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THE LIFE OF HUGO GROTIUS

With Brief Minutes of the Civil, Ecclesiastical, and Literary History
of the Netherlands

by

CHARLES BUTLER, ESQ.

Of Lincoln's-Inn

London: John Murray, Albemarle-Street.

M.DCCC.XXVI.




TO
HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS
THE DUKE OF SUSSEX,
THIS BIOGRAPHICAL ACCOUNT
OF
ONE OF THE MOST AMIABLE AND RESPECTABLE DEFENDERS OF THE NOBLE CAUSE OF
CIVIL AND RELIGIOUS LIBERTY,
OF WHICH
HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS HAS UNIFORMLY BEEN A CONSTANT AND POWERFUL ADVOCATE,
IS
(WITH HIS PERMISSION),
MOST RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED,
BY
THE AUTHOR,

Great Ormond Street

29 Sept. 1826





CONTENTS


In the following pages we shall attempt to present our Readers, with a
Life of HUGO GROTIUS; and MINUTES OF THE CIVIL, ECCLESIASTICAL, AND
LITERARY HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS.

In writing these pages, we principally consulted his life, written in
the French language, by _M. de Burigni_, Member of the French Royal
Academy of Inscriptions and Belles Lettres; an English translation of
it, was published in 1754, in one Volume, 8vo.;

_Hugonis Grotii Manes, ab iniquis obtrectationibus vindicati_; 2
vols. 8vo. 1727: the author of this work is said to be M. Lehman;

The article _Grotius_, in _Bayle's and Chalmers's
Dictionaries_;

And many of the letters in _Hugonis Grotii Epistolæ_, published at
Amsterdam in 1687, in one volume, folio; and many in the _Præstantium
et Eruditorum Virorum Epistolæ Ecclesiasticæ_, published at Amsterdam
in 1684, in one volume, 4to.

For what we have said on GERMANY AND THE NETHERLANDS, we principally
consulted,

_Schmidt's Histoire des Allemands_;

_Pfeffell's Histoire Abregé de l'Allemagne_, 2 vols. 8vo.;

_Mr. Durnford's excellent Translation, of Professor Pütter's
Historical Developement, of the Political History of the German
Empire_; 3 vols. 8vo.;

And _Hugonis Grotii Annales, et Historiæ de Rebus Belgicis_, one
vol. 8vo. Amsterdam, 1658.

In our account of the troubles on _Arminianism_, and the Synod of
Dort; we principally consulted, the French Abridgment, in 3 vols. 8vo.
of _Brand's History of the Netherlands_, and _Grotius's_
excellent _Apology_:

In every part of the work, we have consulted other publications;--three
only of these we shall mention;

The three _Bibliothècques_ of Le Clerc;

_The Life of Arminius_, and

_Calvinism and Arminianism Compared_, by Mr. James Nichols.

From these materials the following pages have been composed: they may be
found to contain,--


INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER




A.D. 800-911.



I. 1. _Boundaries, and Devolution of the Empire of
        Germany, during the Carlovingian dynasty_
   2. _State of Literature, in the time of Charlemagne_
   3. _Decline of Literature, under the Descendants of
        Charlemagne_

A.D. 911-1024.

II. 1. _Boundaries, and Devolution of the empire of
         Germany, during the Saxon dynasty_
    2. _State of Literature, during the Saxon dynasty_

A.D. 1024-1138.

III. 1. _Boundaries, and State of Germany, during the
          Franconian dynasty_
     2. _State of German Literature, during the Franconian
          dynasty_

A.D. 1138-1519.

IV. 1. _State of Germany, from the beginning of the
         Suabian dynasty, until the accession of the
         Emperor Charles V._
    2. _State of German Literature, during this period_

A.D. 1138-1519.

V. 1. _Antient, and modern Geography of the Netherlands_
   2. _The formation, of the different provinces of the
        Netherlands, into one State_
   3. _Brief view, of the History of the Netherlands, until
        the acknowledgment of the Seven United Provinces,
        by the Spanish monarch_
   4. _Their constitution, and principal officers_


CHAPTER I.

A.D. 1582-1597.

BIRTH, AND EDUCATION OF GROTIUS


CHAPTER II.

A.D. 1597-1610.

GROTIUS, EMBRACES THE PROFESSION OF THE
LAW


CHAPTER III.

THE EARLY PUBLICATIONS, OF GROTIUS


CHAPTER IV.

HISTORICAL MINUTES, OF THE UNITED PROVINCES,
FROM THEIR DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE,
TILL THE ARMINIAN CONTROVERSY


CHAPTER V.

A.D. 1610-1617.

THE FEUDS, IN THE UNITED PROVINCES, BETWEEN
THE DISCIPLES OF CALVIN, AND THE DISCIPLES
OF ARMINIUS, UNTIL THE SYNOD OF DORT


CHAPTER VI.
A.D. 1618.

THE SYNOD OF DORT


CHAPTER VII.

A.D. 1618-1621.

TRIAL AND IMPRISONMENT OF GROTIUS; HIS
ESCAPE FROM PRISON


CHAPTER VIII.

A.D. 1622

JAMES I.      VORSTIUS


CHAPTER IX.

A.D. 1621-1634.

GROTIUS, AFTER HIS ESCAPE FROM PRISON, UNTIL
HIS APPOINTMENT OF AMBASSADOR, FROM
SWEDEN, TO THE COURT OF FRANCE


CHAPTER X.

SOME OF THE PRINCIPAL WORKS, OF GROTIUS
1. _New edition of Stobæus_
2. _His treatise de Jure Belli et Pacis_
3. ---- _de Veritate Religionis Christianæ_
4. ---- _de Jure summarum potestatum circa
           sacra._--And _Commentatio ad loca quædam Novi
           Testamenti, quæ de Antichristo agunt, aut agere
           videntur_
5. _His Commentaries on the Scriptures_
6. _His other works_


CHAPTER XI.

A.D. 1634-1645.

GROTIUS, AS AMBASSADOR FROM THE KINGDOM
OF SWEDEN, TO THE COURT OF FRANCE


CHAPTER XII.

THE RELIGIOUS SENTIMENTS OF GROTIUS; SOME
OTHER OF HIS WORKS,
1. _Subsequent History of Arminianism_
2. _Grotius's religious sentiments_
3. _Projects of religious Pacification_


CHAPTER XIII.

THE DEATH OF GROTIUS


CHAPTER XIV.

A.D. 1680-1815.

HISTORICAL MINUTES OF THE REVOLUTIONS OF
THE GOVERNMENT OF THE SEVEN UNITED PROVINCES,
FROM THE DEATH OF WILLIAM II. TILL
THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE KINGDOM OF THE
NETHERLANDS.

1. _William III._
2. _John William Count of Nassau Dietz, 1702-1711;
      William IV._ 1711-1751
3. _From the death of William IV. till the erection of
      the Kingdom of the Netherlands_


APPENDIX I.

_Some Account of the Formularies, Confessions of Faith,
   or Symbolic Books, of the Roman-Catholic, Greek,
   and principal Protestant Churches_


APPENDIX II.

_On the Reunion of Christians_


FOOTNOTES






INTRODUCTION.

SUCCINCT NOTICE OF THE GEOGRAPHY, PRINCIPAL POLITICAL EVENTS, AND
LITERATURE, OF THE NETHERLANDS, BEFORE THE BIRTH OF GROTIUS.

800-1581.





We propose to present to our readers, in this chapter, a succinct
account, of the Geography, Devolution, and Literature of the
Netherlands,--considering them, until they became subject to the princes
of the House of Burgundy, as a portion of the German Empire, and
included in its history:--and from that time, as forming a separate
territory.

[Sidenote: 800-1581.]

Contemplating the Netherlands in the first of these views,--we shall
briefly mention the Boundaries and Government, of the German Empire, and
the state of learning in its territories, during the Carlovingian,
Saxon, Franconian and Suabian Dynasties, and the period, which
intervened, between the last Suabian emperor and the election of the
Emperor Charles the fifth.

From this time, we shall confine ourselves to the History of the
Netherlands. We shall then, therefore, endeavour to give a short view of
the geography of these countries, and of the manner in which they were
acquired by the Princes of Burgundy; then, shortly mention the
successful revolt of the Seven United Provinces.

In one of them, GROTIUS, the subject of these pages, was born; the part
which he took in the public events of his times, forms the most
important portion of his biography.







I. 1.

_Boundaries and Devolution of the Empire of Germany during the
Carlovingian Dynasty_.

800-911.


The Ocean on the north, the Danube on the south, the Rhine on the west,
and the Sarmatian Provinces on the east, are the boundaries assigned by
Tacitus to Antient Germany. It formed the most extensive portion of the
territories of Charlemagne; descended, at his decease, to his son, Lewis
the Debonnaire; and, on the partition between his three sons, was
allotted to Lewis, his second son.

All the territories of Charlemagne were united in Charles the Fat; he
was deposed by his subjects, and his empire divided. Germany was
assigned to his third son, Charles the Brave. On his decease, it was
possessed by Arnold, a natural son of Carloman, the elder brother of
Charles: from him it descended to Hedwiges, the wife of Otho, Duke of
Saxony, and she transmitted it to their son Henry the Fowler, the first
emperor of that house.

[Sidenote: 800-911.]

From the skirts of Germany and France two new kingdoms arose: the
kingdom of Lorraine, which comprised the countries between the Rhine,
the Meuse, and the Scheld; or the modern Lorraine, the province of
Alsace, the Palatinate, Treves, Cologne, Juliers, Liêge and the
Netherlands;--and the kingdom of Burgundy: This was divided into the
Cis-juranan, or the part of it on the east, and the Trans-juranan, or
the part of it on the west of Mount Jura. The former comprised Provençe,
Dauphiné, the Lyonese, Franche-comté, Bresse, Bugey, and a part of
Savoy; the latter comprised the countries between Mount Jura and the
Pennine Alps, or the part of Switzerland between the Reus, the Valais,
and the rest of Savoy.

Such was the geographical state of Germany at the close of the
Carlovingian Dynasty.







I. 2.

_State of Literature in the time of Charlemagne_.


So far as Literature depends upon the favour of the monarch, no æra in
history promised more than the reign of Charlemagne. His education had
been neglected; but he had real taste for learning and the arts, was
sensible of their beneficial influence both upon the public and the
private welfare of a people; and possessed the amplest means of
encouraging and diffusing them; his wisdom would suggest to him the
properest means of doing it, and the energy of his mind would excite
him to constant exertions.

[Sidenote: I. 2. State of Literature in the time of Charlemagne.]

Nothing that could be effected by a prince thus gifted and disposed, was
left untried by Charlemagne. He drew to him the celebrated Alcuin, Peter
of Pisa, Paul Warnefrid, and many other distinguished literary
characters: he heaped favours upon them; and a marked distinction was
always shewn them at his court. He formed them into a literary society,
which had frequent meetings. Their conversation was literary, he often
bore a part in it; and, what was at least equally gratifying, he always
listened with a polite and flattering attention while others spoke. To
establish perfect equality among them, the monarch, and, after his
example, the other members of this society, dropt their own and adopted
other names. Angelbert was called Homer, from his partiality to that
poet; Riculphus, archbishop of Mentz, chose the name of Damétas, from an
eclogue of Virgil: another member took that of Candidus; Eginhard, the
Emperor's biographer, was called Calliopus, from the Muse Calliope;
Alcuin received, from his country, the name of Albinus; the archbishop
Theodulfe was called Pindar; the abbot Adelard was called Augustine;
Charlemagne, as the man of God's own heart, was called David.

[Sidenote: 800-911]

The Emperor corresponded with men of learning, on subjects of
literature; they generally related to religion. In one of his letters,
he requires of Alcuin an explanation of the words Septuagesima,
Sexagesima, and Quinquagesima, which denote the Sundays which
immediately precede, and the word Quadragesima, which denotes the first
Sunday which occurs in Lent. The denominations of those Sundays give
rise to two difficulties; one, that they seem to imply that each week
consists of ten, not of seven days; the other, that the words sound as
if Septuagesima were the seventieth, when it is only the sixty-third day
before Easter Sunday; Sexagesima, as if it were the sixtieth, when it is
only the fifty-sixth; Quinquagesima, as if it were the fiftieth, when it
is the forty-ninth; Quadragesima, as if it were the fortieth, when it is
the forty-second. Alcuin's answer is more subtle than satisfactory.

At the meals of Charlemagne some person always read to him. His example
was followed by many of his successors, particularly by Francis I. of
France, who, in an happier era for learning, imitated with happier
effects, the example of the Emperor.

[Sidenote: I. 2. State of Literature in the time of Charlemagne.]

Alcuin was general director of all the literary schemes of Charlemagne.
He was an Englishman by birth; skilled both in the Greek and Latin
language, and in many branches of philosophy. Having taught, with great
reputation and success, in his own country, he travelled to Rome. In
780, Charlemagne attracted him to his court.

There, Alcuin gave lectures, and published several treatises. In these,
he began with Orthography; then proceeded to Grammar; afterwards to
Rhetoric, and Dialectic. He composed his treatises in the form of
dialogues; and, as Charlemagne frequently attended them, Alcuin made him
one of his interlocutors. Few scholars of Alcuin were more attentive
than his imperial pupil; he had learned grammar from Peter of Pisa; he
was instructed in rhetoric, dialectic, and astronomy by Alcuin. He also
engaged in the study of divinity; and had the good sense to stop short
of those subtleties, in which Justinian, Heraclius, and other princes,
unfortunately both for themselves and their subjects, bewildered
themselves. Letters from Giséla and Richtrudis, the daughters of
Charlemagne, to Alcuin, shew that they partook of their father's
literary zeal: his favourite study was astronomy.

[Sidenote: 800-911.]

The number of persons in his court, who addicted themselves to pursuits
of literature, was so great, and their application so regular, that
their meetings acquired the appellation of "The School of Charlemagne."
Their library was at Aix-la-Chapelle, the favourite residence of the
monarch: but they accompanied him in many of his journies. Antiquarians
have tracked them at Paris, Thionville, Wormes, Ratisbon, Wurtzburgh,
Mentz, and Frankfort.

Charlemagne established schools in every part of his dominions. In 787,
he addressed a circular letter to all the metropolitan prelates of his
dominions, to be communicated by them to their suffragan bishops, and to
the abbots within their provinces. He exhorted them to erect schools in
every cathedral and monastery. Schools were accordingly established
throughout his vast dominions: they were divided into two classes;
arithmetic, grammar, and music were taught in the lower, the liberal
arts and theology in the higher.

[Sidenote: 1. 2. State of Literature in the time of Charlemagne.]

In France, the abbeys of Corbie, Fontenelles, Ferrieres, St. Denis, St
Germain of Paris, St. Germain of Auxerre, and St. Benedict on the
Loire;--in Germany, the abbeys of Proom, Fulda, and of St Gall;--in
Italy, the abbey of Mount Casino, were celebrated for the excellence of
their schools. One, for the express purpose of teaching the Greek
language, was founded by Charlemagne at Osnabruck. All were equally open
to the children of the nobility and the children of peasants; all
received the same treatment. It happened that, on a public examination
of the children, the peasant boys were found to have made greater
progress than the noble. The Emperor remarked it to the latter, and
declared with an oath, that "the bishopricks and abbeys should be given
to the diligent poor." "You rely," he said to the patrician youths, "on
the merit of your ancestors; these have already been rewarded. The state
owes them nothing; those only are entitled to favour, who qualify
themselves for serving and illustrating their country by their talents
and their merits."

[Sidenote: 800-911.]

The civil law then consisted of the Theodosian code, the Salic,
Ripuarian, Allemannic, Bavarian, Burgundian, and other _codes_; and of
the _formularies_ of Angesise and Marculfus. To these Charlemagne added
his own _capitularies_. The whole collection, in opposition to the canon
or ecclesiastical law, received the appellation of _Lex Mundana_, or
_worldly law_. The canon law consisted of the code of canons which
Charlemagne brought with him from Rome in 784; a code of the canons of
the church of France; the canons inserted in the collection of Angelram,
bishop of Metz; the apostolic canons, published by St. Martin, bishop of
Braga; the capitularies of Theodulfus, of Orleans; and the penitential
canons, published in the Spicilegium of d'Acheri.[001] To the study,
both of the canon and civil law, schools were appropriated by
Charlemagne: few, except persons intended for the ecclesiastical state,
frequented them. Rabanus Maurus,[002] abbot of Fulda, and afterwards
archbishop of Mentz, has left an interesting account of the studies of
this period; it shews that all were referred to theology, and only
considered to be useful so far as they could be made serviceable to
sacred learning. Such a plan of study could conduce but little to the
advancement of general literature or science. Still, it was productive
of good, and led to improvement.

[Sidenote: I.2. State of Literature in the time of Charlemagne.]

It is observable that both antient and modern civilizers of nations,
have called music to their aid; among these we may mention Charlemagne.
In his residence at Rome, he was delighted with the Gregorian chant.
After his return to Germany, he endeavoured to introduce it, both into
his French and German dominions. The former had a chant of their own;
they called it an improvement, but other nations considered it a
corruption of the Gregorian. Greatly against the wish of Charlemagne,
his Gallic subjects persisted in their attachment to their national
music; the merit of it was gravely debated before the Emperor; they
vehemently urged the superiority of their own strains. "Tell me," said
the Emperor, "which is purer, the fountain or the rivulet?" They
answered, "the former." "Return ye, then," (said the Emperor) "to St.
Gregory: he is the fountain, the rivulets are evidently corrupted." The
Emperor was obeyed, and the Gregorian chant was taught, both in France
and Germany, by Italian choristers. The Italian writers of the times
describe the difficulties which they experienced in forming the rough
and almost untuneable voices of their French and German pupils to the
softness of the Gregorian song. They appear to have succeeded better
with the Germans than the French. By these, their lessons were so soon
and so completely forgotten, after the decease of Charlemagne, that
Lewis the Debonnaire, his son, was obliged to request Pope Gregory IV.
to send him from Rome, a new supply of singers to instruct the people.

But music continued to prosper in Germany; it abounded in songs. Some
were amatory, (_münnelier_); some were satirical, (_cantica in
malitiam_); some heroic, (_cantica in honorem,_); some diabolical,
(_cantica diabolica_.) These consisted of incantations, and of
narratives of the feats of evil spirits.

[Sidenote: 800-911.]

Vernacular poetry, and vernacular composition, of every kind, were
almost wholly left to the vulgar; all, who aimed at literary eminence,
wrote in the Latin language. Some discerning spirits became sensible
that the German language was susceptible of great improvement, and
excited their countrymen to its cultivation. Among these was Otfroid; he
translated the Gospel into German verse. He describes, in strong terms,
the difficulties which he had to encounter: "The barbarousness of the
German language is," he says, "so great, and its sounds are so
incoherent and strange, that it is very difficult to subject them to the
rules of grammar, to represent them by syllables, or to find in the
alphabet letters which correspond to them." It is however remarkable,
that, although he complains of the dissonance of the German language, he
never accuses it of poverty.

While France and Germany continued subject to the same monarch, German
was the language of the court, and generally used in every class of
society. When the treaty of Verdun divided the territories of
Charlemagne, the _Romande_, or _Romançe_ language, a corruption of the
Latin, superseded the German in every part of France: it was insensibly
refined into the modern French, but the German continued to be the only
language spoken in Germany.

Great progress was made in architecture: the churches and palaces
constructed by the direction of Charlemagne at Aix-la-Chapelle, the
Basilisc at Germani, the church of St. Recquier at Ponthieu, and many
other monuments of great architectural skill and expense, belong to the
age of Charlemagne, and bear ample testimony to the well-directed
exertions of the monarch, and of some of his descendants, and to their
wise and splendid magnificence.







I. 3.

_Decline of Literature under the Descendants of Charlemagne._

[Sidenote: 800-911]

[Sidenote: I. 3. Decline of Literature under the Descendants of
Charlemagne.]


That literature began to decline immediately after the decease of
Charlemagne, in every part of his extensive dominions, and that its
decline was principally owing to the wars among his descendants, which
devastated every portion of his empire, seems to be universally
acknowledged; yet there are strong grounds for contending that it was
not so great as generally represented. _Abbé le Beuf_,[003] in an
excellent dissertation on the state of the sciences in the Gauls during
the period which elapsed between the death of Charlemagne and the reign
of Robert, king of France, attempts to prove the contrary; and the
preliminary discourses of the authors of "l'Histoire Literaire de la
France," on the state of learning during the ninth and tenth centuries,
strongly confirm the abbé's representations. It is surprising how many
works were written during these dark, and, as they are too harshly
called, ignorant ages. It is more to be wondered, that while so much was
written, so little was written well. The classical works of antiquity
were not unknown in those times; the Latin Vulgate translation of the
Old and New Testament was daily read by the clergy, and heard by the
people. Now, although the language of the Vulgate be not classical, it
is not destitute of elegance, and it possesses throughout the exquisite
charms of clearness and simplicity. It is surprising that these
circumstances did not lead the writers to a better style. They had no
such effect; the general style of the time was hard, inflated and
obscure. It should, however, be observed, that Simonde de Sismondi, as
he is translated by Mr. Roscoe, justly observes, that "during the reign
of Charlemagne, and during the four centuries which immediately preceded
it, there appeared, both in France and Italy, some judicious historians,
whose style possesses considerable vivacity, and who gave animated
pictures of their times; some subtle philosophers, who astonished their
contemporaries, rather by the fineness of their speculations than by the
justness of their reasoning; some learned theologians, and some poets.
The names of Paul Warnefrid, of Alcuin, of Luitprand, and Eginhard, are
even yet universally respected. They all, however, wrote in Latin. They
had all of them, by the strength of their intellect, and the happy
circumstances in which they were placed, learned to appreciate the
beauty of the models which antiquity had left them. They breathed the
spirit of a former age, as they had adopted its language: we do not find
them representatives of their contemporaries: it is impossible to
recognize in their style the times in which they lived; it only betrays
the relative industry and felicity with which they imitated the language
and thoughts of a former age. They were the last monuments of civilized
antiquity, the last of a noble race, which, after a long period of
degeneracy, became extinct in them."







II. 1.

_Boundaries and Devolution of the German Empire during the Saxon
Dynasty._

911-1024.


We have mentioned that, on the death of Lewis, the son of Arnhold, the
empire descended to Henry I. in the right of his mother. From him, it
devolved through Otho, surnamed the Great, Otho II., and Otho III., to
Henry II. the last emperor of the Saxon line.

In this period of the German history, the attention of the reader is
particularly directed to two circumstances,--the principal states, of
which Germany was composed, the cradles, as they may be called, of the
present electorates, and the erection of the principal cities and
monasteries in Germany.

[Sidenote: II. 2. State of Literature during the Saxon Dynasty.]

A curious altercation between Nicephorus Phocas, the Greek emperor, and
Luitprand bishop of Cremona, ambassador from Otho I. to the Greek
sovereign, shews the state of Germany during this period. "Your nation,"
said the empire to the ambassador, "does not know how to sit on
horseback; or how to fight on foot: your large shields, massive armour,
long swords, and heavy helmets, disable you for battle."--Luitprand
told the emperor that "he would, the first time they should meet in the
field, feel the contrary." Luitprand observed, that "Germany was so
little advanced in ecclesiastical worth; that no council had been held
within its precincts:" the ambassador remarked, that "all heresies had
originated in Greece." The emperor asserted, that "the Germans were
gluttons and drunkards:" Luitprand replied, that "the Greeks were
effeminate." All writers agree, that, in what each party to this
conversation asserted, there was too much truth.

We have noticed the advance towards civilization which Henry I, made by
the construction of towns; he effected another, by the introduction of
tournaments and field sports, on a large, orderly and showy plan.
Speaking generally, society in Germany during the Saxon line of its
princes, was always improving.







II. 2.

_State of Literature during the Saxon Dynasty_.

[Sidenote: 911-1024.]


"In the school of Paderborn," says the biographer of Meinwert, as he is
cited by Schmidt, "there are famous musicians, dialecticians, orators,
grammarians, mathematicians, astronomers and geometricians. Horace, the
great Virgil, Sallust, and Statius, are highly esteemed. The monks amuse
themselves with poetry, books and music. Several are incessantly
employed in transcribing and painting."

A German translation of the Psalms, by Notker, a monk of the abbey of
St. Gall, shews that some attention was paid to the language of the
country. The Greek was cultivated; the writers of the times mention
several persons skilled in it. Notker, in a letter to one of his
correspondents, informs him, that "his Greek brothers salute him."

[Sidenote: II. 2. State of Literature during the Saxon Dynasty.]

Poetry was a favourite study: the celebrated _Gerbert_, afterwards Pope
Silvester II, and _Waldram_, bishop of Strasburgh, were the best poets
of their times. Hroswith,[004] a nun in the monastery of Gardersheim,
published comedies: "Many Catholics," she says, in her preface to them,
"are guilty of a fault, from which I myself am not altogether free;
they prefer profane works, on account of their style, to the holy
Scriptures. Others have the Scriptures always in their hands, and
despise profane authors; yet they often read Terence, and their
attention to the beauties of his style does not prevent the
objectionable passages in his writings from making an impression on
them."

To this age, the origin of Romances is usually assigned: but these
belong to the French; no specimen of them has been discovered in
Germany. Music was much cultivated. Hroswith introduced it into her
comedies.

It has been mentioned, that Sallust was read in the school at Paderborn.
It is supposed that Tacitus was known to Wittikind or Dittmar: both
relate visions, and several puerile circumstances; but they write with
precision, and shew, on many occasions, great good sense.

The same cannot be said of the Legend-writers; the account which the
authors of "The Literary History of France" give of them is very just.
"The ancient legends," they say, "were lost, in consequence either of
the plunder or the burning of the churches; it was considered necessary
to replace them, as it was thought impossible to honour the memory, or
to preserve the veneration of the saints, without some knowledge of
their lives. It is to be remarked, that the saints, whose memories were
thus sought to be honoured, had been long dead, or had lived in foreign
countries, so that little was known of them except by oral tradition.
From this it may be easily guessed, that those who employed themselves
upon the legends, were deprived of necessary information, and upon that
account could not produce exact and true histories. Thus, to the general
defects of the age in which they lived, they added uncertainty,
confusion, and some falsehood. Their pages abound with visions. In the
place of the simple and natural, they substituted the wonderful and
extraordinary. It even happened too frequently that they took leave to
tell untruths. Heriger, the abbot of St Lupus, says, in direct terms,
that they piously lied."

[Sidenote: 911-1024.]

Dialectic was in great favour: it was called philosophy; no work was
more read than "the Book of Categories," erroneously ascribed to St.
Augustine; and a work, upon the same subject, imputed to Porphyry.

[Sidenote: II. 2. State of Literature during the Saxon Dynasty.]

The schools of the cathedrals and principal monasteries contributed
essentially to the increase and diffusion of literature. Among the
monasteries, those of Fulda, St. Gall, Corbie and Kershaw, were
particularly renowned. Bishops and abbots exerted themselves to procure
books, and to have copies of them made and circulated: they were often
splendidly illuminated. Henry I. caused a painting to be made, of a
battle which he had gained over the Hungarians. Bernard, bishop of
Hildersheim, in imitation of what he had seen in Italy, ornamented the
churches of his diocese with mosaic paintings; he also introduced, among
his countrymen, the art of fusing and working metals; he caused precious
and highly ornamented vases to be made in imitation of the antients.
Large and small bells were cast; chalices, patines, incensories, images,
and even altars of gold and silver, or ornamented with them, were
fabricated. Aventin relates, that at Mauverkirchen, in Bavaria, figures
in plaster, hardened by fire, had, in 948, been made of a duke of
Bavaria and his general.

[Sidenote: 911-1024.]

The establishment of schools, and the protection given to the arts and
sciences, invited the whole body of the nation to the acquisition of
useful and ornamental knowledge; but the invitation was not even
generally accepted. There was much superstition in every order of the
laity. An opinion prevailed among them, that the world was to end, and
the day of judgment arrive, in the year 1000. An universal panic spread
itself over Europe. Strange to relate, the people sought to avoid the
catastrophe, by hiding themselves in caverns and tombs.

The existence of this ignorance cannot be denied: but, to the
ecclesiastics, who strove against it, who erected and fostered so many
schools to dispel it, and who exerted themselves in the manner we have
mentioned, to establish another and a better order of things, a great
share of praise and gratitude should never be denied.

The mines of Hartz were discovered in the time of Otho I. and diffused
so much wealth over Saxony, and afterwards over all Germany, as gave the
reign of that emperor the appellation of "the age of gold." Before this
time, Nicephorus Phocas had called Saxony, from the dress, or rather the
coverings of its inhabitants, "the land of skins." But all the wealth of
the country still continued to be concentrated among the great
landowners.







III. 1.

_Boundaries and State of Germany during the Franconian Dynasty._

1024-1138.


Under Henry III. the second prince of this line, the German empire had
its greatest extent. It comprised Germany, Italy, Burgundy and Lorraine.
Poland, and other parts of the Sclavonian territories, were subject to
it. Denmark and Hungary acknowledged themselves its vassals.

The emperors affected to consider all kingdoms as forming a royal
republic, of which the emperor was chief. For their right to this
splendid prerogative, they always found advocates in their own
dominions: they reckon, among these, the illustrious Leibniz. Out of
Germany, nothing of the claim, beyond precedence in rank, has ever been
allowed. This, no sovereign in Europe has contested with the emperors:
it is observable, that, as the French monarchs insisted on the
Carlovingian extraction of Hugh Capet, they affected to consider Henry
the Fowler the first prince of the Saxon dynasty, and all his successors
in the empire as usurpers. Lewis XIV. expresses himself in this manner
in some memoirs recently attributed to him.







III. 2.

_State of German Literature during the Franconian Dynasty._

[Sidenote: 1024-1138.]


Throughout this period, commerce was always upon the increase; and
literature, science and art, increased with it. The monuments of the
antient grandeur of the eternal city, began about this time to engage
the attention of the inhabitants of Germany, and to attract to Rome many
literary pilgrims. They returned home impressed with admiration of what
they had seen, and related the wonders to their countrymen. "The gods
themselves (they told their hearers) behold their images in Rome with
admiration, and wish to resemble them. Nature herself does not raise
forms as beautiful as those, which the artist creates. One is tempted to
say that they breathe; and to adore the skill of the artist rather than
the inhabitant of Olympus represented by his art." Thus the uncultivated
Germans began to perceive the beauty of these relics of antiquity, and
to feel the wish of imitation. This first appeared on the seals of the
emperors and bishops; several of distinguished beauty have reached our
times. The German artists soon began to engrave on precious stones, and
to work in marble and bronze. Four statues of emperors of the house of
Saxony, of the workmanship of these times, are still to be seen at
Spires; they are rudely fashioned, but are animated, and have distinct
and expressive countenances.

[Sidenote: III. 2. State of German Literature during the Franconian
Dynasty.]

When the emperors or nobility travelled, they were frequently
accompanied by artists. These sometimes made drawings of foreign
churches and edifices, and on their return home, raised others in
imitation of them. Thus the cathedral at Bremen was built on the model
of that of Benevento. The cathedral of Strasburgh, and many other
churches, were built about this time.

Music was considerably improved; the system of Guido Aretinus was no
where understood better, or cultivated with greater ardour, than in
Germany. Some improvement was made in poetry, but it chiefly appeared in
the songs of the common people. A monk of Togernsee, in Bavaria,
composed a collection of poems under the title of Bucolics; they
resemble those of Virgil only in their title. Lambert, of
Aschaffenburgh, published a history of his own times, inferior to none
which have reached us from the middle ages.

[Sidenote: 1024-1138]

Dialectic, however, still continued the favourite study; and the art of
disputation was never carried so far: the interest which the public took
in these disputes was surprising. When it was announced that two
celebrated dialecticians were to hold a public dispute, persons flocked
from all parts to witness the conflict; they listened with avidity, and
with all the feelings of partisans. This appears ridiculous; but, in the
present times, is there no _fancy_ which deserves equal ridicule?







IV. 1

_The State of Germany, from the beginning of the Suabian Dynasty, till
the Accession of the Emperor Charles V._

1138-1519.


The principal events in the reigns of the latter princes of the
Franconian, and of all the princes of the Suabian line, were produced or
influenced by the contests between the popes and emperors, respecting
investitures, or the right of nominating to vacant bishoprics;--by the
pretensions of the popes to hold their antient territories independent
of the emperors;--or by the new acquisitions of the popes in Italy.


1264-1272.


These contests reduced the empire to a state of anarchy, which produced
what is generally called, by the German writers, the Great Interregnum.
While it continued, six princes successively claimed to be emperors of
Germany.


1272-1438.


The interregnum was determined by the election of Rodolph, count of
Hapsburgh. From him, till the ultimate accession of the house of
Austria, in the person of Albert the Second, the empire was held by
several princes of different noble families.


1438-1519.


Albert was succeeded by Frederick III.; Frederick, by Maximilian I.; and
Maximilian, by Charles V.

To the period between the extinction of the Suabian dynasty and the
accession of the emperor Albert, may be assigned the rise of the Italian
republics, particularly Venice, Genoa and Florence; the elevations of
the princes of Savoy and Milan, and the revolutions of Naples, and the
Two Sicilies.

[Sidenote: IV. 1. The State of Germany, from the beginning of the
Suabian Dynasty till the Accession of the Emperor Charles V.]

The boundaries of Germany, during this period, were the Eider and the
sea, on the north; the Scheld, the Meuse, the Saone and the Rhone, on
the west; the Alps and the Rhine, on the south; and the Lech and
Vistula, on the east. They contained,--1. The duchy of Burgundy; 2. The
duchy of Lorraine; 3. The principalities into which Allemmania and
Franconia were divided; 4. The Bavarian territories, which the Franks
had acquired in Rhoetia, Noricum, and Pannonia; 5. Saxony; 6. The
Sclavic territories between the Oder and the Vistula: these were
possessed by the margraves of Brandenburgh, and the dukes of Poland and
Bohemia, and the princes dependent upon them in Moravia, Silesia and
Lusatia;--7. by the provinces of Pomerania and Prussia, on the east of
Saxony; 8. and the Marchia Orientalis, Oostrich, or Austria, on the east
of Bavaria.

At first, the emperor was chosen by the people at large; the right of
election was afterwards confined to the nobility and the principal
officers of state: insensibly, it was engrossed by the five great
officers,--the chancellor, the great marshal, the great chamberlain, the
great butler, and the great master of the palace. But their exclusive
pretensions were much questioned. At length, their right of election was
settled; first, by the Electoral Union, in 1337; and finally, in the
reign of the emperor Charles IV. by the celebrated constitution, called,
from the seal of gold appended to it, _the Golden Bull_. By this, the
right of election was vested in three spiritual and four temporal
electors: two temporal electors have since been added to their numbers.







IV. 2.

_State of German literature during this period_.

[Sidenote: 1438-1519]


While the empire was possessed by the princes of the house of Saxony, a
copy of the Pandects of Justinian was discovered at Amalfi. "The
discovery of them," says Sir William Blackstone, in his Introductory
discourse to his Commentaries, "soon brought the civil law into vogue
all over the west of Europe, where before it was quite laid aside, and
in a manner wholly forgotten; though some traces of its authority
remained in Italy, and the eastern provinces of the empire.--The study
of it was introduced into many universities abroad, particularly that of
Bologna, where exercises were performed, lectures read, and degrees
conferred in this faculty, as in other branches of science; and many
nations of the continent, just then beginning to recover from the
convulsions consequent to the overthrow of the Roman empire, and
settling by degrees into peaceable forms of government, adopted the
civil law (being the best written system then extant,) as the basis of
their several constitutions; blending or interweaving in it their own
feudal customs, in some places, with a more extensive, in others, a more
confined authority."

[Sidenote: IV. 2. State of German Literature, from the Suabian Dynasty
to Charles V.]

This was a great step toward the civilization of Germany, and of the
other countries in which the institutions of the civil law were thus
introduced. They certainly tended to animate the nations, by whom they
were received, to the study of the history and literature of the people
from the works of whose writers they had been compiled. They produced
this effect in several countries of Europe; but their influence in
Germany was very limited: the disposition to subtilize, which was at
that time universal throughout the German empire, led those who
cultivated literature rather to refine upon what was before them, than
to new inquiries. The language of the Pandects is of the silver age; it
might therefore be expected, that it would have improved the general
style of the times; but this improvement is seldom discernible.

[Sidenote: 1438-1519]

[Sidenote: IV. 2. State of German Literature, from the Suabian Dynasty
to Charles V.]

Good or evil is seldom unmixed: civil contests and dissensions,
generally produce both public and private misery; sometimes, however,
they generate mental excitement. This is favourable to Literature and
Science. Its good effects appeared in the contests between the Popes and
the Emperors. Great were the public and the private calamities which
they caused, both in church and state; but they promoted inquiry and
intellectual exertions. These were often attended with happy results.
Irnerius, by birth a German, had studied Justinian's law at
Constantinople. Towards the year 1130, he was appointed professor of
civil law at Bologna: the contests between the popes and the emperors
produced a warfare of words among the disciples of Irnerius. It has been
mentioned that the German emperors pretended to succeed to the empire of
the Cæsars. The language and spirit of the Justinianean code, being
highly favourable to this claim, the emperors encouraged the civilians,
and in return for it, had their pens at command. The decree of Gratian
was favourable to the pretensions of the popes; and on this account was
encouraged by the canonists. Hence, generally speaking, the civilians
were partisans of the emperors, the canonists of the popes. From their
adherence to the law of Justinian, the former were called Legistæ; from
their adherence to the decree of Gratian, the latter were called
Decretistæ. The controversy was carried on with great ardour and
perseverance; the schools both of Italy and Germany resounded with the
disputes, and in both, numerous tracts in support of the opposite
claims, were circulated. The question necessarily carried the
disputants to many incidental topics: these equally increased the powers
and curiosity of the disputants, and stimulated them to better and more
interesting studies.







