a night.

[For a hurt in the Eye.] For a sore or hurt in the eye, they take
Oulcande-cole, Goderacole, two herbs, the juyce of each, and womans
milk and having mingled them, drop them into the eye. I had a Thorn
of a considerable length run into the gray of my eye, and put me to
great pain, the Chingulays advised me to use this means, assuring me
how successful it was wont to be; but I was loath to tamper with so
tender a place; and thanks be to God, after some days the Thorn fell
out of it self.

[To cure the Itch.] It is a speedy Cure of the Itch, to take
Coudouro giddi, a fruit of a Tree in form somewhat like a Mussel but
bigger. This fruit they cut in slices and fry it in Coker-nut oyl. And
with this oyl they anoint the body.

[The Caudle for Lying in women.] The ordinary Caudle for Women in
Child-bed, is Goraca boyled in water with Pepper and Ginger. Women in
that condition use nothing else. This [Goraca.] Goraca is a fruit round
like an Apple marked with divers creases along the sides of it. Being
ripe it is within and without red like blood, but sower, they use this
fruit as we do Lemons and Oranges. The core is sweet and pleasant,
but They regarding it not sling it away. If you bite this fruit,
it sticks to the Teeth like wax or pitch. But their chief use of it,
is to boyl it with other things to make them tast sower. They gather
them at the time of year, and break the cloves assunder by their
fingers, for they, if they be pulled, will part at the creases. And
then they lay them in the Sun and dry them, being dryed they look
like mens ears. And so they keep them for their use. Two or three of
these will give a pleasant sower relish unto a large vessel of any
liquid thing. This Goraca is in great use among them.

[Excellent at the cure of Poyson.] As there are in this Countrey very
many Poysonous Plants, and Creatures, so the People have excellent
skill in the healing thereof. There is one plant among the rest so
strong a venom, that no creature will eat or touch it; and this is the
leaf, that the People sometimes carry with them when they go to demand
their debts, and threaten their debtors, they will poyson themselves
before them, unless they will pay them. It is called Neiingala,
a sprig that springs out of the ground almost like an Hony-suckle,
but not so big: and bears a curious Flower much like an Hony-suckle.

[They easily heal the biting of Serpents, by herbs.] They are
oftentimes stung with venomous Serpents, upon which sudden death
follows without speedy help: But if the bite be taken in time, they
can certainly cure themselves, and make nothing of it. Which they
perform both by Herbs and Charms. Tho upon the sting they presently
vomit blood. The knowledg of these antidotal Herbs they have learned
from the Mounggoutia a kind of Ferret. This creature when the Noya and
he meets always fight. If he chanceth to be bitten by the Serpent,
which is very venomous, he runs away to a certain herb and eats it
and so is cured, and then comes back and fights again. The Chingulays
when they see these two creatures fighting, do diligently observe them,
and when they see the Mounggouttia goes away, they take notice of the
herbs he eats, and thereby have learned what herbs are proper to cure
such venoms.

[And charms.] They are skilful also in the use of Charms, to cure
the stings of Serpents or to prevent them, the Noyas they can charm
to that pass, that they will take them up in their hands and carry
them in baskets and handle them and kiss them without any harm. But
the Polonga will not hear a charm. They charm other wild and venomous
creatures also; as the Tyger that he shall not hurt their Cattel.

[Nor good at healing inward distempers.] But to cure inward diseases
they are not excellent. But generally when they are sick they apply
themselves to their Gods. But their chief supplication they make to
the Devil, as being God's instrument, sent to punish and afflict whom
he pleaseth; as I have discoursed at large already.

[They both bury and burn their dead.] These People are very loath
to dye, and as much afraid of the Devil in their sickness, whom at
such times they chiefly invoke. Being dead none will come near the
house for many days, lest they should be defiled. The better sort
burn the dead, because worms and maggots should not eat them. But
the poorer sort who regard not such matters bury them making a hole
in the Woods, and carrying the body wrapped up in a mat upon a Pole
on their shoulders with two or three attending it, and so laying it
in without any ceremony, and covering it.

[They send for a Priest to pray for his Soul.] Some days after his
decease, if his friends wish well to his Soul, they send for a Priest
to the house, who spends a whole night in praying and singing for the
saving of that Soul. This Priest besides very good entertainment, in
the morning must have great gifts and rewards. And to encourage them
therein, he tells them that the like bounty and liberality as they shew
to him, shall the Soul of their departed friend receive in the other
world. And so according to their ability they freely give unto him,
such things as they are possessors of. And he out of his Wonderful good
nature refuseth not any thing, be it never so mean. And thus with Drums
and Pipes sounding before him, they conduct him home to his house.

[How they mourn for the dead.] Their manner of mourning for the dead
is, that all the Women that are present do loose their hair, and let
it hang down, and with their two hands together behind their heads do
make an hideous noise, crying and roaring as loud as they can, much
praysing and extolling the Virtues of the deceased, tho there were
none in him: and lamenting their own woful condition to live without
him. Thus for three or four mornings they do rise early, and lament in
this manner, also on evenings. Mean while the men stand still and sigh.

[The nature of the Women.] These women are of a very strong couragious
spirit, taking nothing very much to heart, mourning more for fashion
than affection, never overwhelmed neither with grief or love. And
when their Husbands are dead, all their care is where to get others,
which they cannot long be without.

[How they Bury.] It may not be unacceptable to relate how they burn
their Dead. As for Persons of inferior Quality, they are interred in
some convenient places in the Woods, there being no set places for
Burial, carried thither by two or three of their Friends, and Buried
without any more ado. They lay them on their Backs, with their heads
to the West and their feet to the East, as we do. Then those People
go and wash; for they are unclean by handling the Dead.

[How they Burn.] But Persons of greater quality are burned, and
that with Ceremony. When they are dead they lay them out, and put a
Cloth over their Privy Parts, and then wash the Body, by taking half
a dozen Pitchers of water, and pouring upon it. Then they cover him
with a Linnen cloth, and so carry him forth to burning. This is when
they burn the Body speedily. But otherwise, they cut down a Tree that
may be proper for their purpose, and hollow it, like a Hog-trough,
and put the Body being Embowelled and Embalmed into it, filled up
all about with Pepper. And so let it lay in the house, until it be
the King's Command to carry it out to the burning. For that they
dare not do without the King's order, if the Person deceased be a
Courtier. Sometimes the King gives no order in a great while, it may
be not at all. Therefore in such cases, that the Body may not take
up house-room, or annoy them, they dig an hole in the floar of their
house, and put hollowed tree and all in and cover it. If afterwards
the King commands to burn the Body, they take it up again in obedience
to the King, otherwise there it lyes.

Their order for burning is thus. If the Body be not thus put into
a Trough or hollowed Tree, it is laid upon one of his Bedsteds,
which is a great honour among them. This Bedsted with the Body on
it, or hollowed Tree with the Body in it, is fastned with Poles,
and carried upon Mens Shoulders unto the place of Burning: which is
some eminent place in the Fields or High ways, or where else they
please. There they lay it upon a Pile of Wood some two or three foot
high. Then they pile up more Wood upon the Corps, lying thus on the
Bedsted, or in the Trough. Over all they have a kind of Canopy built,
if he be a Person of very high Quality covered at top, hung about
with painted Cloth, and bunches of Coker-nuts, and green Boughs;
and so fire is put to it. After all is burnt to ashes, they sweep
together the ashes into the manner of a Sugar-loaf: and hedg the
place round from wild Beasts breaking in, and they will sow Herbs
there. Thus I saw the King's Uncle, the chief Tirinanx, who was as
it were the Primate of all the Nation, burned, upon an high place,
that the blaze might be seen a great way. If they be Noblemen, but
not of so high quality, there is only a Bower erected over them,
adorned with Plantane Trees, and green boughs, and bunches as before.

[How they bury those that that die of the Small Pox.] But if any dye
of the small Pox, be his Degree what it will, he must be Buried upon
Thorns, without any further Ceremony.





PART IV.





CHAP. I.

Of the reason of our going to Ceilon, and Detaimnent there.


[The subject of this fourth Part.] In this Fourth and last Part,
I purpose to speak concerning our Captivity in this Island, and
during which, in what Condition the English have lived there, and
the eminent Providence of God in my escape thence, together with
other matters relating to the Dutch, and other European Nations,
that dwell and are kept there. All which will afford so much variety,
and new matters, that I doubt not but the Readers will be entertained
with as much delight in perusing these things, as in any else that
have been already related. I begin with the unhappy Occasion of our
going to this Countrey.

[The occasion of their coming to Ceilon.] Anno MDCLVII. The Ann Frigat
of London, Capt. Robert Knox Commander, on the One and twentieth day
of January, set Sail out of the Downs, in the Service of the Honourable
the English East-India Company, bound for Fort S. George, on the Coast
of Cormandel, to Trade one year from Port to Port in India. Which we
having performed, as we were Lading of Goods to return for England,
being in the Road of Matlipatan, on the Nineteenth of November Anno
MDCLIX. happened such a mighty Storm, that in it several Ships were
cast away, and we forced to cut our Main-Mast by the Board, which so
disabled the Ship, that she could not proceed in her Voyage. Whereupon
Cotiar, in the Island of Ceilon, being a very commodious Bay, fit
for our present Distress, Thomas Chambers Esq; (since Sir Thomas)
the Agent at Fort S. George, ordered, That the Ship should take in
some Cloth, and go to Cotiar Bay, there to Trade, while she lay to
set her Mast. Where being arrived according to the appointment of
those Indian Merchants of Porta Nova we carried with us, to whom those
Goods belonged, they were put ashore, and we minded our Business to
set another Main-mast, and repair our other Dammages we had sustained
by the late Storm.

[They were not jealous of the People, being very courteous.] At our
first coming thither, we were shy and jealous of the People of the
Place, by reason our Nation never had any Commerce or Dealing with
them. But now having been there some Twenty days, and going a Shore and
coming on Board at our Pleasure without any molestation, the Governor
of the Place also telling us, that we were welcom, as we seemed to
our selves to be, we began to lay aside all suspitious thoughts of the
People dwelling thereabouts, who had very kindly entertained us for our
Moneys with such Provisions and Refreshings as those Parts afforded.

[A pretended Message to the Captain from the King.] By this time the
King of the Countrey had notice of our being there, and as I suppose
grew suspicious of us, not having all that while by any Message made
him acquainted with our intent and purpose in coming. Thereupon
he dispatched down a Dissauva or General with his Army to us. Who
immediately sent a Messenger on Board to acquaint the Captain with his
coming, and desired him to come ashore to him, pretending a Letter to
him from the King. We saluted the Message with firing of Guns, and my
Father the Captain ordered me with Mr. John Loveland, Merchant of the
Ship, to go on shore and wait upon him. When we were come before him,
he demanded who we were, and how long we should stay? We told him,
We were English, and not to stay above twenty or thirty days, and
desired Permission to Trade in his Majestie's Port. His answer was,
the King was glad to hear that the English were come to his Countrey,
and had commanded him to assist us as we should desire, and had sent
a Letter to be delivered to none, but to the Captain himself.

We were then some twelve Miles from the Sea-side. Our reply was, That
the Captain could not leave his Ship to come so far, but if he pleased
to come down to the Sea-side himself, the Captain would immediately
wait upon him to receive the Letter. Upon which the Dissauva desired
us to stay that day, and on the morrow he would go down with us.

Which being a small request, and we unwilling to displease him,
consented to.

[The beginning of their Suspition.] The same day at Evening, the
Dissauva sent two of his chief Captains to the House where we lay
to tell us, That he was sending a Present to the Captain, and if we
pleased we might send a Letter to him; that he would send the Present
in the Night, and himself with us follow the next Morning. At which
we began to suspect, and accordingly concluded to write and advise
the Captain not to adventure himself, nor any other on shore till he
saw us. We having writ a Letter to this purpose they took it and went
away, but never delivered it.

[The Captain seized, and seven more.] The next Morning the Present,
which was Cattle, Fruit, &c. was brought to the Sea-side, and delivered
to the Captain; the Messengers telling him withal, that we were upon
the way coming down, with the Dissauva; who desired his Company on
shore against his coming, having a Letter from the King to deliver into
his own hand. Hereupon the Captain mistrusting nothing, came up with
his Boat into a small River, and being come ashore, sat down under
a Tamarind Tree, waiting for the Dissauva and us. In which time the
Native Soldiers privately surrounded him and Men, having no Arms with
them; and so he was seized on and seven men with him, yet without any
violence or plundering them of any thing: and then they brought them
up unto us, carrying the Captain in a Hammock upon their Shoulders.

[The Long-boat Men seized.] The next day after, the Long-boats Crew,
not knowing what had happened, came ashore to cut a Tree to make Cheeks
for the Main-mast, and were made Prisoners after the same manner,
tho' with more violence. For they being rough and making resistance,
were bound with Wyths, and so were led away till they came where the
People got Ropes. Which when our Men saw brought to them, they were
not a little affrighted. For being already bound, they concluded
there could be no other use for those Ropes but to hang them. But
the true use of them was to bind them faster, fearing lest the Wyths
might break, and so they were brought up farther into the Countrey;
but afterwards being become more tame, they were loosed. They would not
adventure to bring them to us, but quartered them in another House, tho
in the same Town. Where without leave we could not see one another. The
House wherein they kept the Captain and us, was all hanged with white
Callico, which is the greatest Honour they can shew to any. But the
House wherein the other men were, that were brought up after us, was
not. They gave us also as good Entertainment as the Countrey afforded.

[The General's Craft to get the Ship, as well as the Men.] Having
thus taken both our Boats and Eighteen men of us, their next care
was, fearing lest the Ship should be gone, to secure her: Therefore
to bring this about, the Dissauva told the Captain that the reason
of this their detainment was, that the King intended to send Letters
and a Present to the English Nation by him, and therefore that the
Ship must not go away, till the King was ready to send his Messenger
and Message, and thereupon desired the Captain to send on Board to
order her stay; and it being not safe for her to ride in the Bay,
lest the Dutch might come and fire her, that he should take order
for her bringing up into the River. Which advice of his, the Captain
approved not of. But concealing his dislike of it, replied, that
unless he could send two of his own men on Board with his Letter and
Order, those in the Ship would not obey him, but speedily would be
gone with the Ship. Which he, rather than he would run the hazzard
of the Ships departing, granted; imagining that the Captain would
order the Ship to be brought up into the River, as he had advised,
tho the Captain intended to make another use of this Message.

[The Captain's Order to them on board the Ship.] Upon which the
Captain sent two of his men, some Indians accompanying them in a
Canoo to the Ship, the Captain ordering them when they were aboard
not to abuse the Indians, but to entertain them very kindly, and
afterwards that setting them ashore, they should keep the Canoo to
themselves, instead of our two Boats, which they had gotten from us,
and to secure the Ship, and wait till further order.

These two men stayed on Board, and came not back again. This together
with the Ships not coming up displeased the Dissauva, and he demanded
of the Captain the reason thereof. His answer was, That being detained
on Shore, the Men on Board would not obey his Command. Upon this
some days after the Dissauva bid the Captain send his Son with order
to those aboard that the Ship might be brought into the River, but
provided that he would be Security for my return; which he promised he
would. His order to me was, to see the top Chains put upon the Cables,
and the Guns Shotted, and to tell Mr. John Burford chief Mate, and all
the rest, as they valued their Lives and Liberties to keep a Watch,
and not to suffer any Boat to come near, after it was dark: and charged
me upon his Blessing, and as I should answer it at the great Day,
not to leave him in this Condition, but to return to him again. Upon
which I solemnly vowed according to my Duty to be his Obedient Son.

[The Ships Company refuse to bring up the Ship.] So having seen all
done according to his appointment, I wrote a Letter in the Name of
the Company to clear my Father and my self, to this effect; That they
would not obey the Captain, nor any other in this matter, but were
resolved to stand upon their own defence. To which they all set their
hands. Which done according to my Promise and Duty I returned again,
and delivered the Letter to the Dissauva, who was thereby answered,
and afterwards urged the Captain no more in that matter: but gave him
leave at his pleasure to write for what he pleased to have brought to
him from the Ship: still pretending the King's order to release us,
was not yet, but would suddenly come. And so we remained expecting
it about two Months, being entertained as formerly with the best Diet
and Accommodation of the Countrey.

[The Captain orders the ship to depart.] Having continued thus long
in suspence, and the time and season of the year spending for the
Ship to proceed on her Voyage to some other place, and our condition
being, as we feared, and afterwards found to be, the beginning of a
sad Captivity, the Captain sent order to Mr. John Burford to take the
charge of the Ship upon him, and to set Sail for Porto Nova whence
we came, and there to follow the Agent's order.

[The Lading of Cloth remained untouched.] If any inquire what became
of the Cloth of our Lading, which we brought thither, they only took
an account to see what it was, and so left it where and as it was
before, and there it remained until both House and Goods rotted,
as the People of the same Town informed me afterwards.

[The Probable season of our Surprize.] I impute the main reason of
our Surprize to our Neglect, viz. in not sending a Letter and Present
to the King at our first coming. Who looking upon himself as a great
Monarch, as he is indeed, requires to be treated with sutable State.

[The number of those that were left on the Island.] Thus were Sixteen
of us left to the mercy of those Barbarians, the Names of which are as
follow. The Captain, Mr. Joh. Loveland, John Gregory, Charles Beard,
Roger Gold, Stephen Rutland, Nicolas Mullins, Francis Crutch, John
Berry, Ralph Knight, Peter Winn, William Hubbard, Arthur Emery, Richard
Varnham, George Smith, and my Self. Tho our hearts were very heavy,
seeing our selves betrayed into so sad a Condition, to be forced to
dwell among those that knew not God nor his Laws; yet so great was the
mercy of our gracious God, that he gave us favour in the sight of this
People. Insomuch that we lived far better than we could have expected,
being Prisoners or rather Captives in the hands of the Heathen;
from whom we could have looked for nothing but very severe usage.

[The Dissauva departs.] The Ship being gone, the King sent to call
the Dissauva speedily to him, who upon this order immediately marched
away with his Army, leaving us where we were. But concerning us was
no order at all.






CHAP. II.

How we were carried up into the Countrey, and disposed of there,
and of the sickness, sorrow and death of the Captain.


[They intend to attempt an Escape, but are prevented.] The Dissauva
with his men being gone, the people of the Town were appointed to
guard and secure us until further order. But they carryed us some six
miles higher into the Countrey, and would not yet adventure to bring
the Long boats-crew unto us, but kept them by themselves in another
Town, fearing lest we might make an Escape, as certainly we would have
attempted it had they not removed us. There was a small Moors Vessel,
which lay in the River, which they had seized on about this time,
as we supposed they would have done by our Ship if they could have
catched her there. This Vessel had some forty men belonging to her
who were not made Prisoners as we were, but yet lay in the same Town:
with those we had concluded, that they would furnish us with Arms,
and in the night altogether to march down, and get on board of their
Vessel, and so make our escape. But being prevented in this design
by our departure, we were fain to lay at their mercy.

[Their condition commiserated by the People.] In our new quarters
our entertainment proved as good as formerly. And indeed there was
this to mitigate our misery, that the People were courteous to us and
seemed to pity us. For there is a great difference between the People
inhabiting the high-lands, or the mountains of Cande, and those of
the low-lands where we now are placed, who are of a kinder nature
by far than the other. For these Countreys beneath the mountains
formerly were in subjection unto the Portugueze. Whereby have been
exercised and acquainted with the customs and manners of Christian
People. Which pleasing them far better than their own have begot
and bred in them a kind of love and affection towards Strangers,
being apt to shew Pity and Compassion on them in their distress. And
you shall hear them oftentimes upbraiding the High-landers for their
insolent and rude behavior.

[They are distributed into divers Towns.] It was a very sad Condition
whilst we were all together, yet hitherto each others company
lessened our sufferings, and was some comfort that we might condole
one another. But now it came to pass that we must be separated and
placed asunder, one in a Village, where we could have none to confer
withall or look upon, but the horrible black faces of our heathen
enemies, and not understand one word of their Language neither, this
was a great addition to our grief. Yet God was so merciful to us,
as not to suffer them to part my Father and I.

[An Order comes from the King to bring them up into the Countrey.] For
it was some sixteen days after our last remove, the King was pleased
to send a Captain with Soldiers to bring us up into the Countrey. Who
brought us and the other men taken in the Long boat together: Which
was an heavy meeting; Being then, as we well saw, to be carried
Captives into the mountains. That night we supped together, and the
next morning changed our condition into real Captivity. Howbeit they
gave us many comfortable promises, which we believed not; as, that
the Kings intent was not to keep us any longer, than till another
Ship came to carry us away. Altho we had but very little to carry,
God knows, yet they appointed men to carry the cloths that belonged
to the Captain and Officers.

[How they were Treated on the way in the Woods.] We still expected they
would plunder us of our cloths, having nothing else to be plundered
of: but the Chingulay Captain told us, that the King had given order
that none should take the value of a thread from us: Which indeed
they did not. As they brought us up they were very tender of us, as
not to tyre us with Travelling, bidding us go no faster than we would
our selves. This kindness did somewhat comfort us. The way was plain
and easie to Travail through great Woods, so that we walked as in an
Arbour, but desolate of Inhabitants. So that for four or five nights
we lay on the Ground, with Boughs of Trees only over our heads. And of
Victuals twice a Day they gave us as much as we could eat, that is,
of Rice, Salt-fish, dryed Flesh: And sometimes they would shoot Deer
and find Hony in the Trees, good part of which they always brought
unto us. And drink we could not want, there being Rivers and Puddles
full of Water as we Travelled along.

[And in the Towns among the Inhabitants.] But when we came out of the
Woods among Inhabitants and were led into their Towns, they brought
us Victuals ready dressed after their fashion, viz. Rice boiled in
Water, and three other sorts of Food, whereof one Flesh, and the
other two Herbs or such like things that grow in their Countrey, and
all kinds of ripe Fruit, which we liked very well and fed heartily
upon. Our entertainment all along was at the Charge of the Countrey:
So we fed like Soldiers upon free Quarter. Yet I think we gave them
good content for all the Charge we put them to. Which was to have the
satisfaction of seeing us eat, sitting on Mats upon the Ground in their
yards to the Publick view of all Beholders. Who greatly admired us,
having never seen, nor scarce heard of, English-men before. It was
also great entertainment to them to observe our manner of eating with
Spoons, which some of us had, and that we could not take the Rice up
in our hands, and put it to our mouths without spilling, as they do,
nor gaped and powred the Water into our Mouths out of Pots according
to their Countreys custom. Thus at every Town where we came they used
both young and old in great Companies to stare upon us.

[They are brought near Cande, and there Seperated.] Being thus brought
up all together somewhat near to the City of Cande. Now came an Order
from the King to separate us, and to place us one in a Town. Which
then seemed to us to be very hard, but it was for the convenience or
getting Food, being quartered upon the Countrey at their Charge.

[The Captain and his Son and two more quartered together.] The Captain
Mr. John Loveland, my self and John Gregory were parted from the rest,
and brought nearer to the City, to be ready when the King should
send for us. All the Rest were placed one in a Town according to the
aforesaid Order. Special Command also was given from the King, that
we all should be well entertained, and according to the Countrey fare
we had no cause to complain. We four were thus kept together some
two Months, faring well all the while. But the King minding us not,
[Parted.] Order came from the great Men in Court to place us in
Towns, as the rest were; only my Father and I were still permitted
to be together, and a great Charge given to use us well. [How they
fared.] And indeed twice a Day we had brought unto us as good fare as
the Countrey afforded. All the rest had not their Provisions brought
to them, as we had, but went to eat from house to house, each house
taking its turn.

[The Captain and his Son placed in Coos-wat.] On the Sixteenth of
September, 1660. My Father and I were placed in a Town called Bonder
Coos-wat the situation was very pleasing and commodious, lying about
Thirty Miles to the Northward of the City of Cande, in the Countrey
called Hotcurly and distant from the rest of our People a full days
journey. We were removed hither from another Town nearer to the City
where the Nobles at Court supposing that the King would call for us,
had placed us to have us ready. Being thus brought to Bonder Cooswat,
the People put it to our choice which House we would have to reside
in. The Countrey being hot and their Houses dark and dirty, my Father
chose an open House, having only a Roof but no Walls. Wherein they
placed a Cot, or Bed-stead only with a Mat upon it for him, which
in their Account is an extraordinary Lodging; and for me a Mat upon
the Ground.

[Moneys scarce with them.] Moneys at that time were very low with
us. For although we wanted not for opportunity to send for what
we would have brought unto unto us from the Ship, yet fearing we
should be plundered of it, sent not for any thing only a Pillow for
my Father. For we held it a point without dispute, that they that
made Prisoners of our Bodies would not spare to take our Goods;
my Father also alledging, that he had rather his Children at home
should enjoy them.

[But they had good Provisions without it.] But to make amends for
that, we had our Provisions brought us without money, and that twice a
Day, so much as we could eat, and as good as their Countrey yielded;
to wit, a Pot of good Rice, and three Dishes of such things as with
them is accounted good Cheer; one always either Flesh, Fish or Eggs;
but not over much of this Dish, the other Dishes, Herbs, Pumkins or
such like, one of which is always made sower.

[The Town where they were, Sickly.] The first year that we were brought
into this Town, this part of the Land was extraordinary Sickly by Agues
and Feavours, whereof many People dyed; insomuch that many times we
were forced to remain an hungry, there being none well enough either
to boil or bring Victuals unto us.

[How they passed their time.] We had with us a Practice of Piety, and
Mr. Rogers seven Treatises, called the Practice of Christianity. With
which companions we did frequently discourse; and in the cool of the
Evening walk abroad in the Fields for a refreshing, tyred with being
all day in our House or Prison.

[They both fall Sick.] This Course lasted until God was pleased to
visit us both with the Countrey Sickness, Ague and Feavour. The sight
of my Fathers misery was far more grievous unto me than the sence
of my own, that I must be a Spectator of his Affliction, and not any
ways able to help him. And the sight of me so far augmented his grief,
that he would often say, What have I done when I charged you to come
ashore to me again, your dutifulness to me hath brought you to be a
Captive. I am old and cannot long hold out, but you may live to see
many days of Sorrow, if the mercy of God do not prevent it. But my
prayers to God for you shall not be wanting, that for this cause he
would visit you with his Mercy, and bestow on you a Blessing.

