Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Distributed Proofreaders Team







The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898

explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and
their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions,
as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the
political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those
islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the
close of the nineteenth century

Volume VII, 1588-1591



Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson
with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord
Bourne.




Contents of Volume VII



Preface ...   9
Documents of 1588

	Relation of the Philipinas Islands. Domingo de Salazar,
	and others; Manila, 1586-88 ...  29
	Letter to Felipe II. Santiago de Vera, and others;
	Manila, June 26 ...  52
	Letter to Felipe II. Domingo de Salazar; Manila,
	June 27 ...  64

Documents of 1589

	Excerpt from a letter from the viceroy of India. Manuel
	de Sousa Coutinho; Goa, April 3 ...  79
	Letter to Felipe II. Santiago de Vera; Manila, June
	13 ...	83
	Conspiracy against the Spaniards. Santiago de Vera,
	and others; Manila, May-July ...  95
	Letter to Felipe II. [Gaspar] de Ayala; Manila,
	July 15 ... 112
	Decree regarding commerce. Felipe II; San Lorenzo,
	August 9 ... 137
	Instructions to Gomez Perez Dasmariñas. Felipe II;
	San Lorenzo, August 9  ... 141
	Customs of the Tagalogs (two relations). Juan de
	Plasencia, O.S.F.; Manila, October 21 ... 173

Documents of 1590

	Letter from Portugal to Felipe II. [Lisboa?] ... 199
	Decree ordering a grant to Salazar. Felipe II; Madrid,
	April 12 ... 205
	Letter from members of the suppressed Audiencia to
	Felipe II. Santiago de Vera, and others; Manila,
	June 20 ... 208
	The Chinese and the Parián at Manila. Domingo de
	Salazar; Manila, June 24 ... 212
	Two letters to Felipe II. Domingo de Salazar; Manila,
	June 24 ... 239
	Decree regulating commerce. Felipe II; San Lorenzo,
	July 23 ... 262

The collection of tributes in the Filipinas Islands. Domingo de
Salazar, and others; Manila, 1591 ... 265
Bibliographical Data ... 319





Illustrations



	Autograph signature of Doctor Santiago de Vera; photographic
	facsimile from MS. in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla ...
	61
	Autograph signature of Juan de Plasencia, O.S.F.; photographic
	facsimile from MS. in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla
	... 187




Preface


Important events and changes occur during the four years included
in the scope of this volume. The Audiencia is suppressed, and in
its place is sent a royal governor; the instructions given to him
embody many of the reforms demanded by the people through their
envoy Sánchez. Extensive and dangerous conspiracies among the natives
against the Spaniards are discovered, and severely punished. Trade
between Nueva España and China is beginning, and seems to menace the
welfare of the Philippine colony. A large immigration of Chinese to
the islands has set in, and is already seriously affecting economic
interests there. The city of Manila, recently destroyed by fire, is
being rebuilt, this time mainly with brick and stone. As usual, there
is much friction between the ecclesiastical and secular authorities,
largely concerning the collection of tributes from the Indians;
the most prominent figure in these contentions is the aged but fiery
bishop, Salazar.

Shortly after the Jesuit Sánchez had gone to Spain as envoy of the
Philippine colonists, a document was prepared (December 31, 1586),
by order of the Manila cabildo, to be sent to him for use at the
Spanish court. As this was lost on the "Santa Ana," and as Bishop
Salazar regards the supply of missionaries in the islands as very
inadequate, he applies (June 3, 1588) to the cabildo for another copy
of such part of this document as relates to the religious needs of the
natives. This he sends (June 25) to the royal Council of the Indias,
with considerable additions regarding certain islands not mentioned
in the cabildo's memorial. This document gives much interesting
information, not only on religious matters, but on the social and
economic conditions of both Spaniards and natives in the islands. In
each island or province are enumerated the population, both native
and Spanish; the number of Spanish troops, also of encomiendas and
tributarios; the number of convents and their inmates; the religious
and ecclesiastics, not only those resident, but those needed among
the natives; the officials employed by the government; the Chinese
immigrants and their occupations; the articles for sale in the public
market; and the imports and exports at Manila. The writer relates many
things of interest regarding the natural resources and products of the
country, the mode of life of both Spaniards and natives, the means of
defense possessed by the colony, the Indians who are not as yet under
Spanish rule. All this affords a valuable and curiously interesting
picture of the colony and its life; but Salazar, in presenting it,
is mainly concerned with the great need of more religious instruction
for the natives, and earnestly entreats the king to send more friars
and ecclesiastics for the purpose.

A letter from Santiago de Vera to the king (dated June 26, 1588)
gives his report for the past year. He recounts the exploits of the
English adventurer Candish against Spanish commerce. Hereafter the
ships which carry goods from the Philippines will be armed with cannon
and other means of defense. Vera asks for more artillery with which
to defend the islands, which are menaced by great dangers in their
present weak condition. He has built some galleys, but would prefer
some light ships for navigation among the islands. The new fort at
Manila is described; it will, when completed, be sufficient defense
for the city. The governor also enumerates the artillery which he
has, and asks that more be provided by the home government. He has
punished the royal officials for engaging in trade. Vera advises
that the sale of certain public offices be deferred for some years,
until the colony shall be more prosperous.

On the next day (June 27) Salazar writes to the king. He defends
himself against the royal reprimand for his dissensions with the
Audiencia. Further information is given regarding the capture of
Spanish ships by Candish. The resulting losses of citizens in the
islands are very great, and still more serious is the loss of Spanish
prestige in the archipelago. In Mindanao, Moslem missionaries are
conducting an extensive propaganda. The bishop complains that in
his diocese the churches, as well as their furniture, are often so
wretched and inadequate that they are a disgrace to religion, and are
"not fit to be entered by horses." This arises from the penuriousness
or the poverty of the encomenderos; nothing can be expected from
the natives, who are "so harassed and afflicted with public and
private undertakings that they are not able to take breath." The
bishop regards the calamities that have befallen the Spaniards as
punishments inflicted on them by God for their evil treatment of the
Indians. He recommends that many religious be sent to the islands,
who will be protectors of the natives; also that a governor be sent
who is not ruled by selfish or family interests. Salazar complains
of the harshness and severity shown by the viceroy of Nueva España,
especially as the latter will not allow certain Dominican friars to go
to the Philippines; and as he has injured the commerce of the islands
by his restrictive measures--especially by selling the vessel "Saint
Martin" to a Mexican merchant to be used in the Chinese trade. The
wreck of that ship at sea he regards as a punishment from heaven. He
urges that trade from Mexico to China be stopped, and that the viceroy
of Nueva España be ordered to send aid to the Philippines, especially
of troops and military supplies, and not to meddle with the decisions
of the Audiencia there regarding customs duties, etc. Salazar objects
to the presence of so many Chinamen in the islands.

An extract from a letter of the viceroy of India to the king (April 3,
1589) complains that some of his officers have violated the prohibition
of intercourse with China and the Philippines. He has sent officials
to Macao to quell disturbances there, and order has been given that
all Castilians there shall be sent away. He is greatly opposed to
the trade which has begun between Mexico and China, and thinks that
rigorous measures should be taken against it.