V. 1.

_Antient and Modern Geography of the Netherlands._


We have thus brought down our historical deduction of the German Empire
to the accession of the Emperor Charles the Fifth.

About 160 years before this event, that portion of the empire, to which
its situation has given the appellation of THE NETHERLANDS, began to
have a separate history, and both a separate and important influence on
the events of the times. To them we shall now direct our attention.

These spacious territories are bounded on the north, by the German
Ocean; on the west, by the British Sea and part of Picardy; on the
south, by Champagne or Lorraine; on the east, by the archbishoprics of
Triers and Trêves, the dutchies of Juliers and Cléves, the bishopric of
Munster, and the county of Embden or East Friesland.

[Sidenote: V. 1. Antient and Modern Geography of the Netherlands.]

When the Romans invaded Gaul, it was divided among three principal
clans: the Rhine then formed its western boundary. The left banks of
this river were occupied by the Belgians: this tract of land now
comprises the catholic Netherlands, and the territory of the United
States; the right bank of the Rhine was then filled by the Frisians,
and now comprises the modern Gröningen, east and west Friesland, a part
of Holland, Gueldres, Utrecht, and Overyssell: the Batavians inhabited
the island which derives its name from them; it now comprises the upper
part of Holland, Utrecht, Gueldres, and Overyssell, the modern Cléves
between the Lech and the Waal.

In antient geography, the Netherlands were separated into the
Cisrhenahan and Transrhenahan divisions: the Cisrhenahan lay on the
western side of the Rhine, and included the Belgic Gaul; it was bounded
by the Rhenus, the Rhodanus, the Sequana, the Matrona, and the Oceanus
Britannicus: the Transrhenahan lay on the eastern side of the Rhine; it
was a part of Lower Germany, and bounded on the north by the eastern
Frisia, Westphalia, the Ager-Colonensis, the Juliacensis-Ducatus, and
the Treveri. The classical reader will have no difficulty in assigning
to these denominations, their actual names in the language of modern
geography.

The whole of these territories is called the Netherlands by the English;
and Flanders by the Italians, Spaniards, and French.







V. 2.

_The formation of the different Provinces of the Netherlands into one
State_.


In 1363, John the Good, the king of France, gave to Philip the Bold, his
third son, the dutchy of Burgundy: it then comprised the county of
Burgundy, Dauphiné, and a portion of Switzerland. The monarch at the
same time created his son duke of Burgundy. Thus Philip, became the
patriarch of the second line of that illustrious house.

History does not produce an instance of a family, which has so greatly
aggrandized itself by marriage, as the house of Austria. The largest
part by far of the Netherlands was derived to it, 1st, from Margaret of
Franche Comtè; 2dly, from Margaret of Flanders; 3dly, from Jane of
Brabant; 4thly, from Mary of Burgundy; 5thly, from Jacqueline of
Holland; and 6thly, from Elizabeth of Luxemburgh.

[Sidenote: Formation of the Provinces of the Netherlands into one
State.]

The possessions of the three first of these splendid heiresses,
descended to Margaret of Flanders. She married Phillip the Bold, who, as
we have just mentioned, was the first of the modern Dukes of Burgundy.
By this marriage, he acquired, in right of his wife, the provinces of
Flanders, Artois, Mechlin, and Rhetel; and transmitted them and his own
dukedom of Burgundy to his son Charles the Intrepid. From Charles, they
descended to his son Philip the Good. He purchased Namur; and by a
transaction with Jacqueline of Holland, acquired that province, Zealand,
Hainault, and Friesland. By other means, he obtained Brabant, Antwerp,
Luxemburgh, Limburgh, Gueldres, and Zutphen. On the failure of issue
male of Philip the Good, all these fourteen provinces descended to Mary
his only daughter. She married the Emperor Maximilian. He had two sons
by her, the Emperor Charles V. and Ferdinand. The former acquired, by
purchase or force, Utrecht, Overyssell and Gröningen.

These territories formed what are generally called the SEVENTEEN
PROVINCES OF THE NETHERLANDS.

In the language of the middle ages, they consisted of the Dutchies of
Brabant, Limburgh, Luxemburgh, and Gueldres; the Earldoms of Flanders,
Artois, Hainault, Holland, Zealand, Namur, Zutphen, Antwerp, (sometimes
called the Marquisate of the Holy Empire) and the Lordships of
Friesland, Mechlin, Utrecht, Overyssell, and Gröningen. Cambrai, the
Cambresis, and the County of Burgundy, though a separate territory, were
considered to be appendages, but not part of them.







V. 3.

_Brief View of the History of the Netherlands, till the acknowledgement
of the Independence of the Seven United Provinces by the Spanish
Monarch._


The laws, the customs, and the government of all these provinces were
nearly alike: each had its representative assembly of the three orders,
of the clergy, nobility, and burghers: each had its courts of justice;
and an appeal from the superior tribunal of each lay to the supreme
court at Mechlin.

Public and fiscal concerns of moment fell under the cognizance of the
sovereign. The people enjoyed numerous and considerable privileges: the
most important of them was the _Droit de Joyeuse entrée_, the right of
not being taxed without the consent of the three estates. Commerce,
agriculture, and the arts, particularly music and painting, flourished
among them. The people were honest, frugal, regular and just in their
general habits; more steady than active; not easily roused; but, when
once roused, not easily appeased.

[Sidenote: Brief View of the History of the Netherlands.]

Charles V. made over his hereditary territories in Germany to his
brother Ferdinand; but retained the Netherlands, and annexed them to the
crown of Spain.

With that crown, they descended to Philip the Second, the only son of
Charles.

Unwise and unjust measures of that monarch drove the inhabitants into
rebellion.

On the 5th of April 1566, a deputation of 400 gentlemen, with Lewis of
Nassau, a brother of the prince of Orange, at their head, presented a
petition to Margaret of Austria, the Governor of the Netherlands. From
the coarseness of their dress, they acquired the name of _gueux_ or
_beggars_, and retained it throughout the whole of the troubles which
followed.

[Sidenote: Brief View of the History of the Netherlands.]

Calvinism had, before this time, made great progress in these countries,
and gained over to it numbers of the discontented party. Philip
proceeded to the most violent measures, and sent the Duke of Alva, with
an army of 20,000 men, into the Netherlands. William, Prince of Orange,
placed himself at the head of the malcontents, and raised an army. At an
assembly of the States of Holland and Zealand in 1559, he was declared
Stadtholder, or Governor of Holland, Friesland, and Utrecht: Calvinism
was declared to be the religion of the States. In 1579, the three
provinces were joined by those of Gueldres, Zutphen, Overyssell, and
Gröningen. All signed, by their deputies, the TREATY OF UNION; it became
the basis of their constitution: still, however, they acknowledged
Philip for their sovereign. But in 1581, the deputies of the United
States assembled at Amsterdam, subscribed a solemn act, by which they
formally renounced allegiance to Philip and his successors, and asserted
their independence. They declared in their manifesto, that "the prince
is made for the people, not the people for the prince;" that "the
prince, who treats his subjects as slaves, is a tyrant, whom his
subjects have a right to dethrone, when they have no other means of
preserving their liberty;" that "this right particularly belongs to the
Netherlands; their sovereign, being bound by his coronation oath to
observe the laws, under pain of forfeiting his sovereignty."

In 1584, the Prince of Orange was assassinated by Balthazar Gerard, a
Catholic fanatic: the war was continued till 1609, when it was suspended
by a truce of twelve years. At the expiration of it, the war burst forth
with fresh fury: it was finally terminated by the peace of Munster, or
Westphalia, in 1648, when the King of Spain acknowledged, in the fullest
manner, the INDEPENDENCE OF THE SEVEN UNITED PROVINCES, and of all their
possessions in Asia, Africa, and America.







V.4.

_Their Constitution and principal Officers._

[Sidenote: Constitution of the Netherlands.]


Thus the United Provinces became a confederacy of seven independent
principalities, called in the aggregate the States General. Several
years elapsed before their constitution was finally settled. Then, the
supreme sovereignty of the whole was considered to be vested in the
people of every province represented by the States. These consisted of
deputies appointed to them from the different provinces. Each province
might send to the assembly more than one deputy; but, whatever was the
number of deputies sent by them, they had one vote only in the
proceedings of the assembly. The government of each province was vested
in its states: these were composed of two orders, the deputies from the
towns, and those from the equestrian order.

Each province contained several independent republics.

The States General could not make war or peace, or enter into alliances,
or raise money, without the consent of all the seven provinces; nor did
the decrees of any one of the States bind the constituent parts of it,
without their consent.

[Sidenote: Constitution of the Netherlands.]

The Stadtholder was appointed by the States General, and held his office
at their will. The offices of captain-general and admiral were united in
him: thus he had the appointment of all military commands, both by sea
and land; and had considerable influence and power in the nomination to
civil offices. Three officers,--the _treasurer, the conservator of the
peace, and the grand pensionary,_ were appointed by the States General,
and were immediately subject to their controul; they were wholly
independent of the Stadtholder. The grand pensionary was always supposed
to be profoundly versed in civil, ecclesiastical, and consuetudinary
law; and in foreign diplomacy. All transactions between subjects or
foreigners with the States General, passed through his hands. He
attended the deliberations of the States; he was not entitled to vote,
but was expected to sum up the arguments on each side, and to deliver
his opinion upon them. Each province had its advocate, syndic or
pensionary; a public officer who superintended their public concerns;
and represented them, but only with a deliberative voice, in the
assembly of the States.

[Sidenote: Brief View of the History of the Netherlands.]

We now reach the æra, at which our intended biography commences. A
Literary History of the Netherlands, from the time of their becoming
subjects to the Dukes of Burgundy, till this æra, is much wanted.







CHAPTER I.

THE BIRTH AND EDUCATION OF HUGO GROTIUS.


1582-1597.


The Life of Erasmus, which we have offered to the public, presents to
its readers, the interesting spectacle of a person, born under every,
disadvantage for the acquisition of literature, surmounting them all by
his genius and perseverance, and reaching, at an early age, the highest
summit of literary eminence: the Life of GROTIUS, which we now attempt,
exhibits the successful literary career of a person, born with every
advantage, undeviatingly availing himself of them, and attaining equal
eminence; with the addition of high reputation for great political
wisdom and public integrity.

[Sidenote: His Birth and Education.]

He was born at Delft, on the 10th April 1582. His parents were John de
Groote, and Alida Averschie. John was the second son of Hugo de Groote
by Elselinda Heemskirke. Hugo was the son of Cornelius Cornet by
Ermingarde, the daughter and sole heiress of Diederic de Groote. Upon
their marriage, Diederic stipulated that Cornet should adopt the
surname of Groote: it signifies _Great_, and is said to have been given
to Diederic for some signal service, which he had rendered to his
sovereign. All the males and females mentioned in the genealogy of
Grotius were of noble extraction.

Learning appears to have been hereditary in the family: John, the father
of Hugo, the subject of our biography, was both a lawyer in great
practice, and a general scholar.

The 10th of April, on which GROTIUS was born, was Easter Sunday in that
year: he always observed his birthday with religious solemnity.

All the biographers of Grotius assert, and their assertion will be
easily believed, that he discovered, in his earliest years, great
aptitude for the acquisition of learning, great taste, judgment and
application, and a wonderful memory. He found, in his father, an
excellent tutor: by him, Grotius was instructed in the rudiments of the
Christian doctrine, and his infant mind impressed with sound principles
of morality and honour; in this, he was aided by the mother of Grotius.
The youth corresponded with their cares. He has celebrated, in elegant
verses, their pious attention to his early education. The mention of
these verses will bring to the recollection of every English reader, the
magnificent strains, in which, Milton addressed _his_ father.

[Sidenote: CHAP. I. 1582-1597.]

As soon as Grotius had passed his childhood, he was placed with
Utengobard, an Arminian clergyman: we shall see that this circumstance
had a decisive influence upon his future life. He retained a lasting
regard for Utengobard, and a grateful recollection of his obligations to
him. At the age of twelve years, Grotius was sent to the university of
Leyden, and committed to the care of Francis Junius. Here, he
distinguished himself so much by his diligence, his talents, and his
modesty, as to obtain the notice and regard of several of the most
famous scholars of the times. Even Joseph Scaliger, equally
distinguished by his learning and caustic arrogance, noticed him, and
condescended to direct his studies. He was scarcely eleven years of age
when Douza, one of the princes of the republic of letters in those
times, celebrated his praises in verse: He declared that "he could
scarcely believe that Erasmus promised so much as Grotius at his age:"
he announced that "Grotius would soon excel all his contemporaries, and
bear a comparison with the most leaned of the antients."

Grotius also gained the esteem of Barneveldt, the grand pensionary, in
whose fate he was afterward involved. In 1587, the Dutch sent Count
Justin of Nassau and Barneveldt, at the head of an embassy, to Henry IV.
of France. Barneveldt permitted Grotius to accompany him.

[Sidenote: His Birth and Education.]

Grotius had been preceded by his reputation. He was known to M. de
Busenval, the monarch's ambassador in Holland. Busenval described him
favourably to the monarch. Henry gave Grotius a gracious reception, and
was so pleased with his conversation and demeanour, that he presented
him with his picture and a golden chain. Grotius gives an account of
this embassy, in the seventh book of his Annals: he abstains, with a
praiseworthy modesty, from any mention of himself: but, in one of his
poems, he dwells with complacency on his having seen the monarch, "who
owed his kingdom only to his valour"--

        " ... _Le Heros, qui regna sur la Françe,
        Et par droit de conquête et par droit de naissançe_."
                                VOLTAIRE, _Henriade_.

Grotius was so much pleased with his reception, and the present which he
received from Henry, that he caused a print of himself, adorned with the
chain presented to him by Henry, to be engraved. He was introduced to
many of the most distinguished persons at Paris: there was one, whom he
particularly esteemed, but whom, from some unexplained circumstance, he
missed seeing.

[Sidenote: Chap. 1. 1582-1597]

This was _the President de Thou_, a name never to be mentioned without
veneration. He had been employed by his sovereign on many delicate and
important commissions, and had acquitted himself in all, with ability
and honour. He had filled the office of _Maitre des Requétes_, and been
advanced to that of _President a Mortiér_. He was employed, at this
time, upon his immortal History. In the account which it gives of the
events, that took place in France, it is entitled to almost unqualified
praise: in regard to what happened to other countries, he necessarily
depended on the information which he received from them, and cannot
therefore be equally relied upon. The prolixity, with which he is now
reproached, was not felt at the time in which he wrote; every event,
however small, was then thought to be important, and multitudes were
personally interested in it. But the charm of his work is, that every
page of it shews a true lover of his country, an impartial judgment, and
an honourable mind. The memoirs, which he has left us of his own life,
recently translated into English by Mr. Collinson, are interesting and
entertaining. He collected a very large library, both of printed books
and manuscripts, and had them splendidly bound. The whole was sold by
auction in the reign of Louis XIV, and scarcely produced half the sum
which the binding of its volumes had cost: The same has been said of the
Harleian collection, sold in our times.

[Sidenote: His Birth and Education.]

Having remained a twelvemonth at Paris, Grotius returned to Holland.
Immediately after his arrival, he addressed a letter to the president
de Thou, in which he expressed great mortification at not having seen
him, and requested his acceptance of a book accompanying his letter,
which he had dedicated to the Prince of Condé. The president de Thou was
highly pleased with this letter: a correspondence took place between
them. Grotius furnished the president with materials for that portion of
his history which related to the troubles in the Low Countries.

In the last letter of the President de Thou, in this correspondence, he
earnestly dissuades Grotius from engaging in the religious disputes of
the times. In reply to it, Grotius respectfully intimates to the
president, that "he found himself obliged to enter into them by his love
of his country; his wish to serve his church, and the request of those
to whom he owed obedience:" promising, at the same time, "to abstain
from all disputes that were not necessary." After the death of the
President, Grotius celebrated his memory in a poem, which was considered
by the bard's admirers to be one of his best performances.







CHAPTER II.

GROTIUS EMBRACES THE PROFESSION OF THE LAW. HIS FIRST PROMOTIONS.

1597-1610.


In the ruin of the Roman Empire, her laws were lost in the general
wreck. During the 200 years, which followed the reign of Constantine the
Great, Europe was a scene of every calamity, which the inroads of
barbarians could inflict, either on the countries through which they
passed, or those in which they settled. About the sixth century, Europe
obtained some degree of tranquillity, in consequence of the introduction
of feudalism; the most singular event in the annals of history. At
first, it produced a general anarchy; but the system of subordination
upon which it was grounded, contained in it the germ of regular
government, and even, of jurisprudence. Its effects were first visible
in the _various codes of law_ which the barbarous nations promulgated.
Such are the Salic, the Ripuarian, the Alemannic, the Burgundian, the
Visigothic, and the Lombard laws.

[Sidenote: Feudal Jurisprudence.]

A complicated or refined system of jurisprudence is not to be looked for
in them; but, if they are considered with due regard to the state of
society for which they were calculated, they will be found to contain
much that deserves praise. The _capitularies_, or short legislative
provisions, propounded by the sovereign, and adopted by the public
assemblies of the nation, were a further advance in legislation. By
degrees, so much regularity prevailed in the judicial proceedings and
legal transactions, that they were regulated by established
_formularies_; and, in addition to those provisions, every nation
contained a collection of unwritten usages or _customs_, which had the
force of law. The natural tendency of these institutions to introduce
order and peaceful habits into society was great; but it was so much
counteracted by the turbulent spirit of every class of men, that it was
not till the beginning of the thirteenth century that this effect of
them became discernible.

[Sidenote: CHAP. II. 1597-1610]

From this time, the governments of Europe sensibly improved. A better
spirit of legislation shewed itself; the administration of justice
became more regular; trade and husbandry were protected, several arts
were encouraged; and a general wish for a better order of things
prevailed in every part of Europe. While the public mind was in this
state of improvement, an event fortunately happened, which gave it a
very salutary direction. This was, (what we have already noticed), the
discovery of a complete copy of the _Pandects of Justinian_ at Amalfi, a
town in Italy, near Salerno. From Amalfi, it found its way to Pisa; and
in 1406, was carried to Florence, where it has since remained.

[Sidenote: The Civil Law]

Few events in history can be mentioned which have conduced more to the
welfare of Europe than this discovery. The codes, the capitularies, the
formularies, and the customs, by which, till that time, the feudal
nations had been governed, fell very short of affording them the legal
provisions, which society, in the improved state of civilization, to
which it was then advancing, evidently required. Unexpectedly, a system
of law presented itself, which seemed to contain every thing that the
most enlightened men of those times could have desired. The wisdom and
justice of the system of law expressed in the Pandects seem to have been
universally felt. The study of it was immediately pursued with ardour.
It was introduced into several universities; exercises were performed,
lectures read, and degrees conferred in that, as in other branches of
science; and most of the nations of the continent adopted it, if not as
the basis, at least as an important portion of their civil
jurisprudence. A regular _succession of civil_ lawyers followed. At
first, they rather incumbered the text with their subtleties, than
illustrated it by learning and discrimination. _Andrew Alciat_ was the
first who united the study of polite learning with the study of the
civil law: he was founder of a school called the _Cujacian_, from
_Cujas_, the glory of civilians. Of him, it may be truly said, that he
found the civil law in wood and left it in marble.

This school has subsisted until our time: it has never been without
writers of the greatest taste, judgment and erudition; the names of
Cujacius, Augustinus, the Gothofredi, Heineccius, Voetius, Vinnius,
Gravina and Pothier, are as dear to the scholar as they are to the
lawyer; an Englishman however must reflect with pleasure, that the
Commentaries of his countryman, Sir William Blackstone, will not suffer
in a comparison with any foreign work of jurisprudence. So far as the
researches of the present writer extend, the only one that can be put
into competition with them, is the _Jus Canonicum of Van-Espen_.

[Sidenote: CHAP. II. 1597-1610]

The judicial process of the nations on the continent differed
considerably from that of England. Trial by jury, and separate courts of
equity, were unknown to them. Some causes were heard and decided by all
the magistrates of the courts; others were referred to one or more of
their number. The king's advocate, or the advocate of the state, as he
was termed in a republic, held a situation between the judges and the
suitors: his province was to sum the facts and arguments of the cause,
and to suggest his opinions upon them to the judges.--We trust our
readers will excuse this summary view of foreign jurisprudence.

Grotius, by the advice of his father, addicted himself to the profession
of the law. He was only in his seventeenth year, when he pleaded his
first cause. He acquired by it, great reputation; and this was
constantly upon the increase, through the whole of his professional
career. He observed in his pleadings a rule, which he afterwards
recommended to his son: "That you may not," he told him, "be embarrassed
by the little order observed by the adversary counsel, attend to one
thing, which I have found eminently useful: Distribute all that can be
said on both sides, under certain heads; imprint these strongly in your
memory; and, whatever your adversary says, refer it not to his division,
but to your own."

[Sidenote: Grotius embraces the profession of the Law.]

The brilliant success of Grotius at the bar soon procured him very
considerable promotions. The place of Advocate-General of the Fisc of
the provinces of Holland and Zealand becoming vacant, it was unanimously
conferred on him. This situation was attended with great distinction and
authority; the person invested with it, being charged with the
preservation of the public peace, and the prosecution of public
offenders. In 1613, Grotius was advanced to the situation of Pensionary
of Rotterdam; and his high character authorized him to stipulate before
he accepted it, that he should hold it during his life, and not, at
will, its usual tenure. It immediately gave him a seat in the assembly
of the States of Holland; and, at a future time, a seat in the assembly
of the States General.

Between the time of his appointment to the advocacy of the Fisc of
Holland and Zealand, and his being appointed Pensionary of Rotterdam, he
married Mary Reygersburgh, of an illustrious family in Zealand. It
proved a marriage of happiness. The most perfect harmony subsisted
between Grotius and his consort: we shall find that she was an ornament
to him in prosperity, his comfort and aid in adverse fortune. The
marriage was solemnized in July 1608, and celebrated by many a Belgic
bard.

[Sidenote: CHAP II. 1597-1610.]

A dispute arising about this time between England and the States
General, upon the exclusive right claimed by the former to fish in the
Northern seas, the States, with a view to an amicable adjustment of it,
sent Grotius to England. Several meetings took place between him and
commissioners appointed by James, the British sovereign. If we credit
the account, given by Grotius, of the point in dispute, and the
negociation to which it gave rise, justice was decidedly on the side of
the States General; and England only carried the point by the lion's
right,--the _droit du plus fort_.

[Sidenote: Grotius embraces the profession of the Law.]

Grotius had every reason to be pleased with his reception by the English
monarch and his court. Between Grotius and Casaubon, who, at this time,
resided in England, an intimacy had long subsisted. It was cemented by
mutual esteem, similarity of studies, and the earnest wish of each for
an amicable termination of religious differences: each respected the
antient doctrines and discipline of the church; each thought that many
of the points in controversy were disputes of words; that much might be
gained by mutual concessions; and that the articles, upon which there
was any substantial difference, were few. "I esteem Grotius
highly,"--Casaubon writes in a letter to the president de Thou, "on
account of his other great qualities; but particularly because he judges
of the modern subjects of religious controversy like a learned and good
man. In his veneration for antiquity, he agrees with the wisest men."
... "I heartily pray God," says Casaubon in a letter to Grotius, "to;
preserve you: as long as I shall live, I shall hold you in the highest
esteem: so much am I taken with your piety, your probity, and your
admirable learning."[005]







CHAPTER III.

THE EARLY PUBLICATIONS OF GROTIUS.


There is not, perhaps, an instance of a person's acquiring at an age
equally early, the reputation, which attended the first publication of
Grotius. It was an edition, with notes, of the work of "_Martianus
Mineus Felix Capella_, on the Marriage of Mercury and Philology, in two
books; and of the same writer's Seven Treatises on the Liberal Arts."
They had been often printed; but all the editions were faulty: a
manuscript of them having been put into the hands of Grotius by his
father, he communicated it to Scaliger, and by his advice undertook a
new edition of them.

The time, in which Capella lived, and the place of his birth, are
uncertain; the better opinion seems to be, that he flourished towards
the third century, resided at Rome, and attained the consular dignity.
His works are written in prose, intermixed with poetry. His diction has
some resemblance to that of Tertullian, but is much more crabbed and
obscure: none, but the ablest Latin scholars, can understand him. The
Marriage of Mercury and Philology,--or of Speech with Learning, is not
uninteresting. His other treatises contain nothing remarkable: that upon
music, is hardly intelligible; it is printed separately in the
collection of _Meibomius_. With all his harshness and obscurity, Capella
seems to have been much studied in the middle ages,--some proof that
there was more learning in them, than is generally supposed,--he is so
often quoted by the writers of those times, that some persons have
supposed that his work was then a text book in the schools.

[Sidenote: The early publications of Grotius.]

[Sidenote: CHAP. III. 1597-1610.]

When Grotius undertook his edition of Capella, he was only twelve years
of age: he published it in his fourteenth year, and dedicated it to the
Prince of Condé. The learning and critical discernment displayed by him
in this publication excited astonishment, and obtained for him the
applause of all the literary world. Grotius himself gives the following
account of his work: "We have collated Capella with the several authors,
who have investigated the same subjects. In the two first books, we have
consulted those whose writings contain the sentiments of the antient
philosophers, as Apuleius, Albericus and others, too tedious to name; on
grammar, we have compared, Capella with the antient grammarians; in what
he has said on rhetoric, with Cicero and Aquila; on logic, with
Porphyry, Aristotle, Cassiodorus and Apuleius; on geography, with
Strabo, Mela, Solinus, and Ptolemy, but chiefly Pliny; on arithmetic,
with Euclid; on astronomy, with Hyginus, and others, who have treated on
that subject; on music, with Cleonides, Vitruvius and Boethius." In
Grotius's Annotations all these writers are mentioned in a manner, which
shews that he was thoroughly conversant with their works. Grotius's
edition is become, from its extreme scarcity, a typographical curiosity:
all the other editions are scarce. The writer of these pages found, with
great difficulty, a copy of it in the London market.[006] That of
Bonhomme, published at Lyons in 1539, he procured by loan. The
celebrated Leibniz began to prepare an edition of Capella _in usum
Delphini_; but his collections being purloined from him, he desisted
from his project: it must be owned that the general learning of Leibniz
qualified him admirably for such a task.[009]

[Sidenote: The early Publications of Grotius.]

While yet in his fourteenth year, Grotius published a translation of a
work, published by Simon Steven in 1586, upon Navigation, and shewed by
it a profound knowledge of mathematics:[010] he dedicated it to the
republic of Venice.

[Sidenote: CHAP. III. 1597-1610.]

In the following year, Grotius published _the Phenomena of Aratus_, a
poetical treatise of that author upon astronomy, with Cicero's
translation of it, so far as it has reached us. Grotius supplied the
vacancies. It is universally admitted that the parts supplied by him,
are not inferior to those of Cicero. The abbé d'Olivet, the editor of
Cicero's works, and an enthusiastic admirer of his style, declares that
"the Muse of Cicero[011] did not throw the Muse of Grotius into the
shade:" he therefore inserted the supplementary verses of Grotius in his
edition. Grotius dedicated his work to the States of Holland and West
Friseland; and promised them in his dedication something more
considerable. He was complimented upon it by several of the greatest men
of the age.

The following simile, taken from Cicero's translation of Aratus, and
Voltaire's version of it, are greatly admired:

        Sic Jovis altisoni subito pennata satelles,
        Arboris è trunco, serpentis saucia morsu;
        Ipsa feris subigit transfigens unguibus anguem
        Semianimum, et variâ graviter cervice micantem;
        Quem se intorquentem laniens rostroque craentans,
        Abjicit efflantem, et laceratum effundit in undas,
        Seque obitu a solis nitidos convertit ad ortus.

                        CICERO.


        Tel on voit cet oiseau, qui porte le tonnere,
        Blessé par un serpent élancé de la terre;
        Il s'envole, il entraine au sejour azuré
        L'ennemi tortueux dont il est entouré.
        Le sang tombe des airs: il dechire, il devore
        Le reptile acharné, qui le combat encore;
        Il le perçe, il le tient sous ses ongles vainqeurs,
        Par cent coups rédoublés il venge ses douleurs;
        Le Monstre en expirant, se debat, se replie;
        Il exhale en poison le reste de sa vie;
        Et l'aigle tout sanglant, fier et victorieux,
        Le rejette en fureur, et plane au haut des cieux.

                        VOLTAIRE.

[Sidenote: The early Publications of Grotius.]

About the year 1608, Grotius published his celebrated work _Mare
Liberum_, to assert in it against the English, the general freedom of
the sea. The controversy arose upon the claim of Great Britain to enjoy
the dominion of the British seas, in the most extensive sense of those
words, both as to the right of navigating them, and the right of fishing
within them. Against this claim, Grotius attempted to shew that the sea
was, from its nature, insusceptible of exclusive right; and that, if it
were susceptible of it, England did not prove her title to it. Selden,
in opposition to Grotius, asserted the British claim, by his treatise
_Mare Clausam_,--a noble exertion of a vigorous mind, fraught with
profound and extensive erudition. It is pleasing to add, that he treats
Grotius with the respect due to his learning and character. Selden's
treatise was thought of so much importance to his cause, that a copy of
it was directed to be deposited in the British Admiralty. Grotius was
highly pleased with the respect, which was shewn to him by Selden.

On Selden's _Mare Clausum_ he composed the following epigram:--

        Ipsum compedibus qui vinxerat Ennegisæum,
          Est Grecâ Xerxes multus in historia:
        Lucullum Latii Xerxem dixere togatum;
          Seldenus Xerxes ecce Britannus erit.

[Sidenote: CHAP. III. 1597-1610]

The States General were gratified by his work; but at that time it was
so much their interest to preserve the strictest amity with England,
that they discountenanced any further advocation of their claim.[012]

The year after his publication of his "Treatise on the Freedom of the
Sea," Grotius printed his work on the "_Antiquity of the Batavian
Republic_." He gives in it an account of the antient _Batavians;_ he
professes to shew that they were the allies, not the subjects of the
Romans; that, after a period of anarchy, during which little is known of
their history, they became subjects of the Counts of Holland; that these
were not vassals of the empire, but independent princes; and, strictly
speaking, elected by the people, although, in the election of them,
great regard was always shewn to the hereditary line: that they were
bound to conform to the laws of the state; and always required, before
their election, to swear to the observance of the constitution; that the
taxes were always imposed by the States, and that Philip the Second had
occasioned the grand war, by repeated infractions of the public and
private right of the people of the United Provinces.

[Sidenote: The early Publications of Grotius.]

The States of Holland were highly pleased with this work; they voted
thanks to its author, and accompanied them with a present. It is
considered that his partiality to his country led him to advance some
positions favourable to its antient independence, which his proofs did
not justify.

For the use of _Du Maurier_, the French ambassador to the States
General, Grotius published, about this time, his "Directions for a
Course of general Study," _De omni genere studiorum recte instituendo_.
It was favourably received, both by the diplomatist for whose use it was
composed, and the public at large; but, on account of the great
extension of literature, since the time of Grotius, it is now little
read. Mentioning the Roman history, he shews that a knowledge of it is
better acquired by reading its Greek than by reading its Latin
historians; because foreigners give more attention to the public manners
and customs of a country than natives.

[Sidenote: CHAP. III. 1597-1610.]

All the works, which we have mentioned, were most favourably received in
every part of the United Provinces. It was now become evident that the
exertions for their independence were on the eve of being crowned with
complete success. All the European Powers had deserted Spain, so that
she was left to her own single and unaided strength, to maintain the
contest against the insurgent provinces. The glory, which they acquired
by their successful resistance to her, determined them to make choice of
an historian, who should transmit to future ages the signal exploits of
their memorable struggle. With this view, they appointed Grotius their
historiographer.

[Sidenote: The Poems of Grotius.]

It remains to mention the "_Poems of Grotius:_" throughout his life, he
sacrificed to the Muses. The _Prosopopoeia,_ in which he introduces the
City of Ostend addressing the world, when, in the third year of her
siege, the Marquis Spinola led the troops of Spain against her, was
greatly, admired. All the adjacent territory had been taken by the
Spaniards, so that nothing remained of it to the confederates, but the
precinct within the walls of the city; and even much of this had been
wrested from the besieged. All Europe had its eye fixed on the
operations of Spinola. It is therefore, with great propriety of
language, that Grotius makes Ostend thus address herself to the world,
in the following lines:--

        "Area parva ducum, totus quam respicit orbis;
        Celsior una malis, et quam damnare ruinae
        Nunc quoque fata timent,--alieno in litore resto.
        Tertius annus abit; toties mutavimus hostem:
        Sævit hyems pelago, morbisque furentibus æstas;
        Et minimum est quod fecit Iber,--crudelior armis
        In nos orta lues,--nullum est sine funere funus.
        Nec perimit mors una semel:--Fortuna quid haeres?
        Quâ mercede tenes mixtos in sanguine manes?
        Quis tumulos moriens hos occupet hoste perempto?
        Queritur,--et sterili tantum de pulvere pugna est."


    "A small area of chiefs, whom the whole world contemplates;
    alone loftier than my woes; I, whom the
    Fates even yet, fear to condemn to ruin;--remain on a
    foreign shore.

    "The third year now passes away; thrice has my foe
    been changed:

    "The winter rages on the sea; the summer, by its furious
    heats.

    "The Spaniard has been my least enemy;--more cruel
    than arms, a pestilence has risen among us; no funeral is
    without another; the dying never perish by a single death.

    "Fortune! why do'st thou hesitate? By what reward
    do'st thou detain the manes mingled in blood?

    "Who, dying, will, after the destruction of the enemy,
    occupy these tombs?--This is enquired.--
    The contest is only for sterile dust."

With the following poetical translation of these verses, the writer has
been favoured by Mr. Sotheby, the elegant translator of "Oberon."

        Scant battle-field of Chiefs, thro' earth renown'd,
        Opprest, I loftier tow'r;--and, now, while Fate
        Dreads to destroy, in foreign soil I stand.
        Thrice chang'd the year, thrice have we chang'd the Foe.
        Fierce Winter chafes the Deep, the Summer burns
        With fell disease: less fell th' Iberian sword.
        Dire Pestilence spreads;--on funerals funerals swell:
        Nor does one death at once extirpate all.
        Why, Fortune! linger? why our souls detain
        With blood immingled? Who, the Foe extinct,
        Who, dying, shall these sepulchres possess,
        And in this sterile dust the conflict close?

                        W.S.
            March 28,1826.

[Sidenote: CHAP. III. 1597-1610.]

These verses produced a great sensation in the literary world: they were
ascribed by many to Scaliger, as the best Latin poet of the age; the
only person considered to be capable of writing them. The celebrated
Peyresck hinted this to that learned man: Scaliger answered, that "he
was too old not to be the aversion of the virgins of Helicon," and
announced that the verses were written by Grotius. They were translated
into French by Du Vair, afterwards the keeper of the seals; by Rapin,
grand-provost of the Constabulary of France; by Stephen Pasquier, and by
Malherbes: Casaubon translated them into Greek.[013]

[Sidenote: The Poems of Grotius.]

Three Generals had successively been entrusted with the siege of Ostend;
nine commanders had successively been entrusted with its defence: the
siege had cost the besiegers and besieged 100,000 lives: all the
historians of the times agree, that few important consequences were
derived to either side by the success of the Spaniards. The Archduke and
Infanta, had the curiosity to view the city, after it was taken. They
found in it nothing but heaps of ruins: little that shewed the former
state of the town; its ditches were filled, its fortifications
overthrown, its buildings, and the works of attack and defence, were
levelled with the ground. Spinola led them to the spots in which the
most remarkable events had taken place; and, finally to that, in which
the forces of the besieged had made their last stand; had, for want of
space, found themselves unable to raise military works, and had, on that
account, found themselves forced to surrender. The Archduke and the
Infanta were moved to tears at the melancholy sight; and declared that
such a victory was not worth its cost.

[Sidenote: CHAP. III. 1597-1610.]

The success of the siege of Ostend covered Spinola with glory: his reply
to a person, who asked him,--who, in his opinion was the greatest
general of the age,--is generally known: "Prince Maurice," he said, "is
the second."[014]

The principal poetical performances of Grotius in the collection we have
mentioned, are--_three tragedies_, "Adam in Banishment," "Christ
Suffering," and "Sophomphaneos," which signifies in the language of
Egypt, "the Saviour of the world:" it exhibits the story of Joseph.
Sandys translated it into English verse, and dedicated his translation
to Charles I. From the second of these tragedies, Lauder transcribed
many of the verses, upon which he founded the charge of plagiarism
against Milton.

An eminent rank among modern Latin poets, has always been assigned to
Grotius: his diction is always classical, his sentiments just. But those
who are accustomed to the _wood notes_ of the Bard of Avon, will not
admire the scenic compositions, however elegant or mellifluous, of the
Batavian Bard.







CHAPTER IV.

HISTORICAL MINUTES OF THE UNITED PROVINCES, FROM THEIR DECLARATION OF
INDEPENDENCE, TILL THE ARMINIAN CONTROVERSY.