[Deep Grief seizes the Captain.] My Father's Ague lasted not long,
but deep grief daily more and more increased upon him, which so
over-whelmed even his very heart, that with many a bitter sigh he
used to utter these words, These many years even from my youth have
I used the Seas, in which time the Lord God hath delivered me from
a multitude of Dangers; rehearsing to me what great Dangers he had
been in, in the Straits by the Turks and by other Enemies, and also in
many other places, too large here to insert, and always how merciful
God was to him in delivering him out of them all, So that he never
knew what it was to be in the hand of an Enemy; But now in his old
Age, when his head was grown grey, to be a Captive to the Heathen,
and to leave his Bones in the Eastern Parts of the World, when it was
his hopes and intention, if God permitted him to finish this Voyage,
to spend and end the residue of his days at home with his Children
in his Native Countrey, and to settle me in the Ship in his stead;
the thoughts of these things did even break his heart.

[Their Sickness continues.] Upwards of three Months my Father lay in
this manner upon his Bed, having only under him a Mat and the Carpet
he sat upon in the Boat when he came ashore, and a small Quilt I
had to cover him withall. And I had only a Mat upon the Ground and a
Pillow to lay on, and nothing to cover me but the Cloths on my back:
but when I was cold, or that my Ague came upon me, I used to make a
Fire, Wood costing nothing, but the fetching.

[Their Boy's disobedience adds to their trouble.] We had a black Boy
my Father brought from Porto Nova to attend upon him, who seeing
his Master to be a Prisoner in the hands of the People of his own
Complexion, would not now obey his Command, further than what agreed
unto his own humour, neither was it then as we thought in our Power
to compel or make him; but it was our ignorance. As for me, my Ague
now came to a settled course; that is, once in three days, and so
continued for Sixteen Months time.

[His excessive sorrow.] There appearing now to us no probability,
whereupon to build any hopes of Liberty, the sence of it struck my
Father into such an Agony and strong Passion of Grief, that once I
well remember in Nine days time nothing came into his mouth, but
cold water; neither did he in three Months together ever rise up
out of his Bed, but when the course of Nature required it: always
groaning and sighing in a most piteous manner: which for me to hear
and see come from my dear Father, my self also in the same Condition,
did almost break my heart. But then I felt that Doctrine most true,
which I had read out of Mr. Roger's Book, That God is most sweet,
when the world is most bitter.

In this manner my Father lay until the Ninth of February 1660/61. By
which time he was consumed to an Anatomy, having nothing left but
Skin to cover his Bones; yet he often would say, That the very sound
of Liberty would so revive him, that it would put strength into his
Limbs. But it was not the will of him, to whom we say, Thy will be
done, to have it so.

[His Discourse and charge to his Son before his Death.] The evening
before his Death, he called me to come near his Bed side, and to sit
down by him, at which time also I had a strong Feavor upon me. This
done, he told me, That he sensibly felt his life departing from him,
and was assured that this Night God would deliver him out of this
Captivity, and that he never thought in all his Lifetime that Death
could be so easie and welcom to any Man, as God had made it to be
to him, and the joyes he now felt in himself he wanted utterance to
express to me. He told me, These were the last words, that ever he
should speak to me, and bid me well regard and be sure to remember
them, and tell them to my Brother and Sister, if it pleased God, as
he hoped it would, to bring us together in England; where I should
find all things settled to my contentation, relating to me after what
manner he had settled his Estate by Letters which he sent from Cotiar.

In the first place and above all, He charged me to serve God, and with
a circumspect care to walk in his ways, and then, he said, God would
bless me and prosper me. And next, he bad me have a care of my Brother
and Sister. And lastly, He gave me a special charge to beware of strong
Drink, and lewd Company, which as by Experience many had found, would
change me into another man, so that I should not be my self. It deeply
grieved him, he said, to see me in Captivity in the prime of my years,
and so much the more because I had chosen rather to suffer Captivity
with him than to disobey his Command. Which now he was heartily sorry
for, that he had so commanded me, but bad me not repent of obeying
the command of my Father; seeing for this very thing, he said, God
would bless me, and bid me be assured of it, which he doubted not of,
viz. That God Almighty would deliver me; which at that time I could not
tell how to conceive, seeing but little sign of any such Matter. But
blessed be the Name of my most gracious God, who hath so bountifully
sustained me ever since in the Land of my Captivity, and preserved
me alive to see my Deceased Father's word fulfilled! And truly I was
so far from repenting, that I had obeyed the Command of my Father,
and performed the Oath and Promise I made unto him upon it, that it
rather rejoyced me to see that God had given me so much Grace.

[His Death.] But tho it was a trouble to him, that by his means I
was thus made a Captive; yet it was a great Comfort to him, he said,
to have his own Son sit by him on his Death-bed, and by his hands to
be Buried, whereas otherwise he could expect no other but to be eaten
by Dogs or wild Beasts. Then he gave me order concerning his Burial,
That having no winding sheet, I should pull his Shirt over his head,
and slip his Breeches over his feet, and so wrap him up in the Mat
he layd upon: and then ceased speaking, and fell into a Slumber. This
was about Eight or Nine a Clock in the Evening, and about Two or Three
in the Morning he gave up the Ghost, Feb. the Ninth, 1660. being very
sensible unto the very instant of his Departure.

[And Burial.] According to his own appointment with my own hands I
wrapped him up ready for the Grave; my self being very sick and weak,
and as I thought ready to follow after him. Having none but the black
Boy with me, I bad him ask the People of the Town for help to carry my
Father to the Grave, because I could not understand their Language. Who
immediately brought forth a great Rope they used to tye their Cattle
withal, therewith to drag him by the Neck into the Woods, saying,
They could afford me no other help, unless I would pay for it. This
Insolency of the Heathen grieved me much to see, neither could I with
the Boy alone do what was necessary for his Burial, though we had
been able to carry the Corps, having not wherewithal to dig a Grave,
and the ground very dry and hard. Yet it was some comfort to me that
I had so much Ability as to hire one to help; which at first I would
not have spared to have done, had I known their meaning.

[The Place where he lyes.] By this means I thank God, in so decent
a manner as our present condition would permit, I laid my Father's
Body in the Grave. Most of which I digged with my own hands; the place
being in a Wood, on the North-side of a Corn Field, where heretofore
we had used often to walk, going up to Handapoul: that Division,
as I have said, being called Bonder Cooswat, because formerly it had
belonged to the Revenues or Jointure of the Queen, Bonder implying
something relating to the King. It lyes towards the Northwest of the
middle of the Island in the County Hotcurly.

Thus was I left Desolate, Sick, and in Captivity, having no earthly
Comforter, none but only He who looks down from Heaven to hear
the groaning of the Prisoners, and to shew himself a Father of the
Fatherless, and a present help to them that have no helper.

[Upon the Captain's death, a Message sent his Son from Court.] The
News of my Father's Death being carried to Court, presently two
Messengers were sent from thence to see me, and to know of me, How
and in what manner my Father died, and what he had left. Which was
a Gold Ring, a Pagoda, and some two or three Dollars and a few old
Cloths; God knows but a very little, yet it scared me not a little,
fearing they would take it away from me, and my want being so great;
but they had no such order nor intent. But the chief occasion of
their coming was to renew the former order unto the People of that
Town, that they should be kind to me and give me good Victuals, left
I might dye also as my Father had done. So for a while I had better
entertainment than formerly.






CHAP. III.

How I lived after my Father's Death. And of the Condition of the rest
of the English: and how it fared with them. And of our Interview.


[His chief employment is Reading.] I still remained where I was before,
having none but the black Boy, and my Ague to bear me Company. Never
found I more pleasure in Reading, Meditating and Praying than now. For
there was nothing else could administer to me any Comfort, neither had
I any other Business to be occupied about. I had read my two Books so
often over, that I had them almost by heart. For my custom was after
Dinner to take a Book and go into the Fields and sit under a Tree,
reading and meditating until Evening; excepting the Day when my Ague
came, for then I could scarce hold up my head. Often have I prayed
as Elijah under the Juniper Tree, that God would takeaway my life,
for it was a burthen to me.

[He loses his Ague.] At length it pleased God my Ague began to be a
little moderate; and so by degrees it wore away, after it had held
me sixteen Months.

[How he met with an English Bible in that Countrey.] Provisions
falling short with me, tho Rice I thank God, I never wanted, and
Monies also growing low; as well to help out a Meal as for Recreation,
sometimes I went with an Angle to catch small Fish in the Brooks,
the aforesaid Boy being with me. It chanced as I was Fishing, an
old Man passed by, and seeing me, asked of my Boy, If I could read
in a Book. He answered, Yes. The reason I ask, said the old Man,
is because I have one I got when the Portugueze left Columbo, and if
your Master please to buy it, I will sell it him. Which when I heard
of; I bad my Boy go to his House with him, which was not far off,
and bring it to me to see it, making no great account of the matter,
supposing it might be some Portugueze Book.

The Boy having formerly served the English, knew the Book, and as
soon as he had got it in his hand came running with it, calling out
to me, It is a Bible. It startled me to hear him mention the name
of a Bible. For I neither had one, nor scarcely could ever think to
see one. Upon which I flung down my Angle and went to meet him. The
first place the Book opened in after I took it in my hand, was the
Sixteenth Chapter of the Acts, and the first place my eye pitched on,
was the Thirtieth and one and Thirtieth Verses, where the Jailor asked
S. Paul, What must I do to be saved? And he answered saying, Believe
in the Lord Jesus Christ, and thou shalt be saved and thine house.

[Struck into a great Passion at the sight of the Book.] The sight of
this Book so rejoiced me, and affrighted me together, that I cannot
say, which Passion was greater, the joy, for that I had got sight of a
Bible, or the fear, that I had not enough to buy it, having then but
one Pagoda in the World, which I willingly would have given for it,
had it not been for my Boy, who dissuaded me from giving so much,
alledging my Necessity for Money many other ways, and undertaking
to procure the Book for a far meaner price, provided I would seem
to slight it in the sight of the old Man. This counsel after I
considered I approved of, my urgent Necessities earnestly craving,
and my Ability being but very small to relieve the same: and however,
I thought, I could give my piece of Gold at the last cast, if other
means should fail.

I hope the Readers will excuse me, that I hold them so long upon this
single passage, For it did so affect me then, that I cannot lightly
pass it over as often as I think of it, or have occasion to mention it.

The sight indeed of this Bible so overjoyed me, as if an Angel had
spoke to me from Heaven. To see that my most gracious God had prepared
such an extraordinary Blessing for me; which I did, and ever shall
look upon as miraculous, to bring unto me a Bible in my own Native
Language, and that in such a remote part of the World, where his
Name was not so much as known, and where any English Man was never
known to have been before. I looked upon it, as somewhat of the same
nature with the Ten Commandments he had given the Israelites out of
Heaven; it being the thing for want whereof I had so often mourned,
nay and shed tears too; and than the enjoyment whereof there could
be no greater joy in the world to me.

[He casts with himself how to get it.] Upon the sight of it I left
off Fishing, God having brought a Fish to me, that my Soul had longed
for; and now how to get it and enjoy the same, all the Powers of my
Soul were employed. I gave God hearty thanks that he had brought it so
near me, and most earnestly prayed that he would bestow it on me. Now,
it being well towards Evening, and not having wherewithal to buy it
about me, I departed home, telling the old Man, that in the Morning
I would send my Boy to buy it of him.

All that Night I could take no rest for thinking on it, fearing lest
I might be disappointed of it. In the Morning as soon as it was day,
I sent the Boy with a knit Cap he had made for me to buy the Book,
praying in my heart for good success, which it pleased God to grant:
For that Cap purchased it, and the Boy brought it to me to my great
joy, which did not a little comfort me over all my Afflictions.

[Where the rest of the English were bestowed.] Having said all this
concerning my Father and my Self, it will be time now to think of the
rest of our poor Countreymen, and to see what is become of them. They
were carried into the County of Hotteracourly, Westward from the City
of Cande, and placed singly according to the King's Order aforesaid,
some four, some six Miles distant one from the other. It was the King's
Command concerning them that the People should give them Victuals, and
look after them. So they carried each man from house to house to eat,
as their turns came to give them Victuals, and where they Supped there
they Lodged that Night. Their Bedding was only a Mat upon the Ground.

[Kept from one another a good while, but after permitted to see
each other.] They knew not they were so near to one another a great
while; till at length Almighty God was pleased by their grief and
heaviness to move those Heathen to Pity and take Compassion on them:
So that they did bring some of them to one another. Which joy was
but Abortive, for no sooner did they begin to feel the Comfort of one
anothers Company, but immediately their Keepers called upon them to
go from whence they came: fearing they might consult and run away,
altho Columbo the nearest Port they could fly to was above two days
Journey from them. But as it is with wild Beasts beginning to grow
tame, their Liberty encreaseth: So it happened to our Men; so that at
length they might go and see one another at their pleasures; and were
less and less watched and regarded. And seeing they did not attempt
to run away, they made no matter of it, if they stayed two or three
days one with the other.

[No manner of work laid upon them.] They all wondered much to
see themselves in this Condition, to be kept only to eat, and the
People of the Countrey giving it unto them, daily expecting when they
would put them to work, which they never did, nor dared to do. For
the King's order was to feed them well only, and to look after them
until he pleased to send for them. This after some time made them
to change their minds, and not to think themselves Slaves any more,
but the Inhabitants of the Land to be their Servants, in that they
laboured to sustain them.

Which made them to begin to Domineer, and would not be content unless
they had such Victuals as pleased them, and oftentimes used to throw
the Pots, Victuals and all at their heads that brought them, which
they patiently would bear.

[They begin to pluck up their hearts.] And as they lived here longer,
they knew better what Privileges they had in belonging unto the King,
and being maintained by virtue of his Command. And their Privileges
they made use of to no purpose, as I shall relate an instance or two
by and by; and showed their English Metal.

[What course they took for Cloths.] Victuals was the only thing allowed
them, but no Cloths. By this time the Cloths they had were almost
worn out. This put them to a study what course to take to procure
more, when those on their backs were gone. The readiest way that they
could devise was this, that whereas they used to take their Victuals
brought to them ready dressed, they should now take them raw; and so
to pinch somewhat out of their Bellies, to save to buy Cloths for their
Backs. And so accordingly they concluded to do: and by the favour that
God gave them in the sight of the People, by alledging the Innocency
of their Cause, and the Extremity of their present Condition, having
not the least ability to help or relieve themselves, they consented
to give them two Measures of Rice a day each man. One of which is
as much as any man can eat in a day, so that the other was to serve
for advance towards Cloths. [Their fare.] For besides Rice, they gave
them to eat with it Salt, Pepper, Limes, Herbs, Pumpkins, Coker Nuts,
Flesh a little. These and such like things were their constant fare.

[What Employment they afterwards followed.] And thus they made a shift
to live for some years, until some of them had an insight in knitting
Caps, by whom all afterwards learned, and it proved to be the chief
means and help we all had to relieve our wants. The ordinary price we
sold these Caps for, was Nine pence a piece in value English Money,
the Thread standing us in about three pence. But at length, we plying
hard our new Learned Trade, Caps began to abound, and Trading grew
dead, so that we could not sell them at the former price: which
brought several of our Nation to great want.

[How the English Domineered.] The English began now to pluck up their
hearts, and tho they were entred into a new Condition, they kept
their old Spirits, especially considering they were the King's Men,
and quartered by his special order upon the People. When they had
obtained to have their Allowance raw, if any brought them not their
full due, they would go in and Plunder their Houses of such Goods
as they found there, and keep them until they came and brought them
their compleat allowance to redeem their Goods back again.

[What Satisfaction one of them received from a Potter.] Some of our
English men have proceeded further yet. One for example went to buy
Pots of a Potter. Who because he would not let him have them at his
own price fell to quarrel, in which the English man met with some
blows. Which he complained of to the Magistrate as being a Person
that belonged unto the King, and therefore claimed better usage. And
the Magistrate condemned the Potter as guilty in lifting up his hand
against him, and sent some of his Soldiers to bind him, and then
bad the English man go and content himself by paying him in the same
Coin again, as he had served our Countreyman; which he did until he
was satisfied, and moreover, ordered him to take the Pots he came
to buy and pay nothing. But the Law was not so satisfied neither,
for the Soldiers laid on many blows besides.

[A scuffle between the English and Natives.] Another time at a certain
Feast, as they were drinking and wanting Wine, they sent Money to buy
more; but the Seller refused to give it them for their Money. Which
they took so hainously, that they unanimously concluded to go and take
it by force. Away they went each man with his Staff in his hand, and
entred the House and began to Drink; which the People not liking of,
gathered their Forces together, and by blows began to resist them. But
the English men bravely behaved themselves, and broke several of
their Pates. Who with the Blood about their Ears went to the City to
complain to the great Men. They demanded of them, If they had ever sold
them Wine before. They answered, Yes. They asked them again, Why then
did they refuse to sell them now? And that they were well served by
the English for denying them drink for their Money: and so sent them
away laughing at them. Our Men got two or three black and blew Blows,
but they came home with their Bellies full of Drink for their pains.

[The Author after a year sees his Countreymen.] But to return unto my
self. It was a full year after my Father died, before I had sight of
any of my Countreymen and Fellow Prisoners. Then John Gregory with much
ado obtained leave to come and see me: which did exceedingly rejoyce
me. For a great Satisfaction it was, both to see a Countreyman, and
also to hear of the welfare of the rest. But he could not be permitted
to stay with me above one day. Until then, I knew not punctually where
the rest of my Countreymen were, but having heard that they were within
a days Journey of me, I never ceased importuning the People of the
Town where I dwelt, to let me go and see them. Which tho very loath,
yet at last they granted. Being arrived at the nearest English man's
House, I was joyfully received, and the next day he went and called
some of the rest of our Countreymen that were near. So that there
were some seven or eight of us met together.

[Their Conference and Entertainment.] We gave God thanks for his great
Mercies towards us, being then, as we did confess, in a far better
Condition than we could have expected. They were now no more like the
Prisoners I left them, but were become House keepers, and Knitters
of Caps and had changed their Habit from Breeches to Clouts like the
Chingulays. They entertained me with very good chear in their Houses
beyond what I did expect.

[He consults with his Countreymen for a future livelyhood.] My Money
at the same time almost gone, and Cloaths in the same condition,
it was high time for me now to take some course in hand to get
more. Therefore I took some advice with them about Knitting, my Boy
having Skill therein. Likewise they advised me to take my Victuals raw,
wherein they found great Profit. For all this while here being no signs
of releasing us, it concerned me now to bethink my self how I should
live for the future. For neither had I, any more than my Countreymen,
any allowance for Cloths, but Victuals only.

Having stayed here some two or three days, we did take leave of one
another, hoping to see one another oftner, since we knew each others
Habitations: and I departed to my House, having a Keeper with me.

[The difficulty he met with of having raw Rice.] By this time I began
to speak the Language of the Countrey. Whereby I was inabled the better
to speak my mind unto the People that brought me my Victuals. Which
Was henceforward not to boil my Rice, but to bring it raw according
to the quantity that the other English men had. This occasioned a
great deal of disputing and reasoning between us. They alledged,
That I was not as they, being the Captain's Son, and they but his
Servants, and therefore that it was ordered by the great Men at Court,
that my Victuals should be daily brought unto me, whereas they went
always from house to house for theirs: Neither was it fitting for
me, they said, to imploy my self in such an Inferior Office as to
dress my own Meat, being a Man that the King had notice of by Name,
and very suddenly before I should be aware of it, would send for me
into the Presence, where I should be highly promoted to some Place
of Honour. In the mean time, they told me, as pretending to give me
good counsel, That it was more for my credit and repute to have my
Provisions brought unto me ready Dressed as they were before.

[He reasons with the People about his allowance.] Altho I was yet
but a Novice in the Countrey, and knew not much of the People, yet
plain reason told me, that it was not so much for my good and credit
that they pleaded, as for their own benefit. Wherefore I returned
them this answer, That if as they said I was greater in quality than
the rest, and so held in their Estimation, it would be but reason to
demand a greater allowance, whereas I desired no more than the other
English men had. And as for the toyl and trouble in dressing of it,
that would be none to me, for my Boy had nothing else to do. And then
I alledged several inconveniencies in bringing my Victuals ready
boiled; as first, that it was not dressed according to my Diet;
and many times not brought in due Season, so that I could not eat
when I was an hungry. And the last and chief reason of all was, that
I might save a little to serve my Necessity of Clothing: and rather
than want Cloths for my Back, I must pinch a little out of my Belly,
and so both go share and share like. And so at length, thanks be to
God, I obtained, tho with much ado, to get two Measures of Rice per
day for my self, and one for my Boy; also Coker-nuts, Pumpkins, Herbs,
Limes, and such like enough, besides Pepper and Salt; and sometimes
Hens, Eggs, or Flesh: Rice being the main thing they stand upon,
for other things they refuse not to give what they have.

[He builds him an House.] Now having settled all Business about my
allowance, my next concern was to look after an House more convenient,
for my present one was too small to dress my Victuals in, and to
sleep in too. Thereabouts was a Garden of Coker-nut Trees, belonging
unto the King, a pleasant situation; this place I made choice of to
build me a House in. And discovering my desire to the People, they
consented, and came and built it for me: but before it was finished,
their occasions called them away, but my Boy and I made an end of
it, and whitened the Walls with Lime, according to my own Countrey
fashion. But in doing this I committed a Capital Offence: for none may
white their Houses with Lime, that being peculiar to Royal Houses and
Temples. But being a Stranger nothing was made of it, because I did
it in ignorance: had it been a Native that had so done, it is most
probable it would have cost him his Head, or at the least a great Fine.

[He follows business and thrives.] Being settled in my new House,
I began to keep Hogs and Hens; which by God's Blessing thrived very
well with me, and were a great help unto me. I had also a great benefit
by living in this Garden. For all the Coker-nuts that fell down they
gave me, which afforded me Oyl to burn in the Lamp, and also to fry my
meat in. Which Oyl being new is but little inferior to this Countrey
Butter. Now I learned to knit Caps, which Skill I quickly attained
unto, and by God's Blessing upon the same, I obtained great help and
relief thereby.

[Some attempted running away, but were catched.] In this manner we
all lived, seeing but very little sign that we might build upon, to
look for Liberty. The chief of our hopes of it was that in process of
time when we were better acquainted we might run away. Which some of
our People attempted to do too soon, before they knew well which way
to go, and were taken by the Inhabitants. For it is the custom of the
Chingulays to suspect all white People, they meet travailing in the
Countrey, to be Runaways; and to examine them: and if they cannot give
satisfactory answers, they will lay hold of them and carry them back
unto the City. Where they will keep them Prisoners under a guard of
Soldiers in an open House like a Barn with a little Victuals sometimes,
and sometimes with none at all. Where they have no other remedy to
help themselves but Begging. And in this Condition they may lye perhaps
for their Lifetime, being so kept for a Spectacle unto the People.

[Little incouragement for those that bring back Runnaways.] Tho the
common way whereby the King gratifies such as catch Runawayes and
bring them up, is not over acceptable. For they are appointed to
feed and watch them until he calls for them to be brought before
him. At which time his promise is bountifully to reward them. But
these Promises I never knew performed. Neither doth he perhaps ever
think of it after. For when the King is made acquainted with the
matter, the men that have brought up the Prisoner are in a manner
as bad Prisoners themselves, not daring to go home to their Houses
without his leave, but there they must remain. After some years stay,
the common manner is, for them to give a Fee unto the Governor of
the Countrey, and he will licence them to go home, which they must
be contented with instead of the promised reward.






CHAP. IV.

Concerning some other English men detained in that Countrey.


[The Persia Merchant's men Captives before us.] In the same Captivity
with our selves on this Island, was another Company of English Men,
who were taken about a year and an half before us, viz. in the year
MDCLVIII. They were Thirteen in number, whose names were as follow,
Viz. Mr. William Vassal, John Merginson, Thomas March, Thomas Kirby,
Richard Jelf, Gamaliel Gardiner, William Day, Thomas Stapleton,
Henry Man, Hugh Smart, Daniel Holstein, an Hamburger, James Gony,
and Henry Bingham. The occasion of their Seizure was thus. The
Ship these Men belonged unto was the Persia Merchant, Capt. Francis
Johnson Commander, which was lost upon the Maldives Islands. But they
escaped in their Boats, and passing along by this Land went on shore
to recruit and buy Provisions, and so were taken. The Chingulays that
took them [Plundered by the Natives.] Plundered them of what they
had, except their Cloths. Yet one of them, John Merginson by name,
having cunningly hid his Money about him, saved it from the Heathen,
but from his own Countrymen he could not, some of whom knowing of
it set upon him and robbed him of it. But it did them little good,
for the King hearing of it sent and robbed the Robbers.

[Brought up to the King.] These men thus seized were carried up before
the King. Of whom he demanded, whether the English had Wars with the
Hollanders. They answered, No. Or, if the English could beat them. They
answered, They could and had done it lately. Then he gave order to
give them all some Cloths, and to Mr. William Vassal, being the chief
of them, a double Portion. And out of them made choice of two Lads;
whom afterwards he sent and took into his Court. Their honours and
their ends we shall see by and by. They were all placed in the City of
Cande, and each of them had a new Mat given them to sleep on, and their
Diet was Victuals dressed and brought them twice a day from the King's
own Palace. They had Cloths also distributed to them another time.

So that these men had the advantage of us. For we neither had Mats
nor Cloths, nor had the honour of being ever brought into the King's
Presence.

[They hoped to obtain Liberty, but were mistaken.] This civil Reception
upon their first coming up into the City, put these Persia Merchant-men
in hope, that the King would give them their Liberty. There was at
that time an old Portugueze Father, Padre Vergonse by name, Living
in the City. With him they discoursed concerning the probability of
their Liberty, and that the favours the King had shewn them seemed
to be good signs of it: but he told them the plain truth, that it
was not customary there to release white Men. For saying which,
they railed at him, calling him Popish Dog, and Jesuitical Rogue,
supposing he spoke as he wished it might be. But afterward to their
grief they found it to be true as he told them.

[A ridiculous action of these Men.] Their entertainment was
excellently good according to the poor condition of the Countrey, but
they thought it otherwise, very mean and not according to the King's
order. Therefore that the King might be informed how they were abused,
each man took the Limb of an Hen in his hand, and marched rank and
file in order thro the Streets with it in their hands to the Court,
as a sign to the great Men whereby they might see, how illy they were
served; thinking hereby the King might come to hear of their misusage,
and so they might have order to be fed better afterwards. But this
proved Sport to the Noblemen who well knew the fare of the Countrey,
laughing at their ignorance, to complain where they had so little
cause. And indeed afterwards they themselves laughed at this action
of theirs, and were half ashamed of it, when they came to a better
understanding of the Nature of the Countreys Diet.