Vera writes (July 13) to the king imploring reenforcements and
supplies for the islands. Three Spaniards, among them a Franciscan
friar, have been treacherously slain by the Borneans. This proves to
be the outcome of a general conspiracy among the Filipinos, Borneans,
and other peoples to attack and drive out the Spaniards. The plotters
are detected and severely punished. Certain public offices have been
sold, account for which is rendered by the governor. He is endeavoring
to secure a small fleet of trading ships, but is obliged to ask
aid for this from the royal treasury. Not only ships, but sailors
and carpenters are needed, who should be paid in the same way. More
artillery is needed, also to be furnished by royal aid. The Chinese
trade is continually increasing. The city of Manila is being fast
rebuilt, and in stone. But the land is unhealthful and the soldiers
die fast, so that the islands have few men for their defense; and
again the king is earnestly entreated to order that men and supplies
be sent at once from Nueva España. The new fort has been injured by
earthquakes, but Vera is building it more strongly. He complains that
the friars have neglected his commands to learn the Chinese language
and instruct the Chinese who live on the islands. The Dominicans alone
have entered this field; they have achieved great results, and have
now among the Chinese "a village of Christians." Many more would be
converted, if it were not for the bishop's order that the long hair
of the converts should be cut off; accordingly the king orders that
a conference of religious and learned persons be held, who shall
take suitable action in regard to this and other matters concerning
the conversion of the Chinese. Vera complains of the arrogance,
obstinacy, and high temper of the bishop, and asks that the king
restrain him. There is no physician in Manila, and one is urgently
needed in the royal hospital. This document is followed by the notarial
record of proceedings in the trial of various Indians for conspiracy,
which is mentioned in Vera's letter. The punishments inflicted upon
them are specified: in each case, appeal was made to the Audiencia,
which in some cases modified the penalty, but otherwise affirmed the
former decision.

Gaspar de Ayala, royal fiscal in the islands, makes his report to
the king (July 15). He advises that ships for the royal service be
built in the islands; also that the gold used as currency there be
exchanged in Nueva España for Spanish coin--both of which measures
will be of profit to the royal treasury. He renders account of the
recent sale of offices in the islands, and gives advice regarding
this method of aiding the royal exchequer. Certain encomiendas
becoming vacant, Ayala, as fiscal, undertakes to secure them for
the crown; in this he has difficulties with the governor, who also
is trying to make trouble for Ayala with the soldiers. The latter
asks to be relieved from his post in the Philippines, and sent to
some other. The Chinese trade is meager this year, owing to war and
pestilence in China; and there are rumors that it is being diverted
to Peru or Nueva España. If this be true, the Philippine colony will
be ruined. A second plot against the Spaniards has been revealed,
this time in Cebú; but the leaders have been captured. The Indians
of Cagayán have also revolted, and troops have been sent against
them. Ayala adds, "I am ready to certify that there are few places
in these islands where the natives are not disaffected." The Spanish
colony is in great danger, and imperatively needs reenforcements to
save it from destruction. The galleys at Manila, now useless, should
be replaced by light sailing-vessels. A further levy of tribute has
been made on the Indians for the new fortress at Manila: this is an
oppressive burden for them. Ayala relates at length the dissensions
between the bishop and the secular authorities; the king is implored
to settle the question at issue. The bishop has also offended the
Augustinians, by sending Dominican friars into their field among the
Chinese residents: The king is asked to send more friars, to instruct
the natives. The Manila hospital for Indians has no income save of
alms: Ayala recommends that the Franciscans in charge be allowed to
sell a certain amount of pepper in Nueva España. The members of the
Audiencia, and the magistrates and officials appointed during the
current year are enumerated by name. A fierce tempest has occurred
at Manila, causing great damage, and destroying all the vessels in
the harbor except one small one. The expedition sent to Cagayán has
returned without accomplishing anything except the destruction of the
crops belonging to the hostile Indians, which will only irritate them
and incite them to revenge.

A royal decree (dated August 9, 1589) orders the newly appointed
governor of the Philippines, Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, to repeal the
import duties levied at Manila on provisions and military supplies,
also to suppress the retail trade conducted there by the Chinese.

As a result of Sanchez's embassy to Spain, the king and his counselors
decide to institute many reforms in the Philippines, and to send
thither a royal governor in place of the Audiencia. For this dignity
is selected Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, and the king's instructions to
him (dated August 9, 1589) embody the changes to be made in the
government and life of the colony. The cathedral at Manila is to
be built, for which purpose the king appropriates the sum of twelve
thousand ducados. Similar aid is to be granted to the two hospitals
at Manila. More religious are to be sent to the islands. The rate of
tribute from the Indians shall be increased from eight reals to ten;
this increase shall be used for tithes and the support of troops in
the islands; and the encomenderos must support religious instruction
among the natives, and pay tithes. A grant of money for six years
is made to the city of Manila; but the king declines to abolish
the customs duties--setting aside their proceeds, however, for the
payment of the soldiers stationed in the islands--except those on
food and military supplies. Appointments and encomiendas must be
given to old citizens, or to soldiers who have done actual service;
and a list of persons who are to be rewarded for their services is
furnished to the new governor. Workmen are to be paid at Manila,
not, as heretofore, at Mexico. Trade with Mexico is restricted to the
inhabitants of the Philippines. The question whether the Chinese and
other foreign merchants are to be allowed to sell goods at retail at
the ports is left to the discretion of Dasmariñas. Only Christian
Chinese may remain in the islands. Agricultural colonists shall be
sent thither from Spain, for whom various provisions are made; and it
is expected that from them the Indians will learn the Spanish methods
of farming. Cattle and horses are to be sent to the islands; and the
farmers sent out shall be ordered to tame and breed the wild buffaloes
found there. Agriculture shall be encouraged in all ways. A convent for
girls should be established, and its inmates provided with husbands;
and Indian women should be enabled to marry poor Spaniards. Encomiendas
must be granted with great care, and must be provided with adequate
religious instruction. Dasmariñas is advised to settle lawsuits
amicably out of court, when possible. In disaffected encomiendas,
only part of the tributes should be collected. Suitable instruction
for the natives must be provided, and those who are dispersed should
be gathered into settlements where they can be taught the Christian
faith. The king appoints Bishop Salazar the official protector of
the Indians; and the governor is instructed to cultivate friendly
relations with him. A force of four hundred paid soldiers shall be
maintained in the islands, and various provisions are made for their
discipline and welfare. The minimum age for military service is fixed
at fifteen years, and the enlistment of mestizos is discouraged. The
city of Manila shall be fortified and garrisoned; and the governor is
instructed to be on his guard against various enemies, "chiefly of
the Lutheran English pirates who infest those coasts," and to build
forts and galleys for the defense of the islands. He is expected
to continue the conquests begun there by the Spaniards, but only in
accordance with instructions furnished him. He must do all in his power
to pacify the Indians in the disaffected provinces. In attempting any
military expedition, the governor must consult with the most learned
and experienced men of the community; he may contract with captains or
encomenderos for the exploration or pacification of hitherto unsubdued
regions. Provision is made for the instruction of the natives; and
extortion and oppression of the natives in collecting the tributes
must be checked. All Indians enslaved by the Spaniards shall be
immediately set free. All lawsuits concerning the Indians shall be
settled as promptly and simply as possible. Religious persons sent to
the islands must remain there, except by permission of the authorities.

Of especial value are two relations (1589) by the Franciscan missionary
Juan de Plasencia, on the customs of the Tagalogs. He describes their
social organization, which was originally patriarchal; and rights of
property, which are partly individual and partly communistic. There
are three classes among the people--nobles, commoners and slaves. The
status and rights of each are carefully defined, and the causes and
kinds of slavery. A somewhat elaborate system of regulations concerning
inheritances is described, also the status of children by adoption,
which usage is widely prevalent among the Tagalogs. Marriage,
dowries, and divorce are fully treated. In the second of these
relations Plasencia describes their modes of burial and worship,
and the religious beliefs and superstitions current among that
people. They have no buildings set aside as temples, although they
sometimes celebrate, in a temporary edifice, a sort of worship. Their
chief idol is Badhala, but they also worship the sun and the moon,
and various minor divinities. They believe in omens, and practice
divination. A detailed account is given of the various classes of
priests, sorcerers, witches, etc., in which the natives believed;
also of the burial rites of both Tagalogs and Negritos.