The present chapter will lead our readers to the public life of Grotius:
in a former page we succinctly mentioned the principal events in the
history of the United Provinces, from their first insurrection against
Philip II. till their declaration of independence. On that event, they
continued Prince William of Orange in the Stadtholderate: he was
entitled to it by his civil and military talents. Application, activity,
liberality, eloquence, intrepidity, enterprise and discretion, were
united in him in an extraordinary degree: he could accommodate himself
to all persons and occurrences, accelerate or retard events, as best
served the interests of his cause, or his own designs. In the rare
talent of governing popular assemblies, and procuring the co-operation
of persons of opposite views, he has had few equals. He wanted no
quality, which a chief of a party should possess, either to insure the
success of the public object, or to further his private aims.

[Sidenote: CHAP. IV. 1597-1610.]

These had, for some time, been suspected: it was generally observed,
that he affected the exercise of sovereign authority; that he
endeavoured to attach the military to his own person; that he always
sought to have the acts of the States issued in his own name; that, on
many occasions, he avoided consulting the States, or doing any thing
which could be considered an explicit recognition of their supremacy;
and that in several instances, in which the constitution required the
co-operation of the States, he acted independently of them. This gave
rise to a party, which was jealous of his power, and on many occasions
thwarted, what they thought the projects of his private ambition. From
their attachment to the constitution, they were termed the republican
party: Barneveldt, the Grand-Pensionary of the States General, was their
leader.

[Sidenote: Assassination of William Prince of Orange.]

Whatever were the projects of the prince, there appeared to be great
probability of their ultimate success. In 1684, he had gained so for,
that the States of Holland, Zealand and Frizeland, had come to a
resolution to confer upon him the sovereignty of their states, under the
title of Count. All the conditions were settled: on one hand, the rights
of the prince, on the other, the rights of the people, were defined and
recognised; a contravention of them by any of the people was declared
to be treason; the infringement of them by the prince, was declared to
be a forfeiture of his sovereignty. Thus the prince seemed to be on the
eve of receiving the fruit of all his exertions. But, as we have already
mentioned, he was assassinated by Balthazar Gerard, a fanatic Spaniard.
The last words of the prince were, "Lord! have mercy on my soul! have
pity on my poor country!"

In 1585, Prince Maurice, the second son of William, was, chiefly by the
influence of Barneveldt, proclaimed Stadtholder by the States General.
They were not less jealous of his views, than they had been of his
father's; but the misconduct of the Earl of Leicester had made it
necessary for them to throw themselves into the prince's arms. The
weakness of Spain, and the troubles in France, now permitted the United
Provinces to enjoy some repose. They availed themselves of it, to settle
the constitution: the towns were repaired, the fortifications completed,
Universities were founded or revived at Utrecht, Leyden and Franker; and
the arts of peace began to be cultivated.

[Sidenote: CHAP. IV. 1597-1610.]

Maurice inherited all the civil talents of his father; he had greater
military skill, and at least equal ambition. The art of war seems to
consist, at the present time, in directing immense masses of men, by
skilful evolutions and positions, to the destruction of the force
opposed. In the wars of the Netherlands, it was principally shewn by
surprising strong-holds, besieging towns, regular assaults, advantageous
encampments, and wasting the army of the enemy by skilful marches. The
camp of Maurice became a school, in which the nobility and gentry of the
empire, France, and England, entered as volunteers, to learn the art of
war. His taking of the city of Breda, raised his reputation to the
highest: from this time, the war, which, on the part of the United
Provinces, had till then, been a defensive war, became offensive, and
their arms were attended with almost uninterrupted success: they equally
triumphed on Sea.

In 1698, the war between Spain and France was terminated. Philip II.
soon afterwards died: he was succeeded by Philip III. a weak monarch.
Then, began the naval glory of the United Provinces; their attacks on
the West Indian and East Indian colonies of the Spaniards. In 1600,
prince Maurice gained a decisive victory at Nieuport near Ostend: it was
followed by other important successes. In 1607, Admiral Heemskirk
obtained a complete victory over the Spanish fleet, though protected by
the batteries of Cadiz, and seized their ships and treasures.

[Sidenote: Armistice between Spain and the United Provinces.]

The war between Spain and the United Provinces had now continued forty
years: the resources of Spain were so exhausted, that she herself was
forced to solicit an armistice. Prince Maurice objected to it, as the
continuance of the war was essential to the furtherance of his own
ambitious views. On this account, the truce was promoted by Barneveldt
and the republican party. They justly thought that the aggrandizement of
the house of Orange would be the extinction of the liberties of their
country, so that the result of the war would only be, that the United
Provinces would change their masters. After a long negotiation, an
armistice of twelve years was agreed upon in 1609, and England and
France guaranteed the execution of the treaty.







CHAPTER V.

THE FEUDS IN THE UNITED PROVINCES BETWEEN THE DISCIPLES OF CALVIN AND
THE DISCIPLES OF ARMINIUS, UNTIL THE SYNOD AT DORT.

1610-1617.


It has generally happened, when a people have risen against their
sovereign, that their first successes have been followed by divisions
among themselves; and that these have endangered, and sometimes even
ruined, their cause. Such a division took place, in a remarkable manner,
in the conflict between the United Provinces and Spain. No sooner did
the arms of the former begin to prosper, and promise ultimate success,
than the ARMINIAN CONTROVERSY burst forth. At first, it was merely a
religious dispute; but it soon mixed itself in the national politics;
split the people into two very hostile parties, and produced contentions
between them, which more than once brought their cause to the brink of
destruction. Grotius was unfortunately involved in them. This part of
the history now claims our attention.

[Sidenote: Calvinism.]

The reformed church, in the largest import of the word, comprises all
the religious communities, which have separated themselves from the
church of Rome. In this sense, the words are often used by English
writers; but, having been adopted by the French Calvinists to describe
_their_ church, these words are most commonly used, on the continent, as
a general appellation of all the churches who profess the doctrines of
Calvin.

[Sidenote: CHAP. V. 1610-1617.]

About the year 1541, the church of Geneva was placed by the magistrates
of that city, under the direction of Calvin. He immediately conceived
one of the boldest projects, that ever entered into the mind of an
obscure individual. He undertook to new model the religious creed of the
reformed church; to give it strength and consistency, and to render the
church of Geneva the mother and mistress of all Protestant churches. His
learning, eloquence, and talents for business, soon attracted general
notice; and, while the fervour of his zeal, the austerity of his
manners, and the devotional cast of his writings, attracted the
multitude, the elegance of his compositions, and his insinuating style,
equally captivated the gentleman and the scholar. By degrees, his fame
reached every part of Europe. Having prevailed upon the senate of Geneva
to found an academy, and place it under his superintendence, and having
filled it with men eminent throughout Europe for their learning and
talent, it became the favourite resort of all persons, who leaned to the
new principles, and sought religious or literary instruction. From
Germany, France, Italy, England and Scotland, numbers crowded to the new
academy, and returned from it to their native countries, saturated with
the doctrine of Geneva, and burning with zeal to propagate its creed.

Calvin's peculiar doctrine on Predestination and Free-will soon
attracted attention, and gave rise to _more than a civil war_[015] of
controversy,[016]

We feel that we are free: if we were not free, conscience could not
exist; for, if a man had not freedom of action, conscience could not
intimate to him either its approbation or its disapprobation of his
actions.

But--_how_ are we free? _How_ is free-will reconcileable, either with
the influence of motive upon will? or with the order of the universe,
prescribed by the Deity? or, with his prescience? For that, which his
infinite mind prescribes or foresees, must be fixed.

[Sidenote: Disputes on the Free-will of Man.]

This question soon engaged the attention of the Greek Philosophers: some
advocated the free-will of man; others denied it, and ascribed his
actions to Fate or Destiny; a being or energy, which they were never
able to define or describe. Among the Jews, the Sadducees embraced the
former opinion; the Pharisees, the latter. Among the Mahometans, a like
division took place between the followers of Omar, and those of Ali.

Unfortunately, the Christians engaged in these ungrateful speculations:
their disputes chiefly turned upon the effect, which motive, suggested
by grace, or the divine favour, has upon will. Does it necessitate?
then, there is no free-will,--no merit,--no demerit. Does it not
necessitate? then, in the choice of good, man acts by his own power, and
thus achieves a good of which God is not the author.

[Sidenote: CHAP. V. 1610-1617.]

The dispute was brought to an issue by _Pelagius_ and his disciples.
They held, that man acts independently of divine grace, both in the
choice and execution of good. This independence was denied by _St.
Augustin_, he asserted, that man co-operates with grace, yet, that grace
begins, advances and brings to perfection every thing in man, which can
be justly called good. _St. Thomas of Aquin_ new-modelled the system of
St. Augustin, and used new terms in describing it: his subtile
distinctions, in the opinion of many, considerably improved it.

_Calvin_ aggravated the doctrine of St. Augustin. He maintained,[017]
that the everlasting condition of mankind in the future world, was
determined from all eternity, by the _unchangeable order_ of the Deity;
and that this _absolute_ determination of his will was the only source
of _happiness or misery_ to individuals. Thus Calvin maintained, without
any qualification, that God, from all eternity has doomed one part of
mankind to everlasting happiness, the other to everlasting misery; and,
was led to make this distinction, without regard to the merit or demerit
of the object, and by no other reason or motive than his own pleasure.

_Luther_,[018] in opposition to Calvin, maintained, that the _divine
decrees_ respecting the salvation or misery of men, are founded upon a
previous knowledge of their sentiments and characters; or, in other
words, that God, foreseeing from all eternity the faith and virtue of
some, and the incredulity or wickedness of others, has reserved eternal
happiness for the former, and eternal misery for the latter.

[Sidenote: Disputes on the Free-will of Man.]

These, and other doctrinal differences, separated the Protestants into
the adherents to the creed of Luther, and the adherents to the creed of
Calvin. The United Provinces were among the latter: the creed of Calvin
was, as we have mentioned, one of the fundamental laws of the Union.

The Calvinistic doctrine, that God, from all eternity, consigns one
portion of mankind, without any fault on their side, to everlasting
torments, shocks our feelings, and is totally repugnant to the notions
entertained by us of the goodness and justice of the Deity: it is not
therefore surprising that it should be called in question. From the
first, several objected to it; but it was not till the successes of the
United Provinces appeared to afford them a near prospect of triumph,
that the opposers of Calvin's doctrine formed themselves into a party,
and occasioned a public sensation.

[Sidenote: CHAP. V. 1610-1617.]

The celebrated JAMES ARMINIUS[019] was at their head. He was born in
1560, at Oudewater in Holland, of respectable parents. He lost his
father in his infancy, and was indebted, for the first rudiments of his
education, to a clergyman, who had imbibed some opinions of the reformed
religion. Under his tuition, Arminius studied, during some time, at
Utrecht. After the clergyman's decease, Rudolphus Snellius, a clergyman
of eminence, took Arminius under his protection, and, in 1575, placed
him at Marpurgh. There, he heard of the taking of Oudewater by the
Spaniards, and their massacre of its inhabitants. His mother, sister,
and two brothers were among the victims. On the first intelligence of
the calamity he repaired to Oudewater, in hopes that the account of it
might have been exaggerated. Finding it true, he retired to Leyden:
there, his severe application to study, and the regularity of his
morals, gained him universal esteem. In 1563, he was sent to Geneva, at
the expense of the magistrates of Amsterdam, to perfect his studies
under the care of Beza. Unfortunately, by adopting the philosophical
principles, of _Ramus_, and unguardedly professing them, he displeased
some leading men of the university, and was obliged to leave it: he then
went to Bâsle. There, his reputation having preceded him, he was
received with great kindness: the faculty of divinity offered him a
doctor's degree; but a general wish for his return being expressed at
Geneva, he declined the honour, and returned to that city. He then
visited Italy, and, during some months, studied under Zabarella, a
famous philosopher, who then lectured at Padua. In 1588, Arminius was
ordained minister at Amsterdam.

[Sidenote: Arminius.]

Some theologians of Delft having attacked the sentiments of Calvin and
Beza upon predestination, and given great offence by it, they defended
themselves by a book, entitled; "An Answer to certain Arguments of Beza
and Calvin, in the treatise concerning Predestination; or upon the ninth
Chapter of the Epistle to the Romans." They transmitted their defence to
Martin Lydius, a partisan of the divines whom it attacked; he sent it to
Arminius, with a request that he would answer it. Arminius undertook the
task, and attentively examined and weighed the arguments on each side;
the result was, that he embraced the opinions which he had been called
upon to confute, and even went further than the ministers of Delft. Upon
this account, the friends of the rejected principles raised a great
clamour against him; but were quieted by the intervention of the
magistrates. The opinions, which Arminius adopted, he endeavoured to
propagate. They are contained in the Remonstrance of his disciples,
which we shall afterwards transcribe.

[Sidenote: CHAP. V. 1610-1617.]

As the language of Arminius seemed to express notions, more consonant
than those of Calvin, to the sentiments entertained by rational
Christians, of the goodness and justice of the Deity, it is not
surprising that they found many advocates among the learned and
moderate; but some ardent spirits were offended by them, and instilled
their dislike of them into the populace. This, Arminius was soon made to
feel. In 1603, he was appointed, on the death of Francis Junius, to a
professorship of theology in the university of Leyden: great efforts
were made, first to prevent, and afterwards to procure a recision of his
appointment. He was accused of having said in a sermon, that "God had
not yet sent his letter of divorce to the church of Rome;" but his
friends produced a work of Francis Junius, his predecessor in the
theological chair, in which that celebrated theologian had used the same
expression. Arminius was also accused by his adversaries, of elevating
the action of reason in the choice of good, at the expense of grace. To
this Arminius replied, by accusing his adversaries of sacrificing reason
entirely to grace. But the greater number of the enemies of Arminius
supported their charges against him, by making it a question of
authority: "the States," they said, "had decided the question, by
adopting Calvin's doctrine at the union; so that the gainsayers of it
were guilty of treason." The friends of Arminius replied, that he did
not deny Calvin's doctrine, but merely explained it.

[Sidenote: Arminius.]

Thus they disputed;

        "And found no end, in wandering mazes lost."
                        Milton.

In fact, the subject,--as the writer has more than once observed,--is
above human reason: the day will come, "when the Almighty will be
judged, and will overcome;"--when the secret of his councils will be
unfolded, and their justice and goodness made manifest to all.[020]

The friends of Arminius also observed, that he was by no means singular
in his doctrine; that it was favoured by professors in Gueldres,
Friesland, Utrecht, and other parts of Holland; and, that in all the
provinces, it was patronized by the higher ranks of the laity. Was it
fitting, they asked, that the peace of the church, and the tranquillity
of the state, should be disturbed by such a dispute? by a dispute which
affected no essential article of christianity; no civil, no moral, no
religious observation?

[Sidenote: CHAP. V. 1610-1617.]

The principal adversary of Arminius was _Gomarus_, also a professor of
theology at Leyden. When the election of Arminius was proposed, Gomarus
announced suspicions of his orthodoxy; he afterwards raised his tone,
and accused Arminius of Pelagianism, of secretly inclining to the church
of Rome, and holding principles which led to general scepticism and
infidelity.

Arminius died on the 19th October 1609.

Grotius made his eulogium in verse. He had hitherto applied little to
these matters; he acknowledges, in a letter written in 1609, his general
ignorance of them. Entering afterwards into the dispute, he became
convinced that the idea, which we ought to have of the goodness and
justice of God, and even the language of the scriptures and the early
fathers of the church, favoured the system of Arminius, and contradicted
that of Gomarus.

The prejudices against the Arminians increasing, they drew up a
Remonstrance, dated the 14th January 1610, and addressed it to the
States of Holland. It begins by stating what they do not believe: it
afterwards propounds their own sentiments in the five articles
following:[021]

     [Sidenote: Remonstrance.]

    1. "That God, by an eternal and immutable decree in Jesus Christ
    his son, before the world was created, resolved to save in Jesus
    Christ, on account of Jesus Christ, and through Jesus Christ,
    those, from among mankind fallen in sin, who, by the grace of the
    Holy Spirit believe in his same son Jesus; and through the same
    grace continue in the faith and obedience to the end; and, on the
    contrary, to leave under sin, and wrath, and to condemn the
    obstinate and unbelieving, as having no part in Christ; according
    to what is said _St. John_ iii. 36.

    2. "That accordingly, Jesus Christ the Saviour of the world, died
    for all and every man; and by his death on the cross has merited
    for all, reconciliation with God, and remission of sin; in such
    manner nevertheless, that no one can partake of them but believers,
    according to the words of Jesus, _St. John_ iii. 16., 1 _John_ ii.
    2.

    3. "That man hath not saving faith of himself, and by the strength
    of his own free will; since, while in a state of sin and apostasy,
    he cannot of himself think, desire, or do, that which is truly
    good, which is what is chiefly meant by saving faith; but it is
    necessary that God in Jesus Christ, and by the Holy Spirit,
    regenerate and renew him in his understanding and affections, or in
    his will and all his powers; that he may know the true good,
    meditate on it, desire, and do it. _St. John_ xv. 5.

    [Sidenote: CHAP. V. 1610-1617.]

    4. "That to this grace of God is owing the beginning, the
    progression, and accomplishment of all good; in such manner, that
    even the regenerate, without this antecedent, or preventing,
    exciting, concomitant, and cooperating grace, cannot think that,
    which is good, desire or practise it; nor resist any temptation to
    evil; so that all the good works or actions he can conceive, spring
    from the grace of God; that as to what regards the manner of
    operation of this grace, it is not irresistible, since it is said
    of several, they resisted the Holy Spirit. See _Acts_ vii. and
    other places.

    5. "That those, who by a lively faith are engrafted into Christ, and
    consequently made partakers of his quickening spirit, are furnished
    with sufficient strength to be able to combat, and even overcome
    Satan, sin, the world, and their own lusts; and all this, as is
    carefully to be observed, by the assistance of the grace and the
    Holy Spirit; and that Jesus Christ succours them by his spirit in
    all temptations, reaches to them his hand, (provided they be
    willing to engage, ask his assistance, and are not wanting to
    themselves,) supports and strengthens them: so, that they cannot be
    led away by any wile or violence of Satan, or snatched out of
    Christ's hands, as he says himself, _St. John_ x. _My sheep shall
    no man pluck out of my hands_. For the rest, if it be asked whether
    these may not through negligence let go the confidence they had
    from the beginning, (Heb. iii. 6.) cleave again to the present
    world, depart from the holy doctrine, which was delivered, make
    shipwreck of a good conscience? (2 Pet. i. 10., Jude iii., 1 Tim.
    i. 19., Heb. xii. 15.) This must be previously examined with more
    care, by the Scriptures, to be able to teach it with full assurance
    to others."

Such is the Confession of Faith of the Arminians: they gave it the name
of _Remonstrance_; and were styled from it REMONSTRANTS. It was drawn up
by _Utengobard_, minister at the Hague, with the help, it is supposed,
of Grotius: it was signed by forty-six ministers.

[Sidenote: Contra-Remonstrance.]

The Gomarists opposed to it a _Contra-Remonstrance_; which gave them the
name of the CONTRA-REMONSTRANTS.

It was about this time, that Grotius was elected Pensionary of
Rotterdam, and ordered to England: it has been suggested, that he had
secret instructions from the Arminians, to induce king James to favour
their principles.

[Sidenote: CHAP. V. 1610-1617.]

We are informed, by Mr. Nichols, (_Calvinism and Arminianism
compared_,)[022] that the Arminians sent to King James by Grotius, a
true state of their case; that Grotius found an adversary in _Archbishop
Abbott_, and friends in _Bishops Andrews_ and _Overal_; and that by
their advice the monarch addressed to the States General, a wise and
conciliatory letter.

The irritation of the public mind increasing, the States of Holland, to
restore tranquillity, published an edict of Pacification, by which they
strongly enjoined forbearance, toleration, and silence. This was
favourable to the Arminians, but it increased the violence of the
_Contra-remonstrants_. Thus, it became a signal of war. The States of
Holland transmitted it to King James: his Majesty, the archbishop of
Canterbury, and the other English prelates, allowed its doctrine to be
orthodox.

[Sidenote: Remonstrants--Contra-Remonstrants.]

Still, the troubles in Holland augmented: riots took place and greater
riots were apprehended. In an evil hour, Barneveldt, the
Grand-Pensionary, proposed to the States of Holland, that the
magistrates of the cities of that province should he empowered to raise
troops for the suppression of the rioters. Amsterdam, Dort, and other
towns, that favoured the Gomarists, protested against this measure,
styling it a declaration of war against the Contra-remonstrants. Yet,
on the 4th August 1617, Barneveldt's proposition was agreed to, and
promulgated.

We have mentioned the enmity of Prince Maurice to Barneveldt, on account
of his having promoted the armistice of 1609, and his favouring the
republican party. The Prince professed to consider the edict of
Pacification as derogatory of his authority, and forbade the soldiers to
obey the States, if they should be ordered to act against the rioters.
He publicly declared, that he favoured the Gomarists; he assisted, at
the divine service, in their churches only, and shewed them every other
mark of public favour. Exulting in this powerful support, the Gomarists
separated themselves, formally, from the Arminians.

[Sidenote: CHAP. V. 1610-1617.]

To bring over Amsterdam to their sentiments, the States of Holland sent
a deputation to the burgomasters of that city, and placed Grotius at its
head. On the day after their arrival in Amsterdam, the burgomasters
assembled to receive the deputies. Grotius addressed them in an
argumentative and eloquent speech. He urged the necessity and advantage
of religious toleration, particularly upon theoretical points of
doctrine. He observed to the assembly, that Bullinger and Melancthon had
been tolerated by Deza and Calvin; that James, the King of Great
Britain, had advanced, in his writings, that each of the two opposite
opinions on Predestination might be maintained without danger of
reprobation; that Gomarus himself had declared that Arminius had not
erred in any fundamental article of Christian doctrine; that the
contested articles were of a very abstruse nature; that the affirmative
or negative of the doctrines expressed in them, had not been determined;
and that toleration would restore tranquillity and union, and favour the
assembling of a numerous and respectable synod, which might labour with
success in restoring peace to the church.

Grotius delivered his speech in the Dutch language; it was afterwards
translated into Latin; all, who heard, admired it; but it produced no
effect on them. The deputies were uncivilly dismissed; and the oration
of Grotius, by an order of the States General, was suppressed.[023]

[Sidenote: Feuds of the Remonstrants and Contra-Remonstrants.]

He was much affected by the bad success of his mission: he was seized
with a fever, which nearly proved fatal to him. Many of his friends
sought to persuade him to retire from the contest: he told them that he
had taken his resolution after deep deliberation; that he was aware of
his danger, and that he submitted the event to providence.

The next effort of the States of Holland to pacify the troubles, was to
prepare a _formula_ of peace, which the ministers of the two parties
should be obliged to sign. It contained nothing contrary to the doctrine
of Calvin; it referred the five articles to future examination, and
prescribed, in the mean time, silence upon the parts in dispute. Grotius
drew up the Formula; it was shewn to Prince Maurice, and rejected by
him.

[Sidenote: CHAP. V. 1610-1617.]

Matters now converged to a crisis:--we have more than once mentioned the
opposite politics of Prince Maurice and Barneveldt, the
Grand-Pensionary; the former wishing to draw the whole sovereign power
to himself; the latter endeavouring to preserve and stabilitate the the
constitution of the Provinces, as it had been settled by the Act of
Union. We noticed that the Gomarists sided with the Prince; the
Arminians with the Grand-Pensionary. As the Prince was aware that the
States of Holland were favourable to the Arminians, that the States
General were opposed to them, and that the clergy of each denomination
partook of the civil and ecclesiastical opinions of their flocks, he
convened a national synod of the clergy; and, that be might the more
overawe his opponents and strengthen his own party, he appointed the
synod to meet in Holland. Against this synod the provinces of Holland,
Utretcht, and Overyssell protested. Barneveldt was so much affected by
the disturbances, and a view of the evils with which they appeared to
threaten his country, that he sought to resign his place of
Grand-Pensionary; but the States of the province of Holland, which
needed more than ever the counsels of such an experienced minister, sent
a deputation to him, beseeching him not to abandon them in times of so
much difficulty. He thought it his duty to yield to their entreaty, and
continued to exercise the functions of his office.

[Sidenote: Imprisonment of Barneveldt, Grotius and Hoogerbetz.]

To frustrate the designs of Prince Maurice, several cities favourable to
the Arminians levied bodies of militia, and gave them the name of
_Attendant Soldiers_. The States-General, at the instigation of Prince
Maurice, enjoined the cities to disband them. The cities generally
disobeyed these orders. In this they were justified by the established
constitution: the Prince, however, treated their conduct as rebellious;
and, in concert with the States General, marched in person, at the head
of his troops, against the refractory cities. Wherever he came, he
disarmed and disbanded the new levies; deposed the Arminian magistrates,
and expelled the ministers of their party.

In the provinces of Gueldres and Overyssell, he met with no resistance;
and little at Arnheim: greater resistance was expected at Utretcht: the
States of Holland sent Grotius and Hoogerbetz, the Pensionary of Leyden,
to stimulate the inhabitants to resistance; but the fortune of the
Prince prevailed. In an extraordinary assembly, which consisted of eight
persons only, yet assuming to act as the States General, the Prince
procured an ordonnance to be passed, which directed Barneveldt, Grotius,
and Hoogerbetz to be taken into immediate custody. They were accordingly
arrested, and confined in the Castle at the Hague.

[Sidenote: CHAP. V. 1610-1617.]

Thus the Prince's party prevailed in every part of the United Provinces.
About this time, he succeeded, in consequence of the death of his elder
brother, to the dignity of Prince of Orange.







CHAPTER VI.

THE SYNOD OF DORT.

1618.


[Sidenote: CHAP. VI. 1618.]

The States General determined that the Synod[024] should be composed of
twenty-six divines of the United Provinces, twenty-eight foreign
divines, five professors of divinity, and sixteen laymen;--seventy-five
members in the whole. The expence was calculated at 100,000 florins. The
English divines were, Dr. George Carlton, Bishop of Llandaff; Dr. Joseph
Hall, Dean of Worcester; John Davenant, professor of divinity, and
Master of Queen's college, Cambridge; Samuel Ward, Archdeacon of
Taunton, and head of Sidney college, Cambridge. To these were added,
Walter Balcanqual, a Scottish theologian, as representative of the
Scottish churches. The ever-memorable John Hales of Eaton, as that
learned and amiable person is justly termed by protestant writers, was
permitted to attend the debates of the Synod, but was not allowed to
speak, or take any part in its proceedings.

[Sidenote: The Synod of Dort.]

We have mentioned that Arminius was converted to the opinions, which he
defended afterwards so strenuously, by the perusal of a work in support
of the opposite doctrine, which he had been desired to confute. In the
same manner, the proceedings of the Contra-Remonstrants, at the Synod of
Dort, made Mr. Hales a Remonstrant. We are informed by his friend Mr.
Faringdon, that, in his younger days, he was a Calvinist; but that some
explanations given by Episcopius of the text in John iii. 16, induced
him, as he himself said, to "bid John Calvin, Good Night." His letters
from Dort to Sir Dudley Carleton, the English ambassador at the Hague,
contain an interesting account of the proceedings of the assembly.[025]
[Sidenote: CHAP. VI. 1618.]

Dr. Heylin says, in his "Quinquarticular History," that the theologians
sent by King James to Dort, were inclined to condemn the Remonstrants;
but he intimates that the monarch acted from reasons of state; and that
he was more hostile to their persons than their doctrines: Brand makes
the same remark upon Prince Maurice. It seems to be admitted, that, in
the conference at Hampton Court, King James declared against absolute
predestination.[026]

The English divines arrived at the Hague on the 5th November 1618: they
were immediately presented to the States General, and most honourably
received.

[Sidenote: The Synod of Dort.]

The King of France had permitted two Protestant theologians of his
kingdom to attend the Synod; but afterwards revoked the permission. The
French Protestant churches had deputed to it, the celebrated Peter de
Moulin and Andrew Rivet; but the King prohibited their attending it,
under severe penalties.

After the election of the members was finally adjusted, the Synod
appeared to be composed of about seventy Contra-Remonstrants and
fourteen Arminians.

It was opened on the 13th of November 1618. Two commissioners of the
States placed themselves on the right side of the chimney of the room;
the English divines were placed on the left; seats were kept vacant for
the French; the third place was assigned to the deputies from the
Palatinate; the fourth, to those from Hesse; the fifth, to the Swiss;
the sixth to the Genevans; the seventh to the theologians from Bremen;
and the eighth to those from Embden. The professors of theology were
placed immediately after the commissioners; then, the ministers and
elders of the country. By an arrangement, favoured by the States,
thirty-six ministers and twenty elders were added to the five
professors. Of this the Remonstrants complained, on the just ground,
that it evidently gave their adversaries an undue preponderance.

[Sidenote: CHAP. VI. 1618.]

The commissioners nominated the celebrated Daniel Heinsius secretary.
The Remonstrants objected to him; they admitted his extensive
acquaintance with polite literature, and his elegant taste; but
asserted, that he possessed no theological learning, and was prejudiced
against them. Episcopius was always considered to be at the head of the
Remonstrants: he has seldom been excelled in learning, eloquence, or
power of argumentation.

No further business than arranging the forms of sitting and voting, was
transacted at the _first session_ of the Synod. _At the second_, the
Synod constituted John Bogerman its president, and appointed two
assessors and two secretaries: all five were distinguished for their
known hostility to the Remonstrants. The appointment of Bogerman
particularly offended them, as he openly avowed it to be his opinion
that heretics should be punished by death; and had translated into the
Dutch language the celebrated treatise of Beza, _de hæreticis a civili
magistratu puniendis_, in which this doctrine is explicitly maintained
in its fullest extent.

[Sidenote: The Synod of Dort.]

_In the third session_,--the deputies from Geneva produced their
commission: it was expressed in terms decidedly hostile to the
Remonstrants.

_In the fourth session_,--the grand preliminary question,--in what
manner the Remonstrants were to be summoned,--came under consideration.
After much argument, it was settled, by a great majority of voices, that
"Episcopius and some other Remonstrants should within a fortnight,
appear before the Synod, as the sovereign ecclesiastical tribunal of the
United States."

The Remonstrants and the advocates of their cause protested against this
proceeding: they called in question the authority of the Synod to sit as
judges upon them, or even to decide any point of doctrine definitively:
they averred it contrary to the evangelical liberty professed and taught
by the first Reformers. Every friend to the true principles of the
reformation must admit the force of this objection.

The _5th, 6th, 7th, 8th, 9th, 10th, 11th, 12th and 13th Sessions_
of the intermediate fortnight, were consumed in debates upon a projected
new translation of the Scriptures; _the 14th, 15th, 16th, 17th, 18th,
19th, 20th_ and _21st Sessions_ were employed in discussions,
upon a new catechism, and other ecclesiastical arrangements.

[Sidenote: CHAP. VI. 1618.]

The _22d Session_ was held on the 6_th_ of December. The
Remonstrants appeared before the Synod, and requested further time for
preparing their defence on the articles with which they were charged.
Their request was denied: and Episcopius having said, that "They wished
to enter into a conference with the Synod," a resolution was passed, by
which the Synod declared, that "the Remonstrants had not been cited to
_confer_ with the Synod; but to propound their opinions, and submit
to its judgment."

The Remonstrants then paid their visits to the foreign theologians:
these they found greatly prejudiced against them; they therefore
published two short writings, explaining and justifying their
sentiments.

In _the 23d Session_, Episcopius made a long discourse. Mr.
John Hales praised it highly, in a letter addressed by him to the
English ambassador An oath was prescribed to the members, by which they
promised, that, in the examination of the five articles, "or any other
points of doctrine which should be discussed, they would confine
themselves to the Scriptures, and resort to no human authority." But,
what was the Synod itself more than human authority? The oath was not
tendered to the Remonstrants; it was declined by the Swiss.

[Sidenote: The Synod of Dort.]

The _24th Session_ was consumed in debates: _on the 25th_,
Episcopius read a long document, and afterwards presented it to the
Synod. He protested in it against the authority of the Synod, and asked
the searching question, whether the Calvinists would "submit to a Synod
of Lutherans?" To this question, no answer was given: an angry
discussion followed.


It continued during _the 27th and 28th Sessions_.

On _the 29th_, the opinions of foreign divines were produced in
favour of the authority of the Synod: those of the English divines, and
the divines of Bremen, were expressed with more moderation than the
others. The divines of Geneva stated, that, "if a person obstinately
refused to submit to the just decisions of the church, he might be
proceeded against in two ways; the _magistrate_ might coerce him,
and the _church_ might publicly excommunicate him as a violator of
the law of God."

The dispute was more violent in _the 30th Session_.

Finally, the Remonstrants agreed to propound their sentiments in
writing; but with an express salvo, of their right to liberty of
conscience, and to retain their objections to the authority of the
Synod.

In _the 31st Session_, the Remonstrants presented to the
Synod a writing, containing their sentiments upon Predestination,--the
first and most important of the five articles.

[Sidenote: CHAP. VI. 1618.]

In _the 34th Session_, they presented their sentiments upon the
four other articles; and in _the 39th Session_, upon the Catechism
of Heidelberg. The Synod had enjoined them to confine themselves to
explanations of their own doctrine, and to abstain from controverting
the doctrines of the Calvinists. These debates carried the Synod to its
_46th Session_.

In that session, the resolution of the States General upon the
proceedings of the Synod was produced. They declared by it, that "the
Remonstrants were obliged to submit to the decrees of the Synod,"--and
that "if they persisted in their disobedience to them, both the censures
of the church, and the penalties by which the States punished violators
of public authority, should be inflicted upon them." The States ordered
the Remonstrants to remain, in the meantime, in the town.

The Remonstrants persisting in their refusal to acknowledge the
authority of the Synod, an assembly of it met on _the 57th
Session_, and formally expelled the Remonstrants from the Synod.
Episcopius exclaimed, "May God decide between the Synod and us!" "I
appeal," said Niellius, "from the injustice of the Synod, to the throne
of Jesus Christ." All remained firm in their protestation.

[Sidenote: The Synod of Dort.]

Mr. Hales and Mr. Balcanqual, in their letters to the English
ambassador, blame the proceedings of the Synod.[027] The only question
between the Synod and the Remonstrants was, whether the latter would
submit to acknowledge the authority of the former. This, the
Remonstrants uniformly refused to do. In almost every Synod there was a
repetition of the same demand, and of the same answer. By every English
reader, the demand of the Synod will be thought exorbitant.

[Sidenote: CHAP VI. 1618.]

The Synod relaxed afterwards so far, as to permit the Remonstrants to
deliver their sentiments in writing: they did it at great length. But
they still persisted in objecting to the authority of the Synod, and to
be examined by it. The Synod therefore proceeded against them in their
absence; and ultimately, on the 24th of April 1610, pronounced them
guilty of pestilential errors, and corruptors of the true religion. The
five articles were formally condemned; Episcopius and the other
ministers were deposed.

[Sidenote: The Synod of Dort.]

"There are conclusions," says Grotius,[028] in a letter written by him
in the same year, "in the canons of the Synod of Dort, of which, if good
Melancthon were again to make his appearance, he would express his
disapprobation, and with which Bullinger would be no less grieved; there
are others, which alienate all the Lutherans from the Calvinists;
although amity and concord are desirable between them and us at this
juncture. There are some points in them, which forbid the Greek churches
from uniting with us, though they are very favourable to us; but there
are others of the Dort canons, which admit of no controversy.--It is
possible that they may recall to mind my labours for unity. Even those
writings, which I published since my calamity, have not been diverted
from the same peaceful object." If ever any Protestant divines deserved
the reproach cast by Mr. Gibbon,[029] on the first reformers in general,
"of being ambitious to succeed the tyrants whom they had dethroned,"
they were the members of the Synod of Dort.

The Synod was closed on the 29th of May.

The sentence passed by it on the Remonstrants was approved by the States
General on the 3d July 1619. On the same day, the Arminian ministers,
who had been detained at Dort, were, by a sentence of the States
General, banished or imprisoned, deprived of their employments, and the
effects of some were confiscated. Similar severities were exercised on
the Arminians in most of the territories subject to the States General.
To avoid the persecution, some fled to Antwerp, some to France, the
greater part to Holstein. There, under the wise protection of the
reigning duke, they settled, and afterwards built a town, which from him
they called Friedericstadt.

They continued to assert the irregularity of the Synod: the Bishop of
Meaux shrewdly observed, that "they employed against the authority of
the Synod, the same arguments as the Protestants use against the
authority of the Council of Trent."

[Sidenote: CHAP VI. 1618.]

[Sidenote: The Synod of Dort.]

For the publication of _Acts of the Council_, divines were chosen
out of various districts of the United Provinces: their edition of the
Acts was published at Dort in the year 1620, in folio, in the types of
the Elzevirs; and was soon afterwards republished with greater
correctness, in the same year, at Hanover, in quarto, with an addition
of a copious index.--An Epistle of their High Mightinesses the States
General, addressed to the Monarchs, Kings, Princes, Counts, Cities and
Magistrates of the Christian world, and vouching for the authority and
authenticity of the Acts,[030] is prefixed to this edition. The
Remonstrants published an edition of the Acts in 1620, in 4to.: it is
said,[031] that from a fear of their adversaries, it was printed on
ship-board.

Here, the history of the Arminians, so far as it is connected with that
part of the Life of Grotius to which our subject has hitherto led us,
seems to close. We shall hereafter be called upon to resume it.







CHAPTER VII.

TRIAL AND IMPRISONMENT OF GROTIUS. HIS ESCAPE FROM PRISON.

1618-1621.


While the Synod of Dort continued its sittings, Prince Maurice and his
party were actively employed in increasing the popular ferment against
Barneveldt, Grotius and Hoogerbetz; in collecting evidence of the
designs and practices of which they were accused, and in framing the
legal proceedings against them in such a manner as was most likely both
to procure their conviction, and to persuade the public of their guilt.