[They had a mind to Beef, and how they got it.] Yet notwithstanding
being not used to such short Commons of Flesh, tho they had Rice in
abundance, and having no Money to buy more, they had a desire to kill
some Cows, that they might eat their Bellies full of Beef, but made
it somewhat a point of Conscience, whether it might be lawful or not,
to take them without leave. Upon which they apply themselves to the old
Father abovesaid, desiring him to solve this Case of Conscience. Who
was very ready to give them a Dispensation. And told them, That
forasmuch as the Chingulayes were their Enemies and had taken their
Bodies, it was very lawful for them to satisfie their Bodies with their
Goods. And the better to animate them in this design, bid them bring
him a piece, that he might partake with them. So being encouraged by
the old Father, they went on boldly in their intended Business.

[A Passage of the Courage of the Men.] Now if you would have an account
of the Metal and Manfulness of these men, as you have already had a
tast of ours, take this passage. The Jack Fruit the Kings Officers
often gather wheresoever it grows, and give to the Kings Elephants,
and they may gather it in any mans grounds without the Owners leave,
being for the Kings use. Now these English men were appointed to dwell
in an house, that formerly belonged unto a Noble man, whom the King
had cut off, and seized upon it. In the ground belonging to this
House stood a Jack Tree full of Fruit. Some of the Kings men came
thither to gather some of them to feed the Elephants. But altho the
English had free liberty to gather what they could eat or desire,
yet they would permit none but themselves to meddle with them, but
took the Officers by the shoulders and turned them out of the Garden,
altho there were more a great many than they could tell what to do
with. The Great men were so Civil, that notwithstanding this Affront,
they laid no Punishment upon them. But the Event of this was, that a
few days after they were removed from this house to another, where
was a Garden but no Trees in it. And because they would not allow
the King a few, they lost all themselves.

[Two of his Company taken into Court.] I mentioned before two Lads
of this Company, whom the King chose out for his own service, their
Names were Hugh Smart and Henry Man. These being taken into his Court,
obtained great Favour and Honour from him, as to be always in his
presence, and very often he would kindly and familiarly talk with
them concerning their Country, what it afforded; and of their King
and his Strength for War. Thus they lived in his Favour for some time.

[The one out of Favour, his end.] Till at length Hugh Smart, having
a desire to hear news concerning England, privatly got to the Speech
of a Dutch Embassadour. Of which the King had notice, but would not
believe it, supposing the information was given him out of Envy to
his Favorite, but commanded privately to watch him, and if he went
again, to catch him there. Which he not being aware of, went again,
and was catched. At which the King was very angry. For he allows none
to come to the speech of Ambassodours, much less one that served in
his presence, and heard and saw all that passed in Court. But yet
the King dealt very favourably with him. For had it been a Chingulay,
there is nothing more sure than that he should have dyed for it. But
this English mans Punishment was only to be sent away and kept a
Prisoner in the Mountains without Chains, and ordered him to be well
used there. Where indeed he lived better content than in the Kings
Palace. He took a Wife here and had one Son by her, and afterwards
dyed by a mischance, which was thus. As he was gathering a Jack from
the Tree by a Crock, it fell down upon his side, and bruised him so
that it killed him.

[The other out of Favour, and lamentable Death.] Henry Man the other,
yet remained in Favour, and was promoted to be Chief over all the Kings
Servants that attended on him in his Palace. It happened one Day,
that he broke one of the Kings China Dishes. Which made him so sore
afraid, that he fled for Sanctuary into a Vehar, a Temple where the
Chief Priests always dwel, and hold their consultations. This did
not a little displease the King; this Act of his supposing him to
be of Opinion that those Priests were able to secure him against the
Kings displeasure. However he shewing Reverence to their Order would
not violently fetch him from thence; but sent a kind Message to the
English man, bidding him not to be afraid for so small a matter as a
Dish (And, it is probable had he not added this fault he might have
escaped without Punishment) and that he should come and Act in his
place as formerly. At which Message he came forth, and immediatly,
as the King had given order, they took hold of him and bound his Arms
above the Elbows behind, which is their fashion of binding men. In
which manner he lay all that Night, being bound so hard that his Arms
swelled, and the Ropes cut throw the Flesh into the Bones. The next
day the King Commanded a Noble man to loose the Ropes off his Arms,
and put Chains on his Legs, and keep him in his House, and there feed
him and cure him.

Thus he lay some Six Months, and was cured, but had no Strength in
his Armes, and then was taken into his Office again, and had as much
Favour from the King as before. Who seemed much to lament him for
his folly, thus to procure his own ruine.

Not long after he again offended the King. Which as it is reported
was thus. A Portugueze had been sent for to the City to be employed in
the Kings Service; to which Service he had no Stomach at all, and was
greatly afraid of, as he justly might be. For the avoiding therefore
of it he sends a Letter to this English Courtier, wherein he entreated
him to use his interest to excuse him to the King. The English man
could not read the Letter being writ in the Portugueze Tongue, but
gave it to another to read. Which when he knew the contents of thought
it not safe for him to meddle in that business, and so concealed the
Letter. The person to whom the English man had given it to read, some
time after informed the King thereof. Whereupon both the Portugueze
that sent the Letter, and the English man to whom it was sent, and
the Third Person that read it, because he informed no sooner, were
all three at one time and in one place torn in pieces by Elephants.

[The King sends special order concerning their good usage.] After this
Execution the King supposing that we might be either discontented in
our selves, or discountenanced by the People of the Land, sent special
order to all parts where we dwelt, that we should be of good cheer,
and not be discouraged, neither abused by the Natives.

Thus jealous is the King of Letters, and allows none to come or go. We
have seen how dear it cost poor Henry Man. Mr. William Vassal, another
of the Persia-Merchant men, was therefore more wary of some Letters
he had, and came off better.

[Mr. Vassals prudence upon the receit of Letters.] This man had
received several Letters, and it was known abroad that he had. Which
he fearing lest the King should hear of, thought it most convenient
and safe to go to the Court and present him himself; that so he might
plead in his own Defence to the King. Which he did. He acknowledged
to him that he had received Letters, and that they came to his hands
a pretty while ago: but withall pretended excuses and reasons to clear
himself. As first, that when he received them, he knew not that it was
against the Law and manner of the Countrey; and when he did know, he
took Council of a Portugueze Priest, (who was now dead) being old and
as he thought well experienced in the Countrey. But he advised him to
defer a while the carrying them unto the King until a more convenient
season. After this he did attempt, he said to bring them unto the
King, but could not be permitted to have entrance thro the Watches:
so that until now, he could not have opportunity to present them.

[The King bids him to read his Letters.] The King at the hearing
hereof, seemed not to be displeased in the least, but bid him read
them. Which he did in the English Language, as they were writ; and
the King sat very attentive as if he had understood every word. After
they were read, the King gave Vassal a Letter he had intercepted,
sent to us from Sir Edward Winter, then Agent at Fort St. George; and
asked the News and Contents thereof. Which Mr. Vassal informed him at
large of. It was concerning the Victory we had gained over the Dutch
when Obdam Admiral of Holland was slain, and concerning the number
of our Ships in that Fight, being there specified to be an Hundred
and Fifty Sail. The King inquired much after the number of Guns and
Men they carried. The number of Men he computed to be one Ship with
another about Three Hundred per Ship. At that rate, the King demanded
of him how many that was in all. Which Mr. Vassal went about to cast
up in the Sand with his finger. But before he had made his Figure
the King had done it by Head, and bid him desist, saying it was 45000.

[The King pleased to hear of England Victory over Holland.] This News
of the Hollanders overthrow, and the English Victory much delighted
the King: and he inquired into it very particularly. Then the King
pretended he would send a Letter to the English Nation, and bad
Mr. Vassal inform him of a Trusty Bearer. Which he was very forward
to do, and named one of the best which he had made trial of. One of
the Great men there present, objected against him, saying, he was
insufficient, and asked him, if he knew no other. At which Vassal
suspected their Design, which was to learn who had brought those
Letters to him; and so framed his answer accordingly, which was that
he knew no other.

[Private discourse between the King and Vassal.] There was much
other discourse passed between the King and him at this time in the
Portugueze Tongue. Which what it was I could never get out of him,
the King having commanded him to keep it secret. And he saith, he
hath sworn to himself not to divulge it, till he is out of the Kings
hands. At parting, the King told him, for Secrecy he would send him
home privatly, or otherwise he would have dismist him with Drums
and Honour. But after this the King never sent for him again. And
the man, that he named as fit and able to carry the Kings Letter,
was sent away Prisoner to be kept in Chains in the Countrey. It is
supposed, that they concluded him to have been the man that brought
Vassal his Letters. And thus much of the Captivity and Condition of
the Persia-Merchant men.







CHAP. V.

Concerning the means that were used for our Deliverance. And what
happened to us in the Rebellion. And how we were setled afterwards.


[Means made to the King for our Liberty.] All of us in this manner
remained until the year MDCLXIV. At which time arrived a Letter on
our behalf to the King from the Right Worshipful Sir Edward Winter,
Governour of Fort St. George, and Agent there. The Dutch Embassadour
also at that time by a Commission from the Governour of Columba
treated with the King for us. With Sir Edward's Message the King
was much pleased, and with the Dutch's mediation so prevailed with,
that he promised he would send us away.

[Upon which they all met at the City.] Upon this, he commanded us all
to be brought to the City. Whither when we came, we were very joyful
not only upon the hopes of our Liberty, but also upon the sight of one
another. For several of us had not seen the others since we were first
parted. Here also we met with the Persia Merchant men, whom until this
time we had not seen. So that we were nine and twenty English in all.

[Word sent them from the Court, that they had their Liberty.] Some
few days after our Arrival at the City, we were all called to
the Court. At which time standing all of us in one of the Palace
Court-yards, the Nobles by command from the King came forth and told
us, that it was his Majesties Pleasure to grant unto us our Liberty,
and to send us home to our Countrey, and that we should not any more
look upon our selves as Prisoners or detained men. At which we bowed
our heads and thanked his Majesty. They told us moreover, that the
King was intended to send us either with the Dutch Embassadour,
or by the Boat which Sir Edward Winter had sent; and that it was
his Majesties good will to grant us our choice. We humbly referred
it to his Majesties pleasure. They answered, his Majesty could and
would do his pleasure, but his will was to know our minds. After a
short consultation we answered, since it was his Majesties pleasure
to grant us our choice, with many Thanks and Obeisance we chose to
go with the Dutch Embassadour, fearing the Boats insufficiency, she
having, as we were well sensible, laid there a great while: and if we
had chosen the Boat, the danger of going that way might have served
them for a Put off to us, and a Plea to detain us still, out of care
of us. And again, had we refused the Embassadours kindness at this
time, for the future, if these things succeeded not with us now, we
could never have expected any more aid or friendship from that Nation.

[All in general refuse the King's service.] In the next place they
told us, It was the Kings pleasure to let us understand, that all
those that were willing to stay and serve his Majesty, should have
very great rewards, as Towns, Monies, Slaves and places of Honour
conferred upon them. Which all in general refused.

Then we were bidden to absent, while they returned our answers to the
King. By and by there came Order to call us in one at a time, where
the former promises were repeated to every one of us of great Favours,
Honours and Rewards from the King to those that were willing to stay
with him. And after each one had given his answer, he was sent into
a corner in the Court, and then another called and so all round one
after another, they inquiring particularly concerning each mans trade
and office; Handycrafts-men and Trumpetters being most desired by the
King. We being thus particularly examined again, there was not one
of us was tempted by the Kings rewards, but all in general refused
the Kings honourable employment, choosing rather to go to our Native
Countrey. By which we purchased the Kings Displeasure.

[Commanded still to wait at the Palace. During which a Rebellion
breaks out.] After this they told us, we must wait at the Palace gate
dayly, it being the Kings pleasure, that we should make our personal
appearance before him. In this manner we waited many days. At length
happened a thing which he least suspected, viz. a general Rebellion
of his People against him. Who assaulted his Palace in the Night:
but their hearts failed them, daring not to enter into the Apartment
where his Person was. For if they had had courage enough, they might
have taken him there. For he stayed in his Palace until the Morning;
and then fled into the Mountains, and escaped their hands, but
more thro their cowardliness than his valour. This Rebellion I have
related at large in the second Part, whither he that desires to know
more of it may have recourse. Only I shall mention here a few things
concerning our selves, who were gotten into the midst of these Broils
and Combustions, being all of us now waiting upon the King in the City.

[They are in the midst of It, and in great danger.] It was a great and
marvellous mercy of Almighty God to bring us safe thro these dangers,
for it so happened all along that we were in the very midst. Before
they gave the Assault on the Kings Palace, they were consulting to lay
hands on us, fearing lest we might be prejudicial to their Business,
in joyning to the help and assistance of the King against them. For
tho we were but few in comparison, yet the Name of White men was
somewhat dreadful to them. Whereupon at first their Counsels were to
cut us off. But others among them advised that it would be better to
let us alone; For that we being ignorant of their Designs, as indeed
we were, and at quiet in our several Lodgings, could not be provided
to hurt or indanger them. But otherwise if they should lay hands on
us, it would certainly come to the Kings Ears, and Allarm him, and
then all would be frustrated and overthrown. This some of their own
Party have related to us since. These Counsels were not given out
of any secret good will any of them bore to us (as I believe ) but
proceeded from the over-ruling hand of God, who put those things into
their hearts for our safety and preservation. The People of the City
whence the King fled, ran away also leaving their Houses and Goods
behind them. Where we found good Prey and Plunder; being permitted
to Ransack the Houses of all such as were fled away with the King.

[The Rebels take the English with them.] The Rebels having driven away
the King, and marching to the City of Cande to the Prince, carried us
along with them; the Chief of their Party telling us that we should
now be of good cheer; for what they done upon very good advisement
they had done, the Kings ill Government having given an occasion
to it. Who went about to destroy both them & their Countrey; and
particularly insisted upon such things as might be most plausible to
Strangers, such as, keeping Embassadours, discouraging Trade, detaining
of Forainers that come upon his Land, besides his cruelties towards
themselves that were his natural People. All which they told us, They
had been informed was contrary to the Government of other Countries;
and now so soon as their business was settled, they assured us,
They would detain none that were minded to go to their own Countreys.

[They design to ingage the English with them.] Being now at Cande,
on Christmas-Day of all the days in the year, they sent, to call us
to the Court, and gave us some Money and Cloths first, to make us
the more willing to take Arms, which they intended then to deliver
unto us, and to go with them upon a Design to fall upon the old King
in the place whither he was fled. But in the very interim of time,
God being merciful unto us, the Prince with his Aunt fled. Which so
amazed and discouraged them, that the Money and Cloths which they
were distributing to us and other Strangers to gain us over to them,
they scattered about the Court and fled themselves. And now followed
nothing but cutting one anothers Throats to make themselves appear
the more Loyal Subjects, and make amends for their former Rebellion.

[They resolve neither to meddle or make.] We for our parts little
thinking in what danger we were, fell in to scramble among the rest to
get what we could of the Monies that were strewed about, being then
in great necessity and want. For the allowance which formerly we had
was in this Disturbance lost, and so we remained without it for some
three Months, the want of which, this Money did help to supply. Having
gotten what we could at the Court, we made way to get out of the hurly
burly to our Lodgings; intending as we were Strangers and Prisoners,
neither to meddle nor make on the one side or the other, being well
satisfied, if God would but permit us quietly to sit, and eat such
a Christmas Dinner together, as he had prepared for us.

[The day being turned, they fear the King.] For our parts we had no
other dealings with the Rebels, than to desire them to permit us to go
to our Native Countrey, which Liberty they promised we should not want
long. But being sent for by them to the Court, we durst not but go,
and they giving us such things as we wanted, we could not refuse to
take them. But the day being turned put us into great fear, doubting
how the King would take it at our hands, from whom we knew this could
not be hid.

[But he justifies them.] Into our Houses we got safely. But no sooner
were we there, but immediately we were called again by a great Man,
who had drawn out his Men, and stood in the Field. This Man we thought
had been one of the Rebels, who to secure himself upon this change,
had intended to run away down to Columbo to the Dutch. Which made us
repair to him the more cheerfully, leaving our Meat a roasting on the
Spit. But it proved otherwise. For no sooner had he gotten us unto him,
but he Proclaimed himself for the old King, and forthwith he and his
Company taking us with him marched away to Fight or seize the Rebels,
but meeting none went into the City, and there dismissed us, saying,
He would acquaint the King, how willing and ready we were to fight for
him, if need had required; altho, God knows, it was the least of our
thoughts and intents, yet God brought it to pass for our good. For
when the King was informed of what we had received of the Rebels,
this piece of good Service that we had done, or rather supposed to
have done, was also told unto him. At the hearing of which himself
justified us to be innocent; saying, Since my absence, who was there
that would give them Victuals? And, It was mere want that made them to
take what they did. Thus the Words of the King's own mouth acquitted
us. And when the Sword devoured on every side, yet by the Providence
of God not one hair of our heads perished.

[They are driven to beg in the Highways.] The Tumults being appeased,
and the Rebellion vanished, the King was settled in his Throne
again. And all this happened in five days time. We were now greatly
necessitated for food, and wanted some fresh Orders from the King's
mouth for our future subsistence. So that having no other remedy,
we were fain to go and lay in the High way that leads to the City a
begging; for the People would not let us go any nearer towards the
King, as we would have done. There therefore we lay, that the King
might come to the knowledge of us, and give Command for our allowance
again. By which means we obtained our purpose. For having laid there
some two Months, the King was pleased to appoint our Quarters in
the Countrey as formerly, not mentioning a word of sending us away,
as he had made us believe before the Rebellion.

[Sent into new quarters there, and their Pensions settled again.] Now
we were all sent away indeed, but not into our own Countrey, but
into new Quarters. Which being God would have to be no better we were
glad it was so well, being sore a weary of laying in this manner. For
some three Months time we had no manner of allowance. We were all now
placed one in a Town as formerly, together with the Persia Merchant
men also, who hitherto had lived in the City of Cande, and had their
Provisions brought them out of the King's Palace ready dressed. These
were now sent away with us into the Countrey. And as strict a charge
was given for our good entertainment as before.

[Fall to Trading, and have more freedom.] We were thus dispersed
about the Towns here one and there another, for the more convenient
receiving our allowance, and for the greater case of the People. And
now we were far better to pass than heretofore, having the Language,
and being acquainted with the Manners and Customs of the People,
and had the same proportion of Victuals, and the like respect as
formerly. And now they fall into employments as they please, either
Husbandry or Merchandizing, or knitting Caps, being altogether free
to do what they will themselves, and to go where they will, excepting
running away: and for that end, we are not permitted to go down to
the Sea, but we may travel all about the Countrey, and no man regards
us. For tho the People some of the first years of our Captivity, would
scarcely let us go any whither, and had an eye upon us afterwards,
yet in process of time all their Suspitions of our going away wore
off; especially when several of the English had built them Houses,
and others had taken them Wives, by whom they had Children, to the
number of eighteen living when I came away.

Having said all this in general of the English People there, I will
now continue a further account of my self.







CHAP. VI.

A Continuation of the Author's particular Condition after the
Rebellion. Purchaseth a piece of Land.


[The Author at his new quarters builds him another House.] My hap
was to be quartered in a Countrey called Handapondown, lying to the
Westward of the City of Cande. Which place liked me very well, being
much nearer to the Sea than where I dwelt before, which gave me some
probable hopes, that in time I might chance to make an escape. But
in the mean time to free my self from the Suspition of the People,
who watched me by Night, and by Day, had an eye to all my actions, I
went to work with the help of some of my Neighbors to Build me another
House upon the Bank of a River, and intrenched it round with a Ditch,
and Planted an Hedge: and so began to settle my self; and followed
my business in Knitting and going about the Countries a Trading;
seeming to be very well contented in this Condition.

[The People counsel him to Marry.] Lying so long at the City without
allowance, I had spent all to some Seven shillings, which served me for
a stock to set up again in these new Quarters. And by the Blessing of
my most gracious God, which never failed me in all my Undertakings,
I soon came to be well furnished with what that Countrey afforded:
insomuch that my Neighbours and Townsmen no more suspected my running
away; but earnestly advised me to marry, saying, It would be an ease
and help to me, knowing that I then dressed my Victuals my self:
having turned my Boy to seek his Fortune when we were at the City:
They urged also, That it was not convenient for a young man as I
was to live so solitarily alone in a house: and if it should so
come to pass that the King should send me hereafter to my Country,
their manner of Marriage, they said, was not like ours, and I might
without any Offence discharge my Wife, and go away.

[Which he seemed to listen to.] I seemed not altogether to slight
their counsel, that they might the less suspect I had any thoughts of
mine own Countrey, but told them, That as yet I was not sufficiently
stocked, and also, That I would look for one that I could love: tho
in my heart I never purposed any such matter; but on the contrary,
did heartily abhor all thoughts tending that way.

[Here he lived two years.] In this place I lived two years; and all
that time could not get one likely occasion of running for it. For I
thought it better to forbear running too great a hazard by being over
hasty to escape, than to deprive my self of all hopes for the future,
when time and experience would be a great help to me.

[A Fort built near him, but afterward taken by the King.] In the year
MDCLXVI. the Hollanders came up and built a Fort just below me, there
being but a ridge of Mountains between them and me. But tho so near,
I could not come to them, a Watch being kept at every passage. The
King sent down against them two great Commanders with their Armies,
but being not strong enough to expel them, they lay in these Watches
to stop them from coming up higher. The name of this Fort was called
Arrandery. Which altho they could not prevent the Dutch from building
at that time. Yet some years after when they were not aware, they fell
upon it and took it, and brought all the People of it up to Cande,
where those that remained alive of them were, when I came from thence.

[He and three more removed thence] In this Countrey of Hotteracourly,
where the Dutch had built this Fort, were four English men placed,
whereof I was one. All whom the King immediately upon the News of the
Dutche's Invasion, sent order to bring up out of the danger of the
War into Cande Uda, fearing that which we were indeed intended to do,
viz. to run away.

This Invasion happening so unexpectedly and our remove so sudden,
I was forced to leave behind me that little Estate which God had
given me, lying scattered abroad in Betel-nuts, the great Commodity
of that Countrey, which I was then parting from: and much ado I had
to get my Cloths brought along with me, the Enemies, as they called
them, but my Friends being so near. And thus was I carried out of
this Countrey as poor as I came into it, leaving all the fruits of
my Labour and Industry behind me. Which called to my remembrance the
words of Job. Naked came I into this world, and naked shall I return:
God gave and God hath taken away, blessed be the Name of the Lord.

[Settled in a dismal place.] We all four were brought up together
into a Town on the top of a Mountain called Laggendenny. Where I and
my dear Friend and fellow Prisoner, and fellow Batchelor Mr. John
Loveland lived together in one House. For by this time not many of our
People were as we, that is, single men; but seeing so little hopes,
despaired of their Liberty, and had taken Wives or Bedfellows.

At our first coming into this Town, we were very much dismayed,
it being, one of the most dismal places that I have seen upon that
Land. It stands alone upon the top of a Mountain, and no other Town
near it, and not above four or five Houses in it. And oftentimes
into this Town did the King use to send such Malefactors as he was
minded suddenly to cut off. Upon these accounts our being brought to
this place could not but scare us, and the more, because it was the
King's special Order and Command to place us in this very Town.

[A comfortable Message from the King concerning us.] But this our
trouble and dejection (thanks be to God) lasted but a day. For the
King seemed to apprehend into what a fit of Fear and Sorrow this our
Remove would cast us, and to be sensible, how sadly we must needs take
it to change a sweet and pleasant Countrey, such as Handapondown and
the Countrey adjacent was, for this most sad and dismal Mountain. And
therefore the next day came a comfortable Message from the King's
own mouth, sent by no less Man than he, who had the chief Power
and Command over those People who were appointed to give us our
Victuals, where we were. This Message, which as he said himself,
he was ordered by the King to deliver to the People in our hearing,
was this, That they should not think that we were Malefactors, that
is, such who having incurred the King's displeasure were sent to be
kept Prisoners there, but men whom his Majesty did highly esteem,
and meant to promote to great Honour in his Service, and that they
should respect us as such, and entertain us accordingly. And if their
ability would not reach thereunto, it was the King's Order, he said,
to bid them sell their Cattel and Goods, and when that was done their
Wives and Children, rather than we should want of our due allowance:
which he ordered, should be as formerly we used to have: and if we
had not Houses thatched, and sufficient for us to dwell in, he said,
We should change, and take theirs.

[Placed there to punish the People for Crime.] This kind Order from
the King coming so suddenly, did not a little comfort and encourage
us. For then we did perceive the King's purpose and intent in placing
us in those remote Parts, was not to punish us, but them: that we
might be his Instruments to Plague and take revenge of that People;
who it seems had Plundred the King's Palace in the time of the late
Rebellion, when he left it and fled; for this Town lies near unto
the same: and their Office lying about the Court they had the fairer
opportunity of Plundering it. For the Service they are to perform to
the King, is to carry his Pallenkine when he pleaseth to ride therein,
and also to bring Milk every Morning to the Court, being Keepers of
the King's Cattel.

[Weary of this place.] In this Town we remained some three years;
by which time we were grown quite weary of the place, and the place
and People also grown weary of us, who were but troublesom Guests to
them; for having such great Authority given us over them, we would
not lose it; and being four of us in call one of another, we would not
permit or suffer them to domineer over us. Being thus tired with one
anothers Company, and the King's Order being of an old Date, we used
all means we could to clear our selves of one another: often repairing
unto the Court to seek to obtain a Licence that we might be removed
and placed any where else. But there was none that durst grant it,
because it was the King's peculiar Command, and special Appointment
that we must abide in that very Town.

During the time of our stay here, we had our Victuals brought us
in good order and due season: the Inhabitants having such a charge
given them by their Governour and he from the King, durst not do
otherwise. So that we had but little to do, only to dress and eat,
and sit down to knit.