A letter to the king from Portugal (written early in 1590) gives him
information which he had requested from Portuguese officials in India,
regarding the character and results of the trade between the Spanish
colonies and those established by the Portuguese in India and the
Eastern archipelago, and China. The continuance of this trade would,
they think, ruin the prosperity of the settlements in India, and
greatly injure the commerce of Spain, and deplete that country and her
colonies of their coin. At Salazar's petition, he receives from the
king (April 12, 1590) a grant of money toward the payment of debts
incurred by him in procuring the rebuilding of Manila in stone. On
June 20 of the same year, the members of the Audiencia, suppressed
by order of the king and replaced by Dasmariñas, notify the king that
they have surrendered their posts, and ask him for various favors.

Bishop Salazar writes to the king (June 24) a special communication
regarding the Chinese (or Sangleys) at Manila. He apologizes for
having formerly given, under a mistake as to their character,
a wrong impression of that people; and relates various instances
of their humane treatment of foreigners in their land. He blames
the Portuguese for having spread in China false reports about the
Spaniards, and thinks that by this means the devil is trying to hinder
the entrance of the gospel into that land. The bishop urges that no
hostile demonstration be made against the Chinese; for they are most
favorably inclined to the Christian religion, and many conversions may
be made among them. Most of Salazar's letter is devoted to the Chinese
residents of Manila, and their quarters there, which is called the
Parián. He narrates the gradual increase of the Chinese immigration
to the islands, their relations with the Spaniards, the establishment
of the Parián, and his efforts for their conversion. These last are
ineffectual until the coming of the Dominican friars in 1587; they
assume the charge of converting the Chinese, and build their convent
next the Parián, which brings the friars into constant and friendly
relations with the Chinese. An interesting description of the Parián
and its inhabitants is given; all trades are represented therein, and
the people carry on the manufactures to which they were accustomed
in China, but with a better finish, which they have learned to use
from the Spaniards. Salazar makes the enthusiastic statement that
"the Parián has so adorned the city [Manila] that I do not hesitate
to affirm to your Majesty that no other known city in España, or
in these regions, possesses anything so well worth seeing as this;
for in it can be found the whole trade of China, with all kinds of
goods and curious things which come from that country." Especially
interesting are the economic effects of their residence there;
"the handicrafts pursued by Spaniards have all died out, because
people all buy their clothes and shoes from the Sangleys, who are
very good craftsmen in Spanish fashion, and make everything at very
low cost." Salazar admires their cleverness and dexterity in all
kinds of handiwork especially as they have learned, in less than
ten years, both painting and sculpture; "I think that nothing more
perfect could be produced than some of their marble statues of the
Child Jesus which I have seen." The churches are thus being furnished
with images. A book-binder from Mexico had come to Manila, and his
trade has been quickly taken from him by his Chinese apprentice,
who has set up his own bindery, and excels his master. Many other
instances of the cleverness, ability, and industry of the Chinese
are related; and the city is almost entirely dependent on them for
its food supplies. Not the least of the benefits received from them
by the city is their work as stone-masons, and makers of bricks and
lime; they are so industrious, and work so cheaply, that Manila is
rapidly being rebuilt with substantial and elegant houses, churches,
and convents, of stone and brick. The day's wage of a Chinaman is one
real (equal to five cents of American money). So many Chinese are
coming to Manila that another Parián is being built to accommodate
them. Nearly seven thousand of them reside there, and in the vicinity
of Manila, and four Dominican friars labor among them. Salazar reports
the condition and progress of the missions conducted by that order
in the islands. Those who minister to the Chinese are securing some
converts, but many who are otherwise inclined to the Christian faith
are unwilling thus to exile themselves from their own land. After due
deliberation, the Dominicans conclude to open a mission in China, and
in that case to relax the rule compelling converts to cut off their
hair and foresake their native land. This purpose they are enabled to
accomplish, after encountering many difficulties, through the aid of
some Chinese Christians in Manila; and two friars are sent to China,
Miguel de Benavides and Juan Castro. The Dominicans have also built a
hospital for the Chinese; it is supported by alms, partly contributed
by "Sangley" infidels; and its physician is a converted Chinese
who devotes himself to its service. This institution has won much
renown and commendation in China. Salazar asks that the king grant
it some aid, and that he confirm a reward given by the governor to
the two Christian Chinese who aided the mission to China. Another
letter from Salazar bearing the same date (June 24) recounts many
things concerning affairs in the islands. He protests against the
royal orders to increase the rate of tribute paid by the Indians,
saying that the king has been misinformed regarding their ability
to pay. He makes comments on the several royal decrees which have
come in this year's mail. One commands that the conquerors make
restitution for the damages inflicted by them upon the natives; but
they or their heirs are tardy in paying the amounts levied for this
purpose, and meanwhile the Indians live in great poverty and want. The
bishop's heart and conscience are harassed not only by this, but by
the inability of the Spaniards to pay the full amount which is due
the Indians as restitution; he therefore asks the king to settle this
matter by remitting part of the amounts thus required. Salazar defends
himself for having encouraged the Indian slaves (who had been freed
by royal decree) to leave their Spanish masters; and for obliging the
Chinese converts to cut off their hair. He also explains, as being
greatly exaggerated, the accusations brought against his clergy of
engaging in traffic; and promises to do all in his power to check
them. One of the decrees settles the question of precedence between
him and the Audiencia; but, as that tribunal has been suppressed,
it is now useless. Salazar takes this opportunity to defend himself
against the aspersions cast upon him in this matter, and in regard
to certain legal proceedings wherein the Audiencia had claimed that
he defied its authority. He declares that he always complied with
its decisions or commands except in a few cases, which he explains in
detail; and complains that the Audiencia has at various times usurped
his jurisdiction, of which he relates instances.

In still another letter (of the same date) the bishop thanks his
sovereign for recent kindness shown him, and for decrees favorable to
the Philippine colony. The money which the king ordered to be given
for building the cathedral at Manila has not yet been paid, as the
royal treasury there is so poor. Salazar comments on certain recent
decrees by the king: that the friars should not leave the islands
without permission from the authorities; that tithes be remitted for
twenty years to new settlers in the islands; and that the processes
of justice be simplified, and pecuniary fines abrogated. The bishop
reiterates his complaint against the cruelty and injustice with which
the Spaniards collect the tributes from the natives, and the dearth
of religious instruction for the latter; he feels responsible for this
instruction, yet cannot provide it for lack of religious teachers. If
more priests can be sent, great results can be achieved. The spiritual
destitution of that region is so great that "of the ten divisions of
this bishopric, eight have no instruction; and some provinces have
been paying tribute to your Majesty for more than twenty years, but
without receiving on account of that any greater advantage than to be
tormented by the tribute, and afterward to go to hell." If religious
teachers are supplied, it will be comparatively easy to complete
the pacification of the Indians who are now hostile; then the royal
treasury will receive, from the increase in the tributes, far more than
it would now expend in sending out the missionaries. The bishop asks
that, as he is now appointed by the king the protector of the Indians,
he may have also funds for the expenses and assistants necessary for
this office; also that the same protection may be extended toward
the Chinese, who need it even more than the Indians. A royal decree
(July 23, 1590) orders that the trade with China shall be confined
for six years to the inhabitants of the islands.