We have mentioned that their confinement took place on the 20th of
August 1618, and that they were removed from the Hague, the original
place of their imprisonment, to the Castle of Louvestein. On the 19th
November, the States General, at the instigation of Prince Maurice,
nominated twenty-six commissioners for their trial. All the prisoners
objected both to the jurisdiction of the commissioners, and to that of
the States General; and asserted that the States of Holland were their
only competent judges. They observed, at the same time, that many of the
judges were notoriously prejudiced against the Arminians.

[Sidenote: Trial and Imprisonment of Grotius.]

The act of accusation contained many general charges, and many averments
of particular facts, supposed to substantiate them. It was alleged
against the prisoners, that they had disturbed the established religion
of the United Provinces; that, in direct contradiction of the articles
of union, they had asserted the right of each province to decide for
itself in matters of religion; that they had set up the authority and
interests of the States of Holland and West Friesland against those of
the States General; that they were the authors of the Insurrection at
Utrecht; had levied, in opposition to the orders of government, the
attendant soldiers; had raised jealousies between the Prince and several
of the Provincial States, and between these and the States General; and
that, by their habitual conduct, they had become public disturbers of
the tranquillity of the republic, and councillors and practisers of
schemes hostile to its welfare.

[Sidenote: CHAP. VII. 1618-1621.]

The Commissioners proceeded to the trial of Barneveldt. Uniformly
protesting against the competency of the tribunal, Barneveldt defended
himself with great firmness and ability. He controverted every article
of the accusation, and concluded his defence, by a long and pathetic
enumeration of the services, which he had rendered to the republic; and
of the numerous actions, by which he had shewn his attachment to Prince
William and Prince Maurice:--he proved that it had been principally
owing to him, that the Stadtholderate had been conferred on the latter.
He admitted that he had suspected the Prince of designs hostile to the
constitution of the United Provinces, and had opposed the Prince in
every measure, which appeared to have such a tendency; but he asserted
that he never had resorted to means which the laws or constitution of
the Provinces did not warrant. His arguments were unanswerable; but
Prince Maurice was determined on his ruin; and the Commissioners were
wholly subservient to the prince's views: they accordingly passed
unanimously a sentence of death upon Barneveldt.

[Sidenote: Trial and Imprisonment of Grotius.]

Many of the princes of Europe expressed their dissatisfaction at these
proceedings: none so much as the French monarch. To him, the great merit
of Barneveldt had been long known. He considered that the conduct of
Prince Maurice was likely to involve the United Provinces in troubles,
of which Spain might take advantages. From personal regard to
Barneveldt, and with a view of terminating the discord, the monarch sent
an ambassador extraordinary to the United States, and ordered him to
join Du Maurier, his ambassador in ordinary, in soliciting them in
favour of the accused, and in labouring to restore the public
tranquillity. The ambassadors executed their commission with the
greatest zeal. They made many remonstrances, and had several audiences
both with the States and the Prince. The States, instigated by the
Prince, expressed great indignation at the proceedings of the
ambassadors.

All the accused were respectably allied, and had many friends: numerous
applications were made in their favour. They undeviatingly demeaned
themselves with the firmness and modest dignity of conscious innocence.
They persisted in denying the guilt attributed to them, and in
protesting against the competency of the tribunal. They made no
degrading submission. At a subsequent time, a son of Barneveldt having
been condemned to death, his mother applied to Prince Maurice, for his
pardon. The Prince observed to her, that she had made no such
application in behalf of her husband; "No," she replied, "I know my son
is guilty, I therefore solicit his pardon; I knew my husband was
innocent, I therefore solicited no pardon for him."

[Sidenote: CHAP. VII. 1618--1621.]

On Monday morning, May 13, 1619, Barneveldt was informed that he was to
be executed upon that day. He received the notification of it with great
firmness; he inquired whether Grotius and Hoogerbetz were to suffer:
being answered in the negative, he expressed much satisfaction,
observing that "they were of an age to be still able to serve the
republic."

    "The scaffold for his execution," says Burigni, "was erected in the
    Court of the Castle at the Hague, facing the Prince of Orange's
    apartments. He made a short speech to the people, which is yet
    preserved in the _Mercure Françoise_. 'Burghers!' he said, 'I have
    been always your faithful countryman; believe not that I die for
    treason: I die for maintaining the rights and liberties of my
    country!' After this speech, the executioner struck off his head at
    one blow. It is affirmed that the Prince of Orange, to feast
    himself with the cruel pleasure of seeing his enemy perish, beheld
    the execution with a glass; the people looked on it with other
    eyes: many came to gather the sand wet with his blood, to keep it
    carefully in phials; and the crowd of those, who had the same
    curiosity, continued next day, notwithstanding all they could do
    to hinder them.

    "Thus fell that great minister, who did the United Provinces as much
    service in the cabinet, as the Prince of Orange did in the field.
    It is highly probable that the melancholy end of this illustrious
    and unfortunate man was owing to his steadiness in opposing the
    design of making Prince Maurice Dictator."[032]

[Sidenote: Trial and Imprisonment of Grotius.]

The Prince pursued his triumph. Soon after the arrest of Grotius, the
States of Holland presented a petition to the Prince, representing the
arrest as a breach of their constitutional rights; the Prince referred
it to the States General. To these, therefore, they presented a similar
petition; praying at the same time, that Grotius might be tried by the
laws and usages of the Provinces of Holland: no regard was shewn to
their petitions.

[Sidenote: CHAP. VII. 1618--1621.]

Grotius had an invaluable friend:--he was no sooner arrested, than his
wife petitioned to share his confinement throughout the whole of his
imprisonment: it was denied. Grotius fell ill: she renewed the
application: it was absolutely rejected: but neither his wife, nor any
of the friends of Grotius ever recommended to him an unworthy
submission. He always denied the competency of the tribunal appointed to
try him: his wife and brother uniformly recommended him to persist in
his plea.

Much disregard of form took place, and many arbitrary acts were
perpetrated, in the proceedings against Grotius. On the 18th of May
1619, the Commissioners pronounced sentence against him. After
enumerating all the charges, of which he was accused, and asserting that
all were proved against him, the judges condemned him to perpetual
imprisonment, and his estates to be confiscated. The same sentence was
passed on Hoogerbetz; but the house of the latter was assigned to him
for his imprisonment.

On the 6th of June, Grotius was taken to Louvestein. It lies near
Gorcum, in South Holland, at the point of the island formed by the Vaal
and the Meuse. Twenty-four sous a day were allowed for his maintenance;
but his wife undertook to support him, during his confinement, from her
own estate. She was at length admitted into prison with him, on
condition that she should remain in it, while his imprisonment lasted.

[Sidenote: Trial and Imprisonment of Grotius.]

At first, his confinement was very rigid: by degrees it was relaxed: his
wife was allowed to leave the prison for a few hours, twice in every
week. He was permitted to borrow books, and to correspond, except on
politics, with his friends.

He beguiled the tedious hours of confinement by study, relieving his
mind by varying its objects. Antient and modern literature equally
engaged his attention: Sundays he wholly dedicated to prayer and the
study of theology.

Twenty months of imprisonment thus passed away. His wife now began to
devise projects for his liberty. She had observed that he was not so
strictly watched as at first; that the guards, who examined the chest
used for the conveyance of his books and linen, being accustomed to see
nothing in it but books and linen, began to examine them loosely: at
length, they permitted the chest to pass without any examination. Upon
this, she formed her project for her husband's release.

She began to carry it into execution by cultivating an intimacy with the
wife of the commandant of Gorcum. To her, she lamented Grotius's
immoderate application to study; she informed her that it had made him
seriously ill; and that, in consequence of his illness, she had resolved
to take all his books from him, and restore them to their owners. She
circulated every where the account of his illness, and finally declared
that it had confined him to his bed.

[Sidenote: CHAP. VII. 1618--1621.]

In the mean time, the chest was accommodated to her purpose; and
particularly, some holes were bored in it, to let in air. Her maid and
the valet of Grotius were entrusted with the secret. The chest was
conveyed to Grotius's apartment. She then revealed her project to him,
and, after much entreaty, prevailed on him to get into the chest, and
leave her in the prison.

The books, which Grotius borrowed, were usually sent to Gorcum; and the
chest, which contained them, passed in a boat, from the prison at
Louvestein, to that town.

[Sidenote: His Escape from Prison.]

Big with the fate of Grotius, the chest, as soon as he was enclosed in
it, was moved into the boat. One of the soldiers, observing that it was
uncommonly heavy, insisted on its being opened, and its contents
examined; but, by the address of the maid, his scruples were removed,
and the chest was lodged in the boat. The passage from Louvestein to
Gorcum took a considerable time. The length of the chest did not exceed
three feet and a half. At length, it reached Gorcum: it was intended
that it should be deposited at the house of David Bazelaer, an Arminian
friend of Grotius, who resided at Gorcum. But, when the boat reached the
shore, a difficulty arose, how the chest was to be conveyed from the
spot, upon which it was to be landed, to Bazelaer's house. This
difficulty was removed by the maid's presence of mind; she told the
bystanders, that the chest contained glass, and that it must be moved
with particular care. Two chairmen were soon found, and they carefully
moved it on a horse-chair to the appointed place.

Bazelaer sent away his servants on different errands, opened the chest,
and received his friend with open arms. Grotius declared, that while he
was in the chest, he had felt much anxiety, but had suffered no other
inconvenience. Having dressed himself as a mason, with a rule and
trowel, he went, through the back door of Bazelaer's house, accompanied
by his maid, along the market-place, to a boat engaged for the purpose.
It conveyed them to Vervie in Brabant: there, he was safe. His maid then
left him, and, returning to his wife, communicated to her the agreeable
information of the success of the enterprise.

[Sidenote: Chap. VII. 1618-1621.]

As soon as Grotius's wife ascertained that he was in perfect safety, she
informed the guards of his escape: these communicated the intelligence
to the governor. He put her into close confinement; but in a few days,
an order of the States General set her at liberty, and permitted her to
carry with her every thing at Louvestein, which belonged to her. It is
impossible to think without pleasure of the meeting of Grotius and his
heroic wife. From Vervie he proceeded to Antwerp; a few days after his
arrival in that city, he addressed a letter to the States General: he
assured them, that, in procuring his liberty, he had used neither
violence nor corruption. He solemnly protested that his public conduct
had been blameless, and that the persecution he had suffered would never
lessen his attachment to his country.

[Sidenote: His Escape from Prison.]

It was on the 22d March 1621, that Grotius obtained his liberty. In the
same year, the truce, concluded for twelve years between Spain and the
United Provinces expired: it was expected, that the war would be resumed
with more fury than ever. But this did not happen; the war of thirty
years, which we shall afterwards have occasion to mention, had mixed the
contest between Spain and the United Provinces with the general military
plans and operations of the parties engaged in it, and had carried much
of the conflict from the Low Countries into Germany. Prince Maurice
still appeared at the head of the army of the United Provinces; but he
had lost, by his persecution of the Arminians, and his selfish
intrigues, the confidence of the people. Conspiracies against his life
were formed: fortune no longer favoured his arms. His attempts to compel
the Marquis Spinola to raise the siege of Bréda were unsuccessful. This
reverse of fortune preyed upon his mind. He thought himself haunted by a
spectre of Barneveldt: he was frequently heard, during his last illness,
to exclaim, "Remove this head from me!" "This anecdote," says the author
of the _Resumé de l'histoire de la Hollande_, "is related by all the
republican historians of the United Provinces; it is concealed by the
flatterers of the House of Orange.... To relate the remorse of princes
for their crimes, is one of the most useful duties of historians."

Prince Maurice died in 1625.

M. Le Clerc, in the 2d volume of the _Bibliotheque Choisée, art. 3_,
shews, by unquestionable facts and irresistible arguments, that both
Prince William and Prince Maurice sought to obtain the independent
sovereignty of the United Provinces. It was the aim of all their
successors: it has been effected in our times by means, which certainly
were foreseen by none.







CHAPTER VIII.

VORSTIUS,--JAMES I.

1622.


We must now carry back our readers to events which preceded the Synod of
Dort. We have mentioned the decease of Arminius: soon after it, a
circumstance took place, which, to the exquisite delight of the monarch,
who, at that time filled the British throne, involved him in the
theological disputes of the Belgic theologians.

Not long after the commencement of the Reformation, several bold
inquirers began to deny the trinity of persons in the Deity, the divine
authority of the Old and New Testament, and the existence of mystery in
the Christian dispensation. Both Catholics and Protestants united
against them. To avoid their hostilities, the maintainers of these
opinions fled to Poland, and, forming themselves into a distinct
congregation, published, in 1574, their First Catechism. They
established congregations at Cracow, Lubin, Pinczow, Luck and Smila:
but their most flourishing settlement was at Racow.

[Sidenote: Vorstius--James I.]

They spread their doctrines over each bank of the Danube, and at length
penetrated Italy. There, they were adopted by Loelius Socinus. After
many peregrinations in different parts of Europe, he finally settled at
Zurich. Faustus Socinus, his nephew, inherited his sentiments; and, on
this account, was obliged to quit Zurich. After many wanderings, he
fixed his residence at Racow. There, he was received with open arms by
the new communion, and completed their system of theology. From him,
they derived their appellation of SOCINIANS. Their doctrine is expressed
in the Racovian catechism, published, in the Polish language, in 1605.
Other editions of it have appeared. An English translation of the
edition of 1605, was published at Amsterdam in 1652: Dr. Toulmin, in his
Life of Socinus, ascribes it, seemingly by conjecture, to Mr. John
Biddle. In 1818, Mr. Rees published a new translation of it, prefixing
to it an interesting historical preface.

[Sidenote: CHAP. VIII. 1622.]

Among the disciples of Arminius, was the celebrated CONRADE VORSTIUS,
born at Cologne in 1569, of parents in reduced circumstances: he was
soon remarked for his diligence and irreproachable conduct; and was, in
1605, appointed to a professor's chair at Steinfurth. In 1610, he
quitted it, and was named to succeed Arminius, in the chair of Professor
of Theology, at Leyden. "He was beloved and honoured," says Mr.
Chalmers, "at Steinfurth; there, he enjoyed the utmost tranquillity, and
was in the highest reputation; he doubtless foresaw, that in the state
in which the controversies of Arminius and Gomarus were at that time, he
should meet with great opposition in Holland. But he was tempted by the
glory he should gain by supporting a party, which was weakened by
Arminius's death."

[Sidenote: Vorstius--James I.]

He had previously published his Treatise "_de Deo_." Some passages
in it were thought to favour the doctrine of Arminius; some, to lead to
Socinianism; and some, to have an ulterior tendency. That Arminius
himself discovers these views in his writings, has been frequently
asserted. Doctor Maclaine, the learned translator of Mosheim's
Ecclesiastical History,[033] observes it to be a common opinion, that
"the disciples of Arminius, and more especially Episcopius, had boldly
transgressed the bounds, that had been wisely prescribed by their
master, and had gone ever to the Pelagians, and even to the Socinians."
"Such," continues Dr. Maclaine, "is the opinion commonly entertained
upon this matter. But it appears on the contrary evident to me, that
Arminius himself had laid the plan of the theological system, that was,
in after times embraced by his followers; that he had instilled the
principles of it into the minds of his disciples; and that these latter
did really no more than bring this plan to a greater degree of
perfection, and propagate with more courage and perspicuity the
doctrines it contains." To prove this assertion, the Doctor cites a
passage from the Will of Arminius, in which he declares, that "his view
in all his theological and ministerial labours, was to unite in one
community, cemented by the bonds of fraternal charity, all sects and
denominations of Christians, the papists excepted." "These words, on
this account," continues Dr. Maclaine, "coincide perfectly with the
modern system of Arminianism, which extends the limits of the christian
church, and relaxes the bonds of fraternal communion in such a manner,
that Christians of all sects and all denominations, whatever their sects
and opinions may be, (Papists excepted) may be formed into one religious
body, and live together in brotherly love and concord." It is not
surprising that in the state of religious effervescence, in which the
minds of men were at the time of which we are now speaking, a suspicion
that Vorstius entertained the sentiments we have mentioned, or
sentiments nearly approaching to them, should have rendered him a
subject of jealousy. So greatly was this the case, that the
Contra-remonstrants appealed against his doctrines to several Protestant
states, and represented to them the doctrine of Vorstius in the most
odious light. Our James I. accepted the appeal: by a royal proclamation,
he caused Vorstius's Treatise _de Deo_ to be burnt in London, and each
of the English Universities. He drew up a list, of the several heresies,
which he had discovered in it, commanded his resident at the Hague to
notify them to the States; to express his horror of them, and his
detestation of those, who should tolerate them.

[Sidenote: CHAP. VIII. 1622.]

[Sidenote: Vorstius.--James I.]

With some intimation of their independence, the States replied, that
"the case was of _their_ cognizance;" that "they would examine it;"
and that, "if it should appear that Vorstius maintained the doctrines
imputed to him, they would not suffer him to live among them." The
monarch's orthodoxy was not satisfied with this answer. He repeated his
suggestions, that the States should proceed against Vorstius; and
hinted, that if the doctrines should be proved against him, and if he
should persist in them, burning might be a proper punishment for him.
The monarch added that, if the States did not use their utmost
endeavours to extirpate the rising heresy, he should publicly protest
against their conduct; that, in quality of defender of the faith, he
would exhort all Protestant churches to join in one general resolution
to extinguish the abomination, and would, as sovereign of his own
dominions, prohibit his subjects to frequent so pestilential a place as
the University of Leyden. To his menaces he added the terrors of his
pen, and published a "Confutation of Vorstius."

By the advice of the States, Vorstius replied to his royal adversary in
a most respectful manner; still, the royal adversary was not satisfied.
Finally, the States condemned the obnoxious doctrines of Vorstius,
divested him of all his offices; and sentenced him to perpetual
banishment. Vorstius remained concealed during two years; then found an
asylum in the dominions of the Duke of Holstein, who, as we have
mentioned, took the remains of the Arminians into his protection.

Vorstius died in 1622.







CHAPTER IX.

GROTIUS AFTER HIS ESCAPE FROM PRISON, TILL HIS APPOINTMENT OF AMBASSADOR
FROM SWEDEN TO THE COURT OF FRANCE.

1621-1634.


Soon after the escape of Grotius from prison, he repaired to Paris: in
this, he followed the advice of Du Maurier, the French ambassador at the
Hague. His works had made him known in every part of Europe, in which
learning was cultivated: but persons properly qualified to appreciate
their merit, existed no where in such abundance as at Paris: he was
personally esteemed and regarded by the monarch; and the principal
officers of state were attached to him. Paris was also recommended to
him by its libraries, the easy access to them, and the habitual
intercourse of the men of letters, who, during, at least, a great part
of the year, made that city their place of residence.

[Sidenote: From the Escape of Grotius till his appointment of
Ambassador.]

Grotius arrived at Paris on the 13th of April 1621. He was immediately
noticed by a multitude of persons of distinction and rank; but it was
not till March 1622, that he was presented to the king. His majesty
received him graciously, and settled upon him a pension of 3,000 livres.
The Prince of Condé, the Chancellor, and the Keeper of the Seals, had
exerted themselves to dispose the king in his favour. His majesty
professed kindness towards those, who had been persecuted by the States;
and issued an edict, dated the 22d April 1622, by which he took them
under his protection, in the same manner as if they were his own
subjects; he even extended this benefit to their children. The
celebrated President Jeannin was one of the most active and useful of
Grotius's friends; but he died soon after Grotius arrived at Paris.

Grotius, during his stay in that city, attended frequently the courts of
justice. He observed the wretched style of oratory, which at that time,
prevailed in them. It was, in some measure, corrected by _Patru_ and _Le
Maitre_; but it did not reach its best state, till the end of the reign
of Lewis XIV. The rhetorical march and laboured amplifications allowed
at the French bar, are offensive to English ears. Has any nation
produced a more perfect style of forensic or judicial eloquence, than
that of _Sir William Grant_? The wisdom and justice of _Lord Stowell's_
decisions, and the admirable arguments by which he explains or
illustrates them, are known and acknowledged by every Court.

[Sidenote: CHAP. IX. 1621--1634]

Grotius's love of his native country continued unabated; all his views,
all his hopes, were directed thither. With these feelings he wrote his
_Apology_. He composed it in the Dutch language, and translated it
afterwards into Latin: it was published in 1622. He dedicated it to the
people of Holland and West Friesland. It is divided into twenty
chapters; in the first, he argues the important point, that each of the
United Provinces is sovereign and independent of the States General, and
that the authority of these is confined to the defence of the provinces
against their enemies. In the second chapter, he applies the position to
ecclesiastical concerns; these, he says, are subject to the sovereign
power of each State. In the following chapters, he descends into the
particular charges against him; defending himself against all the crimes
and irregularities of which he was accused, and shewing the informality
of the judicial proceedings by which he and his companions in misfortune
were tried and condemned.

[Sidenote: From the Escape of Grotius till his appointment of
Ambassador.]

His answer was universally read and approved: It greatly incensed the
States General: They proscribed it, and forbade all persons to have it
in their possession, under pain of death; but no answer to it was
published. The edict made Grotius and his friends entertain
apprehensions for his personal safety. On this account, he obtained
from the French monarch letters of naturalization, dated the 26th
February 1623: By these, his majesty took him under his special
protection.

Grotius retained many friends in every part of the United Provinces:
Prince Frederick Henry, the brother of Maurice, was among them. He had
never entered into his brother's persecuting projects.

"The Count d'Estrades has given us," says Burigni, "some anecdotes on
this subject, which we shall relate on his authority. He assures us,
that, being one day _tête a tête_ with Prince Henry Frederick in his
coach, he heard him say, that he had much to do to keep well with his
brother Maurice, who suspected him of secretly favouring Barneveldt and
the Arminians. He told me, (these were the Count's own words), it was
true that he kept a correspondence with them, to prevent their opposing
his election, in case his brother should die; but that, as it imported
him to be on good terms with his brother, and to efface the notion he
had of his connection with the Arminians, he made use of Vandenuse, one
of his particular friends, and Barneveldt's son-in-law, to let the cabal
know, that it was necessary for him to accommodate himself to his
brother, that he might be better able to serve them,--which Barneveldt
approved of."

[Sidenote: CHAP. IX. 1621--1634.]

In the meantime, the situation of Grotius at Paris, became very
uncomfortable. His resources, and those of his wife, were small; and his
pension was paid irregularly. Cardinal de Richelieu wished to attach
Grotius; but required from him an absolute and unqualified devotion to
him, which was utterly irreconcileable with the slightest degree of
honourable independence. Grotius therefore declined the offers of the
Cardinal. From this time, the Cardinal regarded him with an evil eye,
and often made him feel the effects of his displeasure.

This rendered Grotius desirous of quitting France. Trusting to some
protestations of friendship, which he had received from Prince
Frederick; to his numerous friends, to his claims upon the gratitude of
the States of Holland, to his feelings of innocence, and to the effect
produced, as he flattered himself, by his _Apology_, he ventured into
Holland in 1631. But he met with no countenance: and in that year was
banished a second time. Upon this, he formally bade a final adieu to
Holland, and determined to seek his fortune elsewhere: He then fixed his
residence at Hamburgh.

[Sidenote: From the Escape of Grotius till his appointment of
Ambassador.]

He sought to preserve his friends in France; but announced to them his
intention to receive no more money from the French government.

"I shall always," he said in a letter to the First President of the Cour
des Monnoies, "be grateful for the King's liberality; but it is enough
that I was chargeable to you, while I resided in France. I have never
done you any service, though I made you an offer of myself. But it would
not be proper that I should now live, like an hornet, on the goods of
other men. I shall not, however, forget the kindness of so great a king,
and the good offices of so many friends."

[Sidenote: CHAP. IX. 1621-1634.]

It may appear surprising that Prince Frederick of Orange should
pertinaciously exclude Grotius from his native country. But ambition
listens to nothing that conflicts with its own views. Prince Frederick
inherited from his father and brother the wish of becoming the sovereign
of the United Provinces. To this, he knew he should always find a
zealous and able opponent in Grotius: hence, notwithstanding his great
personal regard for Grotius, he always kept him a banished man. Grotius
wished to be employed by the Government of England, and Archbishop Laud
was sounded upon this subject; but the application was coldly
received[034]. Prince Frederick sustained, both in military and civil
concerns, the character of the former princes of his family. Under his
administration, the affairs of the republic prospered at sea and land.
Peter Haim captured the Spanish flotilla, estimated at twelve millions
of florins. The Prince took Bois-le duc, Maestricht, and Breda, and
reduced the Dutchy of Limburgh. Under his auspices, the celebrated Van
Tromp commenced his career of naval glory, by obtaining a complete
victory over the Spanish fleet, consisting of seventy men of war. Prince
Frederick died in 1658.

From the close of his Stadtholderate, we may date the origin of the
jealousy entertained, by France and England, of the rising power of the
United Provinces. It is to be observed that Prince Frederick was
Stadtholder only of the Provinces of Holland, Zealand, Utrecht, Gueldres
and Overyssell: Count Ernest Casimir of Nassau was Stadtholder of the
provinces of Gröningen, Frizeland, and the county of the Drenta. In
1631, their eldest sons were chosen, in the lifetime of their fathers,
their successors in their respective Stadtholderates. This was a great
step towards making the Stadtholderate hereditary in their
families,--one of the leading objects of their ambitious views.







CHAPTER X.

SOME OF THE PRINCIPAL WORKS OF GROTIUS.

1. _His Edition of Stobæus_.

2. _His Treatise de Jure Belli et Pacis_.

3. _His Treatise de Veritate Religionis Christianæ_.

4. _His Treatise de Jure summarum potestatum circa
      sacra_.

5. _His Commentary on the Scriptures_.

6. _Some other Works of Grotius_

[Sidenote: CHAP. X. 1621-1634]


That literature is an ornament in prosperity, and a comfort in adverse
fortune, has been often said by the best and wisest men; but no one
experienced the truth of this assertion in a higher degree than Grotius,
during his imprisonment at Louvestein. In that wreck of his fortune and
overthrow of all his hopes, books came to his aid, soothed his sorrows,
and beguiled the wearisome hours of his gloomy solitude. His studies
often stole him from himself, and from the sense of his misfortunes. In
the exercise of his mental energies, he was sensible of their powers;
and it was impossible that he should contemplate, without pleasure, the
extent, the worth, or the splendour of his labours; the services, which
he rendered by them to learning and religion, and the admiration and
gratitude of the scholar, which he then enjoyed, and which would attend
his memory to the latest posterity. He himself acknowledged that, in the
ardour of his literary pursuits, he often forgot his calamities, and
that the hours passed unheeded, if not in joy, at least without pain.







X 1.

_His Edition of Stobæus_.


Being ourselves unacquainted with this work, we cannot do better than
present our readers with the account given of it by Burigni.

    "The year after the publication of his _Apology_, that is to say in
    1623, Nicholas Huon printed at Paris, _Grotius's improvements and
    additions to Stobæus_. This author, as is well known, extracted
    what he thought most important in the ancient Greek writers, and
    ranged it under different heads, comprehending the principal points
    of philosophy. His work is the more valuable, as it has preserved
    several fragments of the Ancients, found no where else. Grotius,
    when very young, purposed to extract from this author all the
    maxims of the poets; to translate them into Latin verse, and to
    print the original with the translation. He began this, when a boy;
    he was employed in it at the time of his arrest; and continued it
    as an amusement, whilst he had the use of books, in his prison at
    the Hague. He tells us that, when he was deprived of pen and ink,
    he was got to the forty-ninth title, which is an invective against
    tyranny, that had a great relation to what passed at that time in
    Holland. On his removal to Louvestein, he resumed this work, and
    finished it at Paris. He made several happy corrections in the text
    of Stobæus; some, from his own conjectures or those of his friends;
    others, on the authority of manuscripts in the King's library,
    which were politely lent him by the learned Nicholas Rigaut,
    librarian to his majesty.

    [Sidenote: His edition of Stobæus.]

    [Sidenote: CHAP. X. 1621-1634]

    "Prefixed to this book, are _Prolegomena_, in which the author shews
    that the works of the ancient Pagans are filled with maxims
    agreeable to the truths taught in holy writ. He intended to
    dedicate this book to the Chancellor Silleri: he had even writ the
    dedication, but his friends, to whom he shewed it, thought he
    expressed himself with too much warmth, against the censurers of
    his _Apology_. They advised him therefore to suppress it; and he
    yielded to their opinion. It may be observed in reading the royal
    privilege, that the present title of the book is different from
    what it was to have had. To these extracts from the Greek poets
    translated into Latin verse, Grotius annexed two pieces, one of
    Plutarch, the other of St. Basil, on the use of the poets; giving
    the Greek text with a Latin translation."

The work was received with universal approbation.







X. 2.

_His Treatise de Jure Belli et Pacis_.


Grotius may be considered as the founder of the modern school of _the
Law of Nature and of Nations_. He was struck with the ruthless manner,
in which wars were generally conducted; the slight pretences, upon which
they were generally begun; and the barbarity and injustice, with which
they were generally attended. He attributed these evils to the want of
settled principles respecting the rights and duties of nations and
individuals in a state of war. These, he observed, must depend on the
previous rights and duties of mankind, in a state of peace: this led him
to the preliminary inquiry into their rights and duties in a state of
nature.

Thus, an ample field was opened to him. He brought to it, a vigorous
discerning mind, and stupendous erudition. From antient and modern
history, philosophy, oratory, and poetry, he collected facts and
sayings, which appeared to him to establish a general agreement of all
civilized nations upon certain principles. From these, he formed his
system; applying them, as he proceeded in his work, to a vast multitude
of circumstances. These are so numerous, that some persons have not
scrupled to say, that no case or international law, either in war or in
peace, can be stated, to which the work of Grotius does not contain an
applicable rule.

[Sidenote: X. 2. _The Treatise de Jure Belli et Pacis._]

[Sidenote: CHAP. X. 1621-1634]

Three important objections have been made to this celebrated work,--one,
that the author defers in it, too little, to principle, too much, to
authority;--another, that the work is written in a very desultory
manner, with small attention to order, or classification;--a third, that
his authorities are often feeble, and sometimes whimsical. "Grotius,"
says Condillac, "was able to think for himself; but he constantly
labours to support his conclusions by the authority of others. Upon many
occasions; even in support of the most obvious and indisputable
propositions, he introduces a long string of quotations from the Mosaic
law, from the Gospels, from the fathers of the church, from the
casuists, and not unfrequently, even in the very same paragraph, from
Ovid, and Aristophanes." This strange mixture is subject of many
witticisms of Voltaire. But let us hear what is urged in the defence of
Grotius, by a gentleman, of whose praise the ablest of writers may be
proud:

    "Few writers," says Sir James Mackintosh, in his Discourse on the
    Study of the Law of Nature and Nations, "were more celebrated than
    Grotius in his own days, and in the age which succeeded. It has,
    however, been the fashion of the last half century to depreciate
    his work, as a shapeless compilation, in which reason lies buried
    under a mass of authorities and quotations. This fashion originated
    among French wits and declaimers, and it has been, I know not for
    what reason, adopted, though with far greater moderation and
    decency, by some respectable writers among ourselves. As to those,
    who first used this language, the most candid supposition that we
    can make with respect to them is, that they never read the work;
    for, if they had not been deterred from the perusal of it by such a
    formidable display of Greek characters, they must soon have
    discovered that Grotius never quotes, on any subject, till he has
    first appealed to some principles; and often, in my humble opinion,
    though, not always, to the soundest and most rational principles.

    [Sidenote: His treatise de Jure Belli et Pacis.]

    "But another sort of answer is due to some of those, who have
    criticised Grotius; and that answer might be given in the words of
    Grotius himself. He was not of such a stupid and servile cast of
    mind as to quote the opinions of poets or orators, of historians
    and philosophers, as those of judges, from whose decision there was
    no appeal. He quotes them, as he tells us himself, as witnesses,
    whose conspiring testimony, mightily strengthened and confirmed by
    their discordance on almost every other subject, is a conclusive
    proof of the unanimity of the whole human race on the great rules
    of duty, and the fundamental principles of morals. Of such matters,
    poets and orators are the most unexceptionable of all witnesses;
    for they address themselves to the general feelings and sympathies
    of mankind; they are neither warped by system, nor perverted by
    sophistry; they can attain none of their objects; they can neither
    please nor persuade, if they dwell on moral sentiments not in
    unison with those of their readers. No system of moral philosophy
    can surely disregard the general feelings of human nature, and the
    according judgment of all ages and nations. But, where are these
    feelings and that judgment recorded and preserved? In those very
    writings which Grotius is gravely blamed for having quoted. The
    usages and law of nations, the events of history, the opinions of
    philosophers, the sentiments of orators and poets, as well as the
    observation of common life, are, in truth, the materials out of
    which the science of morality is formed; and those who neglect
    them, are justly chargeable with a vain attempt to philosophise
    without regard to fact and experience, the sole foundation of all
    true philosophy.

    [Sidenote: Chap. X. 1621-1634]

    "If this were merely an objection of taste, I should be willing to
    allow, that Grotius has indeed poured forth his learning with a
    profusion, that sometimes rather encumbers than adorns his work,
    and which is not always necessary to the illustration of his
    subject. Yet, even in making, that concession, I should rather
    yield to the tastes of others, than speak from my own feelings. I
    own that such richness and splendour of literature have a powerful
    charm for me. They fill my mind with an endless variety of
    delightful recollections and associations. They relieve the
    understanding in its progress through a vast science, by calling up
    the memory of great men and of interesting events. By this means we
    see the truths of morality clothed with all the eloquence (not that
    could be produced by the powers of one man, but) that could be
    bestowed on them by the collective genius of the world. Even virtue
    and wisdom themselves acquire new majesty in my eyes, when I thus
    see all the great masters of thinking and writing called together,
    as it were, from all times and countries, to do them homage and to
    appear in their train.

    [Sidenote: X. 2. His Treatise de Jure Belli et Pacis]

    "But this is no piece for discussions of taste, and I am very ready
    to own, that mine may be corrupted. The work of Grotius is liable
    to a more serious objection, though I do not recollect that it has
    ever been made. His method is inconvenient and unscientific. He has
    inverted the natural order. That natural order undoubtedly
    dictates, that we should first search for the original principles
    of the science, in human nature; then apply them to the regulation
    of the conduct of individuals; and lastly employ them for the
    decision of those difficult and complicated questions that arise
    with respect to the intercourse of nations. But Grotius has chosen
    the reverse of this method. He begins with the consideration of the
    states of peace and war, and he examines original principles, only
    occasionally and incidentally, as they grow out of the questions,
    which he is called upon to decide. It is a necessary consequence of
    this disorderly method, which exhibits the elements of the science
    in the form of scattered digressions, that he seldom employs
    sufficient discussion on those fundamental truths, and never in
    the place where such a discussion would be most instructive to the
    reader. This defect in the plan of Grotius was perceived, and
    supplied by Puffendorf, who restored natural law to that
    superiority which belonged to it, and with great propriety, treated
    the law of nations as only one main branch of the parent stock."

[Sidenote: CHAP X. 1621-1634]

Whatever may be the merit of the work of which we are speaking, it must
be admitted, that few, on their first appearance, and during a long
subsequent period after publication, have received greater or warmer
applause. The stores of erudition displayed in it, recommended it to the
classical scholar, while the happy application of the author's reading
to the affairs of human life, drew to it the attention of common
readers. Among those, whose approbation of it, deserved to be recorded,
Gustavus Adolphus,--his prime minister the Chancellor Oxenstiern,--and
the Elector Palatine Charles Lewis, deserve particular mention.[035] As
the trophies of Miltiades are supposed to have kept Themistocles awake,
it has been said that the trophies of Grotius drove sleep from Selden,
till be produced his celebrated treatise, "_De Jure naturali et gentium
secundum leges Ebræorim_." This important work equals that of Grotius
in learning; but, from the partial and recondite nature of its subject,
never equalled it in popularity.

[Sidenote: X. 9. His Treatise de Jure Belli et Pacis]

The supposed want of general elementary principles in the work of
Grotius gave occasion to Puffendorf's treatise _de Jure Naturae et
Gentium_; afterwards abridged by him into the small octavo volume _De
Officio hominis et civis_: an edition of it in octavo was published by
Professor Garschen Carmichael, of Glasgow, in 1724.

The best edition of Grotius's treatise _de Jure Belli et Pacis_ was
published at Amsterdam in 1730, by John Barbeyrac.

Foreigners observe, that the study of the law of nature and nations is
less cultivated in England than upon the continent. Is it not, because
Englishmen are blessed with a free constitution; are admitted into a
general participation of all its blessings; are thus personally
interested in the national concerns; and have therefore a jurisprudence,
which comes nearer to their bosoms? Is it not also, because the law of
nature and nations, with all its merit, is so loose, that its principles
seldom admit of that practical application, which renders them really
useful; and which an English mind always requires?







X.3.

_De Veritate Religionis Christianæ._


[Sidenote: CHAP. X. 1621-1634.]

Grotius, while a prisoner in the Castle of Louvestein, had written, in
the Dutch language, "A treatise on the Truth of the Christian Religion."
He afterwards enlarged it, and translated it, so enlarged, into Latin.
It was universally read and admired. French, German, English, modern
Greek, Persic, and even Turkish versions of it have been made: it was
equally approved by Catholics and Protestants.

[Sidenote: De Veritate Religionis Christianæ.]