[By a piece of Craft he gets down to his old Quarters.] I had used
the utmost of my skill and endeavour to get a Licence to go down to
my former Quarters, all things being now pretty well settled, hoping
that I might recover some of my old Debts: but by no means could I
obtain it. The denial of so reasonable a desire, put me upon taking
leave. I was well acquainted with the way, but yet I hired a man to
go with me, without which I could not get thro the Watches. For altho
I was the Master and he the Man, yet when we came into the Watches,
he was the Keeper and I the Prisoner. And by this means we passed
without being suspected.

[Began the world anew the third time.] Being come into my old Quarters,
by pretending that this man was sent down from the Magistrate to
see that my Debts and Demands might be duely paid and discharged,
I chanced to recover some of them, and the rest gave over for lost;
for I never more looked after them. And so I began the world anew,
and by the Blessing of God was again pretty well recruited before I
left this Town.

[Plots to remove himself.] In the time of my residence here, I chanced
to hear of a small piece of Land that was to be sold. About which I
made very diligent inquiry. For altho I was sore a weary of living
in this Town, yet I could not get out of it, not having other new
Quarters appointed me, unless I could provide a place for my self
to remove to: which now God had put into my hand. As for the King's
Command I dreaded it not much, having found by observation, that the
King's Orders wear away by time, and the neglect of them comes at
last to be unregarded. However I was resolved to put it to a hazard,
come what will.

[Is incouraged to buy a piece of Land.] Altho I had been now some seven
or eight years in this Land, and by this time came to know pretty well
the Customs and Constitutions of the Nation, yet I would not trust
my own knowledge, but to prevent the worst, I went to the Governor of
that same Countrey where the Land lay, to desire his advice, whether
or no I might lawfully buy that small piece of Land. He inquired,
Whose and what Land it was, I informed him, That it had been formerly
dedicated to a Priest, and he at his death had left it to his Grandson:
who for want was forced to sell it. Understanding this, the Governor
approved of the business, and encouraged me to buy it: saying, That
such kind of Lands only were lawful here to be bought and sold,
and that this was not in the least litigious.

[The Situation and condition of it.] Having gotten both his consent and
advice, I went on chearfully with my purchase. The place also liked me
wondrous well; it being a point of Land, standing into a Corn Field,
so that Corn Fields were on three sides of it, and just before my Door
a little Corn ground belonging thereto, and very well watered. In
the Ground besides eight Coker-nut Trees, there were all sorts of
Fruit Trees the Countrey afforded. But it had been so long desolate,
that it was all overgrown with Bushes, and no sign of a House therein.

[Buys it.] The price of this Land was five and twenty Larees, that is
five Dollars, a great Sum of Money in the account of this Countrey;
yet thanks be to God, who had so far inabled me after my late and
great loss, that I was strong enough to lay this down. The terms of
Purchase being concluded on between us, a Writing was made upon a leaf
after that Countrey manner, witnessed by seven or eight Men of the
best Quality in the Town: which was delivered to me, and I paid the
Money, and then took Possession of the Land. It lyes some ten Miles
to the Southward of the City of Cande in the County of Oudaneur,
in the Town of Elledat.

[Builds an House on it.] Now I went about Building an House upon my
Land, and was assisted by three of my Countreymen that dwelt near
by, Roger Gold, Ralph Knight, and Stephen Rutland, and in short time
we finished it. The Countrey People were all well pleased to see us
thus busie our selves about buying of Land and Building of Houses,
thinking it would ty our Minds the faster to their Countrey, and make
us think the less upon our own.

[Leaves Laggendenny.] Tho I had built my new House, yet durst I not yet
leave my old Quarters in Laggendenny, but wait until a more convenient
time fell out for that purpose. I went away therefore to my old home,
and left my aforesaid three English Neighbours to inhabit in it in
my absence. Not long after I found a fit season to be gone to my
Estate at Elledat. And upon my going, the rest left the Town also,
and went and dwelt elsewhere, each one where he best liked. But by
this means we all lost a Privilege which we had before: which was
that our Victuals were brought unto us, and now we were forced to go
and fetch them our selves; the People alledging (true enough) that
they were not bound to carry our Provisions about the Country after us.

[Settled at his new purchase, with three more living with him.] Being
settled in my new House, I began to plant my ground full of all sorts
of Fruit Trees; and by the Blessing of God all grew and prospered,
and yielded me great Plenty, and good increase, sufficient both for
me, and for those that dwelt with me. For the three English men I
left at my House when I departed back to Laggendenny, still lived
with me. We were all single men; and we agreed very well together,
and were helpful to one another. And for their help and assistance
of me, I freely granted them Liberty to use and enjoy Whatsoever the
ground afforded, as much as my self. And with a joynt consent it was
concluded amongst us, That only single Men and Batchellors should dwell
there, and such as would not he conformable to this present agreement
should depart and absent himself from our Society, and also forfeit
his right and claim to the forementioned Privilege, that is, to be
cut off from all benefit of whatsoever the Trees and Ground afforded.

I thought fit to make such a Covenant, to exclude women from coming
in among us, to prevent all strife and dissention, and to make
all possible Provision for the keeping up love and quietness among
our selves.

In this manner we four lived together some two years very lovingly and
contentedly, not an ill word passing between us. We used to take turns
in keeping at home, while the rest went forth about their Business. For
our house stood alone and no Neighbour near it. Therefore we always
left one within. The rest of the English men lived round about us,
some four or five miles distant, some more. So that we were, as it
were, within reach one of another; which made us like our present
Situation the more.

[Their freedom and Trade.] Thus we lived upon the Mountains, being
round about us beset with watches, most of our People being now
married: so that now all talk and suspition of our running away was
laid aside. Neither indeed was it scarce possible. The effect of
which was, that now we could walk from one to the other, or where we
would upon the Mountains, no man molesting or disturbing us in the
least. So that we began to go about a Pedling, and Trading in the
Country farther towards the Northward, carrying our Caps about to sell.

[His Family reduced to two.] By this time two of our Company seeing
but little hopes of Liberty, thought it too hard a task thus to lead
a single life, and married. Which when they had done according to
the former agreement departed from us. So that our Company was now
reduced to two, viz. my Self and Stephen Rutland; whose inclination
and resolution was as stedfast as mine against Marriage. And we parted
not to the last, but came away together.






CHAP. VII.

A return to the rest of the English, with some further accounts of
them. And some further discourse of the Authors course of life.


[Confer together about the lawfulness of Marrying with the Native
Women.] Let us now make a Visit to the rest of our Country-men,
and see how they do. They reckoning themselves in for their Lives,
in order to their future settlement, were generally disposed to
Marry. Concerning which we have had many and sundry disputes among
ourselves; as particularly concerning the lawfulness of matching
with Heathens and Idolaters, and whether the Chingulays Marriages
were any better than living in Whoredome: there being no Christian
Priests to join them together, and it being allowed by their Laws to
change their Wives and take others as often as they pleased. But these
cases we solved for our own advantage after this manner, That we were
but Flesh and Blood, and that it is said, It is better to Marry than
to burn, and that as far as we could see, we were cut off from all
Marriages any where else, even for our Life time, and therefore that
we must marry with these or with none at all. And when the People in
Scripture were forbidden to take Wives of Strangers, it was then when
they might intermarry with their own People, and so no necessity lay
upon them. And that when they could not, there are examples in the Old
Testament upon Record, that they took Wives of the Daughters of the
Lands, wherein they dwelt. These reasons being urged, there was none
among us, that could object ought against them, especially if those
that were minded to marry Women here, did take them for their Wives
during their lives, as some of them say, they do: and most of the
Women they marry are such as do profess themselves to be Christians.

[He resolves upon a single life.] As for mine own part, however lawful
these Marriages might be, yet I judged it far more convenient for me
to abstain, and that it more redounded to my good, having always a
reviving hope in me, that my God had not forsaken me, but according to
his gracious promise to the Jews in the XXX Chapter of Deuteronomy,
and the beginning, would turn my Captivity and bring me into the
Land of my Fathers. These and such like meditations, together with my
Prayers to God, kept me from that unequal Yoke of Unbeleivers, which
several of my Countrey men and fellow Prisoners put themselves under.

[What employments they follow.] By this time our People having
plyed their Business hard, had almost knit themselves out of work;
and now Caps were become a very dead Commodity, which was the chief
stay they had heretofore to trust to. So that now most of them betook
themselves to other employments; some to Husbandry, Plowing Ground,
and sowing Rice, and keeping Cattle, others stilled Rack to sell,
others went about the Country a Trading. For that which one part of
the Land affords is a good Commodity to carry to another that wants
it. And thus with the help of a little allowance, they make a shift
to subsist. Most of their Wives spin Cotton yarn, which is a great
help to them for cloathing, and at spare times also knit.

[The respect and credit they live in.] After this manner by the
blessing of God our Nation hath lived and still doth, in as good
fashion as any other People or Nation whatsoever, that are Strangers
here, or as any of the Natives themselves, only the Grandees and
Courtiers excepted. This I speak to the Praise and Glory of our God;
who loves the Stranger in giving him Food and Raiment; and that hath
been pleased to give us Favour and a good Repute in the sight of our
Enemies. We cannot complain for want of justice in any wrongs we have
sustained by the People; or that our cause hath been discountenanced;
but rather we have been favoured above the Natives themselves.

[A Chingulay punished for beating an English man.] One of our men
happened to be beaten by his Neighbour. At which we were all very
much concerned, taking it as a reproach to our Nation, and fearing
it might embolden others to do the like by the rest of us. Therefore
with joint consent we all concluded to go to the Court to complain,
and to desire satisfaction from the Adigar. Which we did. Upon this
the man who had beat the English man was summoned in to appear before
him. Who seeing so many of us there, and fearing the cause will go
very hard with him, to make the Judg his friend, gave him a bribe. He
having received it would have shifted off the Punishment of the
Malefactor. But we day after day followed him from house to Court,
and from place to place, where-ever he went, demanding Justice and
Satisfaction for the wrong we received, shewing the black and blew
blows upon the English mans shoulders to all the rest of the Noble men
at Court. He fearing therefore lest the King might be made acquainted
herewith was forced tho much against his will to clap the Chingulay
in Chains. In which condition after he got him, he released him not
till besides the former fee he had given him another.

[An English man preferred at Court.] Lately was Richard Varnham
taken into the Kings service, and held as Honourable an employment as
ever any Christian had in my time, being Commander of Nine Hundred
and Seventy Soldiers, and set over all the great Guns, and besides
this, several Towns were under him. A place of no less Profit than
Honour. The King gave him an excellent Silver Sword and Halberd, the
like to which the King never gave to any White man in my time. But he
had the good luck to die a natural Death. For had not that prevented,
in all probability he should have followed the two English men that
served him, spoken of before.

[The English serve the King in his Wars.] Some years since some of
our Nation took up Arms under the King. Which happened upon this
occasion. The Hollanders had a small Fort in the Kings Countrey,
called Bibligom Fort. This the King minded to take and demolish, sent
his Army to beseige it. But being pretty strong; for there were about
Ninety Dutch men in it, besides a good number of Black Soldiers, and
four Guns on each point one, being in this condition it held out. Some
of the great men informed the King of several Dutch runnaways in his
Land, that might be trusted, not daring to turn again for fear of
the Gallows, who might help to reduce the Fort. And that also there
were white men of other Nations that had Wives and Children, from
whom they would not run: and these might do him good service. Unto
this advice the King inclined.

Whereupon the King made a Declaration to invite the forrain Nations
into his Service against Bibligom Fort, that he would compel none,
but such as were willing of their own free accord, the King would
take it kindly, and they should be well rewarded. Now there entred
into the Kings Service upon this Expedition some of all Nations; both
Portugueze, Dutch and English, about the number of Thirty. To all that
took Arms he gave to the value of Twenty shillings in money, and three
pieces of Callico for Cloaths, and commanded them to wear Breeches,
Hats and Doublets, a great honour there. The King intended a Dutch-man,
who had been an old Servant to him, to be Captain over them all. But
the Portuguese not caring to be under the Command of a Dutch-man,
desired a Captain of their own Nation, which the King granted,
studying to please them at this time. But the English being but six,
were too few to have a Captain over them, and so were forced some to
serve under the Dutch and some under the Portugueze Captain. There
were no more of the English, because being left at their liberty they
thought it safest to dwell at home, and cared not much to take Arms
under a Heathen against Christians.

[Who now live miserably.] They were all ready to go, their Arms and
Ammunition ready with Guns prepared to send down, but before they went,
Tydings came that the Fort yeilded at the Kings Mercy. After this the
Whites thought they had got an advantage of the King in having these
gifts for nothing, but the King did not intend to part with them so;
but kept them to watch at his Gate. And now they are reduced to great
Poverty and Necessity. For since the Kings first Gift they have never
received any Pay or Allowance; tho they have often made their Addresses
to him to supply their wants, signifying their forwardness to serve
him faithfully. He speaks them fair, and tells them he will consider
them, but does not in the least regard them. Many of them since,
after three or four years service, have been glad to get other Poor
run away Dutch men to serve in their steads, giving them as much mony
and cloths as they received of the King before; that so they might
get free, to come home to their Wives and Children.

The Dutch Captain would afterwards have forced the rest of the English
to have come under him, and called them Traytors because they would
not, and threatned them. But they scorned him, and bid him do his
worst, but would never be persuaded to be Soldiers under him, saying,
that it was not so much his zeal to the Kings Service as his own
Pride to make himself greater by having more men under him.

[He returns to speak of himself. Plots and Consults about an Escape.] I
will now turn to the Progress of my own Story. It was now about the
year MDCLXXII. I related before, that my family was reduced to two,
my self and one honest man more, we lived solitarily and contentedly
being well setled in a good House of my own. Now we fell to breeding
up Goats: we began with two, but by the blessing of God they soon came
to a good many; and their Flesh served us instead of Mutton. We kept
Hens and Hogs also: And seeing no sudden likelihood of Liberty, we
went about to make all things handsome and convenient about us: which
might be serviceable to us, while we lived there, and might farther
our Liberty whensoever we should see an occasion to attempt it: which
it did, in taking away all suspition from the People concerning us:
who not having Wives as the others had, they might well think, lay the
readier to take any advantage to make an escape. Which indeed we two
did Plot and Consult about, between our selves with all imaginable
Privacy, long before we go away: and therefore we laboured by all
means to hide our designs; and to free them from so much as suspition.

[A description of his House.] We had now brought our House and Ground
to such a perfection that few Noble mens Seats in the Land did excel
us. On each side was a great Thorn Gate for entrance, which is the
manner in that Countrey: the Gates of the City are of the same. We
built also another House in the Yard all open for Air, for our selves
to sit in, or any Neighbours that came to talk with us. For seldome
should we be alone, our Neighbours oftner frequenting our House than
we desired; out of whom to be sure we could pick no Profit. For
their coming is always either to beg or borrow. For altho we were
Strangers and Prisoners in their Land, yet they would confess that
Almighty God had dealt far more bountifully with us than with them,
in that we had a far greater plenty of all things than they.

[He takes up a new Trade and Thrives on it.] I now began to set
up a new Trade. For the Trade of Knitting was grown dead, and
Husbandry I could not follow, not having a Wife to help and assist
me therein, a great part of Husbandry properly belonging to the
woman to manage. Whereupon I perceived a Trade in use among them,
which was to lend out Corn. The benefit of which is fifty per cent,
per annum. This I saw to be the easiest and most profitable way of
Living, whereupon I took in hand to follow it: and what stock I had,
I converted into Corn or Rice in the Husk. And now as customers came
for Corn, I let them have it, to receive their next Harvest, when their
own Corn was ripe, the same quantity I lent them, and half as much
more. But as the Profit is great, so is the trouble of getting it in
also. For he that useth this Trade must watch when the Debtors Field
is ripe, and claim his due in time, otherwise other Creditors coming
before will seize all upon the account of their Debts, and leave no
Corn at all for those that carrie later. For these that come thus a
borrowing, generally carry none of their Corn home when it is ripe,
for their Creditors ease them of that Labour by coming into their
Fields and taking it, and commonly they have not half enough to pay
what they ow. So that they that miss getting ther Debts this year
must stay till the next when it will be double, two measures for one:
but the Interest never runs up higher, tho the Debt lye seven years
unpaid. By means hereof I was put to a great deal of trouble, and was
forced to watch early and late to get my Debts, and many times miss
of them after all my Pains. Howbeit when my Stock did encrease that
I had dealings with many, I mattered not if I lost in some places,
the profit of the rest was sufficient to bear that out.

And thus by the Blessing of God my little was encreased to a great
deal. For he had blessed me so; that I was able to lend to my Enemies,
and had no need to borrow of them. So that I might use the words of
Jacob, not out of Pride of my self, but thankfulness to God, That he
brought me hither with my Staff and blessed me so here, that I became
two Bands.

[His Allowance paid him out of the King's Store-houses.] For some
years together after I removed to my own House from Laggen denny,
the People from whence I came continued my allowance that I had when I
lived among them. But now in plain Terms they told me they could give
it me no more, and that I was better able to live without it than
they to give it me. Which tho I knew to be true, yet I thought not
fit to loose that Portion of Allowance, which the King was pleased to
allot me. Therefore I went to Court and appealed to the Adigar to whom
such matters did belong. Who upon consideration of the Peoples poor
condition, appointed me monthly to come to him at the Kings Palace
for a Ticket to receive my Allowance out of the King's Store-houses.

Hereby I was brought into a great danger, out of which I had much ado
to escape, and that with the loss of my Allowance for ever after. I
shall relate the manner of it in the next Chapter.






CHAP. VIII.

How the Author had like to have been received into the Kings Service,
and what means he used to avoid it. He meditates and attempts an
escape, but is often prevented.


[He voluntarily forgoes his pension.] This frequent Appearance at the
Court, and waiting there for my Tickets, brought me to be taken notice
of by the Great men: insomuch that they wondered I had been all this
while forgotten, and never been brought before the King, being so fit,
as they would suppose me, for his use and service, saying, That from
henceforward I should fare better than that Allowance amounted to, as
soon as the King was made acquainted with me. Which words of theirs
served instead of a Ticket, Whereupon fearing I mould suddainly
be brought in to the King, which thing I most of all feared, and
least desired, and hoping that out of sight might prove out of mind,
I resolved to forsake the Court, and never more to ask for Tickets,
especially seeing God had dealt so bountifully with me as to give me
ability to live well enough without them. As when Israel had eaten
of the Corn of the Land of Canaan, the Manna ceased; so when I was
driven to forego my Allowance that had all this while sustained me
in this wilderness, God otherways provided for me.

[Summoned before the King.] From this time forward to the time of
my Flight out of the Land, which was five years. I neither had nor
demanded any more Allowance, and glad I was that I could escape
so. But I must have more trouble first. For some four or five days
after my last coming from Court, there came a Soldier to me, sent
from the Adigar, with an Order in writing under his hand, that upon
sight thereof I should immediatly dispatch and come to the Court to
make my personal appearance before the King and in case of any delay,
the Officers of the Countrey, were thereby Authorized and Commanded
to assist the Bearer, and to see the same Order speedily performed.

The chief occasion of this had been a Person, not long before my near
Neighbour and Acquaintance, Oua Matteral by name, who knew my manner
of Life, and had often been at my House; but now was taken in and
employed at Court; and he out of friendship and good will to me was
one of the chief Actors in this business, that he might bring me to
Preferment at Court.

[He is informed that he is to be preferred at Court.] Upon the
abovesaid summons there was no Remedy, but to Court I must go. Where I
first applyed my self to my said old Neighbour, Oua Motteral, who was
the occasion of sending for me. I signified to him that I was come in
obedience to the Warrant, and I desired to know the reason why I was
sent for? To which he answered, Here is good news for you; you are to
appear in the Kings Presence, where you will find great Favour, and
Honourable entertainment, far more than any of your Countrey men yet
here found. Which the great man thought would be a strong Inducement to
persuade me joyfully to accept of the Kings Employments. But this was
the thing I always most dreaded, and endeavoured to shun, knowing that
being taken into Court would be a means to cut of all hopes of Liberty
from me, which was the thing I esteemed equal unto life it self.

[But resolves to refuse it.] Seeing my self brought unto this pass,
wherein I had no earthly helper, I recommended my cause to God,
desiring him in whose hands are the hearts of Kings and Princes to
divert the business. And my cause being just and right I was resolved
to persist in a denial. My case seemed to me to be like that of the
four Lepers at the Gate of Samaria. No avoiding of Death for me: If
out of Ambition and Honour, I should have embraced the Kings Service,
besides the depriving my self of all hopes of Liberty, in the end I
must be put to death, as happens to all that serve him; and to deny
his service could be but Death. And it seemed to me to be the better
Death of the two. For if I should be put to Death only because I
refused his service, I should be pitied as one that dyed innocently;
but if I should be executed in his Service, however innocent I was,
I should be certainly reckon'd a Rebel and a Traytor, as they all
are whom he commands to be cut off.

[The answer he makes to the Great man.] Upon these confederations
having thus set my resolutions, as God enabled me, I returned him
this answer: First, That the English Nation to whom I belonged had
never done any violence or wrong to their King either in word or
deed. Secondly, That the causes of my coming on their Land was not
like to that of other Nations, who were either Enemies taken in War,
or such as by reason of poverty or distress, were driven to sue for
relief out of the Kings bountiful liberality, or such as fled for the
fear of deserved punishment; Whereas, as they all well knew, I came
not upon any of these causes, but upon account of Trade, and came
ashore to receive the Kings Orders, which by notice we understood
were come concerning us, and to render an account to the Dissauva
of the Reasons and Occasions of our coming into the Kings Port. And
that by the grief and sorrow I had undergone by being so long detained
from my Native Countrey, (but, for which I thanked the Kings Majesty,
without want of any thing) I scarcely enjoyed my self. For my heart
was alwayes absent from my body. Hereunto adding my insufficiency
and inability for such honourable Employment, being subject to many
Infirmities and Diseases of Body.

To this he replied, Cannot you read and write English? Servile Labour
the King requireth not of you. I answered, When I came ashore I was
but young, and that which then I knew, now I had forgot for want of
practice, having had neither ink nor paper ever since I came ashore. I
urged moreover, That it was contrary to the Custome and Practice of
all Kings and Princes upon the Earth to keep and detain men that
came into their Countreys upon such peaceable accounts as we did;
much less to compel them to serve them beyond their power and ability.

[He is sent to another great Officer.] At my first coming before him
he looked very pleasingly, and spake with a smiling countenance to me:
but now his smiles were turned into frowns, and his pleasing looks
into bended brows, and in rough Language, he bad me be gone and tell
my tale to the Adigar. Which immediatly I did; but he being busie did
not much regard me, and I was glad of it, that I might absent the
Court. But I durst not go out of the City. Sore afraid I was that
evil would befall me and the best I could expect was to be put in
Chains. All my refuge was Prayer to God, whose hand was not shortned
that it could not save, and would make all things work together for
good to them that trust in him. From him only did I expect help and
deliverance in this time of need.

[He stays in the City expecting his doom.] In this manner I lodged
in an English mans house that dwelt in the City about ten days,
maintaining my self at my own charge, waiting with a sorrowful heart,
and daily expecting to hear my Doom. In the mean time my Countrey
men and Acquaintance, some of them blamed me for refusing so fair a
Profer; whereby I might not only have lived well my self, but also
have been helpful unto my Poor Country-men and friends: others of
them pittying me, expecting, as I did, nothing but a wrathful sentence
from so cruel a Tyrant, if God did not prevent. And Richard Varnham,
who was at this time a great man about the King, was not a little
scared to see me run the hazard of what might ensue, rather than be
Partaker with him in the felicities of the Court.

[He goes home but is sent for again.] It being chargable thus to
lye at the City, and hearing nothing more of my business, I took
leave without asking, and went home to my House; which was but a
Days distance, to get some Victuals to carry with me and to return
again. But soon after I came home I was sent for again. So I took
my load of Victuals with me, and arrived at the City, but went not
to the Court, but to my former Lodging, where I staid as formerly,
until I had spent all my Provisions: and by the good hand of my God
upon me, I never heard any more of that matter. Neither came I any
more into the Presence of the Great-men at Court, but dwelt in my own
Plantation, upon what God provided for me by my Labour and Industry.

[Having escaped the Court service, falls to his former course of
life.] For now I returned to my former course of life, dressing my
Victuals daily with mine own hands, fetching both Wood and Water upon
mine own back. And this, for ought I could see to the contrary, I was
like to continue for my life time. This I could do for the Present,
but I began to consider how helpless I should be, if it should
please God I should live till I grew old and feeble. So I entred
upon a Consultation with myself for the providing against this. One
way was the getting of me a Wife, but that I was resolved never to
do. Then I began to enquire for some poor body to live with me, to
dress my Victuals for me, that I might live at a little more ease,
but could not find any to my mind. Whereupon I considered, that there
was no better way, than to take one of my poor Country-mens Children,
whom I might bring up to learn both my own Language and Religion. And
this might be not only Charity to the Child, but a kindness to my
self also afterwards. And several there were that would be glad so to
be eased of their charge, having more than they could well maintain,
a Child therefore I took, by whose aptness, ingenuity and company as
I was much delighted at present, so afterwards I hoped to be served.

It was now about the year M DC LXXIII. Altho I had now lived many
years in this Land, and God be praised, I wanted for nothing the
Land afforded, yet could I not forget my native Countrey England,
and lamented under the Famine of Gods Word and Sacraments, the want
whereof I found greater than all earthly wants: and my dayly and
fervent Prayers to God were, in his good time to restore me to the
enjoyment of them.

[Their pedling forwarded their escape.] I and my Companion were
still meditating upon our escape and the means to compass it. Which
our pedling about the Countrey did greatly forward and promote. For
speaking well the Language and going with our Commodities from place
to place, we used often to entertain discourse with the Countrey
people; viz. concerning the ways and the Countreys, and where there
were most and fewest inhabitants, and where and how the Watches laid
from one Countrey to another; and what Commodities were proper to
carry from one part to the other, pretending we would from time to
time go from one place to another, to furnish our selves with ware
that the respective places afforded. None doubted but we had made
these inquiries for the sake of our Trade, but our selves had other
designs in them. Neither was there the least suspition of us for
these our questions: all supposing I would never run away and leave
such an estate as in their accounts and esteem I had.