Next follows a long document, a collection of papers (bearing
various dates in 1591) relating to the collection of tributes in
the islands. The first is a memorandum of the resources and needs
of the hospital at Manila; the former are so small, and the latter
so great, that the institution is badly crippled. A short letter
by Bishop Salazar (dated January 12) classifies the encomiendas
according to the amount of religious instruction given therein,
and lays down the conditions which ought to govern the collection
of tributes. He declares that the encomendero has not fulfilled his
obligations to the Indians under him by merely reserving a fourth
of the tributes for building churches; and advises that the small
encomiendas be combined to form larger ones. This letter is followed by
twenty-five "conclusions" (dated January 18) relating to this subject,
which express the opinions of bishop and clergy on the collection of
tributes from the Indians. These define the purposes for which this
tax should be collected, the restrictions under which collections
shall be permitted, and the respective duties in this matter of the
encomenderos, ministers of religion, and governors, They declare that
restitution should be made for all tribute unjustly collected from
the natives--which includes all that is taken from pagans who have
not been instructed, or from any Indian by force. Another letter
by the bishop (dated January 25) accompanies this document. He
states that he does not desire to forbid the encomenderos from
personally collecting the tributes. He advises that the amount of
such collections should be reduced, and that the Spaniards should not
be too heavily mulcted for the restitutions which should be made to
the Indians. The governor replies to these communications, expressing
much interest in the Indians and desire to lighten their burdens. The
collections should be uniform in rate everywhere, and of moderate
amount. Certain requirements should be made from the encomenderos,
especially in regard to the administration of justice; but they must
be enabled to retain their holdings. The governor wishes to adopt
some temporary regulations which shall be in force until the king can
provide suitable measures. On February 15 the city officials and the
encomenderos present a petition to the governor. They complain of the
pressure exerted upon them by the clergy and the friars to prevent
the collection of the tributes; and entreat the governor to interpose
his authority, and to secure a royal mandate, in order that they may
collect the tributes without ecclesiastical interference, or else
to permit them to return to Spain. Salazar answers (February 8) the
previous letter of Dasmariñas; this reply, and the opinions furnished
by the religious orders, we synopsize in our text, as being somewhat
too verbose for the edification of our readers. Salazar answers the
objections made to his earlier statements, and assures the governor
that the encomenderos can live on one-third of the tributes, that
there is no danger of their abandoning their holdings, and that the
chief obstacle to the conversion of the pagans is the cruelty of the
Spaniards. He urges the governor to reform the abuses practiced by
them, and to do justice to the poor Indians; and says that the clergy
will cooperate with him in this. The heads of the religious orders
(except the Dominicans) send written opinions on this subject to
the governor; and the Jesuits discuss certain measures proposed by
the bishop, with some of which they disagree. The remainder of the
document on tributes will be presented in _Vol_. VIII.

_The Editors_

September, 1903.





Documents of 1588



	Relation of the Philipinas Islands. Domingo de Salazar,
	and others; 1586-88.
	Letter to Felipe II. Santiago de Vera; June 26.
	Letter to Felipe II. Domingo de Salazar; June 27.



_Sources_: The first of these documents is obtained from _Cartas
de Indias_, pp. 637-652; the others, from the original MSS. in the
Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla.

_Translations_: The first document is translated by James A. Robertson;
the others, by José M. and Clara M. Asensio.



Relation of the Philipinas Islands


Most potent Sir:

I, the bishop of the Philipinas, declare that to your Highness [1]
it is evident and well-known that the greater number of the natives in
these islands are yet to be converted, and that many of those who are
converted are without instruction, because they have no one to give
it; and because, even in the districts where there are ministers,
they are so few, and the natives so numerous, that they cannot give
the latter sufficient instruction. I have, moreover, been informed
that in a letter which the cabildo of this city of Manilla wrote to
your Highness last year there was a section in which they gave your
Highness information of the districts and localities in these islands
where instruction is provided, and of those where it is not, and of
the number of ministers who are necessary to furnish instruction to
the natives therein. This letter, with all the others which went in
the said year on the ship "Sancta Ana," was lost. For the relief of
your royal conscience and my own, and for the welfare of the said
natives, it is best that an order be given that those natives who are
converted shall be supplied with ministers to instruct and maintain
them in the Christian faith; for it is well known that, as soon as
ministers fail them, they return to their rites and idolatries--in
some districts, because they have lacked ministers for many years;
and, in others quite near here, because those religious who had them
in charge have abandoned them. This is well known to your Highness,
through the information that has been given your Highness many times
from this Audiencia. I am ready to furnish you sufficient information
in this regard, if your Highness be so inclined. It is necessary
also that ministers be furnished to the natives yet unconverted,
that they may teach them and look after their conversion, since all
of these Indians are under the dominion of your Highness, and pay
tribute, as if they were Christians and received instruction. Unless
ministers come hither from España, it is impossible to make good
these deficiencies, or to supply the great lack of instruction. In
order that this matter may be manifest to your Highness, and that you
may be pleased to command that a remedy be provided, according to the
great necessity for instruction in these islands, I ask, and, in order
that the said need may be more certainly evident to your Highness,
it is fitting, that the [above-mentioned] section of the said letter
be sent to your royal hands. I beg and supplicate your Highness that
you order the notary of the cabildo of this said city to draw up from
the book of the cabildo one, two, or more copies of the said section,
publicly and duly authenticated, in order to approach therewith your
royal person--for which, etc.

_The Bishop of the Philippinas_


(In Manilla, on the third day of the month of June in the year one
thousand five hundred and eighty-eight. The honorable president and
auditors of the royal Audiencia of these Philipinas Islands being in
public session, this petition was read; and after examination by the
said members of the Audiencia, they declared that the request of the
bishop should be granted.

_Juan de la Paraya_)


(In fulfilment of the above order, I, Simon Lopez, notary of the king,
our lord, and of the cabildo of this distinguished and ever loyal city
of Manilla, [2] have caused to be made, from the books and papers of
the cabildo which are in my possession, a copy of the relation which
is mentioned in the present memoir. It is as follows:)

_Relation of the natives now inhabiting these Western Islands--those
who are pacified, and from whom tribute is collected, both those who
are under control of his Majesty and those allotted to encomenderos;
also of the religious, and the instruction given by them, among the
natives; of the number of Spanish inhabitants, both in this city of
Manila and in the settlements outside of it; and of the ministers of
religion who are needed here_.


_Manilla_

This city of Manilla was founded in the island of Luzon, which
is very fertile and populous. Outside of it, within the circuit
of five leagues, are settled seven thousand five hundred Indians;
four thousand of these belong to his Majesty, and the rest, three
thousand five hundred, are allotted to four encomenderos. There are
eight Augustinian friars, in four residences, and in another house
are two Franciscans, one of whom is a lay brother, all of the rest
being priests. In order that sufficient instruction be furnished the
Indians, five more religious are needed.

This city has eighty citizens. It contains the cathedral and the
bishop's house, and the ecclesiastical dignitaries--the latter
consisting of an arch-deacon, a schoolmaster, two canons, thirteen
clerics who are priests, and a few candidates for holy orders.

The monastery of St. Augustine, which usually has seven or eight
religious, four priests, and three brothers and candidates for
holy orders.

The monastery of St. Francis, which usually has four priests, and
eleven or twelve other professed members and novices.

Of the Society of Jesus, the father superior, with two other fathers
and two brothers.

A royal hospital for Spaniards, and another (in the Franciscan
monastery) for the Indians.

There are, ordinarily, two hundred soldiers in this city, quartered
among the citizens and in the houses of the Indians near them. These
soldiers are very poor, and are sustained by alms, as are likewise the
inmates of the monasteries and hospitals--although four hundred pesos
are given every year from the treasury, besides two hundred fanégas
of rice, for the support of four Augustinian religious; and the royal
hospital possesses an encomienda worth six or seven hundred pesos.

Fifty Spaniards in the city have married Spanish women; and some of
the others, native Indian women. There are fifteen Spanish widows;
also eight or ten girls who are marriageable, and some others who
are very young.

The president and three auditors, one fiscal, one alguaçil-mayor,
two secretaries--one for the Audiencia, and the other for the
government--one bailiff, one keeper of the antechamber, two reporters,
one proctor of the exchequer, four attorneys and as many interpreters,
[3] four commissioners of examination, two alguaçils of the court,
one prison warden, the officials of the royal Audiencia, an officer
to serve executions for the same, and one notary.