It was invidiously objected, that he did not attempt to prove, or even
mention, the Trinity, and some other gospel mysteries: he replied,
satisfactorily in our opinion, that a discussion of any particular tenet
of the Christian religion did not fall within the scope of his work. In
this respect, he was afterwards imitated by _Abadie_ and _Houteville_,
two of the most eminent apologists of Christianity. The latter expresses
himself of the work of Grotius in the following terms:

    "Grotius's work is the first, in which we find the characteristics
    of just reasoning, accuracy, and strength: he is extremely concise;
    but even this brevity will please us, when we find his work
    comprehends so many things, without confounding them or lessening
    their evidence or force. It is no wonder that the book should be
    translated into so many languages."

The best edition of it is that published by Le Clerc,[036] in 1709 at
Amsterdam, in 8vo. To this edition, Le Clerc has added a curious
_dissertation_ on _religious indifference_. He presumes that the
supposed indifference is persuaded of the authenticity of the New
Testament:--He then (says Le Clerc) must ascertain,--

    1. Which are the denominations of religionists which avow their
    belief of it:

    2. Which of these are most worthy of the name of Christians:

    3. And which profess the Christian religion in most purity and with
    least extraneous alloy:

    4. He will find, that all Christians agree in the fundamental
    articles of faith:

    5. That all these articles are clearly expressed in the New
    Testament:

    6. That no tenet should be believed to be of faith, unless the New
    Testament contains it.

    7. That the providence of God is admirable in the preservation of
    these tenets, amidst the confused multitude of religious opinions,
    which have prevailed in the world:

    8. That this confusion was foreseen by God:

    9. That he permitted it as a consequence of his gift of free-will
    to man:

    10. That the inquirer should aggregate himself to that religious
    communion, which receives the New Testament as its only rule of
    faith, and does not persecute others:

    11. That episcopacy without tyranny is the most antient form of
    ecclesiastical government, and most to be desired; but that it is
    not essential to a Christian church:

    12. That these were the opinions of Grotius:

    13. Finally, that it is greatly to be desired that a belief of no
    dogma, not explicitly propounded in the New Testament, should be
    required.

Such is the religious system propounded by Le Clerc.--Does any religious
communion really profess it?--Many Protestant churches declare, that the
Bible, and the Bible only, contains their creed: but, do they not all
mean by this--the Bible, as it is explained by the Articles, the
Formulary, or the Confession received by their church?







X. 4.

_Grotius's Treatise De Jure summarum potestatum circa sacra_.--And,
_Commentatio ad loca quædam Novi Testamenti, quæ de Antichristo agunt,
aut agere putantur_.


Nothing in the life of Grotius places him in a more amiable or
respectable point of view, than his constant attempts to put Catholics
and Protestants into good humour with each other, and to put both into
good humour among themselves.

[Sidenote: X. 4. His Treatise De Jure summarum potestatum. &c.]

We have mentioned the _pacific decree of the States of Holland_, which
ordered the contending communions to tolerate each other. Grotius is
supposed to have framed this wise decree. The Contra-remonstrants
attacked it: Grotius reprinted it, with a collection of proofs and
authorities.

It gave rise to a controversy on the nice question, respecting the
authority of the temporal power to interfere in the ecclesiastical
concerns of the state. Grotius adopted, upon this point, the sentiments
of what is termed in England the Low Church: he seems to have pushed
them to their utmost bearings. With these sentiments, he published his
treatise _de Imperio summarum potestatum circa sacra_. It was disliked
by King James and his bishops: Grotius, in their opinion, gave too much
authority, in sacred things, to the secular power.

On the work of Grotius, respecting _Anti-christ_, we prefer transcribing
Burigni's sentiments to delivering our own.

    "This deep study of the Holy Scriptures led Grotius to examine a
    question, which made much noise at that time. Some Protestant
    synods had ventured to decide that _the Pope was Antichrist_; and
    this extravagance, gravely delivered by the ministers, was
    regarded by the zealous schismatics, as a fundamental truth.
    Grotius undertook to overturn such an absurd opinion, that stirred
    up an irreconcileable enmity between the Roman Catholics and the
    Protestants; and, of consequence, was a very great obstacle to
    their re-union, which was the sole object of his desires. He
    entered therefore upon the consideration of the passages of
    Scripture relating to Antichrist, and employed his Sundays in it.

    [Sidenote: CHAP. X. 1621-1634.]

    "It was this work, that raised him up most enemies. We see by the
    letters he wrote to his brother, that his best friends were afraid
    lest they should be suspected of having some hand in the
    publication of the books, in which he treated of Antichrist. 'If
    you are afraid of incurring ill will, (he writes thus to his
    brother), you may easily find people that are far from a factious
    spirit, who will take care of the impression. Nothing has incensed
    princes against those, who separated from the church of Rome, more
    than the injurious names, with which the Protestants load their
    adversaries; and nothing is a greater hindrance to that re-union,
    which we are all obliged to labour after, in consequence of
    Christ's precept and the profession we make of our faith in the
    creed. Perhaps the Turk, who threatens Italy, will force us to it.
    In order to arrive at it, we must first remove whatever obstructs a
    mutual quiet hearing. I hope I shall find assistance in this pious
    design. I shall not cease to labour in it, and shall rejoice to die
    employed in so good a work.'

    [Sidenote: His Treatise De Jure summarum potestatum, &c.]

    "Reigersberg, Blaeu, Vossius himself, however much devoted to
    Grotius, beheld with concern the printing of this book, because
    they did not doubt but it would increase the number of his enemies.
    Grotius informs his brother, of the uneasiness which Vossius gave
    him on this subject. 'Among those, who wish this work destroyed,'
    says he, 'I am astonished and grieved to see Vossius. Whence could
    he have this idea? I imagine somebody has told him, that it would
    injure the fortune of his children, if he approved of such books;
    and that, on the contrary, he would find favour by hurting me. We
    must therefore have recourse to Corcellius or Corvinus.' He
    elsewhere complains of the too great timidity of this old friend,
    who at bottom approved of Grotius's sentiments, but durst not own
    them publicly, because he was not so independent as Grotius.

    [Sidenote: CHAP. X. 1621-1634.]

    "The treatise on Anti-christ made much noise among all the declared
    enemies of the Romish church. Michael Gettichius wrote to Ruarus,
    that he had only glanced over Grotius's book on Antichrist; but as
    far as he could judge by the first reading, that learned man, who
    was possessed of such an excellent genius, and such singular
    erudition, had no other intention than to engage the learned in a
    further inquiry concerning Antichrist; and to determine them to
    attack with greater strength, the Romish Antichrist; or, if he
    wrote seriously, he wanted to cut out a path for going over,
    without dishonour, to the Papists. Ruarus answers this letter Dec.
    16, 1642, from Dantzic. 'I have always (he says) looked on Grotius
    as a very honest and at the same time a very learned man. I am
    persuaded that love of peace engaged him in this work. I don't deny
    but he has gone too far; the love of antiquity perhaps seduced him:
    no Remonstrant, that I know of, has as yet answered him; but he has
    been confuted by some learned Calvinists, particularly Desmonets,
    minister of Bois le duc, who has written against him with much
    bitterness.'

    "Grotius's work was printed in 1640, with this title: _Commentatio
    ad loca quædam Novi Testamenti, quæ de Antichristo agunt aut agere
    putantur:--Expedenda eruditis."_[037]







X.5.

_His Commentary on the Scriptures._


[Sidenote: X. 5. His Commentary on the Scriptures.]

The theological works of Grotius are comprised in four volumes folio:
the three first contain his Commentary, and Notes upon the Scriptures.
On their merit, both Catholics and Protestants considerably differ. All
allow that an abundance of sacred and profane learning is displayed in
them; and that Grotius, by his references to the writings of the Rabbis,
and his remarks upon the idiom of the sacred writings, has happily
elucidated a multitude of passages in the text. He uniformly adopts the
literal and obvious signification of the language used by the holy
penmen. In explaining the predictions of the prophets, he maintains that
they referred to events anterior to the coming of Christ, and were
accomplished in these; so that the natural and obvious sense of the
words and phrases, in which they were delivered, does not terminate in
Christ; yet, that in some of the predictions, those particularly, which
the writers of the New Testament apply to Christ, there is, _besides_
the literal and obvious signification, a hidden and mysterious sense,
which lies concealed under the external mark of certain _persons_,
certain _events_, and certain _actions_, which are representative of the
person, the ministry, the sufferings, and the merits of the Son of God.

[Sidenote: CHAP. X. 1621-1634.]

It has been objected, that this system leads to Socinianism, and even
beyond it. All Catholic, and several episcopalian Protestant divines
object to it; they generally contend, that the sacred writings ought
always to be understood in that sense _only_, which has been attributed
to them, by the early fathers.--Against this system, Dr. Whitby
published his celebrated work "Concerning the Interpretation of
Scripture after the manner of the Fathers."[038]

[Sidenote: X. 5. His Commentary on the Scriptures.]

The system of Grotius was defended, to a certain extent, by _Father
Simôn_, the oratorian, the father of the modern biblical school. Against
both Simôn and Grotius, Bossuet wielded his powerful lance,--in his
"Pastoral Instruction on the Works of Father Simôn," and his
"Dissertations upon Grotius." In these works he says that, during thirty
years,

    "Grotius searched for truth in good faith, and at last was so near
    it, that it is wonderful that he did not take the last step, to
    which God called him. Shocked at Calvin's harsh doctrines, he
    embraced Arminianism; then, abandoned it. More a lawyer than a
    theologian, more a polite scholar than a philosopher, he throws the
    doctrine of the immortality of the soul into obscurity. He
    endeavours to weaken and steal from the church, her most powerful
    proofs of the divinity of the Son of God, and strives to darken the
    prophecies, which announce the arrival of the Messiah."

Bossuet proceeds to particularize some of the principal errors of
Grotius: Le Clerc replied to the prelate's criticism, by his _Sentimens
de quelques Theologiens de la Hollande_.--Grotius had also an able
advocate in Father Simôn. His defence of Grotius against the charge of
_semi-Pelagianism_, in the _Bibliotheque de Sainjore_,[039] appears to
be satisfactory. He cites the note of Grotius, on the Acts of the
Apostles, (the celebrated ch. xiii. ver. 38), in which he says expressly
that he does not exclude preventive grace: this the semi-Pelagians
denied altogether. But in his defence of Grotius against the charge of
_Socinianism_, he is not equally successful. Bossuet sent his _Pastoral
Instruction_, and _Dissertations upon Grotius_, to the bishop of
Fréjus, afterward Cardinal de Fleury: he accompanied them by a letter,
which closes with these remarkable words:

    "The spirit of incredulity gains ground in the world every day: you
    have often heard me make this remark. It is now worse than ever, as
    the Gospel itself is used for the corruption of religion. I thank
    God that at my age he blesses me with sufficient strength to resist
    the torrent."

[Sidenote: CHAP. X. 1621--1634.]

Dom. Calmet[040] calls Grotius,

    "one of the most able and moderate Protestant writers: one who
    spreads throughout his notes a pleasing profusion of profane
    literature, which causes his works to be sought for and read by
    those, who have taste for that kind of literature. His high
    reputation, great erudition, and rare modesty," says Dom. Calmet,
    "render it easy for him to insinuate his particular sentiments
    respecting the divinity of Christ, against which, his readers
    should be guarded."







X.6.

_Some other Works of Grotius_.


1. The first which we shall mention is his history of the _Goths,
Vandals, and Lombards_, written in the Latin language, and accompanied
by learned dissertations. He composed it, as a testimony of his
gratitude to the Swedes, by doing honour to their gothic ancestors. The
preface has always been admired, for its erudition and sound criticism.
But the Belgic friends of Grotius accused him of elevating the Swedes at
their expense.


[Sidenote: X. 6. Other Works of Grotius.]

2. A more important work consists of his _Annals, and History of the
United Provinces_. The Annals begin with the year 1588, when Prince
Maurice had the greatest influence in the affairs of the United
Provinces; and concludes with the truce of twelve years, signed between
them and Spain. The impartiality, with which these works are written,
has been praised by every writer.

It is to be lamented that Grotius professed to imitate, both in his
Annals and History, the style of Tacitus. Expressed by his own pen, the
style of Tacitus is energetic, picturesque, and pleasing; but it is
impossible to deny its frequent abruptness and obscurity. Generally
speaking, an imitation of what is defective, contains a larger share,
than the original, of its distinctive defect. It should however be
added, that Grotius's own style is short, sententious and broken; and
possesses nothing of the meliflous ease of the ultramontane Latinists;
or of our Milton or Buchanan. None of the works of Grotius, which we
have mentioned in this Article, were published till after his decease.


3. It remains to notice the _Letters of Grotius_, published at Amsterdam
in one volume folio, in 1687.--A multitude of his unpublished letters is
said to exist in different public and private libraries.

[Sidenote: CHAP. X. 1621-1634.]

His published letters are an invaluable treasure: they abound with wise
maxims of sound policy, and curious discussions on points arising on
Roman or Belgic jurisprudence. Many points of sacred and profane
learning, and particularly of the civil and canon law, are treated in
them with equal learning and taste. For the perfect understanding of
them, the letters of the correspondents of Grotius should be perused:
they are principally to be found, in the _Præstantium et Eruditorum
Virorum Epistolæ Ecclesiasticæ et Theologicæ_, published at Amsterdam in
1684. A critical account of the Letters of Grotius, executed with great
taste and judgment, is inserted in the first volume of the _Bibliotheque
Universelle et Historique_.[041]

[Sidenote: X. 6. Other Works of Grotius.]

It is acknowledged that the letters of Grotius, are written in the
finest latinity, and contain much valuable information; but the point,
the sprightliness, the genius, the vivid descriptions of men and
things, which are so profusely scattered over the letters of Erasmus,
are seldom discoverable in those of Grotius. A man of learning would
have been gratified beyond measure, by the profound conversations of
Grotius and Father Petau: but what a treat must it have been, to have
assisted with one, two, or three good listeners, at the conversations
between Erasmus and Sir Thomas More!







CHAPTER. XI.

GROTIUS.--AS AMBASSADOR FROM THE KINGDOM OF SWEDEN TO THE COURT OF
FRANCE.

1634--1645.


The embassy of Grotius is connected with an important period in the
history of the War of Thirty years.

This celebrated war was principally caused by the religious disputes of
the sixteenth century. Very soon after Luther's first attack on the See
of Rome, the Reformation was established in Saxony, Livonia, Prussia,
and Hesse-cassell; in many imperial towns; in Friezland and Holland; in
several of the Swiss Cantons; in Pomerania, Mecklenburgh, Anhalt;
Sweden, Denmark, Norway; England, and Scotland. Its progress in Germany
is particularly connected with the subject of these pages.

[Sidenote: Embassy of Grotius in the Court of France.]

At the diet of Augsburgh, in 1530, the Protestant princes of Germany
delivered to the emperor their Confession of Faith; they afterwards, at
Smalcald, entered into an offensive and defensive league against the
emperor. Being sensible that they were unable to resist him, they
engaged the French monarch in their cause. At first, the emperor was
victorious; but a new league was formed. France then took a more active
part in favour of the confederates, and the contest ended in the peace
of Passau, in 1552, there the two parties, for the first time, treated
as equals, and the free exercise of the Lutheran religion was allowed.
Things remained quiet during the reigns of Ferdinand the First and
Maximilian the Second; but, in consequence of the disputes, which arose
on the succession to the dutchies of Cleves and Juliers, the religious
differences broke out with fresh animosity:--the Protestant princes
formed a confederacy called the _Evangelical Union_, and placed, at its
head, the Elector Palatine; the Catholics formed a confederacy called
the _Catholic League_, and placed, at its head, the Duke of Bavaria. In
the year 1618, they burst into open war; every state in Europe, and even
the Ottoman princes, at one time or other, took a part in it. France was
the soul of the Protestant cause; she assisted it with her armies, and
her subsidies:--it may be truly said, that, if there be a Protestant
state from the Vistula to the Rhine, or a Mahometan, state between the
Danube and the Mediterranean, its existence is owing to the Bourbon
monarchs. From the period of its duration, it has been called the WAR
OF THIRTY YEARS: it is divided, by its _Palatine, Danish, Swedish,_ and
_French_ periods.

[Sidenote: CHAP. XI. 1634-1645.]

1. Frederick, the fifth _Elector Palatine_ of that name, being elected
King of Bohemia, by the states of that kingdom, made war on the emperor
Ferdinand the Second. Being defeated in 1620, at the battle of Prague,
and abandoned by his allies, he was driven from Bohemia, and deprived of
his other states.

2. Christian the Fourth of _Denmark_, then placed himself at the head of
the confederacy against the emperor; but, having in 1626, lost the
battle of Lutter, in which Tilly commanded the Austrian forces; he
signed, three years after that event, a separate peace with the emperor.

In the following year, Gustavus Adolphus, King of Sweden, was placed at
the head of the confederacy. Their cause appeared desperate: Walstein,
the Austrian general, had been uniformly successful, and almost the
whole of Germany had submitted to the emperor: but the Austrians soon
experienced a severe reverse of fortune.

[Sidenote: Embassy of Grotius to the Court of France.]

3. Lewis XIII filled at that time, the throne of France; his councils
were guided by Cardinal Richelieu, one of the ablest statesmen that has
appeared upon the theatre of the world. Vast, but provident in his
designs; daring, but considerate in his operations; capable of the
largest views and the most minute attentions; he formed three immense
projects, and succeeded in all.

"When your Majesty," he thus addresses the monarch in his celebrated
_Testament Politique_, "resolved at the same time to admit me into your
councils, and to give me a great portion of your confidence, I can say
with truth that the Hugonots divided the state with you; that the great,
conducted themselves, as if they were not your subjects, and the
governors of the provinces, as if they were the sovereigns of them; and
that France was contemned by her foreign allies."

To reduce the Hugonots, to lower the nobility, to elevate France to be
the preponderating power in Europe, were the three objects, which the
Cardinal proposed to himself. In each, he had difficulties to encounter,
which extraordinary talents only could surmount. By a strict
administration of justice, and severely punishing, without respect to
rank or connections, those, who engaged in treasonable practices, he
completely subdued the towering spirit of the nobility; by victorious
armies and a vigorous dispensation of the laws, he reduced the Hugonots;
and, by calling forth all the energies of his country, and arraying
half the Continent against Austria and Spain, he gave to France an
almost irresistible ascendant in the concerns of Europe.

[Sidenote: CHAP. XI 1634-1645.]

To the last only of these three designs our present subject leads us.

_Sweden_ had long been engaged in a war against Denmark, and highly
dissatisfied with Austria. By the persuasion of Richelieu, she made
peace with the Danes, and entered into an offensive and defensive
alliance with France. In consequence of it, Gustavus Adolphus was placed
at the head of the Protestant confederacy: a large army of Swedes
entered Germany; Gustavus was invested with the command of the
confederate forces, and his brilliant campaigns turned the tide of
success in their favour. At Lutzen he obtained a complete victory, but
lost his life.

[Sidenote: Embassy of Grotius to the Court of France.]

After the death of Gustavus, the States assembled, and the Mareschal of
the Diet proposed, that the celebrated Christina, the only child of
Gustavus, then an infant of very tender years, should be crowned: the
Mareschal carried her in his arms into the midst of the assembly. On
observing her, all were struck with her likeness to her father. "Yes!"
they cried, "it is she herself! she has the eyes, the nose and the
forehead of Gustavus! We will have her for our queen!" She was
immediately seated on the throne, and proclaimed queen. The regency of
the kingdom, during the minority of Christina, was conferred on the
Chancellor Oxenstiern: he had been the confidential minister and friend
of Gustavus, and shewed through life that he deserved that confidence,
by his wisdom, eminent talents, and spotless integrity. Both the monarch
and his minister entertained a high opinion of the abilities and virtue
of Grotius: His treatise _De Jure Belli et Pacis_ was found, after the
death of Gustavus, in the royal tent.

4. Not long after the disastrous victory of the Swedes at Lutzen, the
Austrian and confederate armies conflicted at Nordlingen, in one of the
most obstinate and bloody battles recorded in history: the confederates
were completely defeated. The blame was thrown on the Swedes; they were
deserted by almost all their Protestant allies, and the weight of the
war devolved almost entirely upon the Swedes and _the French_. Till this
time, they had acted and negociated on an equality: the loss of this
battle made the Swedes dependent upon France, and the haughty genius of
Richelieu made them severely feel it.

[Sidenote: CHAP. XI. 1634-1645.]

The first object of Oxenstiern was to renew the treaty with France: a
skilful negociator on the part of Sweden was necessary. Oxenstiern
fixed his eye upon Grotius: the penetrating minister had several
conversations with him. The embassy to France was certainly the most
important commission, with which a minister from Sweden could be
charged: Oxenstiern's appointment of Grotius to it, demonstrated the
minister's high opinion of him. Some time in July 1634, he declared
Grotius councillor to the Queen of Sweden, and her ambassador to the
court of France. Grotius made his public entry into Paris on Friday the
2d of March 1635. Nothing of the customary ceremonial or compliment was
omitted in his regard, by the court of France.

Unfortunately for the success of the embassy of Grotius, two envoys from
some of the Protestant states in Germany had previously signed a treaty
with France, which was generally considered by the confederates to be
injurious to their interests.

[Sidenote: Embassy of Grotius to the Court of France.]

The first interview of Grotius with the Cardinal took place on the 28th
March. During their conference, a dispatch arrived from Oxenstiern to
Grotius: it was immediately put into his bands, by the Cardinal's
desire. It announced a resolution, taken by the Chancellor, to repair to
Paris, and that he was actually on his journey thither. Richelieu was
displeased: but he determined to give the chancellor the most
honourable and flattering reception. On the 21st of April, Grotius met
Oxenstiern at Soissons: they proceeded together to Paris. Conferences
between the Cardinal and the Chancellor immediately took place. The
matter in discussion between the courts were soon arranged: France
undertook to declare war against the emperor, to subsidize Sweden, and
to send an army to co-operate with her forces in Germany. It has always
been considered highly creditable to the firmness and talents of
Oxenstiern, that, in the reduced condition of the Swedes, he could
obtain for them such advantageous terms. Immediately after the treaty
was signed, the Chancellor quitted France. During his stay, he shewed a
marked attention to Grotius, and expressed unqualified approbation of
his conduct and views.

The arms of Sweden again triumphed. In Pomerania, General Bannier
obtained important advantages over the imperialists; in Alsace, the arms
of the Duke of Saxe-Weimar were equally successful. In the following
year, the two victorious generals carried their arms into the heart of
the Austrian territories, and, were almost uniformly successful.

[Sidenote: CHAP. XI. 1634-1645.]

But it is foreign to these pages to dwell further on the military
achievements or political intrigues of the times of which we are
speaking. Humanity shudders at the perusal of the events of this war.
Through the whole of its long period, Germany was a scene of
devastation. In its northern and central parts, the ravages of advancing
and retreating armies were repeatedly experienced in their utmost
horrors: many of its finest towns were destroyed; whole villages
depopulated; large territories laid waste. Frequently the women, the
children, and the aged, naked, pale, and disfigured, were seen wandering
over the fields, supporting themselves by the leaves of trees, by wild
roots, and even grass. The war extended itself into Lorraine: an
affecting account of the calamities, which it produced in that beautiful
province, was published by Father Caussin, who accompanied Lewis XIII
into it, as his confessor.

[Sidenote: Embassy of Grotius to the Court of France.]

Struck with the scene of woe, St. Vincent of Paul, an humble missionary
priest, who, at that time, resided at Paris, requested an audience of
Cardinal de Richelieu. Being admitted, he represented to his eminence,
with respect, but with firmness, the misery of the people, the sins, and
all the other enormities, which are the usual consequences of war: he
then fell upon his knees, and in a voice, equally animated by grief and
charity, "Sir!" he said to the Cardinal "have mercy upon us! Have
compassion upon the world! Give us peace!" The stern and vindictive
genius of the Cardinal sunk before the man of God. He raised Vincent
from the ground. He told him, with much apparent benignity, that "the
general pacification of Europe was his great object, but that
unfortunately it did not depend on him alone; there being, both within
and without the kingdom, those who sought the contrary, and prevented
peace." Few ministers have shewn greater ability, or produced greater
public or private misery, than Richelieu. It may, on the other hand, be
doubted, whether, at the day of general retribution, when every child of
Adam will have to account for his works, even one will appear with more
numerous deeds of useful and heroic charity than St. Vincent of
Paul.[042]

[Sidenote: CHAP. XI. 1634-1645.]

The affairs of the important embassy entrusted to Grotius, prospered in
his hands. In his conduct, there was an uniform assemblage of prudence,
activity, moderation, and firmness. To the French monarch, he was always
acceptable--not always so to the cardinal minister. It was the constant
object of the latter, to delay the payments of the subsidies promised
to Sweden, or to make deductions from them; and to lessen the number of
soldiers, which France was bound, by treaty to supply. Sometimes by
blandishments, sometimes by loftiness, the minister or his agents
endeavoured to induce Grotius to sanction these irregularities: but
Grotius was always true to the interests of the country which he
represented: it does not appear, that the Cardinal gained a single point
against him. Towards the close of his embassy, Grotius succeeded in
renewing the treaty between Sweden and France, on terms which were
considered to do great honour to his diplomatic talents.

In the discharge of his embassy, Grotius had to sustain other
unpleasantnesses. His pension was not regularly paid: this often
subjected him to great inconveniences. He had disputes respecting rank
and ceremonial, both with the French ministry and the ambassadors of
other states. It must surprise an English reader to find, that Grotius
questioned the right of the English ambassador to precedence over him:
the French court often played one ambassador, against the other.

[Sidenote: Embassy of Grotius to the Court of France.]

In the midst of these troubles, Grotius preserved the serenity of his
mind; and his attachment to sacred and profane literature. He cultivated
the acquaintance of the learned and the good, of every communion; and
possessed their esteem and regard. His conduct as ambassador was always
approved by the Chancellor Oxenstiern, while he lived, and after his
decease, by his son and successor in his office. The Queen of Sweden was
equally favourable to Grotius; but she unadvisedly took an adventurer
into her confidence, and sent him, in an ambiguous character, to Paris.
This disgusted Grotius: and age and infirmities now thickened upon him.
He applied to the Queen for his recall. She granted it in the most
flattering terms, and desired him to repair immediately to Stockholm, to
receive, from her, distinguished marks of her favour. She wrote to the
Queen of France, a letter, in which she expressed herself in a manner
highly honourable to Grotius: she acknowledged her obligations to him
and protested that she never would forget them. This was towards the
month of March 1645.

[Sidenote: CHAP. XI. 1634-1645.]

About three years after this event, the war of thirty years was
concluded by the peace of Westphalia. France and the Protestant princes
of Europe dictated the terms: the Swedes were indemnified for their
charges of the war, by Pomerania, Steten, Rugen, Wismar and Verden: the
house of Brandenburgh obtained Magdeburgh, Halberstad, Minden and Camin;
Alsace was conquered, and retained by France; Lusatia, was ceded to
Saxony. The history of the treaty of Westphalia has been ably written by
_Father Bougeant_, a French Jesuit: some critics have pronounced it the
best historical work in the French language. Till the late revolution of
France, it was the breviary of all French aspirants to political
distinction.







CHAPTER XII.

THE RELIGIOUS SENTIMENTS OF GROTIUS:--SOME OTHER OF HIS WORKS.

1. _Subsequent History of Arminianism_. 2. _Grotius's Religious
Sentiments_. 3. _His Projects of Religious Pacification_.







XII. 1.

_Subsequent History of Arminianism._


We left the Arminians under the iron arm of Prince Maurice:--He died in
1625:--We have mentioned, that Prince Frederick-Henry his brother, and
successor in the Stadtholderate, adopted more moderate councils in their
regard; that he recalled the Remonstrants, with some exceptions, from
banishment; that many settled at Amsterdam and Rotterdam; and that the
Arminians founded a college in the former city:--_Episcopius_ was its
first professor of theology:--it has never been without teachers, of
eminence for learning, as Courcelles, Pollemberg, Limborch, Le Clerc,
Cottemburgh, and Wetstein.

[Sidenote: CHAP. XII.]

It should be added, that the authority of the Synod of Dort insensibly
declined:--its authority was never formally acknowledged by the provinces
of _Friesland_, _Zealand_, _Utrecht_, _Gueldreland_ and
_Gröningen_: In 1651, they were induced to intimate that they would see
with pleasure, the reformed religion maintained upon the footing, upon
which it had been maintained and confirmed by the Synod of Dort; but
this intimation was never considered to have the force of a legislative
enactment.[043]

[Sidenote: XII.1. History of Arminianism.]

The theological system of the Arminians, after their return to Holland,
underwent, if we credit Dr. Mosheim,[044] a remarkable change. They
appear, by his account, to have almost coincided with those, who exclude
the necessity of divine grace in the work of conversion and
sanctification; and think that Christ demands from men, rather virtue
than faith; and has confined that belief, which is essential for
salvation, to very few articles. Thus the modern Arminians, according
to Dr. Mosheim, admit into their communion,--1st. All, with an exception
of Catholics, who receive the holy scriptures; and more especially the
New Testament; allowing at the same time to every individual, his own
interpretation of the sacred books:--2dly. All whose lives are regulated
by the law of God:--3dly. And all, who neither persecute nor bear ill
will towards those who differ from them in their religious sentiments.
Their _Confession of Faith_ was drawn up by Episcopius in 1622: four
divines of the established church of Holland published a _Refutation_ of
it: the authors of the _Confession_ replied to it in the following year,
by their _Apology_.

[Sidenote: CHAP. XII.]

James I. of England directed his theological representatives in the
Synod of Dort, to join the members in the condemnation of the doctrines
of Arminius:--but, when the English divines returned from that assembly,
and gave a full account of its proceedings, the King and the greatest
part of the English clergy expressed their dissatisfaction with them,
and declared that the sentiments of Arminius on the divine decrees, was
preferable to those of Calvin and Gomarus. By the exertions of
Archbishop Laud, and afterwards, in consequence of the general tendency
of the public mind to doctrines of mildness and comprehension, an
Arminian construction of the English articles on predestination and
free-will was adopted:--it has since prevailed,--and the Arminian creed,
by the number of its secret or open adherents, has insensibly found
admittance into every Protestant church.

[Sidenote: History of Arminianism.]

If we believe the celebrated Jurieu[045], Arminianism even in its
Socinian form, abounded, in less than a century, after the death of
Arminius, in the United Provinces, and among the Hugonots of the
adjacent part of France. By his account, the dispersion of the French
Hugonots, in consequence of the revocation of the Edict of Nantes,
revealed to the terrified reformers of the original school, the alarming
secret of the preponderance of Socinianism in the reformed church. Its
members, according to Jurieu, being no longer under the controul of the
civil power, spread their Socinian principles every where, with the
utmost activity and success: even in England, Jurieu professed to
discover the effect of their exertions. He mentions that in 1698,
thirty-four French refugee ministers residing in London addressed a
letter to the synod, then sitting at Amsterdam, in which they declared,
that Socinianism had spread so rapidly, that, if the ecclesiastical
assemblies supplied no means for checking their growth, or used
palliatives only, the mischief would be incurable.

[Sidenote: CHAP. XII.]

This charge, however, the Arminians have indignantly rejected. A writer
in the _Bibliotheque Germanique_[046] relates, that

    "the celebrated Anthony Collins called on M. Le Clerc of Amsterdam:
    He was accompanied by some Frenchmen, of the fraternity of those,
    who think freely. They expected to find the religious opinions of
    Le Clerc in unison with their own, but, they were surprised to find
    the strong stand which he made in favour of revelation. He proved
    to them, with great strength of argument, the truth of the
    Christian religion. Jesus Christ, he told them, was born among the
    Jews; still, it was not the Jewish religion which he taught;
    neither was it the religion of the Pagan neighbourhood; but, a
    religion infinitely superior to both. One sees in it the most
    striking marks of divinity. The Christians, who followed, were
    incapable of imagining any thing so beautiful. Add to this, that
    the Christian religion is so excellently calculated for the good of
    society, that, if we did not derive so great a present from heaven,
    the good and safety of men would absolutely demand from them an
    equivalent."

Throughout the conversation, M. Le Clerc reproached the Deists strongly,
for the hatred, which they shewed to Christianity. He proved, that, by
banishing it from the world,

    "they would overturn whatever was most holy and respectable among
    men; break asunder the surest bonds of humanity; teach men to shake
    off the yoke of law; deprive them of their strongest incitement to
    virtue, and bereave them of their best comfort. What," (he asked
    them) "do you substitute in its place? Can you flatter yourself,
    that you will discover something better? You expect, no doubt, that
    men will erect statues to you, for your exertions to deprive them
    of their religion! Permit me to tell you, that the part you act
    makes you odious and despicable in the eyes of all honest men."

He finished the conversation by requesting Mr. Collins to bring him no
more such visitors.

[Sidenote: XII. 1. History of Arminians.]

From the close of the 17th century, till the present time, Arminianism
has been continually on the increase. It is a just observation of Mr.
Gibbon, that "the disciples of Arminius must not be computed by their
separate congregations."

Doctor Maclaine says, it is certain, that the most eminent philosophers
have been found among the Arminians. "If both Arminians and Calvinists,"
says Mr. Evans, in the excellent work we have cited,

    "claim a _King_ (_James_ I.), it is certain that the latter alone
    can boast of a _Newton_, a _Locke_, a _Clarke_, or a _Boyle_.
    Archbishop _Usher_ is said to have lived a _Calvinist_; and died an
    _Arminian_. The members of the episcopal church in Scotland; the
    Moravians, the general Baptists, the Wesleyan Methodists, the
    Quakers or Friends, are Arminians; and it is supposed that a great
    proportion of the Kirk of Scotland teach the doctrines of Arminius,
    though they have a Calvinistic confession of faith. What a pity it
    is that the opinions either of Calvinists or Arminians,"

--(we beg leave to add: or any other Catholic or Protestant opinions
whatsoever)--

    "cannot in the eyes of some persons be held without a diminution of
    Christian charity!"







XII. 2.

_Grotius's Religious Sentiments_.


[Sidenote: CHAP. XII.]

To the milder form of Arminianism, Grotius always inclined. During his
embassy in France, he adopted it without reserve. He was soon disgusted
with the French Calvinists. The ministers of Charenton accepted the
decisions of the Synod of Dort, and, in conformity with them, refused,
when Grotius repaired to Paris, after his escape from Louvestein, to
admit him into their communion. On his arrival at Paris, in quality of
ambassador, they offered to receive him: Grotius expressed pleasure at
the proposal; and, intimated to them, that if he should go into any
country, in which the Lutherans, knowing his sentiments on the sacrament
of our Lord's Supper, should be willing to receive him into their
communion, he would make no difficulty in joining them. Thus every thing
appeared to be settled; but the ministers then objected to receive
Grotius as ambassador from Sweden, because that kingdom was Lutheran.
Grotius, upon this, resolved to have the divine service performed in his
house. Lutherans publicly attended it. "We have celebrated," he writes
to his brother, "the Feast of the Nativity in my house: the Duke of
Wirtemberg, the Count de Saxenburgh, and several Swedish and German
lords, attended at it." His first chaplain was imprudent, his second
gave him great satisfaction.

[Sidenote: XII. 2. Grotius' Religious Sentiments.]

Burigni has collected, in the last chapter of his Life of Grotius, a
multitude of passages, which shew his gradual leaning to the Roman
Catholic faith. He produces several passages from his works, which
prove,--

_That_ he paid high regard to decisions of the councils, and the
discipline of the primitive church; and thought the sentiments of the
antient church should be deferred to, in the explanation of the
Scriptures: [047]

_That_, the early reformers were held by him in no great esteem:[048]

_That_, mentioning Casaubon's sentiments, Grotius said that this learned
man thought the Roman Catholics of France better informed than those of
other countries, and came nearer to truth than the ministers of
Charenton:--

    "It cannot," says Grotius, "be denied, that there are several Roman
    Catholic pastors here, who teach true religion, without any mixture
    of superstition; it were to be wished that all did the same:"[049]

_That_ the Calvinists were schismatics, and had no mission:[050]

[Sidenote: CHAP. XII.]

_That_ the Jesuits were learned men and good subjects. "I know many of
them," he says, in one of his writings against Rivetus, "who are very
desirous to see abuses abolished, and the church restored to its
primitive unity."--We shall hereafter see that Father Petâu, an
illustrious member of the society, possessed the confidence of
Grotius:[051]

_That_, Grotius looked upon the abolition of episcopacy and of a visible
head of the church, as something very monstrous:[052]

_That_, he acknowledged that some change was made in the eucharistic
bread; that, when Jesus Christ, being sacramentally present, favours us
with his substance,--as the Council of Trent expresses its doctrine on
the Eucharist,--the appearances of bread and wine remain, and in their
place succeed the body and blood of Christ: [053]

[Sidenote: XII. 2. Grotius's Religious Sentiments.]

_That_, Grotius did not approve of the sentiments of the Calvinists
concerning the Eucharist, and reproached them with their contradiction.

    "You will hear them state in their confessions," says Grotius,
    "that they really, substantially and essentially partake of
    Christ's body and his blood; but, in their disputes, they maintain
    that Christ is received only spiritually, by faith. The antients
    go much further: they admit a real incorporation of Jesus Christ
    with us, and the reality of Christ's body, as Saint Hilarius
    speaks."