[The most probable course to take, was Northwards.] By diligent inquiry
I had come to understand, that the easiest and most probable way to
make an escape was by travailing to the Northward, that part of the
Land being least inhabited. Therefore we furnished our selves with such
wares as were vendible in those parts, as Tobacco, Pepper, Garlick,
Combs, all sorts of Iron Ware, &c. and being laden with these things,
we two set forth, bending our course towards the Northern Parts of
the Island, knowing very little of the way; and the ways of this
Countrey generally are intricate and difficult: here being no great
High-ways that run thro the Land, but a multitude of little Paths,
some from one Town to another, some into the Fields, and some into
the Woods where they sow their Corn; and the whole Countrey covered
with Woods, that a man cannot see any thing but just before him. And
that which makes them most difficult of all, is, that the ways shift
and alter, new ways often made and old ways stopped up. For they cut
down Woods, and sow the ground, and having got one Crop off from it,
they leave it, and Wood soon grows over it again: and in case a Road
went thro those Woods, they stop it, and contrive another way; neither
do they regard tho it goes two or three miles about: and to ask and
inquire the way for us white men is very dangerous, it occasioning the
People to suspect us. And the Chingulays themselves never Travail in
Countreys where they are not experienced in the ways without a guide,
it being so difficult. And there was no getting a guide to conduct
us down to the Sea.

[They get three days journey Northward.] But we made a shift to
travail from Cande Uda downwards towards the North from Town to Town;
happening at a place at last which I knew before, having been brought
up formerly from Cooswat that way, to descend the Hill called Bocaul,
where there is no Watch, but in time of great disturbance. Thus by
the Providence of God we passed all difficulties until we came into
the County of Neurecalava, which are the lowest parts that belong to
this King; and some three days journey from the place whence we came.

[But return back again.] We were not a little glad that we were
gotten so far onwards in our way, but yet at this time we could go
no farther; for our ware was all sold, and we could pretend no more
excuses; and also we had been out so long, that it might cause our
Towns-men to come and look after us, it being the first time that we
had been so long absent from home.

[They attempted often to fly this way, but still hindred.] In this
manner we went into these Northern Parts eight or ten times, and once
got as far as Hourly a Town in the extremities of the Kings Dominions,
but yet we could not attain our purpose. For this Northern Countrey
being much subject to dry weather and having no springs, we were fain
to drink of Ponds of Rain water, wherein the Cattel lie and tumble,
which would be so thick and muddy, that the very filth would hang
in our Beards when we drank. This did not agree with our Bodies,
being used to drink pure Spring water only. By which means when we
first used those parts we used often to be Sick of violent Favors and
Agues, when we came home. Which Diseases happened not only to us,
but to all other People that dwelt upon the Mountains, as we did,
whensoever they went down into those places; and commonly the major
part of those that fall sick, dyes. At which the Chingulays are so
feared, that it is very seldom they do adventure their Bodies down
thither: neither truly would I have done it, were it not for those
future hopes, which God of his mercy did at length accomplish. For
both of us smarted sufficiently by those severe Favors we got,
when we should both lay Sick together and one not able to help the
other. Insomuch that our Countrymen and Neighbours used to ask us, if
we went thither purposing to destroy our selves, they little thinking,
and we not daring to tell them our intent and design.

[In those parts is bad Water, but they had an Antidote against it.] At
length we learned an Antidote and Counter-Poyson against the filthy
venomous water, which so operated by the blessing of God, that after
the use thereof we had no more Sickness. It is only a dry leaf;
they call it in Portugueze Banga, beaten to Powder with some of the
Countrey Jaggory: and this we eat Morning and Evening upon an empty
Stomach. It intoxicates the Brain, and makes one giddy, without any
other operation either by Stool or Vomit.

[They still improve in the knowledge of their Way.] Thus every Voyage
we gathered more experience, and got lower down, for this is a large
and spacious Countrey. We travailed to and fro where the ways led us,
according to their own Proverb, The Beggar and the Merchant is never
out of his way; because the one begs and the other trades wherever
they go. Thus we used to ramble until we had sold all our ware, and
then went home for more. And by these means we grew acquainted both
with the People and the Paths.

[Meets with his black Boy in these parts, who was to guide him to the
Dutch.] In these parts I met with my black Boy, whom I had divers years
before turned away, who had now Wife and Children. He proved a great
help to me in directing me in the ways; for he had lived many years
in these parts. Perceiving him to be able, and also in a very poor
and sad condition, not able to maintain his Family, I adventured once
to ask him if a good reward would not be welcome to him, for guiding
us two down to the Dutch. Which having done he might return again and
no Body the wiser. At which Proposition he seemed to be very joyful,
and promised to undertake the same: only at this time for reasons he
alledged, which to me seemed probable, as that it was Harvest time
and many People about it, it could not so safely and conveniently be
done now, as it might be some two Months after.

The Business was concluded upon, and the time appointed between us. But
it so fell out, that at the very precise time, all things being ready
to depart on the morrow, it pleased God, whose time was not yet come,
to strike me with a most grievous pain in the hollow on my right side,
that for five days together I was not able to stir from the fire side,
but by warming it, and fomenting and chafing it I got a a little ease.

[But disapointed.] Afterward as soon as I was recovered, and got
strength, we went down and carried one English man more with us for
company, for our better security, seeing we must travail in the Night
upon our Flight: but tho we took him with us, we dared not to tell him
of our design, because he had a Wife, intending not to acquaint him
with it, till the Business was just ready to be put into action. But
when he came expecting to meet with our guide, he was gone into another
Countrey; and we knew not where to find him, and we knew not how to
run away without him. Thus we were disapointed that time.

But as formerly, we went to and fro until we had sold our ware; and
so returned home again and delivered the man to his wife; but never
told him any thing of our intended design, fearing lest, if he knew
it, he might acquaint her with it, and so all our purposes coming
to be revealed might be overthrown for ever afterwards. For we were
resolved by Gods help still to persevere in our design.

[An extraordinary drought for three or four years together.] Some eight
or nine years one after another we followed this Trade, going down
into this Countrey on purpose to seek to get beyond the Inhabitants,
and so to run away thro the Woods to the Hollanders. Three or Four
years together the dry weather prevented us; when the Countrey was
almost starved for want of Rain: all which time they never tilled the
Ground. The Wells also were almost all dry; so that in the Towns we
could scarcely get Water to drink, or Victuals to eat. Which affrighted
us at those times from running into the Woods, lest we might perish
for Thirst. All this while upon the Mountains, where our dwelling was,
there was no want of Rain.

We found it an inconvenience when we came three of us down together,
reckoning it might give occasion to the people to suspect our design,
and so prevent us from going thither again. Some of the English
that followed such a Trade as we, had been down that way with their
Commodities, but having felt the smart of that Countries Sickness,
would go there no more, finding as much profit in nearer and easier
Journeys. But we still persisted in our courses this way, having some
greater matter to do here than to sell Wares, viz. to find out this
Northern Discovery; which in Gods good time we did effect.







CHAP. IX.

How the Author began his Escape; and got onward of his Way about an
Hundred miles.


[Their last and successful attempt.] Having often gone this Way to
seek for Liberty, but could not yet find it; we again set forth to try
what Success God Almighty would now give us, in the Year MDCLXXIX,
on the Two and twentieth of September, furnished with such Arms as
we could well carry with safety and secrecy, which were Knives and
small Axes; we carried also several sorts of Ware to sell as formerly:
the Moon being seven and twenty dayes old. Which we had so contrived,
that we might have a light Moon, to see the better to run away by:
having left an Old Man at home, whom I had hired to live with me,
to look after my House and Goats.

[The way they went.] We went down at the Hill Bocawl, where there
was now no Watch, and but seldom any. From thence down to the Town
of Bonder Cooswat, where my Father dyed; and by the Town of Nicavar,
which is the last Town belonging to Hotcurly in that Road. From
thence forward the Towns stand thin. For it was sixteen miles to the
next Town called Parroah, which lay in the Country of Neure Cawlava,
and all the way thro a Wilderness called Parroah Mocolane, full of
wild Elephants, Tigres and Bears.

[They design for Anarodgburro.] Now we set our design for Anarodgburro,
which is the lowest place inhabited belonging to the King of Cande:
where there is a Watch alwayes kept: and nearer than twelve or fourteen
miles of this Town as yet we never had been.

[They turn out of the way to avoid the King's Officers.] When we came
into the midst of this Countrey, we heard that the Governor thereof had
sent Officers from the Court to dispatch away the Kings Revenues and
Duties to the City, and that they were now come into the Country. Which
put us into no small fear, lest if they saw us they should send us back
again. Wherefore we edged away into the Westernmost Parts of Ecpoulpot,
being a remote part of that Countrey wherein we now were. And there
we sate to knitting until we heard they were gone. But this caused
us to overshoot our time, the Moon spending so fast. But as soon as
we heard they were departed out of the Countrey, we went onwards of
our Journey, having kept most of our Ware for a pretence to have an
occasion to go further. And having bought a good parcel of Cotton
Tarn to knit Caps withal, the rest of our Ware we gave out, was to
buy dryed flesh with, which only in those lower Parts is to be sold.

[Forced to pass thro the Chief Governours yard.] Our way now lay
necessarily thro the chief Governors Yard at Colliwilla. Who dwells
there purposely to see and examine all that go and come. This greatly
distressed us. First, because he was a stranger to us, and one whom
we had never seen. And secondly, because there was no other way to
escape him: and plain reason would tell him, that we being prisoners
were without our bounds. Whereupon we concluded, that our best way
would be to go boldly and resolutely to his house, and not to seem
daunted in the least, or to look as if we did distrust him to disallow
of our Journey, but to shew such a behaviour, as if we had authority
to travail where we would.

[The Method they used to prevent his suspicion of them.] So we went
forward, and were forced to enquire and ask the way to his house,
having never been so far this way before. I brought from home with
me Knives with fine carved handles, and a red Tunis Cap purposely
to sell or give him, if occasion required, knowing before, that we
must pass by him. And all along as we went, that we might be the
less suspected, we sold Caps and other Ware, to be paid for at our
return homewards. There were many cross Paths to and fro to his
house, yet by Gods Providence we happened in the right Road. And
having reached his house, according to the Countrey manner we went
and sate down in the open house; which kind of Houses are built on
purpose for the reception of Strangers. Whither not long after the
Great Man himself came and sate down by us. To whom we presented
a small parcel of Tobacco, and some Betel. And before he asked us
the cause of our coming, we shewed him the Ware we brought for him,
and the Cotton Yarn which we had trucked about the Country; telling
him withall how the case stood with us: viz. That we had a Charge
greater than the Kings allowance would maintain; and that because
dryed Flesh was the chief Commodity of that Part, we told him, That
missing of the Lading which we used to carry back, we were glad to
come thither to see, if we could make it up with dryed Flesh. And
therefore if he would please to supply us either for such Ware as
we had brought, or else for our Money, it would he a great favour,
the which would oblige us for the future to bring him any necessaries
that he should name unto us, when we should come again unto those
Parts, as we used to do very often: and that we could furnish him,
having dealings and being acquainted with the best Artificers in Cande.

At which he replyed, That he was sorry we were come at such a dry
time, wherein they could not catch Deer, but if some Rain fell,
he would soon dispatch us with our Ladings of Flesh. But however,
he bade us go about the Towns, and see whether there might be any
or no, tho he thought there was none. This answer of his pleased us
wondrous well, both because by this we saw he suspected us not, and
because he told us there was no dryed Flesh to be got. For it was
one of our greatest fears that we should get our Lading too soon:
for then, we could not have had an excuse to go further. And as yet
we could not possibly fly: having still six miles further to the
Northward to go before we could attempt it, that is, to Anarodgburro.

[Their danger by reason of the ways they were to pass.] From
Anarodgburro it is two dayes Journey further thro a desolate Wilderness
before there is any more Inhabitants. And these Inhabitants are
neither under this King nor the Dutch, but are Malabars, and are under
a Prince of their own. This People we were sorely afraid of, lest they
might seize us and send us back, there being a correspondence between
this Prince and the King of Cande; wherefore it was our endeavour by
all means to shun them; lest according to the old Proverb, We might
leap out of the Frying pan into the Fire.

[They still remain at the Governours, to prevent suspition.] But we
must take care of that as well as we could when we came among them,
for as yet our care was to get to Anarodgburro. Where altho it was our
desire to get, yet we would not seem to be too hasty, lest it might
occasion suspition: but lay where we were two or three dayes: and one
stay'd at the Governors House a knitting, whilst the other went about
among the Towns to see for Flesh. The Ponds in the Country being now
dry, there was Fish every where in abundance, which they dry like red
Herrings over a fire. They offered to sell us store of them, but they,
we told them, would not turn to so good profit as Flesh. The which,
we said, we would have, tho we stayed ten dayes longer for it. For
here we could live as cheap, and earn as much as if we were at home,
by our knitting. So we seemed to them as if we were not in any hast.

[An accident that now created them great fear.] In the mean time
happened an Accident which put us to a great fright. For the King
having newly clapped up several Persons of Quality, whereof my old
Neighbour Ova Matteral, that sent for me to Court, was one, sent down
Souldiers to this High Sheriff or Governor, at whose house we now
were, to give him order to set a secure Guard at the Watches, that no
suspitious persons might pass. This he did to prevent the Relations of
these imprisoned persons from making an Escape, who thro fear of the
King might attempt it. This always is the Kings custome to do. But
it put us into an exceeding fear, lest it might beget an admiration
in these Soldiers to see White men so low down: which indeed is not
customary nor allowed of: and so they might send us up again. Which
doubtless they would have done, had it not been of God by this means
and after this manner to deliver us. Especially considering that
the King's Command came just at that time and so expresly to keep a
secure Guard at the Watches, and that in that very Way that alwayes we
purposed to go in: so that it seemed scarcely possible for us to pass
afterwards, tho we should get off fairly at present with the Soldiers.

[But get fairly rid of it.] Which we did. For they having delivered
their Message, departed, shewing themselves very kind and civil unto
us. And we seemed to lament for our hard fortune, that we were not
ready to go upwards with them in their good company: for we were
Neighbours dwelling in one and the same County. However we bid them
carry our commendations to our Countrymen the English, with whom they
were acquainted at the City, and so bad them farewel. And glad we
were when they were gone from us. And the next day in the morning we
resolved, God willing, to set forward. But we thought not fit to tell
our Host, the Governor, of it, till the very instant of our departing,
that he might not have any time to deliberate concerning us.

That Night he being disposed to be merry, sent for people whose trade
it is to dance and shew tricks, to come to his house to entertain
him with their Sports. The beholding them spent most part of the
Night. Which we merrily called our Old Host's Civility to us at our
last parting: as it proved indeed, tho he, honest man, then little
dreamed of any such thing.

[They get away fairly from the Governour.] The morning being come,
we first took care to fill our Bellies; then we packed up those
things which were necessary for our Journey to carry with us, and
the rest of our Goods, Cotton Yarn, and Cloth and other things;
that we would not incumber our selves withall, we bound up in a
Bundle, intending to leave them behind us. This being done, I went
to the Governor, and carried him four or five charges of Gunpowder,
a thing somewhat scarce with them, intreating him rather than we
should be disappointed of Flesh, to make use of that and shoot some
Deer; which he was very willing to accept of, and to us it could
be no wayes profitable, not having a Gun. While we, we told him,
would make a step to Anarodgburro to see what Flesh we could procure
there. In the mean time, according as we had before layd the business,
came Stephen with the Bundle of Goods, desiring to leave them in his
house, till we came back. Which he was very ready to grant us leave
to do. And seeing us leave such a parcel of Goods, tho, God knowes,
but of little account in themselves, yet of considerable value in
that Land, he could not suppose otherwise but that we were intended
to return again. Thus we took our leaves, and immediately departed,
not giving him time to consider with himself, or consult with others
about us. And he like a good natured man bid us heartily farewel.

Altho we knew not the way to this Town, having never been there in
all our lives, and durst not ask, lest it might breed suspition;
yet we went on confidently thro a desolate Wood: and happened to go
very right, and came out directly at the place.

[In their way they meet with a River which they found for their
purpose.] But in our way before we arrived hither, we came up with a
small River, which ran thro the Woods, called by the Chingulayes Malwat
oyah: the which we viewed well, and judged it might be a probable guide
to carry us down to the Sea, if a better did not present. Howbeit we
thought good to try first the way we were taking, and to go onward
towards Anarodgburro, that being the shortest and easiest way to get
to the Coast: and this River being as under our Lee, ready to serve
and assist us, if other means failed.

[They come safely to Anarodgburro. This Place described.] To
Anarodgburro therefore we came, called also Neur Waug. Which is not
so much a particular single Town, as a Territory. It is a vast great
Plain, the like I never saw in all that Island: in the midst whereof
is a Lake, which may be a mile over, not natural, but made by art,
as other Ponds in the Country, to serve them to water their Corn
Grounds. This Plain is encompassed round with Woods, and small Towns
among them on every side, inhabited by Malabars, a distinct People
from the Chingulayes. But these Towns we could not see till we came
in among them. Being come out thro the Woods into this Plain, we stood
looking and staring round about us, but knew not where nor which way to
go. At length we heard a Cock crow, which was a sure sign to us that
there was a Town hard by; into which we were resolved to enter. For
standing thus amazed, was the ready way to be taken up for suspitious
persons; especially because White men never come down so low.

[The People stand amazed at them.] Being entred into this Town,
we sate our selves under a Tree, and proclaimed our Wares, for we
feared to rush into their Yards, as we used to do in other places,
lest we should scare them. The People stood amazed as soon as they
saw us, being originally Malabars, tho Subjects of Cande. Nor could
they understand the Chingulay Language in which we spake to them. And
we stood looking one upon another until there came one that could
speak the Chingulay Tongue: Who asked us, from whence we came? We
told him, From Cande Uda. But they believed us not, supposing that
we came up from the Dutch from Manaar. So they brought us before
their Governor. [They are examined by the Governour of the Place.] He
not speaking Chingulais, spake to us by an Interpreter. And to know
the truth, whether we came from the place we pretended, he inquired
about News at Court; demanded, Who were Governors of such and such
Countreys? and what was become of some certain Noble-men, whom the
King had lately cut off? and also What the common people were employed
about at Court, for it is seldom that they are idle. To all which we
gave satisfactory answers. Then he enquired of us, Who gave us leave
to come down so low? We told him That priviledg was given to us by
the King himself full Fifteen Years since at his Palace at Nellemby,
when he caused it to be declared unto us, that we were no longer
prisoners, and (which indeed was our own addition) that we were free
to enjoy the benefit of Trade in all his Dominions.

To prove and confirm the truth of which, we alledged the distance of
the Way that we were now come from home, being near an hundred miles,
passing thro several Counties, where we met with several Governors
and Officers in their respective Jurisdictions; who had they not been
well sensible of these Priviledges granted us, would not have allowed
us to pass thro their Countries. All which Officers we described to
him by name; and also that now we came from the High Sheriff's House
at Colliwilla, where we had been these three dayes, and there heard
of the Order that was come to secure the Watches; which was not for
fear of the running away of White men, but of the Chingulayes. These
Reasons gave him full satisfaction, that we were innocent Traders,
seeing also the Commodities that we had brought with us: this further
confirmed his opinion concerning us.

[Provide things necessary for their flight.] The People were very
glad of our coming, and gave us an end of an open house to ly in:
but at present they had no dryed Flesh, but desired us to stay two
or three days and we should not fail: which we were very ready to
consent to, hoping by that time to come to the knowledg of the way,
and to learn where about the watch was placed. To Prevent the least
surmise that we were Plotting to run away, we agreed, that Stephen
should stay in the house by the things, while I with some few went
abroad; pretending to enquire for dryed Flesh to carry back with us
to Cande, but intending to make discoveries of the way, and provide
necessaries for our Flight, as Rice, a Brass Pot to boil our Rice
in, a little dryed Flesh to eat and a Deers-skin to make us Shooes
of. And by the Providence of my gracious God, all these things I
happened upon and bought. But as our good hap was, Deers-Flesh we
could meet with none. So that we had time enough to fit our selves;
all People thinking that we stayed only to buy Flesh.

[They find it not safe to proceed further this way.] Here we stayed
three days; during which we had found the great Road that runs down
towards Jafnapatan, one of the Northern Ports belonging to the Dutch,
which Road we judged led also towards Manaar a Dutch Northern Port
also, which was the Place that we endeavoured to get to, lying above
two or three days Journey distant from us. But in this Road there
was a Watch lay, which must be passed. Where this Watch was placed,
it was necessary for us punctually to know, and to endeavour to get a
sight of it. And if we could do this, our intent was to go unseen by
Night, the people being then afraid to travayl, and being come up to
the Watch, to slip aside into the Woods and so go on untill we were
past it; and then strike into the Road again. But this Project came
to nothing, because I could not without suspition and danger go and
view this Watch; which layd some four or five miles below this Plain;
and so far I could not frame any business to go.

But several inconveniences we saw here, insomuch that we found it
would not be safe for us to go down in this Road. For if we should
have slipt away from them by Night, in the Morning we should be
missed, and then most surely they would go that way to chace us,
and ten to one overtake us, being but one Night before them. Also
we knew not whether or no, it might lead us into the Countrey of the
Malabar Prince, of whom we were much afraid.

[Resolve to go back to the River they lately passed.] Then resolving
to let the great Road alone, we thought of going right down thro the
Woods, and steer our course by the Sun and Moon: but the Ground being
so dry we feared we should not meet with Water. So we declined that
Counsel also. Thus being in doubt, we prayed God to direct us, and to
put it into our hearts which way to take. Then after a Consultation
between our selves, all things considered, we concluded it the best
course to go back to Malwat oyah, the River we had well viewed that lay
in our way as we came hither. And back thither we resolved to repair.






CHAP. X.

The Author's Progress in his Flight from Anarodgburro, into the Woods,
unto their arrival in the Malabars Countrey.


[They depart back again towards the River.] Now God of his Mercy
having prospered our Design hitherto, for which we blessed his Holy
Name, our next care was how to come off clear from the People of
Anarodgburro, that they might not presently miss us, and so pursue
after us. Which if they should do, there would have been no escaping
them. For from this Town to Colliwilla, where the Sheriff lived, with
whom we left our Goods, they are as well acquainted in the Woods as in
the Paths. And when we came away we must tell the People, that we were
going thither, because there is no other way but that. Now our fear
was, lest upon some occasion or other any Men might chance to Travel
that way soon after we were gone, and not finding us at Colliwilla,
might conclude, as they could do no otherwise, that we were run into
the Woods. Therefore to avoid this Danger, we stayed in the Town till
it was so late, that we knew none durst venture to Travel afterwards
for fear of wild Beasts. By which means we were sure to gain a Nights
Travel at least, if they should chance to pursue us.

[But first take their leave of the Governor here.] So we took our
leaves of the Governor, who kindly gave us a Pot of Milk to drink for
a farewel; we telling him, We were returning back to the Sheriff at
Colliwilla, to whom we had given some Gunpowder when we came from
him to shoot us some Deer, and we doubted not but by that time we
should get to him, he would have provided flesh enough for our lading
home. Thus bidding him and the rest of the Neighbours farewel, we
departed, they giving us the Civility of their accustomed Prayers,
Diabac, that is, God bless, or keep you.

[They begin their flight.] It was now the Twelfth day of October on
a Sunday, the Moon eighteen days old. We were well furnished with
all things needful, which we could get, Viz. Ten days Provision,
Rice, Flesh, Fish, Pepper, Salt, a Bason to boil our Victuals in, two
Calabasses to fetch Water, two great Tallipats for Tents, big enough
to sleep under if it should rain, Jaggory and Sweet-meats, which we
brought from home with us, Tobacco also and Betel, Tinder-Boxes two
or three for sailing, and a Deers Skin to make us Shooes, to prevent
any Thorns running into our feet as we travelled through the Woods;
for our greatest Trust under God was to our feet. Our Weapons were,
each man a small Axe fastned to a long Staff in our hands, and a good
Knife by our sides. Which were sufficient with God's help to defend us
from the Assaults of either Tiger or Bear; and as for Elephants there
is no standing against them, but the best defence is to flee from them.

In this Posture and Equipage we marched forward. When we were come
within a Mile of this River, it being about Four in the Evening, we
began to fear, lest any of the People of Anarodgburro from whence we
came, should follow us to Colliwella. Which place we never intended
to come at more: the River along which we intended to go, laying on
this side of it. That we might be secure therefore that no People came
after us, we sat down upon a Rock by a hole that was full of water
in the High-way; until it was so late, that we were sure no People
durst Travel. In case any had come after us, and seen us sitting
there and gotten no further, we intended to tell them, That one of
us was taken Sick by the way, and therefore not able to go. [They
come to the River along which they resolved to go.] But it was our
happy chance there came none. So about Sundown we took up our Sacks
of Provisions, and marched forward for the River, which under God we
had pitched upon to be our guide down to the Sea.

[Which they travel along by till it was dark.] Being come at the River,
we left the Road, and struck into the Woods by the River side. We
were exceeding careful not to tread on the Sand or soft Ground,
lest our footsteps should be seen; and where it could not be avoided,
we went backwards, so that by the print of our feet, it seemed as if
we had gone the contrary way. We were now gotten a good way into the
Wood; when it grew dark and began to Rain, so that we thought it best
to pitch our Tents, and get Wood for Firing before it was all wet,
and too dark to find it. Which we did, and kindled a fire.

[Now they fit themselves for their Journey.] Then we began to fit our
selves for our Journey against the Moon arose. All our Sale-wares
which we had left we cast away, (for we took care not to sell too
much) keeping only Provisions and what was very necessary for our
Journey. About our Feet we tied pieces of Deers-hide to prevent Thorns
and Stumps annoying our feet. We always used to Travel bare foot, but
now being to travel by Night and in the Woods, we feared so to do. For
if our feet should fail us now, we were quite undone. And by the time
we had well-fitted our selves, and were refreshed with a Morsel of
Portuguez Sweet-meats, the Moon began to shine. So having commended our
selves into the hands of the Almighty, we took up our Provisions upon
our shoulders, and set forward, and travelled some three or four hours,
but with a great deal of difficulty; for the Trees being thick, the
Moon gave but little light thro, but our resolution was to keep going.