The governing body of the city, with two alcaldes-in-ordinary,
an alguaçil-mayor, twelve regidors, bailiffs, six notaries public,
two attorneys, a depositary-general, a chancellor, and registrar,
a superintendent of his Majesty's works, two city watchmen, and one
for vagabonds.

There are thirty captains, only four of whom have companies in
this city.

All the above is confined to the said eighty citizens of this city,
leaving out of account the churches, hospitals, and monasteries. Inside
this city is the silk-market of the Sangley merchants, [4] with shops
to the number of one hundred and fifty, in which there are usually
about six hundred Sangleys--besides a hundred others who live on
the other side of the river opposite this city; these are married,
and many of them are Christians. In addition to these there are more
than three hundred others--fishermen, gardeners, hunters, weavers,
brickmakers, lime-burners, carpenters, and iron-workers--who live
outside the silk market, and without the city, upon the shores of the
sea and river. Within the silk market are many tailors, cobblers,
bakers, carpenters, candle-makers, confectioners, apothecaries,
painters, silversmiths, and those engaged in other occupations.

Every day there is held a public market of articles of food, such as
fowls, swine, ducks, game-birds, wild hogs, buffaloes, fish, bread,
and other provisions, and garden-produce, and firewood; there are
also many commodities from China which are sold through the streets.

Twenty merchantmen generally sail hither each year from China, each
one carrying at least a hundred men, who trade from November until
May--in those vessels coming hither, living here, and departing
to their own country, during these seven months. They bring hither
two hundred thousand pesos' worth of merchandise, only ten thousand
pesos being in food supplies--such as flour, sugar, biscuits, butter,
oranges, walnuts, chestnuts, pineapples, figs, plums, pomegranates,
pears, and other fruits, salt pork, and hams--and in such abundance
that the city and its environs are supported thereby during the whole
year, and the fleets and trading-vessels are provisioned therefrom;
they bring also many horses and cows, with which their land is well
supplied. For two years, merchantmen have come hither laden with goods
from Japon, Macaon, Cian [Siam], and other places, in order to trade
in this city. The people of those countries are consequently becoming
desirous of our friendship and trade, and many of the inhabitants of
those nations are being converted.

They carry to their own countries, from this land, gold, wax, cotton,
dye-woods, and small shells, which latter pass for money in their
country, being used besides for many things, whereby they are held
in much esteem. They bring hither silks--figured satins, black and
colored damasks, brocades and other fabrics--which are now very
commonly seen, a great quantity of white and black cotton cloth,
and the above-mentioned articles of food.

Outside of this city and the above-mentioned villages lying within
five leagues of it, there are seven well-populated provinces in
this same island of Luzon--namely, Panpanga, Pangasinan, Ylocos,
Cagayan, Camarines, La Laguna, and Bonbon y Balayan. These include
three Spanish settlements--namely, Camarines, Ylocos, and Cagayan,
and have the following number of tributarios [i.e., Indians paying
tribute] and encomiendas.


_The province of Panpanga_

The province of Panpanga has twenty-two thousand tributarios, of
whom seven thousand belong to his Majesty, and fifteen thousand
are apportioned among eleven encomiendas. There are eight houses
of the religious of St. Augustine, and one house of St. Francis, in
which are sixteen Augustinian priests and one Franciscan. In another
house is a Dominican, who is a coadjutor of the bishop. All together,
there are eighteen priests. In order that sufficient instruction be
given in this province, twenty-six more priests are needed; because,
at the very least, a thousand tributarios means four thousand people,
who require two religious--and in this ratio throughout the islands,
where, it is believed, there will be a great increase of people and
of their instruction. This province has an alcalde-mayor, and needs
two corregidors.

This province is fifteen leagues in circuit, and is situated, at the
very most, a like distance from this city. Between this province and
that of Pangasinan, which is adjacent to it, there are three thousand
Indians apportioned between two encomiendas; they are Çanbales, and
many of them are pacified. Living at a distance of twenty-five or
thirty leagues from this city are more than three thousand others of
this same race--brave mountaineers--still to be pacified; and we have
not the wherewithal to send twenty soldiers for that purpose. This
entire population is without instruction. It needs six ministers.


_The province of Pangassinan_

The province of Pangassinan has five thousand tributarios, pacified,
but without instruction. It is forty leagues' distance from this city,
by either land or sea. His Majesty possesses one thousand five hundred
of its tributarios, and the rest are held by five encomenderos. It
has one alcalde-mayor. Ten religious are necessary.


_The province of Ylocos_

Five leagues beyond Pangasinan, by either land or sea, begins the
province of Ylocos, which is inhabited for forty leagues inland. It has
twenty-seven thousand tributarios. Of these the king has six thousand,
and twenty-one thousand are in fourteen encomiendas. There are three
Augustinian religious in two houses or districts, and two ecclesiastics
in two others. Fifty others are needed. There is a considerable
population of mountaineers who recognize no master. This province
has an alcalde-mayor, and the [Spanish] population of a small town.


_The province of Cagayan_

The province of Cagayan has many rivers and bayous. On its principal
river, by name Taxo, the city of Nueva Segovia has been founded,
being situated two leagues inland. This city has forty citizens
who are encomenderos. It has one Augustinian monastery, containing
two priests; one alcalde-mayor, two alcaldes-in-ordinary, one
alguaçil-mayor, and six regidors, who constitute the cabildo;
and a royal hospital, which has for its income the tribute-money
collected here for his Majesty. There is a fort with seven large
pieces of artillery, and an equal number of small pieces--such as
small culverins and falcons--a number of muskets and arquebuses,
pikes, and coats-of-mail, which constitute the weapons and armor
used in this land. For its maintenance this fort has assigned to it
the tribute from one village, which amounts to about one hundred
pesos. It has its own governor. The forty citizens of this city
maintain in addition forty soldiers, who help to pacify, conquer,
and collect the tribute of the encomiendas. Ten of these citizens
are married, the remainder single. Twenty-six thousand Indians, of
whom seven thousand are pacified and pay tribute, are apportioned
to thirty-three of these citizens--some along the principal river
Taxo, and the remainder in the districts near the same. Along this
river and in its neighborhood his Majesty has one thousand seven
hundred tributarios, of whom a thousand are pacified and pay their
tribute. This river Taxo is very broad and deep, and large vessels
can ascend it even to the city. It has an excellent bay. It rises
fifty leagues inland, and is inhabited along its entire course by the
above-mentioned people. Its water is excellent, and the whole land is
quite fertile and healthful, and abounds in rice, swine, fowls, and
palm-wine; and there is much hunting of buffaloes, deer, wild hogs,
and birds. A great amount of wax, cotton, and gold is collected in
this district, in which articles the natives pay their tribute. Two
leagues opposite the bar of the river Taxo is the dense population of
the Babuyanes Islands. One island is an encomienda under the control
of his Majesty, and is said to contain one thousand men. The tribute
has not been collected, because the inhabitants, it is said, are not
pacified. The eight other islands are distributed among the seven
[other] citizens [of Nueva Segovia]. They number three thousand men,
more rather than less from all of whom their masters collect three
hundred tributes. All of these islands are distant three or four
leagues from one another. Sixty priests would be needed for the care
of these thirty thousand Indians, counting two priests to each thousand
tributarios. At the present time, sixteen priests are needed for those
who are pacified, as we have said. These priests are very important
for the pacification and permanent settlement of the natives, and for
[the spiritual needs of] the soldiers. This province of Cagayan lies
seventy leagues from the mainland of China and the coast cities of
that country. Seventy ministers are necessary, who, with the help and
protection of the soldiers, will gather the inhabitants together and
pacify them all, and seek out the rest of the people--who, as we are
informed, exist in great number as far as Cagayan.