It must however be remarked that, although Grotius thought that the term
_Transubstantiation_ adopted by the council of Trent, was capable of a
good interpretation, it is not clear, what was his precise opinion
respecting the Eucharist. He proposed the following formulary:

    "We believe that, in the use of the supper, we truly, really, and
    substantially,--that is to say,--in its proper substance,--receive
    the true body and the true blood of Jesus Christ, in a spiritual
    and ineffable manner: [054]"

_That_, Grotius justified the decision of the Council of Trent,
concerning the number of the sacraments:[055]

_That_, after the year 1640, he took no offence at the use of images in
churches, or at prayers for the dead:[056]

_That_, he thought the bishops of Rome may be in error, but cannot long
remain in it, if they adhere to the universal church;--this seems to
presuppose the church's infallibility:[057]

[Sidenote: CHAP. XII.]

_That_ in the opinion of Grotius; fasting was early used in the church;
the observance of Lent was a very early practice: the sign of the cross
had something respectable in it; the fathers held virginity a more
perfect state than marriage; and the celibacy of the priests conformable
to the antient discipline of the church:[058]

And

    "that those, who shall read the decrees of the Council of Trent,
    with a mind disposed to peace, will find that every thing is wisely
    explained in them: and agreeable to what is taught by the
    Scriptures and the antient fathers."[059]

It is certain, that Grotius was intimate with Father Petâu, a Jesuit,
inferior to none of his society, in genius and learning; that the good
father used all his endeavours to convert Grotius to the Roman Catholic
religion; and was, at length, so much persuaded of his friend's
catholicity, that, when he heard of his death, he said prayers for the
repose of his soul.[060]

[Sidenote: XII. 3. His Project of Religious Pacification.]

As the religion of Grotius was a problem to many, Menâge wrote the
following Epigram upon it: the sense of it is, that--

    "As many sects claimed the religion of Grotius, as the towns, which
    contended for the birth of Homer."

        _Smyrna, Rhodos, Colophon, Salamis, Chios, Argos, Athenæ,
          Siderei certant vatis de patriâ Homeri:
        Grotiadæ certant de religione, Socinus,
          Arrius, Arminius, Calvinus, Roma, Lutherus_.







XII. 3.

_Grotius's Project of Religious Pacification._


A wish for religious peace among Christians grew with the growth and
strengthened with the strength of Grotius. It was known, before his
imprisonment at Louvestein, that he entertained these sentiments: he
avows them in the dedication to Lewis XIII. of his treatise _de Jure
Belli et Pacis_.

    "I shall never cease," he says in a letter to his brother,[061] "to
    use my utmost endeavours for establishing peace among Christians;
    And, if I should not succeed, it will be honourable to die in such
    an enterprise." "I am not the only one, who has conceived such
    projects," he writes in another letter to his brother:[062]
    "Erasmus, Cassander; Wicelius and Casaubon had the same design. La
    Meletiere is employed at present in it. Cardinal de Richelieu
    declares that he will protect the coalition; and he is such a
    fortunate man, that he never undertakes any thing, in which he
    does not succeed. If there were no hopes of success at present,
    ought we not to sow the seed, which may he useful to
    posterity?[063] Even if we should only diminish the mutual hatred
    among Christians, and render them more sociable, would not this be
    worth purchasing at the price of some labour and reproaches?"[064]

Grotius expressed himself in similar terms to Baron Oxenstiern: Surely
it is the true language of the Gospel.

[Sidenote: CHAP. XII.]

In the first appendix to this work,--we shall insert, an account

    "of the Formularies, Confessions of Faith, and Symbolic Books, of
    the Roman Catholic, Greek, and principal Protestant churches:"--

In the second appendix,--we shall insert an account of the principal
attempts made, since the Reformation, for the re-union of
Christians.--The former is abridged from the "Historical and Literary
Account of the Confessions of Faith," which was formerly published by
the present writer;--the second is an essay appended to that work:--both
have been before referred to in the present publication.

[Sidenote: XII. 3. His Project of Religious Pacification.]

Grotius[065] thought that the most compendious way to produce universal
religious peace among Christians, would be to frame, with the
concurrence of all the orthodox Eastern and Western churches, a
formulary which should express, briefly and explicitly, all the articles
of faith, the belief of which they agree in thinking essential to
salvation. In a letter addressed from Paris in 1625,[066] he mentions
that Gustavus Adolphus had entertained projects of religious
pacification, and had taken measures to effect it; that he had procured
a meeting of divines of the Lutheran and Reformed churches and that they
had separated amicably: Grotius says that the differences between them
were as slight as those between the Greek and Coptic churches.

For some time, Grotius flattered himself that he should succeed in his
project of pacification. In one of his letters to his brother, he
mentions distinguished Protestants, who approved and encouraged them

    "I perceive," he says, "that by conversing with men of the most
    learning among the reformed, and explaining my sentiments to them,
    they are of my opinion; and that their number will increase, if my
    treatises are dispersed. I can truly affirm, that I have said
    nothing in them from party spirit, but followed truth as closely as
    I could."[067]

[Sidenote: CHAP. XII.]

He imagined that some Catholics entered into his views.

    "The ablest men among the Catholics," he thus writes to his
    brother, "think that what I have published is written with great
    freedom and moderation, and approve of it."[068]

These pacific projects of Grotius cemented the union between him and
Father Petâu.

    "I had," says that most learned Jesuit, in his 12th Letter, "a
    great desire to see and converse with Grotius. We have been long
    together, and very intimate. He is, as far as I can judge, a good
    man, and possesses great candour. I do not think him far from
    becoming a Catholic, after the example of Holstenius as you hoped.
    I shall neglect nothing in my power to reconcile him to Christ, and
    put him in the way of salvation."[069]

[Sidenote: His Project of Religious Pacification.]

[Sidenote: CHAP. XII.]

[Sidenote: XII. 3. His Project of Religious Pacification.]

[Sidenote: CHAP. XII.]

As Grotius lays so much stress on the pacific labours of Erasmus,
Wicelius, Cassander and Casaubon, we shall briefly mention, in the
present chapter, the labours of the three first: Casaubon's we shall
notice, in the second appendix to this work.

[Sidenote: XII. 3. His Project of Religious Pacification.]

[Sidenote: CHAP. XII.] It appears that _Erasmus_ had it in
contemplation to compose three dialogues, upon the important subject of
religious pacification: the speakers were to have been Luther, under the
name of Thrasimacus, and a Catholic divine, under that of Eubolus. In
the first dialogue, they were to have discussed the proper methods of
terminating the religious controversies of the times; in the second, to
have investigated what were the points in controversy, the belief of
which was essential to a member of the church of Christ; in the third,
they were to have inquired what were the best means to procure a good
understanding between the contending parties, and to effect their union.
It is to be lamented that Erasmus did not execute his design. His
general sentiments appear in his _Paraphrase upon the 83d Psalm_; they
are expressed with great wisdom and moderation.[071]

[Sidenote: XII. 3. His Project of Religious Pacification.]

_Wicelius_,--who is next mentioned by Grotius, had been professed in a
religious order: had quitted it, and embraced Lutheranism: he afterwards
forsook that communion, and returned to the Catholic: upon this, he was
appointed to a curacy; and, in the discharge of his functions, obtained
general esteem: he was much regarded by the Emperors Ferdinand and
Maximilian. In 1537, he published at Leipsic a Latin work, "On the
method of procuring Religious Concord,--_Methodus Concordiæ
Ecclesiasticæ_." He addressed it to the pope, to all sovereigns,
bishops, doctors, and generally to all christians, exhorting them to
peace, and to desist from contention. He assumed in it, that the true
religion had been preserved in the Catholic church; but he allows that
modern doctors had involved it in numerous scholastic subtleties,
unknown to antiquity. He complains that on one hand the reformers left
nothing untouched; that, on the other, the scholastics would retain
every abuse, and every superfluity: Wisdom, he thought, lay between
them; the reformers should have respected what antiquity consecrated;
the Catholics should have abandoned modern doctrines and modern
practices to the discretion of individuals.

The "Royal Road," or _Via Regia_ of Wicelius, a still more important
work, was published by him at Helmstadt in 1537. Both works were
approved, and the perusal of them warmly recommended, by the emperors:
they have been often reprinted; they are inserted, with a life of their
author, in the second volume of _Brown's Fasciculus_.

    "If all the divines of those times," says Father Simôn the
    oratorian,[073] "had possessed the same spirit as Wicelius, the
    affairs of religion might have taken a different turn."

[Sidenote: CHAP. XII.]

[Sidenote: XII.3. His Project of Religious Pacification]

_Cassander_, another peacemaker, mentioned with praise by Grotius, is
the subject of a long and interesting article in _Dupin's Ecclesiastical
History_:[074]

    "He was," says Dupin, "solidly learned; and thoroughly versed in
    ecclesiastical antiquity and the controversies of his own times.
    The flaming zeal, which he had for the re-union and peace of the
    church, made him yield much to the Protestants, and led him to
    advance some propositions that were too bold. But he always kept in
    the communion of the Catholic church. He declared that he submitted
    to its judgments, and openly condemned the authors of the schism
    and their principal errors. He was a gentle, humble and moderate
    man; patient under afflictions, and entirely disinterested. In his
    disputes, he never returned injury for injury; and neither in his
    manners nor in his writings were presumption or arrogance ever
    discoverable. He avoided glory, honor, or wealth; and lived private
    and retired, having no other thought or wish, but to promote the
    peace of the church; no employment, but study; no business, but to
    compose books, which might be profitable to the public; and no
    passion, but knowing and teaching the truth."

His character procured him universal respect. The emperor and several
Catholic princes in Germany fixed upon him as a mediator in the
religious disputes, by which the empire was, at that time, agitated. In
conformity with their views he published his celebrated, "_Consultatio
de Articulis Religionis inter Catholicos et Protestantes Controversis_."

    "In this work," says Mr. Chalmers, "he discusses the several
    articles of the Augsburgh Confession, stating their difference from
    the doctrines of the Catholic church, and the concessions that
    might safely be made in respect to them. This work was written with
    great liberality, was much applauded by those, who were desirous of
    a coalition: they were too soon convinced that every attempt of
    this kind was nugatory. Cassander presented it to the Emperors
    Ferdinand I. and Maximilian II. They received it favourably; the
    former invited Cassander to Vienna, but his infirmities prevented
    his accepting the offer."

[Sidenote: CHAP. XII.]

In 1542, Grotius published his "_Road to Religious Peace,--Via ad Pacem
Ecclesiasticam_:" he inserted in it Cassander's "_Consultation_," and
accompanied it with notes.

All pacific persons reverenced Grotius, and still reverence his memory,
for his attempts to restore the religious peace of Christendom: all the
violent condemned him, and opposed his projects. The contradictions,
which he met with, chagrined him; so that he sometimes lost that
tranquillity of mind, which he had possessed in his deepest adversity.
But, to use his own words, he looked to the blessed Peacemaker for his
reward, and trusted that posterity would do justice to its intentions.--

    "Perhaps, by writing to reconcile such as entertain very opposite
    sentiments, I shall," says Grotius, "offend both parties: but, if
    that should so happen, I shall comfort myself with the example of
    him, who said, If I please men, I am not the servant of Christ."

[Sidenote: XII. 3. His Project of Religious Pacification.]

    "Grotius," says Burigni, "content with gratifying his pacific
    desires, expected his reward from posterity. This he clearly
    intimates in the following verses, written by him on the subject:

        "_Accipe, sed placidé, quæ, si non optimo, certé
          Espressit nobis non mala pacis amor.
        Et tibi dic, nostro labor hic si displicet avo,
          A gratia pretium posteritate feret_."

The projects of religious pacification did not cease with Grotius:
several divines of distinction adopted it; and attempted, some with more
prudence and ability than others, to carry it into effect. The principal
of these are noticed in the second appendix to the present work. None
succeeded: One description of persons, who engaged in this design, was
denominated _Syncretists_, or _Calixtines_, from _George Calixtus_ their
leader: the other, from their calling men from controversy to holiness
of life, received the appellation of _Pietists_: A third party,--perhaps
we may style them, the _Ultra-orthodox_,--more hostile to the former
than to the latter--arose in opposition to both, and accused them of
sacrificing the doctrines of faith to a mistaken zeal for union and
sanctity.[075]

It is certain[076] that the friends of union too often erred in
this,--that they aimed rather at an uniformity of _terms_ than of
_sentiments_; and thus seemed satisfied, when they engaged the
contending parties to use the same _words and phrases_, though their
_real difference_ in opinion remained the same. This could not be
justified: it tended evidently to extinguish truth and honour, and to
introduce equivocation.







CHAPTER XIII.

THE DEATH OF GROTIUS.

1645


[Sidenote: CHAP. XIII. 1645.]

Every thing respecting the recall of Grotius being settled, he embarked
at Dieppe for Holland. He was extremely well received at Amsterdam and
Rotterdam: the constituted authorities, of the former city fitted a
vessel, which was to take him to Hamburgh: there, after along and
harassing journey, he arrived on the 16th of May. From Hamburgh he
proceeded to Lübec: the magistrates of that city gave him an honourable
reception. He proceeded to Wismar; where Count Wismar, the admiral of
the Swedish fleet, gave him a splendid entertainment, and afterwards
sent him in a man-of-war to Colmar: thence, he went by land to
Stockholm. When he arrived there, Queen Christina was at Upsal; but,
hearing that Grotius was at Stockholm, she returned to that city to meet
him. On the day after her arrival, she favoured him with a long
audience: she expressed to him great satisfaction at his conduct, and
made him large promises. These audiences were often repeated; and once
she permitted him to have the honour of dining with her. She assured
him, that if he would continue in her service, as Councillor of State,
and bring his family into Sweden, he should have no reason to complain
of her. But Grotius was anxious to leave Sweden; and his passport being
delayed, he resolved to quit it without one, and actually proceeded to a
seaport about seven leagues distant from Stockholm. The Queen, being
informed of his departure, sent a gentleman to inform him, that she
wished to see him once more. On this invitation he returned to
Stockholm, and was immediately admitted into the Queen's presence; he
then explained to her his reasons for wishing to quit Sweden. The Queen
appeared to be satisfied with them: she made him a present in money of
twelve or thirteen thousand Swedish imperials, of the value of about ten
thousand French crowns; she added to the present, some plate, the
finishing of which had, she told him, been the only cause of the delay
of his passport. She then put it into his hands, and a vessel was
appointed to carry him to Lübec. On the 12th August he embarked for that
city.

[Sidenote: The Death of Grotius.]

What were his real motives for refusing Christina's offers, or in what
place he ultimately intended to fix himself, is not known.

The vessel in which he embarked had scarcely sailed from Lübec, when it
was overtaken by a violent storm, and obliged, on the 17th August, to
take shelter in a port fourteen miles distant from Dantzic. Grotius went
from it in an open wagon to Lübec, and arrived very ill at Rostock[077]
on the 26th August. No one, there, knew him: his great weakness
determined him to call in the aid of a physician: one accordingly
attended him: his name was Stochman. On feeling Grotius's pulse, he said
his indisposition proceeded from weakness and fatigue, and that, with
rest and some restoratives, he might recover; but, on the following day
he changed his opinion. Perceiving that the weakness of Grotius
increased, and that it was accompanied with a cold sweat and other
symptoms indicating an exhaustion of nature, the physician announced
that the end of his patient was near. Grotius then asked for a
clergyman. _John Quistorpius_ was brought to him. Quistorpius, in a
letter to Calovius, gives the following particulars of Grotius's last
moments:

    "You are desirous of hearing from me, how that Phoenix of
    Literature, Hugo Grotius, behaved in his last moments, and I am
    going to tell you. He embarked at Stockholm for Lübec, and after
    having been tossed for the three days, by a violent tempest, he was
    shipwrecked, and got to shore on the coast of Pomerania, from
    whence he came to our town of Rostock, distant above sixty miles,
    in an open wagon through wind and rain. He lodged with Balleman;
    and sent for M. Stochman, the physician, who observing that he was
    extremely weakened by years, by what he suffered at sea, and by the
    inconveniences attending the journey, judged that he could not live
    long. The second day after Grotius's arrival in this town, that is,
    on the 18th of August, O.S. he sent for me, about nine at night, I
    went, and found him almost at the point of death: I said, 'There
    was nothing I desired more, than to have seen him in health, that I
    might have the pleasure of his conversation.' He answered, 'God had
    ordered it otherwise.' I desired him: to prepare himself for a
    happier life, to acknowledge that he was a sinner, and to repent of
    his faults: and, happening to mention the publican, who
    acknowledged that he was a sinner, and asked God's mercy; he
    answered, '_I am that publican_.' I went on, and told him that he
    must have recourse to Jesus Christ, without whom there is no
    salvation.'

    "He replied, '_I place all my hope in Jesus Christ_.'

[Sidenote: The Death of Grotius.]

    "I began to repeat aloud in German, the prayer which begins _Herr
    Jesu:_[078] he followed me in a very low voice; with his hands
    clasped. When I had done, I asked him, 'if he understood me.' He
    answered, '_I understand you very well_.' I continued to repeat to
    him those passages of the word of God, which are commonly offered
    to the remembrance of dying persons; and asking him, 'if he
    understood me,' he answered, '_I heard your voice, but I did not
    understand what you said._'

    "These were his last words; soon afterwards he expired; just at
    midnight. His body was delivered to the physicians, who took out
    his bowels. I easily obtained leave to bury them in our principal
    church, which is dedicated to the Virgin."

His corpse, was afterwards carried to Delft, and deposited in the tomb
of his ancestors. He wrote this modest epitaph for himself,

        "GROTIUS HIC HUGO EST, BATAVUM
          CAPTIVUS ET EXSUL,
        LEGATUS REGNI, SUECIA MAGNA, TUI."

Burigni informs us that Grotius had a very agreeable person, a good
complexion, an aquiline nose, sparkling eyes, a serene and smiling
countenance; that he was not tall, but very strong, and well built. The
engraving of him prefixed to the _Hugonis Grotii Manes_ answers this
description.

It is needless to give an account of his descendants, or their
prosperous or adverse fortunes: they are noticed at length by Burigni.
In _Mr. Boswell's Life of Johnson_, mention is made of one who was then
in a state of want. Dr. Johnson, in a letter to Dr. Vyse,

    "requests him to recommend, an old friend, to his grace the
    Archbishop of Canterbury. His name," says the Doctor, "is De Groot.
    He has all the common claims to charity; he is poor and infirm in a
    great degree. He has likewise another claim, to which no scholar
    can refuse attention: he is, by several descents, the nephew of
    Hugo Grotius; of him, of whom every man of learning has perhaps
    learned something. Let it not be said, that, in any lettered
    country, the nephew of Grotius, ever asked a charity, and was
    refused."

The reader must be pleased, to be informed, that the application,--it
was for some situation, in the charter-house,--was successful. Dr. Vyse
informed Dr. Johnson of it, by letter. In his answer,

    "Dr. Johnson," by Dr. Vyse's account, "rejoiced much, and was
    lavish of the praise he bestowed upon his favourite Hugo
    Grotius."[079]

[Sidenote: The Death of Grotius.]

Three points were united in Grotius, each of which would strongly
recommend him to Dr. Johnson: he was learned, pious, and opposed to the
doctrines of Calvin. It is still more unnecessary to mention the various
encomiums, which the learned of all nations have made of Grotius, in
prose and verse. That he was one of the most universal scholars, whom
the world has produced, and that he possessed sense, taste, and genius
in a high degree, is universally confessed. It is equally true, that
both his public and his private character, are entitled to a high degree
of praise.

When Queen Christina, heard of his death, she wrote to his widow, a
letter of condolence, and requested, that the manuscripts which he had
left, might be sent to her:

    "My ambassador," the Queen says in this letter, "has made you
    acquainted, with my high esteem, for his learning, and the good
    services he did me; but he could not express, how dear I hold his
    memory, and the effects of his great labours. If gold, or silver,
    could do any thing towards redeeming such a valuable life, I would
    gladly employ all, I am mistress of, for that purpose."

She concludes by asking his widow, for all the manuscripts "of that
learned man, whose works had given her such pleasure." The Queen assures
her, that "they could not fall into better hands," and that, "the
author, having been useful to her in his lifetime, it was not just that
she should be deprived, after his death, of the fruits of his labours."

It remains to mention, that, after the death of Grotius, his wife
communicated with the Church of England: this, it is said, she did in
conformity to the dying injunctions of her husband: it is certain, that
Grotius respected the Church of England. His wife died at the Hague, in
the communion of the Remonstrants. Through life, she was uniformly
respected; and, whenever the services of Grotius, to sacred and profane
literature, are recorded, her services to him, should be mentioned with
praise.







CHAPTER XIV.

HISTORICAL MINUTES OF THE REVOLUTIONS OF THE GOVERNMENT OF THE SEVEN
UNITED PROVINCES, FROM THE DEATH OF WILLIAM II. TILL THE ESTABLISHMENT
OF THE KINGDOM OF THE NETHERLANDS.

1680-1815.


In some of the preceding pages, the principal events in the history of
the Seven United Provinces, till the death of William II, in 1680, have
been briefly mentioned: in the present chapter, we shall insert a
summary account of the revolutions of their government, till the present
time.







XIV. 1.

_William III._

1650-1702.


William III. was born after the death of William II. his father.
Immediately after that event, his mother claimed for him the
stadtholderate, and all the other dignities, pre-eminences, and rights,
which his father and grandfather had enjoyed; but, so great, at that
time, was the public jealousy of the ambitious views of the house of
Orange, that the States General would not even take her claims into
deliberation. A general assembly of the States was held in 1661. They
confirmed the Treaty of Union, of 1579; attributed to themselves, the
appointment of all civil and military offices; placed the army under the
authority of the provinces and municipalities, and invested the council
of state with the general direction of the military concerns of the
nation. A war with England, which was then governed by Cromwell, soon
followed; it was the commencement of the naval glory of the United
States. But the government was distracted by the contests and
dissensions between the republican and the Orange factions. The former
were headed by John de Witt. He possessed transcendent abilities, was a
true lover of his country, and, on every occasion, advised the wisest
measures. Some of the military operations of the States proving
unsuccessful, the Orange faction endeavoured to persuade the people,
that this reverse of fortune was owing to the want of a Stadtholder; and
exhorted them to confer this dignity on the young prince, to be
exercised, during his minority, by one of the family. This proposition
was successfully resisted by De Witt. Peace between England and the
United Provinces being concluded, Cromwell endeavoured to unite them to
England by a federative alliance; but they rejected the proposition. At
the suggestion of De Witt, the States of Holland passed an Act, by which
they bound themselves never to appoint the Prince of Orange, or any of
his descendants, to the office of Stadtholder, or Captain General; and
to prevent, to their utmost power, the other States from making such an
appointment. This measure displeased the other States. In 1665, the
office of Commander in Chief becoming vacant, the opposite party
endeavoured to procure it for one of the Orange family; this attempt
also proved abortive. In 1661 a war broke out between England,--which
was then governed by Charles II., and the United States; these displayed
in it, chiefly under the command of De Ruyter, prodigies of valour and
naval skill; the year 1667 was famous in their annals, by their fleet's
sailing up the river Thames, and burning the English fleet at Chatham.
The peace of Breda immediately followed.

[Sidenote: XIV. 1. William III.]

Still, the civil discord continued. The States of Holland renewed the
_Edict of Exclusion_, with the addition of a clause, that, whenever a
person should be invested, with the office of Captain, or Admiral
General, he should swear never to aspire to the office of Stadtholder,
and to refuse it, if it should be offered to him.

[Sidenote: CHAP. XIV 1650--1702.]

The year 1671 is remarkable for the league entered into by Louis XIV.
and Charles II. against the United States, and by their vigourous
resistance to it. The circumstances into which it drove the United
States, compelled them to appoint the Prince of Orange Captain General
and Admiral: he took the oath prescribed by the Perpetual Edict, not to
aspire to the stadtholderate, and to reject it, if offered. He was at
this time in his twenty-second year: he owed his elevation to the
critical situation in which the United States were then placed; but it
was also owing to the great prudence with which he had conducted himself
when fortune was opposed to him; and to the talents and application to
business which he then discovered.

At sea, the navy of the United States was generally successful. At land,
the arms of Lewis XIV. triumphed; he conquered Gueldres, Overyssell, and
the city and province of Utretcht. This maddened the populace. They
massacred John De Witt, and Cornelius De Witt, his brother, after having
subjected them to the cruellest tortures and the most brutal
indignities. To the indelible reproach of William III. he did not
interfere to prevent or stop these horrors. His measures for obtaining
the stadtholderate succeeded.

[Sidenote: XIV. 1. William III.]

On the 4th of July 1672, it was re-established in the person of William
III.; and all the dignities and rights enjoyed by his predecessors were
conferred upon him. These, in 1674, were made hereditary in his family.
His subsequent conduct is entitled, on many accounts, to the warmest
praise. The success of the United States at sea compelled Charles II. to
make peace with them, so that Lewis XIV. was their only enemy. The war
with him was terminated by the peace of Nimeguen in 1678. Ten years
after it, the Stadtholder, on the abdication of James II. became King of
England. In 1690, England, Spain, Austria, and the United Provinces,
entered into the Grand Alliance against France. The Duke of Savoy and
several Princes of Germany afterwards joined it. In general, the
proceedings of the confederacy were unsuccessful; the war was terminated
in 1697 by the peace of Ryswick. In 1700, the disputes on the succession
to the Spanish monarchy, in consequence of the death of Charles II. of
Spain, without issue, called the world again to arms. William III. died
in 1702.







XIV. 2.

_John William Count of Nassau Dietz_, 1702-1711; _William IV_.
1711-1751.


The government of William III. was generally displeasing to the United
States: they accused him of sacrificing them to the interests of his
English monarchy, and to the hatred which he always bore to the French.
He was also suspected, and not without reason, of a design to acquire
the independent sovereignty of the provinces. At first, his influence
within them was so great, that he was said to be King in the United
States, and Stadtholder in England; but it declined gradually; and an
attempt by him to obtain the succession to the stadtholderate for John
Friso, Prince of Nassau and Hereditary Stadtholder of Frizeland,
absolutely failed. He made, by his will, that prince his testamentary
heir.

Upon the decease of William III. a general wish to discontinue the
stadtholderate was expressed in most of the provinces; those of Holland,
Zealand, Utrecht, Gueldres, and Overyssell, came to a formal resolution
to this effect They recognised the supreme power of the States General,
and conferred the direction of their political concerns on Heinsius, the
actual Grand Pensionary, a person of great learning, uncommon talents
for business, and acknowledged integrity.

[Sidenote: XIV. 2. John William Count of Nassau Diets, 1702-1711;
William IV. 1711-1749.]

As testamentary heir of William III., John-William assumed the title of
Prince of Orange: he died in 1711, without having exercised the power of
the stadtholderate, except in the province of Frizeland.

The war of the succession terminated in 1713, by the peace of Utretcht:
it was succeeded in 1715 by the Barrier Treaty, and in 1719 by the
Quadruple Alliance, ever memorable for the triumphant campaigns of
Marlborough, by which it was followed. The pensionary Heinsius died in
1720. In his life-time, several weak attempts had been made, in
different provinces, to restore in them the stadtholderate. They
succeeded only at Gueldres; and even there, it was restored with great
limitations.

Upon the decease of Prince William-John, his rights and pretensions
descended to Prince William, his son. In 1733, he married Mary, the
daughter of George II. of England. This strengthened his cause; but the
general spirit of the United Provinces was so averse to the
Stadtholderate, that it was not till the invasion of Holland, by the
French, in 1747, that the prince's party judged it advisable to bring
forward his claim. At first they met with resistance, but finally
prevailed, and Prince William of Orange became the sole Stadtholder of
every province: until his time each of the provinces of Frizeland and
Groningen had its particular Stadtholder. The dignities of Captain
General and Admiral were also conferred on him; and, in addition to
these, some rights and privileges which no former Stadtholder had
enjoyed.

The reverses of the United Provinces continued, and the aggrandisement
of the Stadtholderate increased proportionally. As yet William IV. had
no male issue. In 1748, the Orange faction proposed that the
Stadtholderate should be declared hereditary; and that, in default of
males, females should be admitted into the succession. After some
opposition the measure was carried in all the provinces, except
Frizeland and Groningen. From this time the United Provinces ceased to
be a republic, and became a monarchy, limited by the antient usages and
institutions. William IV. died in 1749.







XIV. 3.

_From the Death of William IV. till the Erection of the Kingdom of the
Netherlands_.

1749-1815.


At the death of William IV. William, his son, and afterwards his
successor in the Stadtholderate, was an infant, in very tender years.
His mother was named by the states Governess of the United Provinces.
She appointed the Duke of Brunswick to the command of their armies;
thus, after all their exertions and sacrifices for liberty, the United
Provinces became subject to the government of an English princess and a
German prince; and an English party became predominant in their
politics; William V. married a princess of Prussia, and thus the Orange
party was strengthened by Prussian influence.

[Sidenote: XIV. 3. From the death of William IV. till the erection of
the Kingdom of the Netherlands.]

These opposite, and conflicting interests, filled every province, with
dissension; and, on some occasions, armed one body of citizens against
another. The English party, sided with the Orange faction; the French,
with the republicans. At first the latter prevailed; they led the states
into measures, which forced England to declare war against them. In
1782, they acknowledged the independence of the United States of
America. Still, the dissensions continued. After a long conflict, the
republican party acquired the ascendant; they suspended the Prince of
Orange from his functions, and filled all the principal places of trust
with their own adherents. But the Orange party soon rallied; the Duke of
Brunswick entered Holland at the head of a victorious army, and, in
1787, re-established the Stadtholderate.

[Sidenote: CHAP. XIV. 1749-1816.]

His victorious career, was soon terminated. In 1799, the revolutionary
army of France made themselves masters of the whole territory of the
United States; and established _The Batavian Republic_. It was
successively governed, but always under the overpowering controul of
France, by a Convention, a Directory, and a Consul, with the appellation
of Grand Pensionary. In 1806, even these forms of her antient government
were abolished; Napoleon sending Louis, one of his brothers, to reign
over the United Provinces, with the title and powers of royalty; but
with an intimation, that France was entitled to his first attentions and
a priority of duty. The demands of Napoleon for attentions and duties
were so exorbitant, that rather than be instrumental in the infliction
of the miseries which a compliance with them must occasion, Louis
resigned his throne. Napoleon then incorporated the United Provinces
into his empire, "as an alluvion," for such he termed them, "to the
Rivers of France." Scenes of the most grinding oppression followed: the
Batavians were relieved from it by the fall and abdication of Napoleon.

[Sidenote: XIV. 3. Establishment of the Kingdom of the Netherlands.]

Before this event, William V. died, leaving a son, called from his
pretensions to the stadtholderate, William VI. We have seen that, on the
death of the Emperor Charles V. all the seventeen provinces, composing
the Netherlands, devolved to Philip II. his son; the successful
defection of the Seven United Provinces has been mentioned; the ten
remaining provinces were afterwards transferred to the House of Austria,
and were inherited by the Emperor Joseph II. The French made an easy
conquest of them in an early stage of the Revolution.

We now reach the ultimate fate of both the divisions of the Netherlands.
The congress of Vienna, by an act of the 9th June 1815, created and
conferred upon this prince, THE KINGDOM OF THE NETHERLANDS, consisting
of the seventeen provinces, and a portion of Luxemburgh. It is
confessedly the first among the kingdoms of the second order.


       *       *       *       *       *


It was our wish to present our readers with a sketch of the literary
history of the Netherlands, during the period treated of in this
chapter; but after most diligent and extensive searches, both in the
British and foreign markets, we have not been able to discover materials
for it; persons of acknowledged learning, both in Germany and the
Netherlands, have assured us that no such history exists.


       *       *       *       *       *




APPENDIX

I.

REFERRED TO IN PAGE 188.

SOME ACCOUNT OF THE FORMULARIES, CONFESSIONS OF FAITH, OR SYMBOLIC
BOOKS, OF THE ROMAN CATHOLIC, GREEK, AND PRINCIPAL PROTESTANT CHURCHES.


The constitutions of the Roman Catholic, and Protestant Churches, differ
in nothing more, than in the following important points: The Catholic
Church, acknowledges the authority of the Scriptures, and, in addition
to them, a body of traditionary law. She receives both under the
authority, and with the interpretation of the Church, and believes that
the authority of the Church in receiving and interpreting them is
infallible. The Protestant Churches generally profess to acknowledge no
law but the Scriptures, no interpreter of the Scriptures, but the
understanding and conscience of the individual who peruses them.

That the Roman Catholic Church should propound a formulary of her faith,
enlarge this formulary from time to time, as further interpretation is
wanted, and enforce acquiscence in it by spiritual censures, is
consistent with _her_ principles. Whether such a pretension can be
avowed, without inconsistency, by any Protestant Church, has been a
subject of much discussion. In point of fact, however, no Protestant
Church is without her formulary, or abstains from enforcing it by
temporal provisions and spiritual censures. To enforce their formularies
by civil penalties, is inconsistent with the principles, of every
christian church. All churches howsoever have so enforced, and have
blamed the others, for so enforcing them.

Such formularies, from the circumstance of their collecting into one
instrument, several articles, of religious belief, are generally known
on the Continent, by the appellation of SYMBOLIC BOOKS.


I. The symbolic books, received by ALL TRINITARIAN CHRISTIAN
CHURCHES,--are,

    1. _The Symbol of the Apostles_; and

    2. _The Nicene Symbol_.


II. The symbolic books, received by the ROMAN CATHOLIC Church,--are,

    1. The General Councils;

    2. Among these,--_the Council of Trent_,--as immediately applying
    to the controversies between the Catholic and Protestant Churches,
    is particularly regarded;

    3. _The Symbol of Pope Pius IV_.;

    4. _The Catechism of the Council of Trent_.


III. The symbolic books of the GREEK CHURCH,--are,

    1. _The Confession, of her true and sincere faith_, which, on the
    taking of Constantinople, by Mahomet II, in 1453, Gennadius, its
    patriarch, presented to the conqueror;

    2. _The Orthodox Confession, of the Catholic and Apostolic Greek
    Church_, published in 1642, by Mogilow, the Metropolitan of Kiow.


IV. The symbolic books of the LUTHERAN CHURCHES, are

    1. _The Confession of Augsburgh_;

    2. _The Apology of the Confession of Augsburgh_;

    3. _The Articles of Smalcald_;

    4. _And_, (in the opinion of some Lutheran Churches),--_The Form of
    Concord_;

    5. _The Saxon, Wirtenburgian, Suabian, Pomeranian, Mansfeldian,
    Antwerpensian, and Copenhagen Confessions_, possess, in particular
    places, the authority of Symbolic books:--the two first are
    particularly respected.


V. The symbolic books of the REFORMED CHURCHES. The reformed Church, in
the largest extent of that expression, comprises all the religious
communities, which have separated from the Church of Rome. In this
sense, it is often used by English writers: but, having, soon after the
Reformation, been used by the French Protestants to describe their
church, which was Calvinistic, it became, insensibly, the appellation of
all Calvinistic churches on the Continent. The principal symbolic books
of these churches,--are,

    1. _The Confession of the Helvetian Churches_;

    2. _The Tetrapolitan Confession_,--signed by the four cities of
    Strasburgh, Constance, Memmingen, and Lindau;

    3. _The Catechism of Heidelbergh_;

    4. _The Gallic Confession of Faith_;

    5. _The Belgic Confession of Faith_;

    6. _The Canons of the Council of Dort_.


    VI. The symbolic books of the WALDENSES,--are,

    _Their original and reformed Creeds_.


VII. The symbolic books of the _Bohemians_,--are,

    1. _The Confession of faith of the Calixtines and Taborites_,
    signed at the Synod of Cuttenburgh in 1541;

    2. _The Confession of the faith of the Bohemians_,--inserted in the
    "Harmony of Confessions," published at Cambridge in 1680.

    3. _The Consent of faith at Sendomer_.


VIII. The symbolic book of the ARMINIANS,--is

    _The Declaration of the Remonstrants_, drawn up by Episcopius, and
    signed in 1622.


IX. The symbolic book of the SOCINIANS is _The Catechism of Racow_;--the
best edition of it was published in 1609, reprinted at Frankfort, in
1739. An English translation of it has been published by Mr. Rees.


X. The UNITARIANS have no symbolic book. To Doctor Lardner's _Letter on
the Logos_ they shew universal respect.


XI. The symbolic books of THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND,--are,

    1. _The Theological Oaths_,--containing a Declaration of the belief
    of the Monarch's spiritual supremacy;--and Declarations against
    Transubstantiation,--the invocation of Saints,--and the sacrifice
    of the Mass;

    2. _The Thirty-nine Articles_.


XII. The symbolic book of the ENGLISH AND SCOTTISH PRESBYTERIANS,--is

    "_The Articles of Religion_ approved and passed by both Houses of
    Parliament after advice had with an assembly of divines, called
    together for that purpose." These were sent into Scotland, and
    immediately sanctioned by the General Assembly, and Parliament of
    that kingdom; and thus became a law of the Church and State.


XIII. The symbolic books of the Anabaptists may be said to be,--

    THEIR SEVERAL CONFESSIONS OF FAITH:--Five were published at
    Amsterdam, in 1675, in one volume 8vo.


XIV. The symbolic books of the Quakers,--are,

    1. _Barclay's Catechism and Confession of Faith_, published in
    1675;

    2. His _Theses Theologicæ_;

    3. His _Apology_,--a logical demonstration of the propositions in
    the Theses. It was translated into almost every language and
    presented to all the ministers assembled at Nimeguen;

    4. But some persons assert that the real doctrines of the Quakers
    are more easily discoverable from _The Christian Quaker and his
    divine testimony, vindicated by Scripture reason and authorities
    against the injurious attempts that have been lately made by
    several adversaries_.--This work appeared in 1674; the first part
    of it was written by Penn, the second by Whithead, one of his most
    distinguished disciples.