[Meeting with an Elephant they took up for that night.] Now it
was our chance to meet with an Elephant in our way just before us:
which we tryed, but could not scare away: so he forced us to stay. We
kindled a Fire and sate down, and took a Pipe of tobacco, waiting till
Morning. Then we looked round about us, and it appeared all like a
Wilderness, and no sign that People ever had been there: which put us
in great hopes that we had gained our Passage, and Were past all the
Inhabitants. Whereupon we concluded that we were now in no danger of
being seen, and might Travel in the Day securely. There was only one
great Road in our way, which led to Portaloon from the Towns which by
and by we fell into; this Road therefore we were shy of, lest when
we passed it over, some Passengers travelling in it, might see us;
and this Road we were in expectance about this time to meet withal,
secure, as I said before, of all other danger of People. [They fall
in among Towns before they are aware.] But the River winding about to
the Northward brought us into the midst of a parcel of Towns called
Tissea Wava, before we were aware. For the Countrey being all Woods,
we could not discern where there were Towns, until we came within
the hearing of them. That which betrayed us into this danger was,
that meeting with a Path, which only led from one Town to another,
we concluded it to be that great Road above mentioned; and so having
past it over, we supposed the Danger we might encounter in being seen,
was also past over with it; but we were mistaken; for going further we
still met with other Paths, which we crossed over, still hoping one or
other of them was that great Road; but at last we perceived our Error;
viz. That they were only Paths that went from one Town to another.

And so while we were avoiding Men and Towns, we ran into the midst
of them. This was a great trouble to us, hearing the Noise of People
round about us, and knew not how to avoid them; into whose hands we
knew if we had fallen, they would have carried us up to the King,
besides Beating and Plundring us to boot.

We knew before that these Towns were here away, but had we known
that this River turned and run in among them, we should never have
undertaken the Enterprize. But now to go back, after we had newly
passed so many Paths, and Fields and places where People did resort, we
thought not advisable, and that the danger in so doing might be greater
than in going forward. And had we known so much then, as afterwards
did appear to us, it had been safer for us to have gone on, than to
have hid there as we did; which we then thought was the best course
we could take for the present extremity: viz. To secure our selves in
secret until Night, and then to run thro in the dark. All that we now
wanted was a hole to creep in to lye close, for the Woods thereabouts
were thin, and no shrubs or bushes, under which we might be concealed.

[Their fright lest they should be seen.] We heard the noise of
People on every side, and expected every moment to see some of them
to our great terror. And it is not easie to say in what Danger, and
in what apprehension of it we were; it was not safe for us to stir
backwards or forwards for fear of running among People, and it was
as unsafe to stand still where we were, lest some body might spy us:
and where to find Covert we could not tell. [Hid themselves in a hollow
Tree.] Looking about us in these straits we spyed a great Tree by us,
which for the bigness thereof 'tis probable might be hollow. To which
we went, and found it so. It was like a Tub, some three foot high. Into
it immediately we both crept, and made a shift to sit there for several
hours, tho very uneasily, and all in mud and wet. But however it did
greatly comfort us in the fright and amazement we were in.

[They get safely over this Danger.] So soon as it began to grow dark,
we came creeping out of our hollow Tree, and put for it as fast as our
Legs could carry us. And then we crossed that great Road, which all the
day before we did expect to come up with, keeping close by the River
side, and going so long till dark Night stopped us. We kept going the
longer, because we heard the Voice of Men hollowing towards Evening:
which created us a fresh disturbance, thinking them to be People that
were coming to chace us. But at length we heard Elephants behind us,
between us and the Voice, which we knew by the noise of cracking the
Boughs and small Trees, which they break down and eat. These Elephants
were a very good Guard behind us, and were methought like the Darkness
that came between Israel and the Egyptians. For the People we knew
would not dare to go forwards hearing Elephants before them.

[They dress Meat and lay down to sleep.] In this Security we pitched
our Tents by the River side, and boiled Rice and roasted flesh for our
Supper, for we were very hungry, and so commending our selves to God's
keeping laid down to sleep. The Voice which we heard still continued,
which lasting so long we knew what it meant; it was nothing but the
hollowing of People that lay to watch the Corn Fields, to scare away
the wild Beasts out of their Corn. Thus we past Monday.

[They fear wild Men, which these Woods abound with.] But nevertheless
next Morning so soon as the Moon shone out bright, to prevent the
worst we took up our Packs, and were gone: being past all the tame
Inhabitants with whom we had no more trouble. But the next day we
feared we should come among the wild ones; for these Woods are full of
them. Of these we were as much afraid as of the other. For they would
have carried us back to the King, where we should be kept Prisoners,
but these we feared would have shot us, not standing to hear us plead
for our selves.

[They meet with many of their Tents.] And indeed all along as we went,
by the sides of the River till we came to the Malabar Inhabitants,
had been the Tents of wild Men, made only of Boughs of Trees. But God
be praised, they were all gone, tho but very lately before we came:
as we perceived by the Bones of Cattle, and shells of Fruit, which
lay scattered about. We supposed that want of water had driven them
out of the Countrey down to the River side, but since it had rained a
shower or two they were gone again. Once about Noon sitting down upon
a Rock by the River side to take a Pipe of Tobacco and rest our selves;
[Very near falling upon the wild People.] we had almost been discovered
by the Women of these wild People, coming down, as I suppose, to wash
themselves in the River. Who being many of them, came talking and
laughing together. At the first hearing of the noise being a good
distance, we marvailed what it was; sitting still and listning, it
came nearer a little above where we sat; and at last we could plainly
distinguish it to be the Voices of Women and Children. Whereupon we
thought it no boot to sit longer, since we could escape undiscovered,
and so took up our Bags and fled as fast as we could.

[What kind of travelling they had.] Thus we kept travelling every day
from Morning till Night, still along the River side, which turned and
winded very crooked. In some places it would be pretty good Travelling,
and but few Bushes and Thorns, and in others a great many. So that
our Shoulders and Arms were all of a Gore, being grievously torn and
scratched. For we had nothing on us but a clout about our Middles, and
our Victuals on our Shoulders, and in our hands a Tallipat and an Ax.

[Some account of this River.] The lower we came down this River, the
less Water, so that sometimes we could go a Mile or two upon the Sand,
and in some places three or four Rivers would all meet together. When
it happened so, and was Noon, the Sun over our head, and the Water
not running, we could not tell which to follow, but were forced to
stay till the Sun was fallen, thereby to judge of our course. We
often met with Bears, Hogs, Deer, and wild Buffaloes, but all ran so
soon as they saw us. But Elephants we met with no more than that I
mentioned before. The River is exceeding full of Aligators all a long
as we went; the upper part of it nothing but Rocks. Here and there
by the side of this River is a World of [Ruins.] hewn Stone Pillars,
standing upright, and other heaps of hewn Stones, which I suppose
formerly were Buildings. And in three or four places are the ruins
of Bridges built of Stone; some Remains of them yet standing upon
Stone Pillars. In many places are Points built out into the River like
Wharfs, all of hewn Stone; which I suppose have been built for Kings
to sit upon for Pleasure. For I cannot think they ever were employed
for Traffick by Water; the River being so full of Rocks that Boats
could never come up into it.

[The Woods hereabouts.] The Woods in all these Northern Parts are
short and shrubbed, and so they are by the River side, and the lower
the worse; and the Grounds so also.

[How they secured themselves a nights against wild Beasts.] In the
Evenings we used to pitch our Tent, and make a great Fire both before
and behind us, that the wild Beasts might have notice where we lay;
and we used to hear the Voices of all sorts of them, but, thanks be
to God, none ever came near to hurt us. Yet we were the more wary
of them, because once a Tiger shewed us a cheat. For having bought
a Deer, and having nothing to salt it up in, we packed it up in the
Hide thereof salted, and laid it under a Bench in an open House, on
which I lay that Night, and Stephen layd just by it on the Ground,
and some three People more lay then in the same House; and in the
said House a great Fire, and another in the Yard. Yet a Tiger came
in the Night, and carried Deer and Hide and all away. But we missing
it, concluded it was a Thief. We called up the People that lay by
us, and told them what had happened. Who informed us that it was
a Tiger, and with a Torch they went to see which way he had gone,
and presently found some of it, which he let drop by the way. When
it was day we went further, and pickt up more which was scattered,
till we came to the Hide it self, which remained uneaten.

[They pass the River that divides the King's Countrey from the
Malabars.] We had now Travelled till Thursday Afternoon, when we
crossed the River called Coronda oyah which was then quite dry;
this parts the King's Countrey from the Maladars. We saw no sign
of Inhabitants here. The Woods began to be very full of Thorns,
and shrubby Bushes with Clifts and broken Land; so that we could not
possibly go in the Woods; but now the River grew better being clear
of Rocks, and dry, water only standing in holes. So we marched along
in the River upon the Sand. Hereabouts are far more Elephants than
higher up: by Day we saw none, but by Night the River is full of them.

[After four or five days travel they come among Inhabitants.] Friday
about Nine or Ten in the Morning we came among the Inhabitants. For
then we saw the footing of People on the Sand, and tame Cattel with
Bells about their Necks. Yet we kept on our way right down the River,
knowing no other course to take to shun the People. And as we went
still forwards we saw Coracan Corn, sowed in the Woods, but neither
Towns nor People; nor so much as the Voice of Man. But yet we were
somewhat dismayed, knowing that we were now in a Countrey inhabited
by Malabars. The Wanniounay or Prince of this People for fear pay
Tribute to the Dutch, but stands far more affected towards the King
of Cande. [But do what they can to avoid them.] Which made our care
the greater to keep our selves out of his hands; fearing lest if he
did not keep us himself, he might send us up to our old Master. So
that great was our terror again, lest meeting with People we might be
discovered. Yet there was no means now left us how to avoid the Danger
of being seen. The Woods were so bad, that we could not possibly
Travel in them for Thorns; and to Travel by Night was impossible,
it being a dark Moon, and the River a Nights so full of Elephants
and other wild Beasts coming to drink; as we did both hear and see
laying upon the Banks with a Fire by us. They came in such Numbers
because there was Water for them no where else to be had, the Ponds
and holes of Water, nay the River it self in many places being dry.

[As yet undiscovered.] There was therefore no other way to be taken
but to Travel on in the River. So down we went into the Sand, and put
on as fast as we could set our Legs to the ground, seeing no People
(nor I think no body us), only Buffaloes in abundance in the Water.






CHAP. XI.

Being in the Malabar Territories, how they encountred two Men,
and what passed between them. And of their getting safe unto the
Dutch Fort. And their Reception there, and at the Island Manaar,
until their Embarking for Columbo.


[They met with two Malabars. To whom they relate their Condition.] Thus
we went on till about three of the Clock afternoon. At which time
coming about a Point, we came up with two Bramins on a sudden, who were
sitting under a Tree boyling Rice. We were within forty paces of them;
when they saw us they were amazed at us, and as much afraid of us as we
were of them. Now we thought it better Policy to treat with them than
to flee from them; fearing they might have Bows and Arrows, whereas
we were armed only with Axes in our hands, and Knives by our sides;
or else that they might raise the Countrey and pursue us. So we made
a stand, and in the Chingulay Language asked their leave to come near
to treat with them, but they did not understand it. But being risen up
spake to us in the Malabar Tongue, which we could not understand. Then
still standing at a distance we intimated our minds to them by signs,
beckoning with our hand: which they answered in the same Language. Then
offering to go towards them, and seeing them to be naked men and no
Arms near them, we laid our Axes upon the ground with our Bags, lest
we might scare them, if we had come up to them with those weapons in
our hands, and so went towards them with only our Knives by our sides:
by signs with our hands shewing them our bloody Backs we made them
understand whence we came, and whither we were going. Which when they
perceived they seemed to commiserate our condition, and greatly to
admire at such a Miracle which God had brought to pass: and as they
talked one to another they lifted up their hands and faces towards
Heaven, often repeating Tombrane which is God in the Malabar Tongue.

[They are courteous to them.] And by their signs we understood they
would have us bring our Bags and Axes nearer; which we had no sooner
done, but they brought the Rice and Herbs which they had boiled for
themselves to us, and bad us eat; which we were not fitted to do,
having not long before eaten a hearty Dinner of better fare; yet
could not but thankfully accept of their compassion and kindness,
and eat as much as we could; and in requital of their courtesie,
we gave them some of our Tobacco. Which after much entreating they
did receive, and it pleased them exceedingly.

[But loathe to conduct them to the Hollander.] After these civilities
passed on either side, we began by signs to desire them to go
with us and shew us the way to the Dutch Fort: which they were very
unwilling to do, saying, as by signs and some few words which we could
understand, that our greatest danger was past, and that by Night we
might get into the Hollanders Dominions. Yet we being weary with our
tedious journey, and desirous to have a guide, shewed them Money to
the value of five Shillings, being all I had; and offered it them to go
with us. Which together with our great importunity so prevailed, that
one of them took it; and leaving his fellow to carry their Baggage he
went with us about one Mile, and then began to take his leave of us and
to return. Which we supposed was to get more from us. Having therefore
no more Money, we gave him a red Tunis Cap and a Knife, for which he
went a Mile farther, and then as before would leave us, signifying
to us, that we were cut of danger, and he could go no further.

Now we had no more left to give him, but began to perceive, that what
we had parted withall to him, was but flung away; and altho we might
have taken all from him again being alone in the Wood, yet we feared
to do it, left thereby we might exasperate him, and so he might give
notice of us to the People, but bad him farewel, after he had conducted
us about four or five Miles. And we kept on our journey down the River
as before, until it was Night, and lodged upon a Bank under a Tree:
[In danger of Elephants.] but were in the way of the Elephants; for
in the Night they came and had like to have disturbed us, so that
for our preservation we were forced to fling Fire brands at them to
scare them away.

The next Morning being Saturday as soon as it was light, having eaten
to strengthen us, as Horses do Oats before they Travail, we set forth
going still down the River; the Sand was dry and loose, and so very
tedious to go upon: by the side we could not go, being all overgrown
with Bushes. The Land hereabouts was as smooth as a bowling-green,
but the Grass clean burt up for want of Rain.

[They overtake another man, who tells them they were in the Dutch
Dominions.] Having Travailed about two hours, we saw a Man walking in
the River before, whom we would gladly have shunned, but well could
not, for he walked down the River as we did, but at a very slow rate,
which much hindred us. But we considering upon the distance we had
come, since we left the Bramin, and comparing with what he told us,
we concluded we were in the Hollanders jurisdiction: and so amended
our pace to overtake the Man before us. Whom we perceiving to he free
from timerousness at the sight of us, concluded he had used to see
White-men. Whereupon we asked him, to whom he belonged. He speaking
the Chingulay Language answered, To the Dutch; and also that all the
Country was under their Command, and that we were out of all danger,
and that the Fort of Arrepa was but some six miles off. Which did
not a little rejoyce us, we told him, we were of that Nation, and
had made our escape from Cande, where we had been many years kept in
Captivity; and having nothing to give him our selves, we told him,
that it was not to be doubted, but the Chief Commander at the Fort
would bountifully reward him, if he would go with us and direct us
thither. But whether he doubted of that, or no, or whether he expected
something in hand, he excused himself pretending earnest and urgent
occasions that he could not defer: but advised us to leave the River,
because it winds so much about, and turn up without fear to the Towns,
where the People would direct us the way to the Fort.

[They Arrive at Arrepa Fort.] Upon his advice we struck up a Path
that came down to the River, intending to go to a Town, but could
find none; and there were so many cross Paths that we could not tell
which way to go: and the Land here so exceedingly low and level,
that we could see no other thing but Trees. For altho I got up a Tree
to look if I could see the Dutch Fort, or discern any Houses, yet I
could not; and the Sun being right over our heads neither could that
direct us: insomuch that we wished our selves again in our old friend,
the River. So after so much wandring up and down we sat down under a
Tree waiting until the Sun was fallen, or some People came by. Which
not long after three or four Malabars did. One of which could speak
a little Portugueze. We told these Men, we were Hollanders, supposing
they would be the more willing to go with us, but they proved of the
same temper with the rest before mentioned. For until I gave one of
them a small Knife to cut Betel-nuts, he would not go with us: but for
the lucre of that he conducted us to a Town. From whence they sent
a Man with us to the next, and so we were passed from Town to Town,
until we arrived at the Fort called Arrepa: it being about four of the
Clock on Saturday afternoon. October the eighteenth MDCLXXIX. Which
day God grant us grace that we may never forget, when he was pleased
to give us so great a deliverance from such a long Captivity, of
nineteen years, and six Months, and odd days, being taken Prisoner
when I was nineteen years old, and continued upon the Mountains among
the Heathen till I attained to Eight and Thirty.

[He Travailed a Nights in the Woods without fear, and slept
securely.] In this my Flight thro the Woods, I cannot but take notice
with some wonder and great thankfulness, that this Travelling by
Night in a desolate Wilderness was little or nothing dreadful to me,
whereas formerly the very thoughts of it would seem to dread me,
and in the Night when I laid down to rest with wild Beasts round me,
I slept as soundly and securely, as ever I did at home in my own
House. Which courage and peace I look upon to be the immediate gift
of God to me upon my earnest Prayers, which at that time he poured
into my heart in great measure and fervency. After which I found my
self freed from those frights and fears, which usually possessed my
heart at other times.

In short, I look upon the whole Business as a miraculous Providence,
and that the hand of God did eminently appear to me, as it did of
old to his People Israel in the like circumstances, in leading and
conducting me thro this dreadful Wilderness, and not to suffer any
evil to approach nigh unto me.

The Hollanders much wondered at our Arrival, it being so strange
that any should escape from Cande; [Entertained very kindly.] and
entertained us very kindly that Night: and the next Morning being
Sunday, sent a Corporal with us to Manaar, and a Black Man to carry
our few things.

[Sent to Manaar. Received by the Captain of the Castle.] At Manaar
we were brought before the Captain of the Castle, the Cheif Governor
being absent. Who when we came in was just risen from Dinner; he
received us with a great deal of kindness and bad us set down to
eat. It seemed not a little strange to us, who had dwelt so long
in Straw Cottages among the Black Heathen, and used to sit on the
Ground and eat our Meat on Leaves, now to sit on Chairs and eat
out of China Dishes at a Table. Where were great Varieties, and a
fair and sumptuous House inhabited by White and Christian People;
we being then in such Habit and Guize, our Natural colour excepted,
that we seemed not fit to eat with his Servants, no nor his Slaves.

[Who intended them to Sail the next day to Jafnapatan.] After Dinner
the Captain inquired concerning the Affairs of the King and Countrey,
and the condition of their Ambassadors and People there. To all which
we gave them true and satisfactory Answers. Then he told us, That to
Morrow there was a Sloop to sail to Jafnapatan, in which he would send
us to the Commander or Governor, from whence we might have passage
to Fort St. George, or any other place on that Coast, according to
our desire. After this, he gave us some Money, bidding us go to the
Castle, to drink and be merry with our Country-men there. For all
which kindness giving him many thanks in the Portuguese Language,
we took our leaves of him.

[Here they meet with a Scotch and Irish man.] When we came to the
Court of Guard at the Castle, we asked the Soldiers if there were
no English men among them. Immediatly there came forth two men to
us, the one a Scotchman named Andrew Brown; the other an Irishman
whose name was Francis Hodges. Who after very kind salutes carried
us unto their Lodgings in the Castle, and entertained us very nobly,
according to their Ability, with Rack and Tobacco.

[The People flock to see them.] The News of our Arrival being spread in
the Town, the People came flocking to see us, a strange and wonderful
sight! and to enquire about their Husbands, Sons, and Relations,
which were Prisoners in Cande.

In the Evening a Gentleman of the Town sent to invite us to his House,
were we were gallantly entertained both with Victuals and Lodging.

[They are ordered a longer stay.] The next day being Munday, ready to
Embark for Jafnapatan, came Order from the Captain and Council, that
we must stay until the Commander of Jafnapatan who was daily expected,
came thither. Which we could not deny to do: and order was given to the
Victualers of the Soldiers, to provide for us. The Scotch and Irish
man were very glad of this Order, that they might have our company
longer; and would not suffer us to spend the Captains benevolence in
their company, but spent freely upon us at their own charges. Thanks
be to God we both continued in health all the time of our Escape:
but within three days after we came to Manaar, my Companion fell very
Sick, that I thought I should have lost him.

[They embark for Columbo.] Thus we remained some ten days; at which
time the expected Commander arrived, and was received with great
ceremonies of State. The next day we went before him to receive his
orders concerning us. Which were, to be ready to go with him on the
morrow to Columbo, there being a Ship that had long waited in that
Road to carry him, In which we embarked with him for Columbo. At our
coming on board to go to Sea, we could not expect but to be Sea-sick,
being now as Fresh men, having so long disused the Sea, but it proved
otherwise, and we were not in the least stirred.






CHAP. XII.

Their Arrival at Columbo, and entertainment there. Their departure
thence to Batavia. And from thence to Bantam: Whence they set Sail
for England.


[They are wondred at Columbo.] Being arrived safely at Columbo, before
the Ship came to an Anchor, there came a Barge on board to carry the
Commander ashore. But being late in the evening, and my Consort sick of
an Ague and Fevor, we thought it better for us to stay until Morning,
to have a day before us. The next morning we bid the Skipper farewel,
and went ashore in the first Boat, going strait to the Court of Guard:
where all the Soldiers came staring upon us, wondring to see White-men
in Chingulay Habit. We asked them if there were no English-men among
them; they told us, There were none, but that in the City there
were several. A Trumpetter being hard by, who had formerly sailed
in English Ships, hearing of us came and invited us to his Chamber,
and entertained my Consort being sick of his Ague, in his own Bed.

[Ordered to appear before the Governour.] This strange news of our
arrival from Cande, was presently spread all about the City, and all
the English men that were there immediatly come to bid us welcome out
of our long Captivity. With whom we consulted how to come to speech of
the Governour. Upon which one of them went and acquainted the Captain
of the Guard of our being on shore. Which the Captain understanding
went and informed the Governour thereof. Who sent us answer that to
morrow we should come before him.

[Treated by English there.] After my Consort's Fit was over, our
Countreymen and their Friends invited us abroad, to walk and see
the City. We being barefoot and in the Chingulay Habit, with great
long Beards, the People much wondred at us, and came flocking to see
who and what we were; so that we had a great Train of People about
us as we walked in the Streets. After we had walked to and fro, and
had seen the City, they carried us to their Land-Ladies House, where
we were kindly treated both with Victuals and Drink; and returned to
the Trumpetter's Chamber, as he had desired us, when we went out. In
the Evening came a Boy from the Governor's House to tell us, that the
Governor invited us to come to Supper at his House. But we having Dined
late with our Countreymen and their Friends, had no room to receive
the Governor's Kindness: and so Lodged that Night at the Trumpetters.

[They come into the Governor's presence. His state.] The next Morning
the Governor, whose Name was Ricklof Van Gons, Son of Ricklof Van Gons
General of Batavia, sent for us to his House. Whom we found standing in
a large and stately Room, paved with black and white Stones; and only
the Commander, who brought us from Manaar, standing by him: who was
to succeed him in the Government of that place. On the further side
of the Room stood three of the chief Captains bare-headed. First,
He bid us welcom out of our long Captivity, and told us, That we
were free men, and that he should have been glad if he could have
been an Instrument to redeem us sooner, having endeavoured as much
for us as for his own People. For all which we thanked him heartily,
telling him, We knew it to be true.

[Matters the Governor enquired of.] The Governor perceiving I could
speak the Portugueze Tongue, began to inquire concerning the Affairs
of the King and Countrey very particularly, and oftentimes asked about
such Matters as he himself knew better than I. To all his Questions
my too much Experience inabled me to give a satisfactory Reply. Some
of the most remarkable matters he demanded of me were these.

First, They inquired much about the reason and intent of our coming
to Cuttiar. To which I answered them at large. Then they asked,
If the King of Cande had any Issue? I told them, As report went,
he had none. And, Who were the greatest in the Realm next to him? I
answered. There were none of Renown left, the King had destroyed them
all. How the hearts of the People stood affected? I answered, Much
against their King. He being so cruel. If we had never been brought
into his presence? I told them, No, nor had ever had a near sight
of him. What strength he had for War. I answered, Not well able to
assault them, by reason the hearts of his People were not true to
him. But that the strength of his Countrey consisted in Mountains
and Woods, as much as in the People.

What Army he could raise upon occasion? I answered, I knew not well,
but as I thought about Thirty Thousand men.

Why he would not make Peace with them, they so much sueing for it,
and sending Presents to please him? I answered, I was not one of his
Council, and knew not his meaning.

But they demanded of me, What I thought might be the reason or occasion
of it? I answered, Living securely in the Mountains he feareth none;
and for Traffick he regardeth it not.

Which way was best and most secure to send Spyes or Intelligence
to Cande? I told them, By the way that goeth to Jafniputtan, and by
some of that Countrey People, who have great correspondence with the
People of Neurecaulava, one of the Kings Countries.

What I thought would become of that Land after this King's Decease? I
told them, I thought, He having no issue, it might fall into their
hands.

How many English men had served the King, and what became of
them? which I gave them an account of.

Whether I had any Acquaintance or Discourse with the great Men at
Court? I answered, That I was too small to have any Friendship or
Intimacy, or hold Discourse with them.

How the common People used to talk concerning them? I answered,
They used much to commend their Justice and good Government in the
Territories, and over the People belonging unto them.

Whether the King did take Counsel of any, or rule and act only by
his own will and pleasure? I answered, I was a Stranger at Court,
and how could I know that?

But, they asked further, What was my Opinion? I replied, He is so
great, that there is none great enough to give him counsel.

Concerning the French, If the King knew not of their coming before
they came? I answered, I thought, not, because their coming seemed
strange and wonderful unto the People.

How they had proceeded in treating with the King? I answered, as shall
be related hereafter; when I come to speak of the French detained in
this Land.

If I knew any way or means to be used whereby the Prisoners in Cande
might be set free? I told them, Means I knew none, unless they could
do it by War.

Also they enquired about the manner of Executing those whom the
King commands to be put to Death. They enquired also very curiously
concerning the manner of our Surprizal, and Entertainment or Usage
among them. And in what parts of the Land we had our Residence. And
particularly, concerning my self: in what Parts of the Land, and
how long in each I had dwelt, and after what manner I lived there,
and of my Age; and in what Part or Place when God sends me home,
I should take up my abode. To all which I gave answers.

They desired to know also, how many English men there were yet
remaining behind. I gave them an account of Sixteen Men, and also of
Eighteen Children born there. They much enquired concerning their
Embassadors detained there, and of their behaviour and manner of
living; also what the King allowed them for Maintenance; and concerning
several Officers of Quality Prisoners there, and in general about
all the rest of their Nation. And what Countenance the King shewed to
those Dutch men that came running away to him? I answered, The Dutch
Runnawayes the King looks upon as Rogues. And concerning the Portugueze
they enquired also. I told them, The Portugueze were about some fifty
or threescore persons, and six or seven of those, Europe men born.