_The province of La Laguna_

The province of La Laguna ["the Lake"], commences at the lake--which is
the body of water above this city of Manilla where the river of this
city rises, as well as others in the mountain hard by--six leagues
from this city. [5] It is about twenty leagues in circuit, and in
this territory, inhabited by eleven thousand Indian tributarios,
there are twelve religious houses--ten of Franciscans, with fifteen
priests and nine brothers; one of Augustinians, with three priests;
and, in the other house, one ecclesiastic. Two thousand seven hundred
of the inhabitants are his Majesty's, and two thousand four hundred
[6] are distributed among eight encomenderos. Of all the provinces
in these islands, this one has the most instruction. It needs three
more priests. It has one alcalde-mayor, and should have besides one
corregidor. Near the coast of the bay of this city is the province
of Bonbon y Balayan.


_The province of Bonbon y Balayan_

The province of Bonbon contains the people of the Lake, who amount
to four thousand men, belonging to the Mariscal. [7] It comprises
the villages of Batangas, Galbandayun, Calilaya, and the lowlands
of Balayan, which amount in all to nine thousand tributarios. His
Majesty has one thousand two hundred of them, and five encomenderos
seven thousand eight hundred. There are four religious houses--two of
Augustinians, in Bonbon and Batangas; and the other two of Franciscans,
in Balayan and Dayun. These houses contain four Augustinian priests,
and three Franciscan priests and two brothers. Ten more ministers
are necessary.


_Province of Camarines_

The province of Camarines lies fifty leagues from this city. In
it is located the city of Caçeres, with thirty citizens, who have
generally thirty soldiers quartered among them. Twenty of these
citizens are married, six of them to native women. The city has
its own cabildo and governing body; also a church with one vicar,
one Franciscan monastery with two priests and two brothers besides,
and one alcalde-mayor. It could have three more corregidorships.

This province has twenty thousand tributarios, of whom two thousand
five hundred are his Majesty's, and seventeen thousand five hundred
are distributed among twenty encomiendas.

There are ten Franciscan houses in this province, besides the convent
of the city, with eleven priests and eight brothers in all. There
are two more ecclesiastics in two districts, not counting the curate
of the city. Twenty more priests are necessary. The faith has had an
excellent opening in this province of Camarines, and the preaching
of the gospel has shed its rays far and wide therein. The natives
are especially inclined to the sacrament of Penitence; and it is a
thing to marvel at, to see the churches continually filled, especially
during Lent, with people asking confession.

The people of this province are simple and well disposed. Their
country is delightful in its location, being healthful and very
beautiful. The chase yields many wild hogs, deer, and buffaloes;
and there are many birds, such as hens, ducks of many varieties, the
smaller birds, and many others. There is a river where fish abound
in great plenty, especially swordfish, and many black shellfish,
the latter being gathered at the river. There is much fine scenery
in this province, and it contains many springs and rivers of fresh,
clear water, on account of which there is always abundance of excellent
water in this province. Near the boundaries of the province are two
volcanoes of great size and remarkable beauty--one of fire, and the
other of water. [8] According to the report of the natives who have
climbed up to the volcano of water, there are many royal eagles there,
besides much white honey and wax, and fruits of various kinds.

The entire population of this province is in encomiendas, separated
two or three leagues, or even a less distance, from one another;
and all these encomiendas are contained within thirty leagues.

Besides this island of Luzon, there are many other inhabited islands,
situated close to it, within a circuit of one hundred leagues. There
are two more Spanish colonies--one the city of Nonbre de Jesus,
in Çebu; and the other the town of Arevalo, [9] in Oton.


_Concerning Cubu_

The city of Cubu has thirty citizens, among whom are quartered twenty
soldiers. These citizens are all encomenderos, and all married to
either Spanish or Indian women. Their encomiendas are located among
the neighboring islands, there being thirty-two encomiendas with
eighteen thousand tributarios. Here his Majesty possesses some few
little hamlets, in which but little tribute is collected, and the
natives of the city--who by special privilege pay no tribute, because
from the very first they received the Spaniards in a friendly manner,
furnishing the camp with provisions, and showing themselves loyal
on many occasions. This city has a church, with one vicar; and one
Augustinian monastery, containing three or four religious. In all
those encomiendas there is no other instruction. Three more priests
are necessary.

This city has a municipal council and alcaldes; and has a fortress
provided with three or four large pieces of artillery, and some
small ones, such as falcons and small culverins; and having its own
governor. This fort is located opposite Burney, the Malucos and
Mindanaos, and other infidel islands and kingdoms. This city has
one alcalde-mayor.


_The town of Arevalo_

The town of Arevalo is situated on the island of Oton [or Panay],
and has twenty citizens; they are encomenderos, and have thirty
soldiers quartered among them. The town has a municipal council,
alcaldes-in-ordinary, and one alcalde-mayor. In the islands near this
settlement there are twenty-two thousand tributarios; three thousand
of these are his Majesty's, and nineteen thousand are distributed
among eighteen encomiendas. There is one church and one vicar, and
one monastery with two Augustinians. Outside of the town, in certain
of the encomiendas, are four more houses of the same order. The five
houses contain ten priests. Three or four more are needed.

All of these islands, as well as those of the settlement of Çubu,
abound in flesh of wild hogs and birds; and in all the above-mentioned
places many fowls and swine are raised. Tribute is paid in gold,
cloth, wax, cotton thread, rice, and fowls, at a valuation based on
the peso of Tipuzque.

In addition to these islands and settlements, there are other
islands, namely, Marinduque, Luban, Mindoro, Elen, Calamianes, with
two thousand five hundred tributarios, besides a much greater number
still unpacified. None of them has any instruction, except Mindoro,
where his Majesty has five hundred Indians who are instructed. One
ecclesiastic in the islands of Calamianes collects the tribute,
in the name of his Majesty, from two hundred more. We hear of many
more who are still unpacified. The rest are in two encomiendas. Six
ecclesiastics are necessary.


_Summary of the Above Relation_

According to what is set forth in this relation, it is therefore
evident that there are one hundred and forty-six thousand, seven
hundred pacified tributarios in this island of Luzon and the other
islands of this government. Of this number his Majesty has twenty-eight
thousand seven hundred. The religious number fifty-four Augustinian
priests, and thirty-eight descalced Franciscan friars--all these
for this city and the instruction of the natives--with an additional
number of some ten ecclesiastics, in curacies and vicariates outside
of this city, as has been related. One hundred and ninety more priests
are necessary for the instruction of the said natives, which number
will furnish sufficient instruction, counting for each thousand
tributarios two religious--priests, friars, or ecclesiastics. These
thousand tributarios amount to somewhat less than four thousand
people. It is quite certain that with adequate instruction, such
as is indicated in the foregoing, many people, not yet pacified,
will become so, and the number of tributarios in the above-named
provinces would be increased to two hundred thousand. For we have
heard that in the province of Cagayan there are many more people
besides those apportioned in encomiendas, as also in the islands of
[Ca]lamianes, Mindoro, Luban, and Elin, as well as in many other
islands included in the colonies of Oton and Çebu. In all of these
the Christian instruction and conversion would be extended through
the territories and provinces adjoining them, and the inhabitants
would be rendered obedient to his Majesty without the necessity of
arms and war; whereby God, our Lord, would be much pleased and these
kingdoms greatly extended. The fathers of the Society, comprising
but three priests and two brothers, reside in this city, where by
means of their teaching they produce the greatest results. They are
studying and learning the language of the natives and of the Chinese,
in order to work among them when more of their Society come hither--a
pressing necessity, for which your Majesty should provide.

(This relation, in its present sum and substance, was made by the
cabildo of this city, in order that it might be sent to Father
Alonso Sanchez, general agent for this city and these islands at
his Majesty's court. Made on the last of December, one thousand five
hundred and eighty-six.