XV. It may be added, that the symbolic book of the Jews,--is

    _The Schelosch aikara ikkarim,--the Thirteen Articles of Faith_
    framed by Rabbi Moses Ben Maimon in the 12th century: it is
    frequently inserted in the Jewish prayer books. Sebastian Munster
    published it with a Latin translation and an abridgment of the
    History of Josephus, in one vol. 8vo. at Worms in 1529.

Many Christian Catechisms have been translated into Hebrew for the
benefit of the Jews.


       *       *       *       *       *


An historical and literary account of all these Confessions of Faith,
and of several works and circumstances connected with them, is attempted
to be given, by the Author of these pages, in his "_Historical and
Literary Account of the Formularies, Confessions of Faith, and Symbolic
Books, of the Roman Catholic, Greek, and principal Protestant
Churches._"

THE SYLLOGE CONFESSIONUM printed at the Clarendon Press in 1804,
contains the _Professio Fidei Tridentinæ, Confessio Helvetica,
Augustana, Saxonica, Belgica_."

"The Harmony of the Confessions of the Faith of the Christian and
Reformed Churches" published at Cambridge in 1586, 8_vo_. attempts to
reconcile the Confession of Augsburgh, the Confession of the Four
Cities, the Confession of Bâsle, the first Confession of Helvetia; the
Confession of Saxony, the Confession of Wirtemburgh, the French
Confession, the English Confession, the latter Confession of Helvetia,
the Belgic Confession, and that of Bohemia.

On the general subject, _Walchius's Bibliotheca Theologica Selecta_, may
be usefully consulted.







APPENDIX II.

REFERRED TO IN PAGE 188.

ON THE REUNION OF CHRISTIANS.


The attempts, made at different times for the re-union of Christians,
are the subject of a learned and interesting work, published at Paris,
with the title of "_Histoire critique des projéts formés depuis trois
cents ans pour la Reunion des communions Chretiennes, par M. Tabaraud,
ancien Prétre de L'Oratoire, Paris_, 1824." An excellent sketch of these
attempts had been previously given by _Doctor Mosheim, in his
Ecclesiastical History, Cent. XVI. Ch. III. sect. 3. part 2. c. 1. and
Cent. XVII. Cha. I. sect. 2. p_. 1. To these publications the reader is
referred:--the present Essay may be found to contain,

    I. A general view of the attempts made after the Reformation, to
    unite the Lutheran and Calvinist churches:

    II. Some account of the Attempts made at different times by the
    sovereigns of France for the conversion of their protestant subjects:

    III. The correspondence of Bossuet and Leibniz, under the auspices of
    Lewis the Fourteenth, for the reunion of the Lutheran Churches to the
    Church of Rome:

    IV. Some account of an attempt made in the reign of George the First,
    to reunite the Church of England to the Church of Rome:

    V. And some general remarks on the Reunion of Christians.







I.

_Attempts made to unite the Lutheran, and Calvinist Churches._


The great division of Protestant Churches is, into the Lutheran, and
Calvinist communions. The Abbé Tabaraud relates in the work, which we
have just cited, not fewer than fifteen different attempts to effect a
reunion of their churches. In reading his account and that given by
Mosheim of these attempts, the writer thinks that, on each side, there
was something to commend and something to blame. It seems to him, that
the Lutherans deserve credit for the open and explicit manner, in which,
on these occasions, they propounded the tenets of their creed to the
Calvinists; that the conduct of the Calvinists was more liberal and
conciliating; but that, on the other hand, the conduct of the Lutherans
towards the Calvinists, was generally repulsive, and sometimes deserving
a much harsher name; while the conduct of the Calvinists, was sometimes
chargeable, with ambiguity.

    "It was deplorable," says Mosheim, (Cent. xvii. sect. 2. part 2.
    art. 3.) "to see two churches, which had discovered, an equal
    degree of pious zeal, and fortitude, in throwing off the despotic
    yoke of Rome, divided among themselves, and living in discords,
    that were highly detrimental, to the interests of religion, and the
    well-being of society. Hence, several eminent divines, and leading
    men, both among the Lutherans, and Calvinists, sought anxiously,
    after some method, of uniting the two churches, though divided in
    their opinions, in the bonds of Christian charity, and
    ecclesiastical communion. A competent knowledge, of human nature,
    and human passions, was sufficient, to persuade these wise, and
    pacific mediators, that a perfect uniformity in religious opinions,
    was not practicable, and that it would be entirely extravagant, to
    imagine that any of these communities, could ever be brought, to
    embrace universally, and without limitation, the doctrines of the
    other. They made it, therefore, their principal business, to
    persuade those, whose spirits were inflamed with the heat of
    controversy, that the points in debate between the two churches,
    were not essential, to true religion;--that the fundamental
    doctrines, of Christianity, were received, and professed, in both
    communions; and that the difference of opinion, between the
    contending parties, turned, either upon points of an abstruse, and
    incomprehensible nature, or upon matters of indifference, which
    neither tended, to make mankind wiser, or better, and in which the
    interests of genuine piety, were in no wise concerned. Those, who
    viewed things in this point of light, were obliged to acknowledge,
    that the diversity of opinions, between the two churches, was by no
    means, a sufficient reason, for their separation; and that of
    consequence, they were called, by the dictates of that gospel,
    which they both professed, to live, not only in the mutual
    exercise, of Christian charity, but also to enter, into the
    fraternal bonds, of church communion. The greatest part, of the
    reformed doctors, seemed disposed, to acknowledge, that the errors
    of the Lutherans, were not, of a momentous nature, nor of a
    pernicious tendency; and that the fundamental doctrines of
    Christianity, had not undergone, any remarkable alteration, in that
    communion; and thus, on their side, an important step, was made,
    towards peace, and union, between the two churches. But the
    greatest part of the Lutheran doctors declared, that they could not
    form, a like judgment, with respect, to the doctrine, of the
    Reformed churches; they maintained tenaciously, the importance of
    the points, which divided the two communions, and affirmed, that a
    considerable part of the controversy turned upon the fundamental
    principles, of all religion, and virtue. It is not at all
    surprising, that this steadiness and constancy of the Lutherans,
    was branded by the opposite party, with the epithets, of morose
    obstinacy, supercilious arrogance, and such like odious
    denominations. The Lutherans, were not behind hand with their
    adversaries, in acrimony, of style; they recriminated with
    vehemence, and charged their accusers with instances of misconduct,
    different in kind, but equally condemnable. They reproached them
    with having dealt disingenuously, by disguising, under ambiguous
    expressions, the real doctrine of the Reformed churches; they
    observed further, that their adversaries, notwithstanding their
    consummate prudence and circumspection, gave plain proofs, on many
    occasions, that their propensity to a reconciliation, between the
    two churches, arose from views of private interest, rather than
    from a zeal for the public good."

It is observable that Mosheim applies these observations to a late
stage of the reformation, when much of its first violence had subsided.

The nearest approach[080] to a reunion, between any Protestant
churches, seems to be that, which took place at Sendomer, in the year
1570.







II.

_Attempts for a Reunion of the Calvinist Churches to the See of Rome._


Having thus summarily noticed, the unsuccessful attempts, to effect an
union, between the Lutheran, and Calvinist churches, we proceed to a
similar summary mention of the attempts, equally unsuccessful, to effect
the reunion of the Calvinists, to the church of Rome, which were made,

1st, during the reign of Henry the Fourth:

2dly, during the reign of Lewis the Thirteenth: and

3dly, during the reign of Lewis the Fourteenth:

4thly, we shall afterwards notice, the Revocation of the edict of
Nantes, and the complete restoration of the protestants of France, to
their civil rights, in the reign of Lewis the Eighteenth.







II. 1.


An attempt to reunite the Calvinists to the church of Rome was made at
the celebrated Conference held at Poissi in 1561. In the work which we
have cited, the Abbé Tabaraud gives a short and clear account of this
conference. It failed of success, and a long civil war of religion
ensued. It was closed by the conversion of _Henry the Fourth_ to the
Roman Catholic religion. He was no sooner quietly seated on the throne,
than he conceived the arduous, but certainly noble project of pacifying
the religious contests of the world. It appears that he was induced to
entertain hopes of the success of this measure, by the assurances given
him by the Calvinist ministers, when his change of religion, was in
agitation, that salvation might be obtained in the church of Rome; and
from his expectation of finding a spirit of conciliation, and
concession, in the see of Rome.

    "I have heard, from persons of distinction," says Grotius[081],
    "that Henry the Fourth declared that he had great hopes of
    procuring for the King of England, and the other protestant
    princes, who were his allies, conditions, which they could not
    honorably refuse, if they had any real wish of returning to the
    unity of the church; and that he had once an intention of employing
    bishops of his own kingdom on this project; but that this project
    failed by his death."

It is said, that with these views he had sent for _Isaac Casaubon_, a
protestant divine of equal learning and moderation, and appointed him
his librarian; and that he intended confidentially employing him in
preparing means for the success of the measure, and smoothing the
obstacles which might impede its progress. Grotius[082] mentions, as a
saying of Casaubon, that "the catholics of France had a juster way of
thinking than the ministers of Charenton:" these were the most rigid of
the French Hugonot ministers. It is observable that the French
government always considered the Hugonots of a much more refractory
disposition than the Lutherans.







II. 2.


The pacific views of Henry the Fourth, were terminated by his decease.
The capture of la Rochelle by the arms of _Lewis the XIIIth_, was a
fatal blow to the political consequence of the Protestant party in
France. Cardinal Richelieu immediately set on foot a project, for the
general conversion, of the body: two persons, of very different
characters, were employed by him, in this measure; Father Joseph, a
capuchin friar, the confident, of all the cardinal's political and
private schemes, and Father P. Dulaurens, an oratorian, who lived in
retirement, wholly absorbed in the exercises of religion. They began
the work of reunion by holding frequent conferences, on an amicable
footing, with several of the protestant ministers; and it was resolved,
that, with the permission of the pope, and the authority of the king, an
assembly, should be convened, of ecclesiastics of each communion. Father
Dulaurens, recommended that the intended communications with the
ministers, should not take place, till they reached, the capital; but,
the cardinal, thought it more advisable, that the ministers, should be
separately informed, of the project, before they left the provinces. It
was accordingly communicated to them, and favourably received, by the
ministers, of Languedoc, and Normandy, but met with an unfavourable
reception, from the ministers of Sedan. It was resolved, that the
assembly, should meet, and begin their deliberations, with the
differences in the opinions, of the two churches, respecting the
Sacraments. Father Dulaurens recommended, that for some time, at least,
the Bible, even in the Calvinist version, of Olivétan, should be the
only book appealed to, on either side, as authority: but the Cardinal
insisted, on a resort to tradition. Grotius mentions that in several
articles, (as communion under both kinds, and the invocation of saints),
the Cardinal was willing, that concessions, should be made to the
Protestants; and suggested, that, as a medium, to reconcile them to the
Pope, a patriarchate should be established, in France, and he himself,
be the first patriarch[083].

Notwithstanding the general loftiness, and overbearing nature, of his
manners, it appears, particularly from M. de Rullhiêres[084] (6.) that
the Cardinal, acted on this occasion, with great moderation, and
recommended to his royal master, a similar line of moderation, in all
his conduct, towards his Protestant subjects.







II. 3.


The Cardinal's project, was suspended, by his decease; and resumed,
under _Lewis the Fourteenth_. In 1662, a plan, drawn up by M. le Blanc
de Beaulieu, a professor of Divinity, at Sedan, singularly esteemed,
both by the Roman Catholics, and Protestants, by which the essential
articles, in dispute, were reduced to a small number, was adopted, by
the Court, to serve as the basis of discussion. It was resolved, that
different synods of Protestant ministers, should be convened; that
these, should be composed, of ministers of known moderation, and pacific
views, and the articles, drawn up by M. le Blanc de Beaulieu, presented
to them. Three years were employed, in negotiations for effecting this
project: several ministers in the lower Languedoc, and the Isle of
France, expressed themselves, in terms favourable, to the measure, but
the synod of Charenton, took the alarm, and the project, was abandoned.

The Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, a measure equally unwise, and
unjust, too soon followed. It is more to be attributed, to his ministers
and advisers, than to Lewis the Fourteenth himself. From the
_Eclaircissemens Historiques_ of M. de Rullhiêres, and the life of
Bossuet, by M. Baussét[085], it seems evident, that Lewis the
Fourteenth, had been induced, to believe, that the number of Protestants
was much smaller; that the conversions of them, would be much more
rapid, general, and sincere; and that the measures, for hastening their
conversion, would be much less violent than they really were. It is also
due, to the monarch, to add, that from the authors, whom we have cited,
it is evident, that when he began to perceive the true state, of the
transaction, though from false principles of honour, and policy, he
would not revoke the edict, he wished it not to be put into great
activity, and checked the forwardness, of the Intendants general in its
execution.

It is whimsical, (if on so serious a subject such a word may be used),
that the dragonâde, or employment of the dragoon troops, in forcing the
conversion, of the Hugonots, was owing to the wish of Louvois, the
minister, of Lewis the Fourteenth, to become himself, a missionary.
Observing how much the apparent success, of the missionaries,
recommended them, to Lewis the Fourteenth, he began to consider them as
dangerous rivals for the favour of his royal master, and determined,
therefore, to become himself, a principal performer. With this view, he
instituted the dragoon missions, and thus brought a material part, of
the work of conversion, into the war department.







II. 4.


The death of Lewis, and the known disposition of the Regent, appeared to
the Protestant party, in France, to afford a proper opportunity of
recovering their rights. Duclos, in his _Mémoires secréts sur les regnes
de Louis XIV. et de Louis XV_., says, that the Regent himself wished to
restore the Protestants, to their civil rights, but was dissuaded by his
council. Still, he seldom permitted the edicts against them to be
executed; and speaking generally, the Protestants seem to have suffered
no active persecution in any part of the reign of Lewis, the XVth. One
intolerable grievance, however, they unquestionably suffered in every
part of it. Their religious principles did not permit them to be married
by a Roman Catholic priest, in the manner prescribed by the law of the
state, and that law did not recognize the legal validity of a marriage,
celebrated in any other form. The consequence was, that in the eye of
the law, the marriage of Protestants was a mere concubinage, and the
offspring of it illegitimate. To his immortal honour, _Lewis the XVIth_,
by his edict of the 17th of November, 1787, accorded to all his
Non-catholic subjects the full and complete enjoyment of all the rights
of his Roman-catholic subjects. On a division in the Parliament, this
edict was registered by a majority of 96 votes against 16.

The persecution of the Hugonots in consequence of the revocation of the
Edict of Nantes, was condemned by the greatest men in France. M.
d'Aguesseau, the father of the celebrated chancellor, resigned his
office of Intendant of Languedoc rather than remain a witness of it: his
son repeatedly mentions it with abhorrence. Fénélon, Flechier, and
Bossuet,[086] confessedly the ornaments of the Gallican church, lamented
it. To the utmost of their power, they prevented the execution of the
edict, and lessened its severities, when they could not prevent them.
Most sincerely lamenting and condemning the outrages committed by the
Roman Catholics against the Protestants at Nismes, as violations of the
law of God and man, but doubting of the nature and extent, which some
have attributed to them, the writer of these pages begs leave to refer
to the sermon preached on them by the Reverend James Archer, a Roman
Catholic priest, and printed for Booker, in Bond-street, by the desire
of two Roman Catholic congregations, as expressing the doctrine of the
Roman Catholic church, and of all real christians on heretics and the
persecution of heretics.







III.


_The Correspondence of Bossuet and Leibniz, under the auspices of Lewis
the XIVth, for the Reunion of the Lutheran Protestants to the Roman
Catholic Church._

This correspondence forms one of the most interesting events in the life
of Bossuet; the letters, of which it consists, and the other written
documents, which relate to it, are highly interesting. We shall attempt
to present our readers with a short account--

    1st. Of the circumstances which led to this correspondence;

    2ndly. Of the Project of Reunion, delivered by Molanus, a Lutheran
    Divine, and Bossuet's sentiments on that Project;

    3dly. Of the intervention of Leibniz in the negotiation; and

    4thly. Of the Project suggested by Bossuet, and the principal
    reasons, by which he contended for its reception.







III. 1.


It appears that, towards the 17th century, the Emperor Leopold, and
several sovereign princes in Germany, conceived a project of re-uniting
the Roman Catholic and Lutheran churches. The Duke of Brunswick, who had
recently embraced the Roman Catholic religion, and published his _Fifty
Reasons for his conversion_, (once a popular work of controversy), and
the Duke of Hanover, the father of the first prince of the illustrious
house, which now fills the throne of England, were the original
promoters of the attempt. It was generally approved; and the mention of
it at the Diet of the Empire was favourably received. Some
communications upon it took place between the Emperor and the ducal
Princes: and with all their knowledge, several conferences were held
upon the subject, between certain distinguished Roman Catholic and
Protestant Divines. In these, the Bishop of Neustadt, and Molanus, the
Abbot of Lokkum, took the lead. The first had been consecrated Bishop of
Tina in Bosnia, then under the dominion of the Turks, with Ordinary
Jurisdiction over some parts of the Turkish territories. His conduct had
recommended him to Innocent the XIth, and that pope had directed him to
visit the Protestant states in Germany, and inform him of their actual
dispositions in respect to the Church of Rome. In consequence of this
mission, he became known to the Emperor, who appointed him to the See of
Neustadt, in the neighbourhood of Vienna. Molanus, was Director of the
Protestant Churches and Consistories of Hanover. Both were admirably
calculated for the office intended them, on this occasion. Each
possessed the confidence of his own party, and was esteemed by the
other; each was profoundly versed in the matters in dispute; each
possessed good sense, moderation, and conciliating manners; and each had
the success of the business at heart, with a fixed purpose, that
nothing, but a real difference on some essential article of doctrine,
should frustrate the project.

The effect of the first conferences was so promising, that the Emperor
and the two Princes resolved, that they should be conducted in a manner
more regular, and more likely to bring the object of them to a
conclusion. With this view, the business was formally entrusted by both
the princes to Molanus alone, and the Emperor published a rescript,
dated the 20th March, 1691, by which he gave the Bishop of Neustadt full
authority to treat, on all matters of religion, with the states,
communities, and individuals of the empire, reserving to the
ecclesiastical and imperial powers, their right to confirm the acts of
the Bishop, as they should judge adviseable. Under these auspicious
circumstances, the conference between the Bishop of Neustadt and Molanus
began.

But, before the events which we have mentioned took place, a
correspondence on the subject of a general reunion between Catholics and
Protestants had been carried on for some time, between Pelisson and
Leibniz. The former held a considerable rank among the French writers,
who adorned the reign of Lewis the Fourteenth; the latter was eminently
distinguished in the literary world. In the exact sciences, he was
inferior to Newton alone; in metaphysics, he had no superior; in general
learning, he had scarcely a rival. He had recommended himself to the
Brunswick family, by three volumes, which he had recently published, on
the Antiquities of that illustrious House; and was then engaged in the
investigation of its Italian descent, and early German shoots. The
result of it, under the title of _Origines Guelphicæ_, was published,
after his decease, by Scheidius, and is considered to be a perfect model
of genealogical history. He was also thoroughly conversant in the
theological disputes of the times; and in all the questions of dogma,
or history, which enter into them.

His correspondence with Pelisson, came to the knowledge of Louisa,
Princess Palatine, and Abbess of Maubrusson. She was a daughter of
Frederick, the Elector, and Count Palatine of the Rhine, and a sister,
of the Duchess of Hanover. In early life, she had been converted to the
Roman Catholic religion, and had the conversion of her sister, very much
at heart. With this view, she sent to her, the correspondence between
Leibniz and Pelisson, and received from her an account of what was
passing, between the Bishop of Neustadt, and Molanus. Both the ladies
were anxious, to promote the measure, and that Bossuet should take in
it, the leading part, on the side of the Catholics. This was mentioned
to Lewis the Fourteenth, and had his approbation. The Emperor and both
the Princes, by all of whom Bossuet, was personally esteemed, equally
approved of it, and it was finally settled that Bossuet and Leibniz,
should be joined, to the Bishops of Neustadt, and Molanus, and that the
correspondence with Bossuet, should pass through the hands of Madame de
Brinon, who acted, as secretary to the Abbess of Maubrusson, and is
celebrated, by the writers of the times, for her wit and dexterity in
business. Thus the matter assumed, a still more regular form, and much
was expected from the acknowledged talents, learning, and moderation of
the actors in it, and their patrons.







III. 2.


The conferences between the Bishop of Neustadt, and Molanus continued
for seven months, and ended in their agreeing on 12 articles, to serve
for the basis of the discussion, on the terms of the reunion.

The Bishop of Neustadt, communicated these articles to Bossuet. He
seems, to have approved of them generally, but to have thought, that
some alteration in them, was adviseable. This being mentioned to
Molanus, he published his _Cogitationes Privatæ_, a profound and
conciliating dissertation. Without entering into any discussion, on the
points in dispute, between the churches, he suggested in it a kind of
truce, during which, there should be ecclesiastical communion between
them: the Lutherans, were to acknowledge the Pope, as the first of
Bishops, in order, and dignity: the Church of Rome, was to receive the
Lutherans, as her children, without exacting from them, any retractation
of their alledged errors, or any renunciation, of the articles in their
creed, condemned by the Council of Trent. The anathemas of that council,
were to be suspended, and a general council was to be convened, in which
the Protestants were to have a deliberative voice: the sentence of that
council, was to be definitive, and, in the mean time, the members of
each party, were to treat the members of the other, as brethren, whose
errors, however great they might appear, were to be tolerated, from
motives of peace, and in consideration, of their engagements to abandon
them, if the council should pronounce against them. To show the
probability of a final accommodation, Molanus notices, in his
Dissertation, several points, in which one party imputed to the other
errors, not justly chargeable on them; several, on which they disputed,
merely for want of rightly understanding each other; and several, in
which the dispute was of words only.

It appears that the Bishop of Neustadt, communicated this dissertation,
to Bossuet, and that Bossuet was delighted, with the good sense,
candour, and true spirit of conciliation, which it displayed. In his
letters he frequently mentions the author, and always in terms, Of the
highest praise. His own language was equally moderate and conciliating.

    "The Council of Trent," he says in one of his letters,
    "is our stay; but we shall not use it to prejudice the cause. This
    would be, to take for granted, what is in dispute between us. We
    shall deal more fairly with our opponents. We shall make the
    council serve, for a statement, and explanation, of our doctrines.
    Thus, we shall come to an explanation, on those points, in which
    either of us imputes to the other, what he does not believe, and in
    which we dispute, only because we misconceive each other. This may
    lead us far; for _the Abbot of Lokkum, has actually conciliated the
    points so essential, of Justification, and the Eucharist: nothing
    is wanting in him, on that side, but that he should be avowed. Why
    should we not hope to conclude, in the same manner, disputes, less
    difficult, and of less importance? Cela se peut pousser si avant,
    que M. l'Abbé de Lokkum, a concilié, actuellement les points si
    essentiels, de la justification, et du sacrifice de l'Eucharistie,
    et il ne lui manque de ce coté la, que de se faire avouer. Pourquoi
    ne pas espérer de finir, par les mêmes moyens, des disputes, moins
    difficiles, et moins importantes?"_

With these rational and conciliatory dispositions, Bossuet, and Molanus,
proceeded. But, after this stage of the business, Molanus disappears,
and Leibniz comes on the scene.







III. 3.


A Letter, written by Bossuet to M^me de Brinon, having been communicated
by her to Leibniz, opened the correspondence between him and Bossuet. In
that letter, Bossuet declared explicitly, that the Church of Rome, was
ready, to make concessions, on points of discipline, and to explain
doctrines, but would make no concession in respect to defined articles
of faith; and, in particular, would make no such concession, in respect
to any which had been defined by the Council of Trent. Leibniz's Letter
to M^me de Brinon, in answer to this communication, is very important.
He expresses himself in these terms;

    "The Bishop of Meaux says,

    "1st. That the Project delivered to the Bishop of Neustadt, does not
    appear to him quite sufficient;

    "2dly. That it is, nevertheless, very useful, as every thing must
    have its beginning:

    "3dly. That Rome will never relax from any point of doctrine,
    defined by the church, and cannot capitulate, in respect to any
    such article;

    "4thly. That the doctrine, defined in the Council of Trent, is
    received in and out of France by all Roman Catholics;

    "5thly, That satisfaction may be given to Protestants, in respect to
    certain points of discipline, or in the way of explanation, and
    that this had been already done in an useful manner, in some
    points, mentioned in the Project of the Bishop of Neustadt.

    "These are the material propositions, in the letter of the Bishop of
    Meaux, and I believe all these propositions true. Neither the
    Bishop of Neustadt, nor those who negotiated with them, make any
    opposition to them. There is nothing in them, which is not
    conformable to the sentiments of those persons. The third of them
    in particular, which might be thought, an obstacle, to these
    Projects of Accommodation, could not be unknown to them; one may
    even say, that they built on it."

It seems difficult to deny, that, in this stage of the business, much
had been gained to the cause of reunion. The parties were come to a
complete understanding on the important articles of Justification, and
the Eucharist; and it was admitted, both by Leibniz, and Molanus, that,
in their view of the concern, an accommodation might be effected,
between the Roman Catholic, and Lutheran churches, though the former,
retained all her defined doctrines, and, in particular, all her
doctrines, defined by the Council of Trent. The question then was, what
should be done in respect to the remaining articles in difference
between the churches? It is to be wished, that it had been left to
Bossuet, and Molanus, to settle them, in the way of amicable
explanation, in which they had settled, the two important articles,
which we have mentioned. It is evident, from the passages, which we have
cited, from Bossuet, that it was his wish, that the business should
proceed on that plan, and that he had hopes of its success.
Unfortunately, the business took, another direction: Leibniz proclaimed,
that after every possible explanation should be given, the Lutheran
church would, still retain, some articles, contrary to the defined
doctrines, of the Church of Rome, and anathematized, by the Council of
Trent. To remove the final effect of this objection, Leibniz held out
Molanus's first project, that the Lutherans should express a general
acquiescence, in the authority of the church, and promise obedience, to
the decisions of a General Council, to be called, for the purpose of
pronouncing, on these points; and that, in consequence of these
advances, on their part, the anathemas of the Council of Trent, should
be suspended, and the Lutherans received, provisionally, within the
pale, of the Catholic church. To bring over Bossuet to this plan, he
exerted great eloquence, and displayed, no common learning.







III. 4.


But the eloquence, and learning, of Leibniz, were without effect. In
language, equally temperate and firm, Bossuet, adhered to his text,
that in matters of discipline, or any other matter, distinct from faith,
the Church of Rome, would show the utmost indulgence to the Lutherans;
but that, on articles of faith, and specifically, on those propounded by
the Council of Trent, there could be no compromise. This, however, he
confined to articles of faith alone: and even on articles of faith, he
wished to consult the feelings of Protestants, as much as possible. He
offered them every fair explanation of the tenets of the council; he
required from them no retractation, of their own tenets:

    "Molanus," he says, "will not allow retractation to be mentioned.
    It may be dispensed with; it will be sufficient, that the parties
    acknowledge, the truth, by way of declaration or explanation. To
    this, the Symbolical Books, give a clear opening, as appears by the
    passages, which have been produced from them, and will appear, by
    other passages, which may be produced from them."

If Bossuet was thus considerate, in what regarded faith, it will easily
be supposed, how indulgent his sentiments were, in respect to all, that
merely regarded discipline. A complete confession of faith, being once
obtained from the Lutherans, he was willing, to allow them, if they
required it, communion under both kinds; that their Bishops, should
retain their Sees; and that, where there was no Bishop, and the whole
body of the people, was Protestant, under the care, of a superintendant,
_that_ superintendant, should be consecrated their Bishop; that, where
there was a Catholic Bishop, and a considerable part of the diocese, was
Lutheran, the superintendant, should be consecrated priest, and invested
with rank, and office, that the Lutheran ministers, should be
consecrated priests; that provision should be made for their support;
that such of their bishops, and ministers, as were married, might
retain their wives, and that the consciences of those, who held
possessions of the church, should be quieted, except in respect, to
hospitals, whose possessions he thought, could not conscientiously be
withheld, from the poor objects of their foundations; and that every
other arrangement should be made, by the church and state, which would
be agreeable, to the feelings, and prejudices, of their new brethren.

Such were the advances made by Bossuet; and much discussion on them,
took place, between him, and Leibniz. It continued ten years. They are
very learned, and a scholar will read them with delight; but,
unfortunately, they rather retarded, than promoted, their object. The
real business ended, when Molanus quitted the scene. We shall close this
article, with the following extract from the last letter but one,
written by Bossuet, on the subject. It is addressed to Leibniz, and
bears date the 12th August, 1701, ten years, after his first letter, on
it was written:

    "Among the divines of the Confession of Augsburg, I always placed
    M. Molanus, in the first rank, as a man, whose learning, candour
    and moderation made him one of the persons, the most capable I have
    known, of advancing the NOBLE PROJECT OF REUNION. In a letter,
    which I wrote to him some years ago, by the Count Balati, I assured
    him, that, if he could obtain, the general consent of his party, to
    what he calls, his Private Thoughts, _Cogitationes Privatæ_, I
    promised myself, that, by joining to them, the remarks, which I
    sent to him, on the Confession of Augsburg, and the other Symbolic
    writings of the Protestants, the work of the Reunion would be
    perfected, in all its most difficult and most essential points; so
    that well disposed persons might, in a short time, bring it to a
    conclusion."

The passage is so important, that it is proper to present it to the
reader in Bossuet's own words.

    "Parmi les Théologiens de la Confession d'Ausbourg, j'ai toujours
    mis, au premier rang, M. l'Abbé de Lokkum, comme un homme, dont le
    sçavoir, la candeur, et la modération le rendolent un des plus
    capables, que je connusse, pour avancer CE BEAU DESSEIN. Cela est
    si véritable, que j'ai cru devoir assurer ce docte Abbé, dans la
    réponse que je luis fis, il y a dejà, plusieurs années, par M. le
    Comte Balati, que s'il pouvoit faire passer ce qu'il appelle ses
    Pensées Particulières _Cogitationes Privatæ_, à un consentement
    suffisent, je me promettois qu'en y joignant les remarques, que je
    lui envoyois, sur la Confession d'Ausbourg, et les autres écrits
    Symboliques des Protestans, l'ouvrage de la Réunion seroit achevé
    dans ses parties les plus difficiles et les plus essentielles; en
    sorte qu'il ne faudroit à des personnes bien disposées, que très
    peu de tems pour la conclure[087]."

Dom. de Foris, the Benedictine Editor of the new edition of the works of
Bossuet and the Abbé Racine, _Abrégé de l'Histoire Ecclésiastique_[088]
are very severe in their censures of the conduct of Leibniz in the
negotiations for the Reunion, and attribute its failure to his
presumption and duplicity. To the writer of these pages, it appears
clear, that Leibniz was sincere in his wishes for the reunion; and that,
if he occasioned its failure, it was unintentionally. While the
business was in the hands of Bossuet, and Molanus, it was a treaty, not
for the reunion of the Roman Catholic church, and all Protestant
churches, but for the reunion of the Roman Catholic church, and the
Lutheran church; and to this, Molanus's endeavours to reconcile
differences, were directed. Leibniz, whose principles in religion, were
much wider, than those of Molanus, seems to have wished, that the
negotiation should be placed, on a broader basis, and extended to a
reunion of the church of Rome, with every denomination of Christians.
This gave the negotiation a different direction, and in a great measure,
undid what had been, so happily begun. We have seen, that, to the very
last, Bossuet, called out for Molanus, and entertained great hopes,
that, if the matter were left to Molanus, and him, the noble Project of
Reunion, would be crowned with success. There is no part of Bossuet's
literary or active life, in which he appears to greater advantage, or in
a more amiable light, than on this occasion.







IV.

_Attempt in the reign of Lewis the XV. to effect an union between the
Church of Rome and the Church of England._


Of all Protestant churches, the national church of England most nearly
resembles the church of Rome. It has retained much of the dogma, and
much of the discipline of Roman Catholics. Down to the sub-deacon it has
retained the whole of their hierarchy; and, like them, has its deans,
rural deans, chapters, prebends, archdeacons, rectors, and vicars; a
liturgy, taken in a great measure, from the Roman Catholic liturgy; and
composed like that, of Psalms, Canticles, the three creeds, litanies,
epistles, gospels, prayers, and responses. Both churches have the
sacraments of baptism, and the eucharist, the absolution of the sick,
the burial service, the sign of the cross in baptism, the reservation of
confirmation, and order to bishops, the difference of episcopal, and
sacerdotal dress, feasts, and fasts. Without adopting all the general
councils of the church of Rome, the church of England has adopted the
first four of them; and, without acknowledging the authority of the
other councils, or the authority of the early fathers, the English
divines of the established church, allow them to be entitled, to a high
degree of respect.[089] On the important article of the eucharist, the
language, of the Thirty-nine Articles, sounds very like, the doctrine of
the church of Rome.

At the time, of which we are speaking, the doctrines of the high church,
which are generally considered to incline to those of the Roman
Catholics, more than the doctrines of the low church, were in their
zenith; and in France, where the ultramontane principles on the power of
the Pope had always been discountenanced, the disputes of Jansenism were
supposed to reduce it very low. On each side, therefore, the time was
thought favourable to the project of Reunion.

It was also favourable to it, that, a few years before this time, an
event had taken place, which naturally tended to put both sides into
good humour.

On the occasion of the marriage of the Princess Christina of
Wolfenbuttell, a Lutheran, with the archduke of Austria, her court
consulted the faculty of theology of the University of Helmstadt, on
the question,

    "Whether a Protestant Princess, destined to marry a catholic
    prince, could, without wounding her conscience, embrace the Roman
    Catholic religion?" The faculty replied, that, "it could not answer
    the proposed question, in a solid manner, without having previously
    decided, whether the catholics were, or were not engaged in errors,
    that were fundamental, and opposed to salvation; or, (which was the
    same thing), whether the state of the catholic church was such,
    that persons might practise in it, the true worship of God, and
    arrive at salvation." This question the divines of Helmstadt,
    discussed at length; and concluded in these terms: "After having
    shown, that the foundation of religion, subsists in the Roman
    Catholic religion, so that a person may be orthodox in it, live
    well in it, die well in it, and obtain salvation in it, the
    discussion of the proposed question, is easy. We are, therefore, of
    opinion, that the most Serene Princess of Wolfenbuttell, may, in
    favour of her marriage, embrace the catholic religion."

This opinion is dated the 28th of April 1707, and was printed in the
same year at Cologne. The Journalists of Trevoux inserted both the
original and a French translation of it in their journal of May, 1708.

Under these circumstances, the correspondence in question took place. It
began, in 1718, through Doctor Beauvoir, chaplain to Lord Stair, his
Britannic majesty's ambassador at Paris. Some conversation, on the
reunion of the two churches, having taken place, between Doctor Dupin,
and him, he acquainted the archbishop of Canterbury, with the subject of
them. This communication, produced some compliments from the archbishop,
to Dr. Dupin, and these, led the latter, to address, to his grace, a
letter, in which he mentioned generally, that, on some points in
dispute, the supposed difference between the two communions was
reconcileable. The correspondence getting wind, Doctor Piers, pronounced
a discourse in the Sorbonne, in which he earnestly exhorted his
colleagues, to promote the reunion, by revising those articles, of
doctrine, and discipline, which protestants branded with the name of
papal tyranny; and contended, that, by proscribing the ultramontane
doctrines, the first step to the reunion would be made. The discourse,
was communicated to Dr. Wake: in his answer, he pressed Dr. Dupin, for a
more explicit declaration, on the leading points, in controversy.

In compliance with this requisition, Doctor Dupin drew up his
_Commonitorium_, and communicated it, to several persons of distinction,
both in the state, and church of France. He discussed in it, the
Thirty-nine Articles, as they regarded doctrine, morality, and
discipline. He insisted on the necessity of tradition, to interpret the
scriptures, and to establish the canonicity of the books, of the Old and
New Testament. He insisted on the infallibility, of the church, in
faith, and morals; he contended, that the sacrifice of the mass, was not
a simple sacrament, but a continuation of the sacrifice of the cross.

The word Transubstantiation, he seemed willing to give up, if the Roman
Catholic doctrine, intended to be expressed by it, were retained. He
proposed, that communion under both kinds, or under bread alone, should
be left, to the discretion of the different churches, and consented,
that persons in holy orders should retain their state, with such
provisions, as would place the validity of their ordination, beyond
exception. The marriage of priests, in the countries, in which such
marriages were allowed, and the recitation of the divine service in the
vulgar tongue, he allowed; and intimated that no difficulty would be
found in the ultimate settlement of the doctrine, respecting purgatory,
indulgences, the veneration of saints, relics, or images. He seems to
have thought, that the Pope can exercise, no immediate jurisdiction,
within the dioceses of bishops, and that his primacy invested him, with
no more than a general conservation, of the deposit of the faith, a
right to enforce, the observance of the sacred canons, and the general
maintenance of discipline. He allowed, in general terms, that there was
little substantially wrong, in the discipline of the Church of England;
he deprecated all discussion, on the original merit of reformation, and
he professed to see no use in the Pope's intervention, till the basis of
the negotiation, should be settled.

The answer of the archbishop, was not very explicit. It is evident from
it, that he thought, the quarrels on Jansenism, had alienated the
Jansenists and their adherents, from the Pope, much more, than they had
done, in reality. He was willing to concede, to the Pope, a primacy of
rank and honour, but would by no means allow him, a primacy of
jurisdiction, or any primacy, by divine right. On the other points, he
seemed to have thought, that they might come to an agreement, on what
they should declare, to be the fundamental doctrine of the churches, and
adopt, on every other point of doctrine, a general system, of christian
toleration.