They asked me moreover, How we had made our Escape, and which way,
and by what Towns we passed, and how long we were in our Journey? To
all which I answered at large.

[The Governor desires him to go to Batavia.] Then the Governor asked
me, What was my intent and desire. I told him, To have Passage to our
own Nation at Fort S. GEORGE. To which he answered, That suddenly
there would be no convenient opportunity. But his desire was that
we would go with him to Batavia, where the General his Father would
be very glad to see us. Which was not in our power to deny. Then he
commanded to call a Dutch Captain, who was over the Countreys adjacent,
subject to their jurisdiction. To him he gave Order to take us home
to his House, and there well to entertain us, [Cloths them.] and
also to send for a Tailor to make us Cloths. Upon which I told him,
his Kindness shewn us already was more than we could have desired;
it would be a sufficient favour now to supply us with a little Money
upon a Bill to be paid at Fort S. George, that we might therewith
Cloth our selves. To which he answered, That he would not deny me any
Sum I should demand, and Cloth us upon his own account besides. For
which we humbly thanked his Lordship: and so took our leaves of him;
and went home with the aforesaid Captain.

[Sends them Money.] The Governor presently sent me Money by his
Steward for Expences when we walked abroad in the City. We were
nobly entertained without lack of any thing all the time we stayed
at Columbo. My Consort's Ague increased, and grew very bad; [And a
Chirurgeon.] but the chief Chirurgeon by order daily came to see him,
and gave him such Potions of Physick, that by God's Blessing he soon
after recovered.

[The Author writes a Letter to the English at Cande.] During my
being here, I writ a Letter to my fellow Prisoners I left behind me
in Cande. Wherein I described at large the way we went, they might
plainly understand the same. Which I finding to be safe and secure,
advised them, when God permitted, to steer the same course. This
Letter I left with the new Governor, and desired him when opportunity
presented, to send it to them. Who said he would have it Copied out
into Dutch for the benefit of their Prisoners there, and promised to
send both together.

[The former Demands and Answers penned down in Portugueze by the
Governor's order.] The Governor seemed to be pleased with my aforesaid
Relations, and Replies to his Demands, insomuch that he afterwards
appointed one that well understood Portugueze to write down all the
former particulars. Which being done, for further satisfaction they
brought me Pen and Paper, desiring me to write the same that I had
related to them in English and sign it with my hand, which I was not
unwilling to do.

[They Embark for Batavia.] Upon the Governor's departure there were
great and royal Feasts made. To which he always sent for me. Here
were exceeding great Varieties of Food, Wine, and sweet Meats, and
Musick. Some two and twenty days after our Arrival at Columbo, the
Governor went on board ship to sail to Batavia, and took us with
him. At which time there were many Scores of Ordnance fired. We
Sailed all the way with Flag and Penant under it, being out both
Day and Night, in a Ship of about Eight hundred Tuns Burthen; and
a Soldier standing armed Sentinel at the Cabin door both Night and
Day. He so far favoured me, that I was in his own Mess, and eat at
his Table. Where every Meal we had Ten or Twelve Dishes of Meat with
variety of Wine. We set Sail from Columbo the Four and twentieth of
November, and the Fifth of January anchored in Batavia Road.

[His friendly Reception at Batavia with the Governor.] As we came to
greater Men so we found greater Kindness; for the General of Batavia's
Reception of us, and favours to us exceeded (if possible) those of the
Governor his Son. As soon as we came before him, seeming to be very
glad, he took me by the hand and bad us heartily welcom, thanking God
on our behalf that had appeared so miraculously in our deliverance;
telling us withal, That he had omitted no means for our Redemption,
and that if it had layd in his Power, we should long before have had
our Liberty. I humbly thanked his Excellency, and said, That I knew
it to be true; and that tho it missed of an effect, yet his good will
was not the less, neither were our Obligations, being ever bound to
thank and pray for him.

[Furnishes them with the Cloths and Money.] Then his own Tailor
was ordered to take measure of us, and furnish us with two Sutes of
Apparel. He gave us also Moneys for Tobacco and Betel, and to spend
in the City. All the time we stayed there, our Quarters were in
the Captain of the Castle's House. And oftentimes the General would
send for me to his own Table, at which sat only himself and Lady;
who was all bespangled with Diamonds and Pearls. Sometimes his Sons
and Daughters-in-Law, with some other Strangers did eat with him;
the Trumpet founding all the while. We finding our selves thus kindly
entertained, and our Habits changed, saw, that we were no more Captives
in Cande, nor yet Prisoners elsewhere; therefore cut off our Beards
which we had brought with us out of our Captivity; for until then we
cut them not; God having rolled away the reproach of Cande from us.

Here also they did examine me again concerning the passages of Cande,
causing all to be writ down which I said, and requiring my hand to the
same. Which I refused, as I had done before, and upon the same account,
because I understood not the Dutch Language. Whereupon they persuaded
me to write a Certificate upon another Paper under my Hand, that what
I had informed them of, was true. Which I did. This Examination was
taken by two Secretaries, who were appointed to demand Answers of me
concerning the King of Ceilon and his Countrey: which they committed
to Writing from my mouth.

[Offer him passage in their Ships.] The General's youngest Son
being to go home Admiral of the Ships this year, the General kindly
offered us passage upon their Ships, promising me Entertainment at
his Son's own Table, as the Governor of Columbo had given me in my
Voyage hither. Which offer he made me, he said, That I might better
satisfie their Company in Holland concerning the Affairs of Ceilon,
which they would be very glad to know.

[Come home from Bantam in the Cæsar.] At this time came two English
Merchants hither from Bantam, with whom the General was pleased to
permit us to go. But when we came to Bantam, the English Agent very
kindly entertained us, and being not willing, that we should go to
the Dutch for Passage, since God had brought us to our own Nation,
ordered our Passage in the good Ship Cæsar lying then in the Road,
bound for England, the Land of our Nativity, and our long wished
for Port. Where by the good Providence of God we arrived safe in the
Month of September.







CHAP. XIII.

Concerning some other Nations, and chiefly Europæans, that now live
in this Island. Portugueze, Dutch.


Having said all this concerning the English People, it may not
be unacceptable to give some account of other Whites, who either
voluntarily or by constraint Inhabit there. And they are, besides the
English already spoken of, Portugueze, Dutch, and French. But before
I enter upon Discourse of any of these, I shall detain my Readers
a little with another Nation inhabiting in this Land, I mean, the
Malabars; both because they are Strangers and derive themselves from
another Countrey, and also because I have had occasion to mention
them sometimes in this Book.

[Concerning Malabars that inhabit this Island. Their
Territories.] These Malabars then are voluntary Inhabitants in this
Island, and have a Countrey here; tho the Limits of it are but small:
it lyes to the Northward of the King's Coasts betwixt him and the
Hollander. Corunda Wy River parts it from the King's Territories. Thro
this Countrey we passed, when we made our Escape. The Language they
speak is peculiar to themselves, so that a Chingulays cannot understand
them, nor they a Chingulays.

[Their Prince.] They have a Prince over them, called Coilat wannea,
that is independent either upon the King of Cande on one hand,
or the Dutch on the other, only that he pays an acknowledgment to
the Hollanders. Who have endeavoured to subdue him by Wars, but they
cannot yet do it: yet they have brought him to be a Tributary to them,
viz. To pay a certain rate of Elephants per annum. The King and this
Prince maintain a Friendship and Correspondence together. And when
the King lately sent an Army against the Hollanders, this Prince let
them pass thro his Countrey; and went himself in Person to direct
the King's People, when they took one or two Forts from them.

[The People how governed.] The People are in great subjection under
him: they pay him rather greater Taxes than the Chingulays do to their
King. But he is nothing so cruel. He Victualleth his Soldiers during
the time they are upon the Guard, either about the Palace or abroad
in the Wars: they are now fed at his Charge: whereas 'tis contrary
in the King's Countrey; for the Chingulay Soldiers bear their own
Expences. He hath a certain rate out of every Land that is sown,
which is to maintain his Charge.

[Their Commodities and Trade.] The Commodities of this Countrey are,
Elephants, Hony, Butter, Milk, Wax, Cows, wild Cattel: of the three
last great abundance. As for Corn it is more scarce than in the
Chingulays Countrey; neither have they any Cotton. But they come up
into Neure Caulava yearly with great droves of Cattel, and lade both
Corn and Cotton. And to buy these they bring up Cloth made of the same
Cotton, which they can make better than the Chingulays; also they
bring Salt and Salt Fish, and brass Basons, and other Commodities,
which they get of the Hollander: because the King permits not his
People to have any manner of Trade with the Hollander; so they receive
the Dutch Commodities at the second hand.

[Concerning the Portugueze. Their Power and Interest in this Island
formerly.] We now proceed unto the Europæan Nations. And we begin
with the Portugueze, who deserve the first place, being the oldest
Standers there.

The Sea-Coasts round about the Island were formerly under their Power
and Government, and so held for many years. In which time many of the
Natives became Christians, and learned the Portugueze Tongue. Which
to this day is much spoken in that Land: for even the King himself
understands and speaks it excellently well. The Portugueze have
often made Invasions throughout the whole Land, even to Cande the
Metropolis of the Island. Which they have burnt more than once,
with the Palace and the Temples: and so formidable have they been,
that the King hath been forced to turn Tributary to them, paying
them three Elephants per Annum. However the middle of this Island,
viz. Cand' Uda, standing upon Mountains, and so strongly fortified,
by Nature, could never be brought into subjection by them, much less
by any other, but hath always been under the Power of their own Kings.

[The great Wars between the King and them, force him to send in for
the Hollanders.] There were great and long Wars between the King of
Ceilon and the Portugueze: and many of the brave Portugal Generals
are still in memory among them: of whom I shall relate some passages
presently. Great vexation they gave the King by their irruptions
into his Dominions, and the Mischiefs they did him, tho oftentimes
with great loss on their side. Great Battels have been lost and won
between them, with great destruction of Men on both parts. But being
greatly distressed at last, he sent and called in the Hollander to
his aid. By whose reasonable assistance together with his own Arms,
the King totally disposessed the Portugueze, and routed them out of
the Land. Whose rooms the Dutch now occupy, paying themselves for
their pains.

[The King invites the Portugueze to live in his Countrey.] At the
Surrender of Columbo, which was the last place the Portugueze held,
the King made Proclamation, That all Portugueze, which would come
unto him, should be well entertained. Which accordingly many did,
with their whole Families, Wives, Children, and Servants, choosing
rather to be under him than the Dutch, and divers of them are alive
to this day, living in Cande Uda; and others are born there. [Their
Privileges.] To all whom he alloweth monthly maintenance; yea also,
and Provisions for their Slaves and Servants, which they brought
up with them. This People are privileged to Travel the Countreys
above all other Whites, as knowing they will not run away. Also when
there was a Trade at the Sea Ports, they were permitted to go down
with Commodities, clear from all Customs and Duties. Besides these
who came voluntarily to live under the King, there are others whom
he took Prisoners. The Portugueze of the best Quality the King took
into his Service, who are most of them since cut off according to his
kind Custom towards his Courtiers. The rest of them have allowance
from that King, and follow Husbandry, Trading about the Countrey,
Stilling Rack, keeping Taverns; the Women sew Womens Wastcoats,
the Men sew Mens Doublets for Sale.

[Their Generals.] I shall now mention some of the last Portugueze
Generals, all within this present King's Reign, with some passages
concerning them.

[Constantine &c.] Constantine Sa, General of the Portugals Army
in Ceilon, when the Portugueze had footing in this Land, was very
successful against this present King. He ran quite thro the Island
unto the Royal City it self, which he set on Fire with the Temples
therein. Insomuch that the King sent a Message to him signifying,
that he was willing to become his Tributary. But he proudly sent him
word back again, That that would not serve his turn; He should not
only he Tributary, but Slave to his Master the King of Portugal. This
the King of Cande could not brook, being of an high Stomach, and
said, He would fight to the last drop of Blood, rather than stoop to
that. There were at this time many Commanders in the Generals Army
who were natural Chingulays; with these the King dealt secretly,
assuring them that if they would turn on his side, he would gratifie
them with very ample Rewards. The King's Promises took effect; and
they all revolted from the General. The King now daring not to trust
the Revolted, to make tryal of their Truth and Fidelity, put them
in the forefront of his Battel, and commanded them to give the first
Onset. The King at that time might have Twenty or Thirty thousand Men
in the Field. Who taking their opportunity, set upon the Portugueze
Army, and gave them such a total overthrow, that as they report in
that Countrey not one of them escaped. The General seeing this Defeat,
and himself like to be taken, called his Black Boy to give him water
to drink, [He loses a Victory and stabs himself.] and snatching the
Knife that stuck by his Boy's side, stabbed himself with it.

[Lewis Tisséra served as he intended to serve the King.] Another
General after him was Lewis Tifféra. He swore he would make the King
eat Coracan Tallipa, that is a kind hasty Pudding, made of Water
and the Coracan Flower; which is reckoned the worst fare of that
Island. The King afterwards took this Lewis Tisséra, and put him in
Chains in the Common Goal, and made him eat of the same fare. And
there is a Ballad of this Man and this passage, Sung much among the
common People there to this day.

[Simon Caree, of a cruel Mind.] Their next General was Simon
Caree, a Natural Chingulays, but Baptized. He is said to be a great
Commander. When he had got any Victory over the Chingulays, he did
exercise great Cruelty. He would make the Women beat their own Children
in their Mortars, wherein they used to beat their Corn.

[Gaspar Figari Splits Men in the middle.] Gaspar Figari, had a
Portugueze Father and Chingulays Mother. He was the last General they
had in this Countrey. And a brave Soldier: but degenerated not from
his Predecessors in Cruelty. He would hang up the People by the heels,
and split them down the middle. He had his Axe wrapped in a white
Cloth, which he carried with him into the Field to execute those he
suspected to be false to him, or that ran away. Smaller Malefactors
he was merciful to, cutting off only their right hands. Several whom
he hath so served, are yet living, whom I have seen.

[His Policy.] This Gaspar came up one day to fight against the King,
and the King resolved to fight him. The General fixed his Camp at
Motaupul in Hotteracourly. And in order to the King's coming down to
meet the Portugueze, Preparation was made for him at a place called
Cota coppul, which might be Ten or Twelve miles distant from the
Portugueze Army. Gaspar knew of the place by some Spies; but of the
time of the Kings coming he was informed, that it was a day sooner than
really it happened. According to this information he resolved privatly
to march thither, and come upon him in the night unawares. And because
he knew the King was a Polititian, and would have his Spies abroad to
watch the Generals motion, the General sent for all the Drummers and
Pipers to Play and Dance in his Camp, that thereby the Kings Spies
might not suspect that he was upon the March, but merry and secure in
his Camp. In the mean time, having set his People all to their Dancing
and Drumming, he left a small party there to secure the Baggage, and
away he goes in the night with his Army, and arrives to Catta coppul,
intending to fall upon the King. But when he came thither, he found
the King was not yet come: but into the Kings Tents he went, and,
sits him down in the seat appointed for the King. [Gives the King
a great overthrow.] Here he heard where the King was with his Camp:
which being not far off, he marched thither in the morning and fell
upon him: and gave him one of the greatest Routs that ever he had. The
King himself made a narrow escape; for had it not been for a Dutch
Company, which the Dutch had sent a little before for his Guard,
who after his own Army fled, turned head and stopped the Portugueze
for a while, he had been seized. The Portugueze General was so near
the King, that he called after him, Houre, that is Brother, stay,
I would speak with you, but the King being got a top of the Hills;
was safe. And so Gaspar retyred to his Quarters.

[Looses Columbo, and taken Prisoner.] This Gallant expert Commander,
that had so often vanquished the Chingulays, could not cope with
another Europæan Nation. For when the Hollanders came to beseige
Columbo, he was sent against them with his Army. They told him before
he went, that now he must look to himself, for he was not now to Fight
against Chingulays, but against Soldiers, that would look him in the
Face. But he made nothing of them, and said, he would serve them as he
had served the Chingulays. The Hollanders met him, and they fought:
but had before contrived a Stratagem, which he was not aware of:
they had placed some Field-pieces in the Rear of their Army. And
after a small skirmish they retreated as if they had been worsted;
which was only to draw the Portugueze nearer upon their Guns. Which
when they had brought them in shot of, they opened on a suddain to
the right and left, and fired upon them, and so routed them, and
drove them into Columbo. This Gaspar was in the City when it was
taken, and himself taken Prisoner. Who was afterwards sent to Goa,
where he died. And so much of the Portugueze.

[The Dutch the occasion of their coming in.] The Dutch succeeded the
Portugueze. The first occasion of whose coming into this Land was, that
the present King being wearied and overmatched with the Portugueze,
sent for them into his aid long ago from Batavia. And they did him
good service, but they feathered their own nests by the means, and
are now possessed of all the Sea-Coasts, and considerable Territories
thereunto adjoyning.

[The King their implacable enemy, and why!] The King of the Countrey
keeps up an irreconcileable War against them. The occasion of which
is said to be this. Upon the beseiging of Columbo, which was about
the year MDCLV. it was concluded upon between the King and the Dutch,
that their Enemies the Portugueze being expelled thence, the City
was to be delivered up by the Dutch into the Kings hands. Whereupon
the King himself in person with all his Power went down to this War
to assist and joyn with the Hollanders, without whose help, as it is
generally reported, the Dutch could not have taken the City. But being
surrendred to them, and they gotten into it, the King lay looking,
when they would come according to their former Articles, and put
him into possession of it. Mean while they turned on a suddain &
fell upon him, contrary to his expectation (whether the King had
first broke word with them,) and took Bag and Baggage from him:
Which provoked him in so high a manner, that he maintains a constant
hostility against them, detains their Ambassadours, and forbids his
People upon pain of Death to hold Commerce with them.

[The dammage the King does them.] So that the Dutch have enough to
do to maintain those places which they have. Oftentimes the King at
unawares falls upon them and does them great spoil, sometimes giving
no quarter, but cutting off the Heads of whomsoever he catches,
which are brought up, and hung upon Trees near the City, many of
which I have seen. Sometimes he brings up his Prisoners alive, and
keeps them by the Highway sides, a spectacle to the People in memory
of his Victories over them: many of these are now living there in a
most miserable condition, having but a very small Allowance from him;
so that they are forced to be, and it is a favour when they can get
leave to go abroad and do it.

[The means they use to obtain Peace with him.] The Dutch therefore
not being able to deal with him by the Sword, being unacquainted
with the Woods and the Chingulays manner of fighting, do endeavour
for Peace with him all they can, dispatching divers Embassadours to
him, and sending great Presents, by carrying Letters to him in great
State wrapped up in Silks wrought with Gold and Silver, bearing them
all the way upon their Heads in token of great Honour, honouring him
with great and high Titles, subscribing themselves his Subjects and
Servants, telling him the Forts they build are out of Loyalty to him,
to secure his Majesties Country from Forraign Enemies; and that when
they come up into his Countrey, tis to seek maintenance. And by these
Flatteries and submissions they sometimes obtain to keep what they keep
what they have gotten from him, and sometimes nothing will prevail,
he neither regarding their Embassadours nor receiving the Presents, but
taking his opportunities on a suddain of setting on them by his Forces.

[How he took Bibligom Fort.] His Craft and Success in taking Bibligom
Fort in the County of Habberagon, may deserve to be mentioned. The
Chingulays had beseiged the Fort: and knowing the Dutch had no Water
there; but all they had was conveyed thro a Trench wrought under
Ground from a River near by, they beseiged them so close, and planted
so many Guns towards the mouth of this Trench, that they could not
come out to fetch Water. They cut down Wood also, and made bundles
of Faggots therewith, which they piled up round about their Fort at
some distance, and every night removed them nearer and nearer. So
that their works became higher than the Fort. Their main intent by
these Faggot-works, was to have brought them just under the Fort, and
then to have set it on Fire, the Walls of the Fort being for the most
part of Wood. There was also a Bo-gahah Tree growing just by the Fort:
on which they planted Guns and shot right down into them. The houses
in the Fort being Thatched, they shot also Fire-Arrows among them:
So that the beseiged were forced to pull off the Straw from their
Houses, which proved a great inconvenience to them being a Rainy
Season: so that they lay open to the weather and cold. The Dutch
finding themselves in this extremity desired quarter which was granted
them at the Kings mercy. They came out and laid down their Arms, all
but the Officers, who still wore theirs. None were plundered of any
thing they had about them. The Fort they demolished to the Ground,
and brought up the Four Guns to the Kings Palace; where they among
others stand mounted in very brave Carriages before his Gate.

The Dutch were brought two or three days journey from the Fort into
the Countrey they call Owvah: and there were placed with a Guard
about them, having but a small allowance appointed them; insomuch that
afterwards having spent what they had, they perished for Hunger. So
that of about ninety Hollanders taken Prisoners, there were not above
five and twenty living when I came away.

[Several Embassadors detained by the King.] There are several white
Embassadours, besides other Chingulay People, by whom the Dutch have
sent Letters and presents to the King whom he keeps from returning
back again. They are all bestowed in several houses with Soldiers
to Guard them: And tho they are not in Chains, yet none is permitted
to come to them or speak with them; it not being the custom of that
Land for any to come to the speech of Embassadours. Their allowance
is brought them ready dressed out of the Kings Palace, being all
sorts of Varieties, that the Land affords. After they have remained
in this condition some years, the Guards are somewhat slackned, and
the Soldiers that are to watch them grow remiss in their Duty; so
that now the Ambassadours walk about the Streets, and any body goes
to their houses and talks with them: that is, after they have been
so long in the Countrey, that all their news is stale and grown out
of date. But this liberty is only winked at, not allowed. When they
have been there a great while, the King usually gives them Slaves,
both men and women, the more to alienate their minds from their own
Country, and that they may stay with him with the more willingness
and content. For his design is, to make them, if he can, inclinable
to serve him. As he prevailed with one of these Embasssadours to do
for the love of a woman. The manner of it I shall relate immediatly.

There are five Embassadors whom he hath thus detained since my coming
there; of each of whom I shall speak a little, besides two, whom he
sent away voluntarily.

[The first Embassador there detained since the Authors
remembrance.] The first of these was sent up by the Hollanders some
time before the Rebellion against the King; Who had detained him in
the City. After the Rebellion the King sent for him to him to the
Mountain of Gauluda whither he had retreated from the Rebels. The
King not long after removed to Digligy, where he now keeps his Court,
but left the Embassador at Gauluda remaining by himself, with a
Guard of Soldiers. In this uncomfortable condition, upon a dismal
Mountain void of all society, he continued many days. During which
time a Chingulay and his Wife falls out, and she being discontented
with her Husband to escape from him flies to this Embassadors house
for shelter. The woman being somewhat beautiful, he fell greatly in
love with her. And to obtain her he sent to the King, and profered
him his service, if he would permit him to enjoy her company, Which
the King was very willing and glad to do, having now obtained that
which he had long aimed at, to get him into his service.

[His preferment, and death.] Hereupon the King sent him word that he
granted his desire, and withall sent to both of them rich Apparel,
and to her many Jewels and Bracelets of Gold and Silver. Suddainly
after there was a great House prepared from them in the City, furnished
with all kind of furniture out of the Kings Treasure and at his proper
cost and charges. Which being finished he was brought away from his
Mountain into it. But from thence forward never saw his Wife more,
according to the custom of Court. And he was entertained in the Kings
Service, and made Courtalbad, which is cheif over all the Smiths and
Carpenters in Cande Uda. Some short time after the King about to send
his Forces against a Fort of the Hollanders, called Arundery built
by them in the year MDCLXVI. He tho in the Kings service, yet being
a well wisher to his Countrey, had privatly sent a Letter of advice
to the Dutch concerning the Kings intention and purpose, an Answer
to which was intercepted and brought to the King, wherein thanks
was returned him from the Dutch for his Loyalty to his own Nation,
and nhut they would accordingly prepare for the Kings assault. The
King having this Letter, sent for him, and bad him read it, which he
excused pretending it was so written, that he could not. Whereupon
immediatly another Dutchman was sent for, who read it before the King,
and told him the Contents of it. At which it is reported the King
should say, Beia pas mettandi hitta pas ettandi, That is, He serves
me for fear, and them for love; or his fear is here and his love
is there; And forth with commanded to carry him forth to Execution:
which was accordingly done upon him. Tis generally said, that this
Letter was framed by somebody on purpose to ruine him.

[The next Embassador dying there his Body is sent down to Columbo
in great State.] The next Ambassador after him was Hendrick Draak;
a fine Gentleman, and good friend of the English. This was he who
was Commissioned in the year MDCLXIV. to intercede with the King on
the behalf of the English, that they might have liberty to go home,
and with him they were made to beleive they should return: which
happened at the same time that Sir Edward Winter sent his Letters to
the King for us. Which I have already spoke of in the fifth Chapter
of this Part. This Embassador was much in the Kings favour, with whom
he was detained till he died. And then the King sent his Body down
to Columbo carried in a Pallenkine with great State and Lamention,
and accompanied with his great Commanders, and many Soldiers.

[The third Embassador. Gets away by his resolution.] Sometime after
the loss of the Fort of Arrundery which was about the year MDCLXX. the
Dutch sent up another Embassador to see if he could obtain a Peace,
which was the first time their Embassadors began to bring up Letters
upon their heads in token of extraordinary reverence. This man was
much favoured by the King, and was entertained with great Ceremony
and Honour, cloathing him in Chingulay Habit, Which I never knew done
before nor since. But being weary of his long stay, and of the delays
that were made; having often made motions to go down, and still
he was deferred from day to day, at length he made a resolution,
that if he had not leave by such a day, he would go without it;
saying that the former Embassador who died there, died like a Woman,
but it should be seen that he would die like a man. At the appointed
day, he girt on his Sword, and repaired to the Gates of the Kings
Palace, pulling off his Hat, and making his obeysance as if the
King were present before him, and thanking him for the Favours and
Honours he had done him, and so took his leave. And there being some
Englishmen present, he generously gave them some money to drink his
Health; and in this resolute manner departed, with some two or three
Black-servants that attended on him. The upshot of which was, that
the King, not being willing to prevent his resolution by Violence,
sent one of his Noblemen to conduct him down; and so he had the good
fortune to get home safely to Columbo.