This copy was made and transcribed, corrected, and collated with
another copy in my possession, among the papers of the cabildo in
Manila, on the twenty-first day of the month of June, one thousand five
hundred and eighty-eight, Francisco de Zarate and Alonso Maldonado
being witnesses. Therefore, in testimony of the above, I, Simon
Lopez, notary of the king, our master, and of the cabildo of this
distinguished and ever loyal city of Manila, do affix hereunto my seal.

In testimony of the truth:

_Simon Lopez_, notary of the cabildo)


[The following matter is added by Salazar:] In addition to the towns
named in this relation, I feel in duty bound to give your Majesty some
general information concerning certain islands which are named in
it without making particular mention of them; and concerning others
which are not mentioned at all, which are very important, and have
a large population.

The town of Arevalo, of which mention is made above, was founded
in the island of Panay, which is one of the best islands of this
archipelago. This island is one hundred leagues in circuit, and is
well populated. The Augustinian friars had charge of it when the
relation was written; but they abandoned it about six months ago,
on account of having an insufficient number of friars for their houses.

Next to this island, at a league's distance, is the island of Ymaras,
which is apportioned among encomenderos. It is about twenty leagues in
circumference, and has six hundred tributarios. Instruction has never
been furnished it, although some Augustinian friars have visited it
at times.

Next this island of Ymaras, at three leagues' distance toward the
south, is situated the island called Negros. It is much larger
than Panay, but not so densely populated. It had two Augustinian
monasteries, but they were abandoned more than five years ago, and
the baptized Christians were left without instruction. The island is
without instruction now, and the baptized Christians have returned
to their idolatries.

The island of Bantayan is small and densely populated. It has more than
eight hundred tributarios, most of them Christians. The Augustinians
who had them in charge have abandoned them also, and they are now
without instruction. This island is twenty leagues from Zubu.


_The island of Leyte_

The island of Leyte is thirty leagues south of Cubu. It is one of the
most excellent islands of this bishopric, and produces much food. It
has sixteen or eighteen encomenderos, and fifteen or sixteen thousand
tributarios. It has never had, and has not now, any instruction.


_Island of Bohol_

The island of Bohol, situated near Çubu, is small and populated. It
has about six hundred tributarios.

The island of Mindanao is larger than that of Luzon, although it is
believed to be not so well populated. Much of it is apportioned among
Spaniards, and some of the natives pay tribute. For three years, the
preachers of Mahoma have come into the regions hereabout, coming from
Burney to Terrenate. We have heard that there are some Moros from Méca
among them. The law of Mahoma is preached publicly at the very river
of Mindanao, and mosques have been built and are being built. And it
is to the shame of Christianity there that it does not hasten to drive
these preachers from that region, since the inhabitants are vassals
of your Majesty, and have rendered your Majesty obedience for a long
time. The galleons sailing from India to Maluco know that island,
and obtain water and provisions there. Fifty leagues from this island
of Mindanao lies the island of Jolo, which has been given over to
encomenderos these many years. It is an island where many pearls are
found, and where elephants are reared. The inhabitants have a king of
their own, who is a relative of the monarch of Terrenate. Neither in
this island nor in that of Mindanao is there much Christian teaching;
nor can there ever be, unless the people are pacified.

The island of Ybabao, situated between this island of Luzon and that
of Cubu, is quite large, but does not contain many inhabitants. It
has a few encomenderos, is not yet entirely pacified, and has never
had any instruction. The island of Catanduanes is excellent and well
populated; it lies next to Camarines. There are four encomiendas
on it; it contains about three thousand tributarios, who up to the
present time have never had any Christian teaching. The island of
Marinduque, lying about three leagues from this island, is divided
into encomiendas. It has about eight hundred tributarios, who have
never been instructed in the faith. From this island to the strait
called Espiritu Sancto, many small islands are scatered--namely,
Masbate, Capul, Burias, Banton, Conblon, Simara, Sibuyan, the island
of Tablas, and many others--of which, because of their small size and
scanty population, no mention is made, although all are apportioned
into encomiendas and tribute is collected in them every year. They
have no Christian teaching, nor hope of any.

Eighteen or twenty leagues west of the island of Panay, is located an
exceeding fine and well-populated island, called Cuyo; it is very low
and small. Together with seven small islands near by, it contains one
thousand two hundred tributarios. Its inhabitants are rich, and the
principal men live very well. The people of Burney have intercourse
with this island, and we suspect that they preach here the law of
Mahoma, although not so publicly as in Mindanao. Many goats, pheasants,
and fowls of larger size than those of this region, are reared in
this island. Its encomendero goes thither each year in the months
of February and March for the purpose of collecting his tributes,
and, this done, returns to his home in the island of Panay. No other
communication is held with this island. It has no instruction now,
and has never had any.

Lying between the islands of Mindoro and Burney are a number of
islands called the Calamianes. They are scantily populated, and are
under his Majesty's control. Great quantities of wax are collected
therein. Their inhabitants pay tribute also to the people of Burney,
because the Spaniards do not trouble themselves about them further
than to collect the tribute, leaving them to whomsoever may come
from Burney to rob them. They have never had any Christian teaching,
nor is there hope of any speedily, because they are few in number
and widely scattered.

The island of Mindoro is situated twenty-five leagues southwest of this
city. From the nearest coast of this island [Luzón] the distance to
Mindoro is about six leagues. This island of Mindoro is sixty leagues
in circumference. It contains more than five thousand families, of whom
two thousand pay tribute and are pacified. The remainder, for lack
of men to subdue them, neglect to pay their tribute. Augustinian and
Franciscan friars have been in this district, but all have abandoned
it. There is at present one ecclesiastic there, who has the care of
about one thousand Christianized tributarios. All of the remainder
of the inhabitants are infidels, and without instruction.

Next to the island of Mindoro, and in the direction of this city, lies
the small island of Luban, with about five hundred tributarios. Its
inhabitants are well disposed, and have asked me many times for
Christian teaching; but, for lack of ministers to send to them,
they cannot have it.

This is the most trustworthy relation that your Majesty can have, in
order that your Majesty may see clearly the great need for ministers
who shall labor for the conversion of these infidels, and for the
preservation of those who have already received the faith, but are
falling back into their idolatrous practices, because they have been
abandoned by those who baptized them. Many of the islands named in
this relation I have visited personally, and concerning the others
I have been informed by those familiar with them; and, although it
is not possible to know the exact truth, I have tried to ascertain
it as nearly as I could. All of these islands are included in your
Majesty's kingdom; all pay tribute, and in sufficient quantities
to entitle them to receive instruction. Since your Majesty has in
your dominions so many and so excellent religious and ecclesiastics,
who, if your Majesty give the order, will prepare to come hither,
may your Majesty feel so strongly the ills of this land and its lack
of religious workers, that you will order to come hither as many as
are needed for the salvation of the great number of souls who are
perishing here for want of religious teaching. Your Majesty should
understand that, when we speak of such an island or town having so
many tributarios, we mean married men, or two single men who make one
whole tribute; so that when there are one thousand tributarios, it
follows that there must be two thousand persons. And it will happen
most frequently that the number will reach three or four thousand,
counting one or two children to each household. From the foregoing
your Majesty will realize clearly the countless number of souls under
your Majesty's charge, and who are waiting for your Majesty to provide
them with ministers of religion, in order that they may be drawn out
of their present darkness, and placed on the pathway of salvation. At
Manila, June twenty-fifth, 1585 [sic; should be 1588].




Letter from Vera to Felipe II


Sire:

In the past year of 87, I sent your Majesty an account of the
condition of this land, by the usual route, and also one by way of
India. As the voyage is so uncertain and dangerous, another duplicate
is sent herewith; and I beg your Majesty to have it examined, as it
is important for your service.