The correspondence, which is very interesting, may be seen, in the last
volume of the English translation, of Doctor Mosheim's Ecclesiastical
History. To facilitate, the accomplishment of the object of it, Doctor
Courayer, published his celebrated treatise, on _the Validity of English
Ordinations_.

Both Dr. Wake, and Dr. Dupin. were censured, by the members of their
respective communions, for the parts, which they had taken, in this
business. Several rigid members of the English Church, and even some
foreign protestants, blamed Dr. Wake, for what they termed, his too
great concessions. In France, the worst of motives, were imputed to Dr.
Dupin, and his associates; they were accused, of making unjustifiable
sacrifices, in order to form an union, between the Jansenists, and the
members of the English Church. Even the regent, took the alarm: he
ordered Dr. Dupin, to discontinue the correspondence, and to leave all
the papers, respecting it, with the minister. This was done, but the
most important of them, have been printed, in the interesting and
extensively circulated publication, which has been mentioned.







V.

_Miscellaneous Remarks on the Reunion of Christians._


It does not appear, that subsequently to the communications, between
Archbishop Wake, and Dr. Dupin, any attempts for a general, or partial
reunion of christians, were made in the last century: but, early in the
present, _Napoleon_, conceived the project, of effecting, such a
reunion. He is said, to have particularly had in view, the
catholicizing, as it was termed, the northern part, of Germany. To
forward his design, many works were published: one of them, the _Essai
sur l'Unité des Cultes_, of M. Bonald, is written, with great ingenuity.
That Essay, and several others by the same author, were inserted in the
_Ambigu_ of Peltier, and deserve the attention, of every reader. Though
they contain some things, to which a Roman Catholic writer, would
object, they are evidently written, by a Roman Catholic pen.

The first point to be considered, by those, who meditate the project of
reunion, is, its practicability--those, who are disposed, to contend for
the affirmative, will observe, the number of important articles, of
Christian Faith, in which, all Christians, are agreed, and the
proportionally small number of those, in which, any Christians disagree.

All Christians believe,

    1st. That there is one God;

    2d. That he is a Being, of infinite perfection;

    3d. That he directs all things, by his providence;

    4th. That it is our duty to love him, with all our hearts, and our
    neighbour, as ourselves;

    5th. That it is our duty, to repent, of the sins we commit;

    6th. That God, pardons the truly penitent;

    7th. That there is a future state, of rewards, and punishments,
    when all mankind shall be judged, according to their works;

    8th. That God, sent his Son, into the world, to be its saviour, the
    author of eternal salvation, to all, that obey him;

    9th. That he is the true Messiah;

    10th. That he taught, worked miracles, suffered, died, and rose
    again, as is related in the four gospels;

    11th. That he will hereafter, make a second appearance on the
    earth, raise all mankind from the dead, judge the world in
    righteousness, bestow eternal life on the virtuous, and punish the
    workers of iniquity.

In the belief of these articles, all Christians, the Roman Catholic, all
the Oriental churches, all the members of the Church of England, all
Lutherans, Calvinists, Socinians, and Unitarians, are agreed. In
addition to these, each division, and subdivision of Christians, has its
own tenets. Now, let each settle among its own members, what are the
articles of belief, peculiar to them, which, in their cool deliberate
judgment, they consider as _absolutely necessary_ that a person should
believe, to be a member of the church of Christ; let these articles be
divested of all foreign matter, and expressed in perspicuous, exact, and
unequivocal terms; and, above all, let each distinction of Christians,
earnestly wish, to find an agreement, between themselves and their
fellow Christians:--the result of a discussion conducted on this plan,
would most assuredly be, to convince all Christians, that the essential
articles of religious credence, in which there is, a real difference
among Christians, are not so numerous, as the verbal disputes, and
extraneous matter, in which controversy is too often involved, make them
generally thought.

Still,--some articles will remain, the belief of which, one denomination
of Christians, will consider to be the obligation of every Christian,
and which other Christian denominations, will condemn. On some of those,
a _speedy_ reunion of Christians is not to be expected: but, to use the
language of Mr. _Vansittart_, in His excellent letter to the reverend
Dr. Marsh and John Coker, Esq.,

    "There is an inferior degree of Reunion, more within our prospect,
    and yet perhaps as perfect as human infirmity allows us to hope
    for; wherein, though all differences of opinion, should not be
    extinguished, yet they may be refined, from all party prejudices,
    and interested views, so softened by the spirit of charity, and
    mutual concession, and so controuled by agreement, on the leading
    principles, and zeal, for the general interests of christianity,
    that no sect, or persuasion, should be tempted to make religion,
    subservient to secular views, or to employ political power, to the
    prejudice of others.--The existence of Dissent, will, perhaps, be
    inseparable from religious freedom, so long, as the mind of man, is
    liable to error: but it is not unreasonable to hope, that
    hostility, may cease, though perfect agreement, cannot be established.
    IF WE CANNOT RECONCILE ALL OPINIONS, LET US RECONCILE ALL HEARTS."

These pages, cannot be closed better, than by these golden words!!!





FINIS.


       *       *       *       *       *




FOOTNOTES.


[Footnote 001: Tom. xi. p. 1. 200.]

[Footnote 002: De Institutiones Clericorum, L. iii. c. xviii. &c.]

[Footnote 003: In his "Recueil des Ecrits pour servir d'eclaircissement
de l'histoire de France, 2 vol. Paris 1798."]

[Footnote 004: "Roswede, or Aroswethe, a nun in the monastery of
Gardersheim, lived in the reigns of Otho II. and III. towards the end of
the tenth century. She composed many works in prose and verse. In 1501,
some of her poems, on the Martyrdom of St. Denys, the Blessed Virgin,
St. Ann, &c. were printed at Nuremburgh. Her verses in praise of Otto
II. would be tolerable, if they were not Leonines: there are in them
some errors of prosody." Bib. Univers. et Histor. Vol. ii. p. 46.]

[Footnote 005: For a fuller account of Feudal and Civil Jurisprudence,
the writer of these pages begs leave to refer to his work, entitled,
"HORÆ JURIDICÆ SUBSECIVÆ, being a connected series of Notes respecting
the Geography, Chronology, and Literary History of the principal Codes
and original Documents of the Grecian, Roman, Feudal, and Canon Law." 1
vol. 8vo.]

[Footnote 006: It is entitled, "_Martiani Minei Felicis Capellæ
Carthaginiensis, Viri Procunsularis, Satyricon, in quo de Nuptiis
Philologiæ et Mecurii libri duo, & de septem artibus liberalibus libri
singulares. Omnes, et emendati et Notis sive Februis Hug. Grotii
illustrati. Ex Officina Plantiniana, Apud Christophorum Raphelingium
Academiæ Lugduno-Bat. Typographum_ M. D. C." [Transcriber's note:
Apostrophic date 1600] The Dedication to the Prince of Condé follows:
then, Encomiastic Verses by Scaliger, and Tiliabrogus. The two works are
then inserted, with an address to the reader, Errata, and Various
Readings. Afterwards, _Hugeiani Grotii Februa[007] in Satyricon Martiani
Capellæ:_ this contains his notes. They are preceded by an Engraving of
Grotius. Round it, is written, "_Anno_ M. D. C." [Transcriber's note:
Apostrophic date 1600] Hora Ruit.[008] Æt.xv. Under the engraving the
following verses are printed,

        "_Quem sibi quindenis_ ASTRÆA _sacravit ab annis,
        Talis,_ HUGEIANI GROTII _ora fero_."]

[Footnote 007: "Corrections"--or more literarily, "Purifications".]

[Footnote 008: These words were used by Grotius for his motto.]

[Footnote 009: Fabricii Bibliotheca Latina, Lib iii. c. 15. In 1794,
John Adam Goez published the "Treatise on the Marriage of Philology and
Mercury" separately, in a duodecimo volume: he mentions, in the preface,
an edition of it by Walthard. It is on the authority of Goez that we
have assigned the age of Capella to the third century: others place him
in a much later period.]

[Footnote 010: Montucla. Histoire des Mathematiques, Vol.ii. p.657.]

[Footnote 011: Vol. 9. p. 147. ii. 1.]

[Footnote 012: A similar exclusive claim in respect to the Indian seas,
under the grant of Pope Alexander VI., was set up by the Portuguese;
similar claims to the Ligustic and Adriatic seas, have been and still
continue to be made by the Genoese and Venetians. Those, who seek for
information on the subject, should consult the _Dissertation of
Bynkershook de Dominio Maris_, and note 61 to the recent edition of Sir
Edward Coke's Commentary upon Littleton.]

[Footnote 013: "Mais, dites vous, dans ce tems même, le jeune Pison
pouvolt avoir dix ans: Grotius faisoit bien des vers a cet âge. Je le
sçais, mais les Grotius sont ils bien commune! combien d'enfans
trouveres vous de dix ans, qui ayent nonseulement assez du feu pour
faire des vers, mais encore assez de jugement pour en juger sainement."
Gibbon's Posthumous Works, 8vo. vol. i. p. 520.--"Salmasius," says Mr.
Gibbon in another part of the same entertaining publication, (vol. v. p.
209), "had read as much as Grotius; but their different modes of reading
had made the one an enlighten'd philosopher; and the other, to speak
plainly, a pedant puffed up with an useless erudition."]

[Footnote 014: Bentivoglio, Histoire des Guerres de Flandres, l,
xxviii.]

[Footnote 015: _Bella plusquam civilia._ Lucan.]

[Footnote 016: Those who wish to obtain a clear, concise, and exact
notion of Calvinism and Arminianism, will usefully peruse the account of
them in Mr. Evans's "_Sketch of the Denominations of the Christian
World_." The thirteenth Edition is now before us, and we believe that it
has been often since reprinted.]

[Footnote 017: Mosheim's Ecc. Hist. Cent. xvi, ch. 2. § 3. part 2.]

[Footnote 018: Chalmer's Biographical Dictionary, Title "Arminius."]

[Footnote 019: A short and clear account of Arminianism is given by Le
Clere, in his Bibliotheque ancienne et moderne, Vol. II. Art. 3. p.
123.]

[Footnote 020: The best discussion of this subject, which has fallen
into the hands of the writer, is Bourduloué's Sermon _sur la
Predestination_.]

[Footnote 021: English Translation of Burigni's Life of Grotius, pp. 43,
44, 45.]

[Footnote 022: Vol. i.]

[Footnote 023: _Letters from and to Sir Dudley Carleton, during his
Embassy in Holland, from January 1615-16[**Modern presentation.] to
December 1620. London, 1757, p. 84_,--Sir Dudley Carleton's Letters
abound with harsh expressions respecting Grotius. The Editor of this
correspondence has inserted (p. 415) a letter from Grotius to Dr.
Lancelot Andrews, written from the Castle at Louvestein. "This letter,"
says the Editor, "which was never printed before, deserves a place here,
not only for its elegance and spirit, and its connection with the
subject of the work, but likewise in justice to the memory of the great
writer, as it contains his own justification of his conduct, which may
be compared with the less favourable accounts of it in the preceding
letters of Sir Dudley Carleton. The original is extant among the
manuscripts in the library of the late Sir Hans Sloane, bart. now part
of the British Museum."--"Utinam," says Grotius in this letter, "D.
Carleton mihi esset plus æquior; cui mitigando propinqui mei operam
dant. Sed partium, studia mire homines obcæcant."]

[Footnote 024: The history of this Synod, and of the whole controversy
upon Arminianism, is contained in Brand's _History of the Reformation_:
the account of the synod in these pages, is principally extracted from
the French abridgment of that work, in 3 volumes 8vo. The Calvinian
representation of the Arminian doctrines, and the proceedings of the
synod, may be seen in the late Mr. Scott's _Articles of the Synod of
Dort_, to which he has prefixed the History of the Events which _made
way for that Synod_: it is severely censured by Mr. James Nichols, in
his _Calvinism and Arminianism compared_. Introd. cxlii.

The Abridgment of Brand's History, was translated into the English
language and published in 1724-25[**Modern presentation.] by _M. de la
Roche_. He concludes his Preface to it by observing, that "No good man
can read the work without abhorring arbitrary power, and all manner of
persecution." The persecution of the Scottish Non-conformists by the
Episcopalians, and the persecution of the Remonstrants by the
Contra-Remonstrants, were attended with this enormity, that, in most
other instances, when one denomination of christians has persecuted
another, it has been on the ground that the errors of the sufferers were
impious, and led the maintainers of them to eternal perdition, and
therefore rendered these wholesome severities, as the persecutors term
them, a salutary infliction. But, when the Protestant Episcopalian
persecuted the Scottish Non-conformist, or the Contra-Remonstrant
persecuted the Remonstrant, he persecuted a Christian who agreed with
him in all which he himself deemed to be substantial articles of faith,
and differed from him only about rites and opinions, which he himself
allowed to be indifferent.--See Mr. Neale's just remark, Vol. II. ch.
vi.]

[Footnote 025: In 1765, Lord Hailes published a beautiful edition of
"The Works of the Ever-memorable Mr. John Hales of Eaton, then first
collected together," in three volumes, at Glasgow. It is to be lamented
that he did not accompany it with a full biographical account of Mr.
Hales.

"His biographers," says Mr. Chalmers, "all allow that he may be classed
among those divines who were afterwards called Latitudinarians." May he
not be termed the founder of that splendid school? Perceiving that the
minds of men required to be more liberally enlightened, and their
affections to be more powerfully engaged on the side of religion than
was formerly thought necessary, they set themselves, to use the language
of Bishop Burnet, "to raise those who conversed with them to another
sort of thoughts, and to consider the Christian religion as a doctrine
sent from God, both to elevate and to sweeten human nature. With this
view, they laboured chiefly to take men from being in parties from
narrow notions, and from fierceness about opinions. They also continued
to keep a good correspondence with those who differed from them in
opinion and allowed a great freedom both in philosophy and divinity."
(Burnet's History of his own Times. Vol. I. p. 261-268, oct. edit.)
Hales, Chillingworth, Taylor, Cudworth, Wilkins, Tillotson,
Stillingfleet, and Patrick, were among their brightest ornaments. They
were in some respects hostile to the Roman Catholics: _in hoc non
laudo_.--See the Writer's History of the English, Irish, and Scottish
Catholics. Vol. III. c. lxviii. sect. 1. 3d edition.]

[Footnote 026: "King James," says Mr. James Nichols, in his Calvinism
and Arminianism compared, p. 242, "sent a deputation of respectable
British divines, for the double and undisguised purpose of condemning
the Remonstrants, but especially Vórstius, (whom his Majesty had long
before exposed to the world as an arch-heretic), and of assisting the
Prince of Orange in his design of usurping the liberties of the United
Provinces, and assuming the supreme authority. The Elector Palatine sent
his Heidelberg divines for the same family purpose; and the Duke of
Bouillon employed all his influence with the chief pastors among the
French reformed."]

[Footnote 027: The words of the former are remarkable: "The errors of
public actions, if they be not very gross, are with less inconvenience
tolerated than amended. For the danger of alteration, of disgracing and
disabling authority, makes that the fortune of such proceeding admits of
no redress; but being howsoever well or ill done, they must ever after
be upheld. The most partial spectator of our synodal acts cannot but
confess, that, in the late discussion of the Remonstrants, with so much
choler and heat, there was a great oversight committed, and
that,--whether we respect our common profession of Christianity, 'quæ
nil nisi justum suadet et lene,' or the quality of this people, apt to
mutiny by reason of long liberty, and not having learned to be
imperiously commanded,--in which argument the clergy should not have
read their first lesson. The synod, therefore, to whom it is not now _in
integro_ to go back and rectify what is amiss, without disparagement,
must now go forward and leave events to God, and for the countenance of
their actions do the best they may." Letter to Sir Dudley Carleton, 11
January 1619.]

[Footnote 028: _Nichol's Calvinism and Arminianism compared_, Vol. II.
p.592]

[Footnote 029: _Decline and Fall_, Ch. LIV. towards the end.]

[Footnote 030: The writers who have given an account of the Synod of
Dort are mentioned by Fabricius, Bib. Græca, Vol. XI. p. 723. Some
useful observations upon the proceedings of the Synod may be found in
"Mr. Nichols's _Calvinism and Arminianism compared_." It is much to be
wished that the promised continuation of this work should speedily make
its appearance.

But no work upon this famous Synod deserves more attention than
"_Johannis Halesii, Historia Concilii Dordraceni, J. Laur. Moshemius
Theol. Doct. et P.P.C. ex Anglico Sermone latine vertit, variis
observationibus et Vitâ Halesii ausit. Accessit ejusdem de auctoritate
Concilii Dordraceni Paci Sacræ noxii, Consultatio. Hamburgi_, 8vo." M.
Le Clere's criticism on this work (_Bibliotheque ancienne et moderne_
Vol. 23, art. 4.) contains much valuable information upon the Synod, and
a summary of the life and writings of Mr. Hales.--Des Maizeaux published
a curious account of them in 1719.]

[Footnote 031: Pfaffii Hist. Literaria, vol. ii. p. 303.]

[Footnote 032: Burigni's Life of Grotius, lib. ii. sect. 12.]

[Footnote 033: Cent XVII, sect. 2, Part 2 (Note Y.)]

[Footnote 034: Mr. James Nicholls's Calvinism and Arminianism compared.
Vol. i. p. 597, 600, 634, 636.]

[Footnote 035: See Mr. Dugald Stewart's first Dissertation, sect. III.]

[Footnote 036: See Joannis Christopheri Locheri Dissertatio Epistolica
Historiam libelli Grotiani _De Veritate Religionis Christianæ_
complectens, 1725, in quarto; and the Journal de Scavans for the year
1724.]

[Footnote 037: See Nichols's Calvinism and Arminianism compared, vol. i.
p. 289.]

[Footnote 038: On the respect, which the Church of England considers to
be due to the writings of the early Fathers, see the excellent Appendix
to the Sermons of Dr. Jebb, the Right Reverend Bishop of Limerick.]

[Footnote 039: Vol. iii. L. 38. This letter merits a serious perusal.]

[Footnote 040: Dict. Historique, Preliminaire, p. xxix.]

[Footnote 041: Vol.1. p. 121]

[Footnote 042: Those, who will read his life, published by the writer of
these pages, with other Tracts, in 1819, will not, it is believed, think
this too strong an assertion. Is it not to be earnestly hoped, that in
the distress by which we are now visited, and the greater distress with
which we are threatened, many St. Vincents will appear?]

[Footnote 043: Mosheim's Ecc. Hist. ch. ii. sect. ii. part. ii. and
Bynkershock's Quest. Juris publici, lib. ii. ch. 18.]

[Footnote 044: Le Clerc, (Bib. Anc. et Mod. vol. xxiii. Art. iv.)
strenuously objects to this representation of Dr. Mosheim. "The
Arminians," he says, "have introduced no dogma as necessary to
salvation, which was unknown to the framers of their Confession of
Faith; neither have they retrenched from it, any article essential to
faith." He however observes, "that there are many ways of explaining
dogmas." Now, the same dogma explained in two ways, amounts to two
dogmas.]

[Footnote 045: See the third part of "_the last of Bossuet's Six
Addresses to the Protestants_," and the passages which he cites in it
from Jurieu.

For the actual state of Religious Doctrine, both in the Lutheran and
Reformed Churches of Germany, the reader may usefully consult, "_The
State of the Protestant Religion in Germany, in a series of Discourses
preached before the University of Cambridge, by the Rev. Hugh James
Rose, M.A. 8vo. 1825_;" and "_Entretiens Philosophiques sur la Re-union
des differens communions chretiens, par feu M. le Baron Starck, Ministre
Protestant, et premier predicateur, de la Cour de Hesse Darmstadt, &c.
8vo. 1818_;" and "_Tabaraud's Histoire des Re-unions des Chrêtiens._"]

[Footnote 046: Tom. XLVI. Art. 12. p. 208.]

[Footnote 047: Page 283.]

[Footnote 048: Page 284, 285.]

[Footnote 049: Page 286.]

[Footnote 050: Page 287.]

[Footnote 051: Page 288.]

[Footnote 052: Page 288.]

[Footnote 053: Page 291.]

[Footnote 054: Page 292.]

[Footnote 055: Page 293.]

[Footnote 056: Page 294.]

[Footnote 057: Page 296.]

[Footnote 058: Page 298.]

[Footnote 059: Page 299.]

[Footnote 060: Page 300. M. Le Clerc, (_Sentimens de quelques
Theologiens de Hollande, dix-septieme Lettre_) defends Grotius with
great ability against the charge of Socinianism: he justly observes,
that, his abstaining from unpleasing propositions, his silence on
offensive doctrines, and his conciliating expressions, should not too
easily be accounted proofs, of belief of his precise sentiments of any
particular tenets. Grotius, says Le Clerc, was like an arbitrator, who,
to bring to amity the parties in difference, recommends to each, that he
should give something of what he himself considers to be his strict
right.]

[Footnote 061: Ep. 363. p. 364]

[Footnote 062: Ep. 491. p. 195.]

[Footnote 063: Ep. 494. p. 896.]

[Footnote 064: Ep. 1706. p. 736.]

[Footnote 065: _Comparison of Calvinism and Arminianism_. vol. ii. p.
560.]

[Footnote 066: Ib. Vol. ii. p. 609.]

[Footnote 067: Ep. 1538. p. 573, 690, 926.]

[Footnote 068: Ep. 528. p. 400.]

[Footnote 069: "Those," says Mr. James Nichols,[070]

    "who wish to behold the praises to which HUGO GROTIUS or HUGH DE
    GROOT, is justly entitled, and which he has received in ample
    measure from admiring friends and reluctant foes, may consult SIR
    THOMAS POPE BLOUNT's _Censura celebriorum Authorum_. His well
    earned reputation is founded on too durable a basis to be moved by
    such petty attacks as those to which I have alluded in a previous
    part of this introduction (p. xxi.), or those of Mr. Orme in page
    641.

    "That a man so accomplished, virtuous, fearless, and unfortunate,
    should have had many enemies, among his contemporaries, is not
    wonderful. But the number of those who evinced their hatred to him,
    or to his philanthropic labours, increased after his decease, when
    they could display it with impunity. 'This very pious, learned, and
    judicious man,' says Dr. Hammond, 'hath of late, among many, fallen
    under a very unhappy fate, being most unjustly calumniated,
    sometimes as a SOCINIAN, sometimes as a PAPIST, and, as if he had
    learnt to reconcile contradictions, sometimes _as both of them
    together._'

    "One cause of the Charge of SOCINIANISM being preferred against him,
    has been already mentioned, (p. xxxiii.) and it is more fully
    explained in pages 637, 642. The reader will not require many
    additional reasons to convince him of the untenable ground for such
    an accusation, when he is told that VOETIUS, one of the most
    violent of his enemies, laid down this grand axiom--'To place the
    principal part of religion in an _observance of Christ's commands
    is_ RANK SOCIANISM!' To such a _practical observance of the_
    requisitions of the Gospel, by what name soever it might be
    stigmatized, Grotius pleaded guilty. He says (p. 637) 'I perceive
    this was accounted the principal part of religion by the Christians
    of the primitive ages; and their various assemblies, divines, and
    martyrs taught, 'that the doctrines _necessary to be known_ are
    exceedingly few, but that God forms his estimate of us from the
    purpose and intention of an obedient spirit.' I am likewise of the
    same opinion, and shall never repent of having maintained it.'

    "But as the charge of POPERY is of the utmost consequence, I have
    discussed this topic at great length, (pp. 566, 746), and have
    proved (pp. 549, 561), that Grotius was as little attached to the
    principles or the practice of the Romish church as the most zealous
    of his accusers. Whatever tends to vindicate the conduct of Grotius
    in this matter, will operate still more powerfully in favour of
    Archbishop Laud. The design of Grotius is well described by Dr.
    Hammond, in a _Digression_ which he added to his _Answer_ to the
    _Animadversions on his Dissertations_; in which he says,

    "'For the charge of Popery that is fallen upon him, it is evident
    from whence that flows,--either from his _profest opposition to
    many doctrines of some Reformers, Zuinglius and Calvin, &c_. or
    from his _Annotations on Cassander, and the Debates with Rivet
    consequent thereto, the Votum pro pace and Discussio_.'

    "For the former of these, it is sufficiently known what contests
    there were, and at length how profest the divisions betwixt the
    Remonstrants and Contra-Remonstrants; and it is confessed that he
    maintained (all his time) the Remonstrants party, vindicating it
    from all charge, whether of Pelagianism or Semi-Pelagianism, which
    was by the opposers objected to it, and pressing the favourers of
    the doctrine of Irrespective Decrees with the odious consequences
    of making God the _author and favourer of sin_, and frequently
    expressing his sense of the evil influences that some of those
    doctrines were experimented to have on men's lives. And by these
    means it is not strange that he should fall under great displeasure
    from those who, having espoused the opinion of Irrespective
    Decrees, did not only publish it as the THE TRUTH and TRUTH OF GOD,
    but farther asserted the questioning of it to be injurious to God's
    free grace and his Eternal Election, and consequently retained no
    ordinary patience for or charity to opposers. But, then, still this
    is no medium to to infer that charge. The doctrines which he thus
    maintained were neither branches nor characters of Popery, but
    asserted by some of the first and most learned and pious Reformers.
    Witness the writings of Hemingius in his _Opuscula_, most of which
    are on these subjects. Whereas on the contrary side, Zuinglius and
    others, who maintained the rigid way of Irrespective Decrees, and
    infused them into some of this nation of ours, are truly said, by
    an excellent writer of ours, Dr. Jackson, to _have had it first
    from some ancient Romish Schoolmen_, and so to have had as much or
    more of that guilt adherent to them, as can be charged on their
    opposers. So that from hence to found the jealousy, to affirm him a
    papist because he was not a contra-remonstrant, is but the old
    method of speaking all that is ill of those who differ from our
    opinions on any thing; as the Dutchman in his rage calls his horse
    an ARMINIAN, because he doth not not go as he would have him. And
    this is all that can soberly be concluded from such suggestions,
    that they are displeased and passionate that thus speak.

    "As for the _Annotations on Cassander_, &c. and the consequent
    vindications of himself against _Rivet_, those have with some
    colour been deemed more favourable toward Popery; but yet I suppose
    will be capable of benign interpretations, if they be read with
    these few cautions or remembrances:

    "_First_. That they were designed to shew a way to peace whensoever
    men's minds on both sides should be piously affected to it.

    "_Secondly_. That he did not hope for this temper in his age, the
    humour on both sides being so turgent, and extremely contrary to
    it, and the controversy debated on both sides by those 'who,' saith
    he, '_desire to eternize, and not to compose contentions_,' and
    therefore makes his appeal to posterity, when this paroxysm shall
    be over.

    "_Thirdly_. That for the chief usurpations of the papacy; he leaves
    it to Christian princes to join together to vindicate their own
    rights, and reduce the Pope _ad Canones_, to that temper, which the
    ancient canons allow and require of him; and if that will not be
    done, to reform every one in their own dominions.

    "_Fourthly_. That what he saith in favour of some Popish doctrines,
    above what some other learned Protestants have said, is not so much
    by way of _assertion_ or _justification_ of them, as to shew what
    reasons they may justly be thought to proceed upon, and so not to
    be go irrational or impious as they are ordinarily accounted; and
    this only in order to the peace of the christian world, that we may
    have as much charity to others and not as high animosities, live
    with all men as sweetly and amicably, and peaceably, and not as
    bitterly as is possible, accounting the wars and seditions, and
    divisions and rebellions, that are raised and managed upon the
    account of religion, far greater and more scandalous unchristian
    evils, than are the errors of some Romish doctrines, especially as
    they are maintained by the more sober and moderate men among them,
    Cassander, Picherel, &c.

    "_Fifthly_. What he saith in his _Discussio_, of a conjunction of
    Protestants with those that adhere to the Bishop of Rome, is no
    farther to be extended, than his words extend it. That there is not
    any other visible way to the end there mentioned by him, of
    acquiring or preserving universal unity. That this is to be done,
    not crudely, by returning to them as they are, submitting our necks
    to our former yokes, but by taking away at once the division, and
    the causes of it, on which side soever; adding only in the third
    place, that the bare primacy of the Bishop of Rome, _secundum
    Canones_, such as the ancient canons allow of, (which hath nothing
    of _supreme universal power_, or authority in it,) is none of those
    causes, nor consequently necessary to be excluded in the [Greek:
    diallaktikon], citing that as the confession of that excellent
    person Philip Melancthon. So that in effect, that whole speech of
    his which is so solemnly vouched by Mr. Knott, and looked on so
    jealously by many of us, is no more than this, 'that such a Primacy
    of the Bishop of Rome, as the ancient canons allowed him, were, for
    so glorious an end as is the regaining the peace of christendom,
    very reasonably to be afforded him, nay absolutely necessary to be
    yielded him, whensoever any such catholic union shall be attempted,
    which as it had been the express opinion of Melancthon, one of the
    first and wisest Reformers, so it is far from any design of
    establishing the usurpations of the Papacy, or any of their false
    doctrines attending them, but only designed as an expedient for the
    restoring the peace of the whole christian world, which every
    disciple of Christ is so passionately required to contend and pray
    for.'

"At the conclusion of the Doctor's _Continuation of the Defence of_ HUGO
GROTIUS, he thus expresses himself:

    "'As this is an act of mere justice and charity to the dead,--and no
    less to those who, by their sin of uncharitable thoughts towards
    him, are likely to deprive themselves of the benefit of his
    labours,--so is it but a proportionable return of debt and
    gratitude to the signal value and kindness, which in his lifetime,
    he constantly professed to pay to this church and nation,
    expressing his opinion, "that of all churches in the world, it was
    the most careful observer and transcriber of primitive antiquity,"
    and more than intimating his desire to end his days in the bosom
    and communion of our mother. Of this I want not store of witnesses,
    which from time to time have heard it from his own mouth whilst he
    was ambassador in France, and even in his return to Sweden,
    immediately before his death; and for a real evidence of this
    truth, it is no news to many, that, at the taking his journey from
    Paris, he appointed his wife, whom he left behind, to resort to the
    English Assembly at the Agent's house, which accordingly she is
    known to have practised.'"]

[Footnote 070: Calvinism and Arminianism compared, Introduction,
cxxxii.]

[Footnote 071: A dialogue on the Reformation was also in the
contemplation of Mr. Gibbon: "I have," he says in the Memoirs of his
life and writings,[072] "sometimes thought of writing a dialogue of the
dead, in which Luther, Erasmus and Voltaire should mutually acknowledge
the danger of exposing an old superstition to the contempt of the blind
and fanatic multitude."]

[Footnote 072: Vol. i. p. 269, of the 8vo. edition of his works.]

[Footnote 073: A full account of the writings of _Wicelius_, and of his
projects of Pacification, is given by _Father Simon_ in the _Biblioteque
Critique, par M. de Sainjore_, Tom. ii. ch. 18. He concludes it, by
observing, that

    "the great love which Wicelius had for the peace of the church,
    might induce him to use expressions, somewhat harsh, but which
    really ought not to be censured with too much rigour. It is evident
    that his only view was to be useful to persons of his own time, to
    whom he consecrated the latter part of his life.--I do not
    recollect to have read that he was censured at Rome, and the
    Spanish Inquisitors seem to have observed the same moderation in
    his regard."]

[Footnote 074: XVI. Cent. Book V. p. 41, in the Englsh translation.]

[Footnote 075: See Mosheim's Ecclesiastical History, Cent. XVII. ch. ii.
sect. ii. Part II.]

[Footnote 076: Eccles. Hist. Cent. XVI. ch. ii. sect. iii. Part. II.]

[Footnote 077: Observat. Hallen, 15 t. p. 341.]

[Footnote 078: It is a prayer addressed to Jesus Christ, and suited to
the condition of a dying person who builds his hope on the Mediator. _M.
Le Clerc_ has inserted it at length in the _Sentimens de quelques
Theologiens de Hollande_, 17 Lettre, p. 397.]

[Footnote 079: Boswell's Life of Samuel Johnson, 2d Vol. p. 502. 2d
Edition.]

[Footnote 080: The author's "Confessions of Faith," mention this
convention, its dissolution, and the subsequent union of the Helvetian,
and Bohemian protestant congregations, in the Synods, held at Astrog, in
the years 1620, and 1627. The original settlement of these churches, was
in Bohemia, and Moravia. Persecution scattered the members of them: a
considerable number of the fugitives, settled at Herrenhut, a village in
Lusatia. There, under the protection and guidance of Count Zinzendorf,
they formed themselves into a new community, which was designed to
comprehend their actual and future congregations, under the title of
"_The Protestant Church of the Unitas Fratrum, or United Brethren of the
Confession of Augsburgh_." That Confession is their only symbolic book;
but they profess great esteem for the eighteen first chapters of the
Synodical Document of the church of Berne in 1532, as a declaration of
true Christian Doctrine. They also respect, the writings of Count
Zinzendorf, but do not consider themselves, bound by any opinion,
sentiment, or expression, which these contain. It is acknowledged, that,
towards the middle of the last century, they used in their devotional
exercises, particularly in their hymns, many expressions justly
censurable: but these have been corrected. They consider Lutherans and
Calvinists, to be their brethren in faith, as according with them in the
essential articles of religion; and therefore, when any of their members
reside at a distance from a congregation of the United Brethren, they
not only attend a Lutheran, or Calvinist church, but receive the
Sacrament, from its ministers, without scruple. In this, they profess to
act in conformity to the Convention at Sendomer. The union, which
prevails both among the congregations, and the individuals which compose
them, their modest and humble carriage, their moderation in lucrative
pursuits, the simplicity of their manners, their laborious industry,
their frugal habits, their ardent but mild piety, and their regular
discharge of all their spiritual observances, are universally
acknowledged and admired. Their charities are boundless, their kindness
to their poor brethren is most edifying; there is not among them a
beggar. The care, which they bestow, on the education of their children,
in forming their minds, chastening their hearts, and curbing their
imaginations,--particularly in those years,

                       "When youth, elate and gay,
    Steps into life and follows, unrestrained,
    Where passion leads, or reason points the way."     _Lowth._

are universally acknowledged, universally admired, and deserve universal
imitation.

But, it is principally, by the extent and success of their missionary
labours, that they now engage, the attention of the public. These began,
in 1732. In 1812, they had thirty-three settlements, in heathen nations.
One hundred and thirty-seven missionaries, were employed in them: they
had baptized, twenty-seven thousand, four hundred converts: and such had
been their care, in admitting them to that sacred rite, and such their
assiduity, in cultivating a spirit of religion, among them, that
scarcely an individual, had been known, to relapse into paganism. All
travellers, who have visited their settlements, speak with wonder, and
praise, of the humility, the patient endurance of privation, and
hardship, the affectionate zeal, the mild, and persevering exertions of
the missionaries; and the innocence, industry and piety of the
converts:--the European, the American, the African, and the Asiatic
traveller speaks of them, in the same terms: and, that they speak
without exaggeration, the conduct both of the pastor, and the flock in
the different settlements of the United Brethren in England,
incontestibly proves. Whatever he may think of their religious tenets,
_Talis cum sitis, utinam nostri essetis_, must be the exclamation of
every christian, who considers their lives. Those, who desire further
knowledge of this amiable, and worthy denomination of Christians, will
find it in _David Cranz's ancient and modern History of the Brethren,
printed at Barby, 1771, and the two continuations of it, Barby_, 1791,
and 1804. The History has been translated into English; and is become
exceedingly scarce; the Continuations have not been translated. Mr. La
Trobe, the Pastor of the United Brethren in London, has published a
_Concise Historical Account of the Protestant Church of the United
Brethren adhering to the Confession of Augsburgh_.]

[Footnote 081: Epist. 1706, p. 736.]

[Footnote 082: Ib. Epist. 613.]

[Footnote 083: Epist. part. I. Epist. 432. part II. Epist. 53. The
French public strongly suspected the Cardinal of this design. It gave
rise to the celebrated libel, entitled "_Optatus Gallus,_" _Grotius_,
(Lit. 982.) notices a prophecy of Nostradamus, then in circulation:

        "_Celui qui était bien avant dans le regne,
        Ayant chat rouge, proche, hierarchie,
        Apre et cruel, et se fera tant craindre,
        Succedera, a sacrée Monarchie._"

If the event in question had happened, Nostradamus would have passed,
with many for a prophet.]

[Footnote 084: Eclaircissemens de l'édit de Nantes, page 1. c. 6.]

[Footnote 085: V. 2. p. 38, 148.]

[Footnote 086: We are grieved to add, that he allowed the _right_ of a
sovereign to persecute for religion.]

[Footnote 087: This article is extracted from Oeuvres Posthumes de
Bossuet, vol. i. Nouvelle édition des Oeuvres de Bossuet, vol. ii.
Leibnizii Opera, studio Ludovici Dutens, vol. i. and v. And the Pensées
de Leibniz, vol. ii. 8vo.]

[Footnote 088: Tom. xiii.]

[Footnote 089: See the Appendix to the Sermons of Dr. Jebb, the present
excellent Bishop of Limerick.--Cadel, 1824.]


       *       *       *       *       *


                              Luke Hansard & Sons,
                       near Lincoln's-Inn Fields, London.


       *       *       *       *       *


                              By the same Author,

                              THE LIFE OF ERASMUS:

                                      WITH

    HISTORICAL REMARKS ON THE STATE OF LITERATURE BETWEEN THE TENTH AND
                             SIXTEENTH CENTURIES.