[The fourth was of a milder Nature.] The next Ambassador after him was
John Baptista. A Man of a milder Spirit than the former, endeavouring
to please and shew compliance with the King. He obtained many Favours
of the King, and several Slaves both Men and Women. And living well
with Servants about him, is the more patient in waiting the King's
leisure till he pleaseth to send him home.

[The fifth brings a Lion to the King as a Present.] The last
Embassador that came up while I was there, brought up a Lion:
which the Dutch thought would be the most acceptable Present that
they could send to the King, as indeed did all others. It was but a
Whelp. But the King did never receive it, supposing it not so famous
as he had heard by Report Lions were. This Man with his Lion was
brought up and kept in the County of Oudapollat, near Twenty Miles
from the King's Court. Where he remained about a year, in which
time the Lion died. The Embassador being weary of living thus like
a Prisoner with a Guard always upon him, often attempted to go back,
seeing the King would not permit him Audience. But the Guards would
not let him. Having divers times made disturbances in this manner
to get away home, the King commanded to bring him up into the City
to an House that was prepared for him, standing some distance from
the Court. Where having waited many days, and seeing no sign of
Audience, he resolved to make his Appearance before the King by
force, which he attempted to do, when the King was abroad taking his
Pleasure. The Soldiers of his Guard immediately ran, and acquainted
the Noblemen at Court of his coming, who delayed not to acquaint the
King thereof. Whereupon the King gave Order forthwith to meet him,
and where they met him, in that same place to stop him till further
order. And there they kept him, not letting him go either forward
or backward. In this manner and place he remained for three days,
till the King sent Order that he might return to his House whence he
came. This the King did to tame him. But afterwards he was pleased to
call him before him. And there he remained when I left the Countrey,
maintained with Plenty of Provisions at the King's charge.

[The number of Dutch there.] The number of Dutch now living there
may be about Fifty or Sixty. Some whereof are Ambassadors, some
Prisoners of War, some Runaways, and Malefactors that have escaped
the hand of Justice and got away from the Dutch Quarters. To all whom
are allotted respective allowances, but the Runaways have the least,
the King not loving such, tho giving them entertainment.

[They follow their Vice of Drinking.] The Dutch here love Drink, and
practise their proper Vice in this Countrey. One who was a great Man in
the Court, would sometimes come into the King's Presence half disguised
with Drink, which the King often past over; but once asked Him, Why do
you thus disorder yourself, that when I send for you about my Business,
you are not in a capacity to serve me? He boldly replied, That as soon
as his Mother took away her Milk from him, she supplied it with Wine,
and ever since, saith he, I have used myself to it. With this answer
the King seemed to be pleased. And indeed the rest of the white Men
are generally of the same temper: insomuch that the Chingulays have
a saying, That Wine is as natural to white Men, as Milk to Children.

[The Chingulays prejudiced against the Dutch, and why.] All differences
of Ranks and Qualities are disregarded among those Chingulay People
that are under the Dutch. Neither do the Dutch make any distinction
between the Hondrews, and the low and Inferior Casts of Men: and
permit them to go in the same Habit, and sit upon Stools, as well as
the best Hondrews; and the lower Ranks may eat and intermarry with the
higher without any Punishment, or any Cognizance taken of it. Which is
a matter that the Chingulays in Cand' Uda are much offended with the
Dutch for; and makes them think, that they themselves are sprung from
some mean Rank and Extract. And this prejudiceth this People against
them, that they have not such an Esteem for them. For to a Chingulay
his Rank and Honour is as dear as his life. And thus much of the Dutch.






CHAP. XIV.

Concerning the French: With some Enquiries what should make the
King detain white Men as he does. And how the Christian Religion is
maintained among the Christians there.


[The French come hither with a Fleet.] About the year MDCLXXII. or
LXXIII, there came Fourteen Sail of great Ships from the King of France
to settle a Trade here. Monsieur De la Hay Admiral, put in with this
Fleet, into the Port of Cottiar. From whence he sent up Three men by
way of Embassy to the King of Cande. Whom he entertained very Nobly,
and gave every one of them a Chain of Gold about their Necks, and a
Sword all inlay'd with Silver, and a Gun. And afterwards sent one
of them down to the Admiral with his Answer. Which encouraged him
to send up others: that is, an Ambassador and six more. Who were to
reside there till the return of the Fleet back again, being about to
Sail to the Coast.

[To whom the King sends Provisions, and helps them to build a Fort.] To
the Fleet the King sent all manner of Provision, as much as his Ability
could afford: and not only permitted but assisted them to build a
Fort in the Bay. Which they manned partly with their own People, and
partly with Chingulays, whom the King sent and lent the French. But
the Admiral finding that the King's Provisions, and what else could
be bought in the Island would not suffice for so great a Fleet, was
forced to depart for the Coast of Coromandel; promising the King,
by the Ambassador afore-mentioned, speedily to return again. So
leaving some of his Men with the King's Supplies to keep the Fort
till his return, he weighed Anchor, and set sail. But never came
back again. Some reported they were destroyed by a Storm, others
by the Dutch. The Admiral had sent up to the King great Presents,
but he would not presently receive them, that it might not seem as
if he wanted any thing, or were greedy of things brought him: but
since the French returned not according to their promise, he scorned
ever after to receive them. At first he neglected the Present out of
State, and ever since out of Anger and Indignation. This French Fort
at Cotiar was a little after easily taken by the Dutch.

[The French Ambassador offends the King.] But to return to the
Embassador and his Retinue. He rode up from Cotiar on Horseback, which
was very Grand in that Countrey. And being with his Company gotten
somewhat short of the City, was appointed there to stay, until an
House should be prepared in the City for their Entertainment. When it
was signified to him that their House was ready for their Reception,
they were conducted forward by certain Noblemen sent by the King,
carrying with them a Present for his Majesty. The Ambassador came
riding on Horse-back into the City. Which the Noblemen observing,
dissuaded him from, and advised him to walk on foot; telling him,
It was not allowable, nor the Custom. But he regarding them not,
rode by the Palace Gate. It offended the King, but he took not much
notice of it for the present.

[He refuses to wait longer for Audience.] The Ambassador alighted
at his Lodgings. Where he and his Companions were nobly Entertained,
Provisions sent them ready Dressed out of the King's Palace three times
a day, great Plenty they had of all things the Countrey afforded. After
some time the King sent to him to come to his Audience. In great
State he was Conducted to the Court, accompanied with several of the
Nobles that were sent to him. Coming thus to the Court in the Night,
as it is the King's usual manner at that Season to send for foreign
Ministers, and give them Audience, he waited there some small time,
about two hours or less, the King not yet admitting him. Which
he took in such great disdain, and for such an affront, that he
was made to stay at all, much more so long, that he would tarry no
longer but went towards his Lodging. Some about the Court observing
this, would have stopped him by Elephants that stood in the Court,
turning them before the Gate thro which he was to pass. But he would
not so be stopped, but laid his hand upon his Sword, as if he meant
to make his way by the Elephants; the People seeing his resolution,
called away the Elephants and let him pass.

[Which more displeased the King. Clapt in chains.] As soon as the King
heard of it, he was highly displeased; insomuch that he commanded
some of his Officers, that they should go and beat them, and clap
them in Chains: which was immediately done to all excepting the two
Gentlemen, that were first sent up by the Admiral: for these were not
touched, the King reckoning they did not belong unto this Ambassador;
neither were they now in his Company; excepting that one of them in
the Combustion got a few Blows. They were likewise disarmed, and so
have continued ever since. Upon this the Gentlemen, Attendants upon
the Embassador, made their Complaints to the Captain of their Guards,
excusing themselves, and laying all the blame upon their Ambassador;
urging, That they were his Attendants, and a Soldier must obey his
Commander and go where he appoints him. Which sayings being told
the King, he approved thereof, and commanded them out of Chains,
the Ambassador still remaining in them, and so continued for six
Months. After which he was released of his Chains by means of the
Intreaties his own men made to the great Men in his behalf.

[The rest of the French refuse to dwell with the Ambassador.] The rest
of the French men, seeing how the Embassador's imprudent carriage
had brought them to this misery, refused any longer to dwell with
him. And each of them by the King's Permission dwells by himself
in the City; being maintained at the King's charge. Three of these,
whose Names were Monsieur Du Plessy, Son to a Gentleman of note in
France, and Jean Bloom, the third whose Name I cannot tell, but was
the Ambassador's Boy, the King appointed to look to his best Horse,
kept in the Palace. This Horse sometime after died, as it is supposed
of old Age. Which extremely troubled the King; and imagining they had
been instrumental to his Death by their carelessness, he commanded
two of them, Monsieur Du Plessy and Jean Bloom to be carried away into
the Mountains, and kept Prisoners in Chains, where they remained when
I came thence.

The rest of them follow Employments; some whereof Still Rack, and
keep the greatest Taverns in the City.

[The King uses means to reconcile the French to their
Ambassador.] Lately, a little before I came from the Island; the King
understanding the disagreements and differences that were still kept
on foot betwixt the Ambassador and the rest of his Company, disliked
it and used these means to make them Friends. He sent for them all,
the Ambassador and the rest, and told them, That it was not seemly
for Persons as they were at such a distance from their own Countrey,
to quarrel and fall out; and that if they had any love for God, or
the King of France, or himself, that they should go home with the
Ambassador and agree and live together. They went back together,
not daring to disobey the King. And as soon as they were at home,
the King sent a Banquet after them of Sweetmeats and Fruits to eat
together. They did eat the King's Banquet, but it would not make
the Reconcilement. For after they had done, each man went home and
dwelt in their own Houses as they did before. It was thought that
this carriage would offend the King, and that he would at least take
away their Allowance. And it is probable before this time the King
hath taken Vengeance on them. But the Ambassador's carriage is so
imperious, that they would rather venture whatsoever might follow
than be subject to him. And in this case I left them.

[The Author acquaints the French Ambassador in London, with the
condition of these Men.] Since my return to England, I presumed by a
Letter to inform the French Ambassador then in London of the abovesaid
Matters, thinking my self bound in Conscience and Christian Charity
to do my endeavour, that their Friends knowing their Condition,
may use means for their Deliverance. The Letter ran thus,

    These may acquaint your Excellency, That having been a Prisoner
    in the Island of Ceilon, under the King of that Countrey
    near Twenty years; by means of this my long detainment
    there, I became acquainted with the French Ambassador,
    and the other Gentlemen his Retinue; being in all Eight
    Persons; who was sent to Treat with the said King in the
    Year MDCLXXII. by Monsieur De la Hay, who came with a Fleet
    to the Port of Cotiar or Trinkemalay, from whence he sent
    these Gentlemen. And knowing that from thence it is scarce
    possible to send any Letters or Notice to other Parts, for
    in all the time of my Captivity I could never send one word,
    whereby my Friends here might come to hear of my Condition,
    until with one more I made an Escape, leaving Sixteen English
    men yet there; The Kindness I have received from those French
    Gentlemen, as also my Compassion for them, being detained in
    the same place with me, hath obliged and constrained me, to
    presume to trouble your Lordship with this Paper; not knowing
    any other means where I might convey Notice to their Friends
    and Relations, which is all the Service I am able to perform
    for them. The Ambassador's Name I know not; there is a Kinsman
    of his called Monsieur le Serle, and a young Gentleman called
    Monsieur du Plessey, and another named Monsieur la Roche. The
    rest by Name I know not. And then an account of them is given
    according to what I have mentioned above. I shall not presume
    to be farther tedious to your Honour; craving Pardon for my
    boldness which my Affection to those Gentlemen being detained
    in the same Land with me hath occasioned. Concerning whom if
    your Lordship be pleased farther to be informed, I shall be
    both willing and ready to be,

    Yours, &c.

The Ambassador upon the receipt of this, desired to speak with me. Upon
whom I waited, and he after some Speech with me told me he would send
word into France of it, and gave me Thanks for this my Kindness to
his Countreymen.

[An inquiry into the reason of this King's detaining Europæans] It
may be worth some inquiry, what the reason might be, that the King
detains the Europæan People as he does. It cannot be out of hope
of Profit or Advantage; for they are so far from bringing him any,
that they are a very great Charge, being all maintained either by
him or his People. Neither is it in the power of Money to redeem any
one, for that he neither needs nor values. Which makes me conclude,
it is not out of Profit, nor Envy or ill will, but out of Love and
Favour, that he keeps them, delighting in their Company, and to have
them ready at his Command. For he is very ambitious of the Service of
these Men, and winks at many of their failings, more than he uses to
do towards his Natural Subjects. [The King's gentleness towards his
white Soldiers.] As may appear from a Company of White Soldiers he
hath, who upon their Watch used to be very negligent, one lying Drunk
here and another there. Which remisness in his own Soldiers he would
scarce have indured, but it would have cost them their lives. But with
these he useth more Craft than Severity to make them more watchful.

[They watch at his Magazine.] These Soldiers are under two Captains,
the one a Dutch man and the other a Portugueze. They are appointed
to Guard one of the King's Magazines, where they always keep Sentinel
both by Day and Night. This is a pretty good distance from the Court,
and here it was the King contrived their Station, that they might swear
and swagger out of his hearing, and that no body might disturb them,
nor they no body. The Dutch Captain lyes at one side of the Gate,
and the Portugueze at the other.

[How craftily the King corrected their Negligence.] Once the King
to employ these his white Soldiers, and to honour them by letting
them see what an assurance he reposed in them, sent one of his Boys
thither to be kept Prisoner, which they were very Proud of. They
kept him two years, in which time he had learnt both the Dutch and
Portugueze Language. Afterwards the King retook the Boy into his
Service, and within a short time after Executed him. But the King's
reason in sending this Boy to be kept by these Soldiers was, probably
not as they supposed, and as the King himself outwardly pretended,
viz. To shew how much he confided in them, but out of Design to make
them look the better to their Watch, which their Debauchery made them
very remiss in. For the Prisoners Hands only were in Chains, and not
his Legs; so that his possibility of running away, having his Legs
at liberty, concerned them to be circumspect and wakeful. And they
knew if he had escaped it were as much as their lives were worth. By
this crafty and kind way did the King correct the negligence of his
white Soldiers.

[The King's Inclinations are towards white Men.] Indeed his
inclinations are much towards the Europæans; making them his great
Officers, accounting them more faithful and trusty than his own
People. With these he often discourses concerning the Affairs of
their Countreys, and promotes them to places far above their Ability,
and sometimes their Degree or Desert. [The colour of white honoured
in this Land.] And indeed all over the Land they do bear as it were
a natural respect and reverence to White Men, in as much as Black,
they hold to be inferior to White. And they say, the Gods are White,
and that the Souls of the Blessed after the Resurrection shall be
White; and therefore, that Black is a rejected and accursed colour.

[Their Privilege above the Natives.] And as further signs of the King's
favour to them, there are many Privileges, which White Men have and
enjoy, as tolerated or allowed them from the King; which I suppose may
proceed from the aforesaid Consideration; as, to wear any manner of
Apparel, either Gold, Silver, or Silk, Shoes and Stockings, a shoulder
Belt and Sword; their Houses may be whitened with Lime, and many such
like things, all which the Chingulayes are not permitted to do.

[The King loves to send and talk with them.] He will also sometimes
send for them into his Presence, and discourse familiarly with
them, and entertain them with great Civilities, especially white
Ambassadors. They are greatly chargeable unto his Countrey, but he
regards it not in the least. So that the People are more like Slaves
unto us than we unto the King. In as much as they are inforced by his
Command to bring us maintenance. Whose Poverty is so great oftentimes,
that for want of what they supply us with, themselves, their Wives,
and Children, are forced to suffer hunger, this being as a due Tax
imposed upon them to pay unto us. Neither can they by any Power or
Authority refuse the Payment hereof to us. For in my own hearing
the People once complaining of their Poverty and Inability to give
us any longer our Allowance, the Magistrate or Governor replied,
It was the King's special Command, and who durst disannul it. And
if otherwise they could not supply us with our maintenance he bad
them sell their Wives and Children, rather than we should want of
our due. Such is the favour that Almighty God hath given Christian
People in the sight of this Heathen King; whose entertainment and
usage of them is thus favourable.

[How they maintain Christianity among them.] If any enquire into the
Religious exercise and Worship practised among the Christians here,
I am sorry I must say it, I can give but a slender account. For
they have no Churches nor no Priests, and so no meetings together
on the Lord's Dayes for Divine Worship, but each one Reads or Prays
at his own House as he is disposed. They Sanctifie the Day chiefly
by refraining work, and meeting together at Drinking-houses. They
continue the practice of Baptism; and there being no Priests, they
Baptize their Children themselves with Water, and use the words,
In the Name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost;
and give them Christian Names. They have their Friends about them
at such a time, and make a small Feast according to their Ability:
and some teach their Children to say their Prayers, and to Read,
and some do not.

[In some things they comply with the worship of the Heathen.] Indeed
their Religion at the best is but Negative, that is, they are not
Heathen, they do not comply with the Idolatry here practised; and they
profess themselves Christians in a general manner, which appears by
their Names, and by their Beads and Crosses that some of them wear
about their Necks. Nor indeed can I wholly clear them from complyance
with the Religion of the Countrey. For some of them when they are
Sick do use the Ceremonies which the Heathen do in the like case,
as in making Idols of clay, and setting them up in their Houses, and
Offering Rice to them, and having Weavers to Dance before them. But
they are ashamed to be known to do this; and I have known none to
do it, but such as are Indians born. Yet I never knew any of them,
that do inwardly in Heart and Conscience incline to the ways of the
Heathen, but perfectly abhor them: nor have there been any, I ever
heard of, that came to their Temples upon any Religious account, but
only would stand by and look on; [An old Priest used to eat of their
Sacrifices.] without it were one old Priest named Padre Vergonce,
a Genoez born, and of the Jesuits Order who would go to the Temples,
and eat with the Weavers and other ordinary People of the Sacrifices
offered to the Idols: but with this Apology for himself, that he
eat it as common Meat, and as God's Creature, and that it was never
the worse for their Superstition that had past upon it. But however
this may reflect upon the Father, another thing may be related for
his Honour. There happened two Priests to fall into the hands of the
King; on whom he conferred great Honours; for having laid aside their
Habits they kept about his Person, and were the greatest Favourites
at Court. The King one day sent for Vergonse, and asked him, if
it would not be better for him to lay aside his old Coat and Cap,
and to do as the other two Priests had done, and receive Honour from
him. He replied to the King, That he boasted more in that old habit
and in the Name of Jesus, than in all the honour that he could do
him. And so refused the King's Honour. The King valued the Father
for this saying. He had a pretty Library about him, and died in his
Bed of old Age: whereas the two other Priests in the King's Service
died miserably, one of a Canker, and the other was slain. The old
Priest had about Thirty or Forty Books, which the King, they say,
seized on after his Death, and keeps.

[The King permitted the Portugueze to build a Church.] These Priests,
and more lived there, but all deceased, excepting Vergonse, before
my time. The King allowed them to build a Church; which they did,
and the Portugueze assembled there, but they made no better than a
Bawdy-house of it; for which cause the King commanded to pull it down.

Although here be Protestants and Papists, yet here are no differences
kept up among them, but they are as good Friends, as if there were no
such Parties. And there is no other Distinctions of Religion there,
but only Heathens and Christians: and we usually say, We Christians.



FINIS.




Books printed for, and sold by Richard Chiswel.



FOLIO.


Speed's Maps and Geography of Great Britain and Ireland, and of
Foreign Parts.

Dr. Cave's Lives of the Primitive Fathers.

Dr. Cary's Chronological Account of Ancient time.

Wanly's Wonders of the little World, or History of Man.

Sir Tho. Herbert's Travels into Persia, &c.

Holyoak's large Dictionary, Latin and English.

Sir Richard Baker's Chronicle of England.

Causin's Holy Court.

Wilson's compleat Christian Dictionary.

Bishop Wilkin's Real Character, or Philosophical Language.

Pharmacopoeia Regalis Collegii Medicorum Londineisis reformata.

Judge Jone's Reports in Common Law.

Judge Vaughn's Reports in Common Law.

Cave Tabula Ecclesiasticorum Scriptorum.

Hobbe's Leviathan.

Lord Bacon's Advancement of Learning.

Sir W. Dugdale's Baronage of England, in 2 Vol.



QUARTO.


Dr. Littleton's Dictionary.

Bishop Nicholson on the Church Catechism.

The Compleat Clerk.

History of the late Wars of New England.

Dr. Outram de Sacrificiis.

Bishop Taylor's Disswasive from Popery.

Dr. Gibb's Sermons.

Parkeri Disputationes de Deo.

History of the future State of Europe.

Dr. Fowler's Defence of the Design of Christianity, against John
Bunyan.

Dr. Sherlock's Visitation-Sermon at Warrington.

Dr. West's Assize-Serm. at Dorchester, 1671.

Lord Hollis's Relation of the Unjust Accusation of certain French
Gentlemen charged with a Robbery, 1671.

The Magistrates Authority asserted, in a Sermon by James Paston.



OCTAVO.


Elborow's Rationale upon the English Service-Book.

Dr. Burnet's Vindication of the Ordination of the Church of England.

Bishop Wilkin's Natural Religion.

Hard-castle's Christ. Geography and Arithmetick.

Dr. Ashton's Apology for the Honours and Revenues of the Clergy.

Lord Hollis's Vindication of the Judicature of the House of Peers,
in the case of Skinner.

----Jurisdiction of the House of Peers in case of Appeals.

----Jurisdiction of the House of Peers in case of Impositions.

----Letter about the Bishops Vote in Capital Cases.

Dr. Grew's Idea of Phytological History continued on Roots.

The Spaniards Conspiracy against the State of Venice.

Several Tracts of Mr. Hales of Eaton, of the Sin against the Holy
Ghost, &c.

Bishop Sanderson's Life.

Dr. Tillotson's Rule of Faith.

Dr. Simpson's Chymical Anatomy of the York-shire Spaws; with a
Discourse of the Original of Hot Springs and other Fountains.

----His Hydrological Essays, with an Account of the Allum-works at
Whitby, and some Observations about the Jaundies.

Dr. Cox's Discourse of the Interest of the Patient in reference to
Physick and Physicians.

Organon Salutis: Or an Instrument to cleanse the Stomach: with divers
New Experiments of Tobacco and Cofee: with a Preface of Sir H. Blunt.

Dr. Cave's Primitive Christianity, in three Parts.

Allen's Discourse of two Covenants, 1672.

Ignatius Fuller's Sermons of Peace and Holiness.

Buckler of State and Justice against France's Design of Universal
Monarchy.

A free Conference touching the Present State of England at home and
abroad, in order to the Designs of France.

Bishop Taylor of Confirmation.

Mystery of Jesuitism, third and fourth Parts.

Dr. Salmon's Dispensatory.

Dr. Samway's Unreasonableness of the Romanists.

Record of Urines.

Dr. Ashton's Cases of Scandal and Persecution.




DUODECIMO.


Hodder's Arithmetick.

Grotius de Veritate Religionis Christianæ.

Bishop Hacket's Christian Consolations.



VICESIMO QUARTO.


Valentine's Devotions.

Guide to Heaven.



Books lately printed.


Guillim's Display of Herauldry, with large Additions.

Dr. Burnet's History of the Reformation of the Church of England,
Folio, in two Volumes.

Dr. Burlace's History of the Irish Rebellion, folio.

Herodoti Historia, Græ. Lat. Fol.

Cole's Latin and English Dictionary, with large Additions.

William's Sermon before the Lord Mayor, Octob. 12. 1679.

----Impartial Consideration of the Speeches of the Five Jesuits
Executed for Treason, Fol.

Dr. Burnet's Relation of the Massacre of the Protestants in France,
Quarto.

----His Letter written upon the Discovery of the late Plot, Quarto.

----Decree made at Rome, March 2. 1679. condemning some Opinions of
the Jesuits and other Casuists, Quarto.

Tryals of the Regicides, Octavo.

Mr. James Brome's Two Fast Sermons.

Dr. Jane's Fast Sermon before the House of Commons, April 11. 1679.

Mr. John James's Visitation Sermon, April 9. 1671. Quarto.

Mr. John Cave's Fast Sermon on Jan. 30. 1679. quarto.

----His Assize Sermon at Leicester, July 31. 1679. quarto.

----His Gospel preached to the Romans, Octavo.

Certain Genuine Remains of the Lord Bacon, in Arguments Civil,
Moral, Natural, &c. with a large Account of all his Works, by
Dr. Tho. Tenison. Octavo.

Dr. Puller's Discourse of the Moderation of the Church of England,
Octavo.

Dr. Saywel's Original of all the Plots in Christendom; with the Danger
and Remedy of Schism.

Sir John Munson Baronet, of Supreme Power and Common Right. Octavo.

Dr. Edw. Bagshaw's Discourses upon Select Texts, Octavo.

Mr. Rushworth's Historical Collections: The Second Part. Fol.

----His large and exact Account of the Trial of the E. of Straf. with
all the Circumstances preliminary to, concomitant with, and subsequent
upon the same, to his Death. Fol.

Remarques relating to the state of the Church of the three first
Centuries. By Ab. Seller. Octavo.

Speculum Baxterianum, or Baxter against Baxter. Quarto.

The Countrey-man's Physician. For the use of such as live far from
Cities, or Market-Towns. Octavo.

Dr. Burnet's Sermon upon the Fast for the Fire, 1680. quarto.

----Conversion and Persecutions of Eve Cohan, a Person of Quality of
the Jewish Religion, lately Baptized a Christian. quarto.

----His Life and Death of the late Earl of Rochester. Octavo.

----His Fast Sermon before the Commons, Decemb. 22. 1680.

----His Sermon on the 30th of Jan. 1680/1.

New England Psalms. Twelves.

An Apology for a Treatise of Humane Reason. Written by Mr. Clifford
Esq; Twelves.

The Laws of this Realm concerning Jesuits, Seminary Priests,
&c. explained by divers Judgments and Resolutions of the Judges;
with other Observations thereupon, by William Cawley Esq; Fol.

Bishop Sanderson's Sermons, with his Life. Fol.

Fowlis his History of Romish Conspiracies, Treasons, and
Usurpations. Fol.

Markmam's Perfect Horseman. Octavo.

Dr. Parker's Demonstration of the Divine Authority of the Law of
Nature and the Christian Religion. quarto.

Dr. Sherlock's practical discourse of Religious Assemblies. Octavo.

A Defence of Dr. Stillingfleet's Unreasonableness of
Separation. Octavo.

Dr. Outram's Sermons. Octavo.


FINIS.