On the twenty-seventh of February of this year, I had news from the
Pintados Islands that, on the seventh of the said month, at one of
the islands about eighty leagues south of Luçon, an English ship had
been seen. With their small boat they had seized a Spanish sailor
who was coasting along carelessly in a small bark. He did not flee
from the enemy, as he took them to be Spaniards and friends; for it
is unusual for ships from England to come here. Next day the English
learned that a galleon of your Majesty was being built in the shipyard
of Caigoan on the island of Panay. An attempt was made to land troops
for the purpose, as is supposed, of burning it; but it was defended
by some carpenters and calkers who were working thereon. By this
it may be inferred that the enemy carried but a small force. After
this resistance, the enemy went to Mindanao, leaving on an islet in
their course the mariner whom they had taken prisoner. [10] From him
I ascertained the fresh destruction planned for this country. He
says that several Spaniards, who were his fellow-prisoners on the
English ship, told him that your Majesty's galleon "Santa Ana" had
been captured near California, a country on the mainland which is
continuous with Nueva España. The galleon left this port in June of
the past year, 87; and as no other ships but ours have ever been
sighted on this voyage, which is through so remote regions, they
have always sailed with little or no artillery, and with as little
fear from corsairs as if they were on the river of Sevilla. Thus
the English easily captured the galleon, plundered and burned it,
and hanged a canon of our church. The other persons were sent in a
small boat to land, where it is believed that some of them have died
of starvation and hardships. From this galleon there was plundered
a thousand marcos of registered gold, and there must have been as
large a sum unregistered; twenty-two and one-half arrobas of musk,
an abundance of civet, and many pearls, and the richest of silks and
brocades. At this capture, the enemy took with them [from the "Santa
Ana"] several skilful mariners and a pilot, to guide them to these
islands. The captive mariner knew these men, and in conversation with
them he learned what I have related. This ship left England with two
others, and plundered sixteen ships off the coast of Piru. One of the
three was lost; the remaining two captured the said galleon "Santa
Ana," and came to these islands. They were separated in a storm,
and only this one arrived. It brought about fifty men, most of them
pilots. This mariner noticed that this vessel carried twenty-five
pieces of bronze, and cast-iron artillery, and much ammunition. The
ship is small, of about one hundred and fifty toneladas, staunch
and well fitted. There is no doubt that they have plundered more
than a million [pesos'] worth of gold, pearls, musk, civet, and rich
merchandise, which all belonged in Nueva España. The Spaniards there
would have been diligent in pursuing this corsair; but, as I received
information so late, and the enemy only reconnoitered here, without
remaining at any place, to inform them would have done no good. I
sent word to Maluco, whither it seems the enemy directed his course,
to the captain-general and to the sea-captains who might be there
with their galleons; also to the petty kings friendly to your Majesty,
and to the fort at Ambueno--where, it is understood, this corsair is
going to spend the winter and repair his ship. Captain Francisco is
at an island of that archipelago called Jula, near either Macasar or
Japara. I advised the sending of a message to him, and the exercise
of diligence, as they have greater facility for obtaining news there
on account of the many ships which are usually near at hand. And
I advised them to follow the Englishman and ascertain where he was
going to winter; for it was impossible to return immediately to his
own country, because the weather began to be contrary. It would be
necessary to pass out through Sunda and other straits, of which the
Portuguese are warned; and there it would be easy to await him and cut
off his passage, as they hold him so closely. This account was given
by a sailor--a native of this land--who was seized in the galleon,
and carried away by the Englishman. He escaped at the mouth of the
channel of these islands, and I have kept him here with me. His
declarations accompany this letter.

The first time when this galleon "Sancta Ana" sailed from here, I sent
by her some artillery removed from your Majesty's forts, in order to
provide greater security. In Nueva España the artillery was taken out,
and the ship returned without it. I thought that if I sent more on the
ships, and it were taken out over there, the forts here would be in
need, while the ships would gain nothing. Understanding that there was
no danger from corsairs on the voyage, I sent the ships, as usual,
without artillery. Now that I have seen the need for artillery,
and the risk that they run, if it is not carried, I am sending
two ships this year, each with four heavy pieces of artillery, two
falcon guns, and arquebuses and other arms carried by the sailors and
passengers. I am collecting what metal I can find and making thereof
some pieces of ordnance with which to fill the place of those sent
from the said forts. The merchants are paying your Majesty the value
of the artillery, arms, and ammunition carried by one of the ships,
and I have loaned the price of those of the other. They will pay
this also in the coming year, and the ships will sail armed at the
account and cost of the merchants. I beseech your Majesty to command
the viceroy of Nueva España to have the artillery and arms returned
by the same ships; and that the pieces carried by the "Sancta Ana"
be returned to these forts, which greatly need them.

In another letter I have written to your Majesty about the general
fire in this city. The powder and military supplies were burned and
the artillery destroyed. Although I have had the pieces recast, using
the metal which was left, there are only twenty-five heavy pieces and
several lighter ones. This is but little artillery for the needs of
this land, for defense and the expeditions that are made. Some copper
mines have been discovered but although at first they seemed to be
very rich, on commencing to work them, it was found that the labor
was expensive and there was but little metal. Everything necessary
could be brought from Macan, if your Majesty were pleased to have
money sent from your royal treasury of Mexico for this purpose.

I have already written to your Majesty of the necessity that, for the
preservation of this land, the viceroy of Nueva España send annual
reenforcements of troops, arms, and ammunition. As this has not been
done for three years, the majority of the troops have died, and there
are now so few here, that if reenforcements are not supplied according
to the requests of the governor and officers of the royal exchequer,
great risk will be run, and what your Majesty has gained and preserved
at cost of such labors and expenses will be irretrievably lost. I
especially beg your Majesty to order such provision to be made that
so propitious a beginning be not lost, and the door closed which
has been opened by your Majesty for the conversion of so large and
powerful kingdoms with untold riches and innumerable inhabitants.

According to your Majesty's commands I had some galleys made in
these islands, and I have three at this port. They are of little use,
because of the lack of men skilled in managing and sailing with lateen
sails, and the scarcity of rowers. I have tried to keep up its crew by
hiring men; but the natives are so despicable a people that they are of
little use for this purpose, nor do they have sufficient strength for
rowing. On hearing the report of an arquebus they throw themselves on
the ground, and do not rise even at the lash. I have selected three
hundred Chinese, who are stronger, and who, if allowed liberty to
quit the work, and exemption from tribute, will bind themselves to
serve on the galleys. But although earnest endeavors have been made
to teach them, they row very badly, and have as little energy as the
natives of these islands have. They row in their own country with
a sort of oar which they call _lios lios_. By means of these the
galley moves very slowly, and therefore they may be of some benefit
among these islands. Better results would be obtained, however, if
instead of these galleys there were small ships of from sixty to a
hundred toneladas with which it is easier to navigate here. I inform
your Majesty thereof in order that provision may be made according
to the royal pleasure. As I have advised your Majesty, I have, in
anticipation of future contingencies, commenced a good stone fort
in this city, which will be entirely completed within a year. I have
levied taxes therefor upon the citizens and encomenderos; the Indian
tributarios have each paid one real, while one per cent has been
collected for two years on the coin brought from Nueva España. I am
sending to your Majesty the sketch and model of this fort; it is the
strongest which has been built in the Yndias, although it is not of
modern style. It was necessary to build it according to the condition
of the country; it is round in shape, high, and covered over so as to
be more capacious. The climate is so hot, the sun so fierce and the
rains so heavy, that if the soldiers who must defend the place were
not under cover they would perish from the heat, as would likewise
those who should undertake to erect the fort. The stone for the most of
the rampart is so suitable in quality that, wherever a ball strikes,
the wall remains unhurt, nor is any other injury inflicted. There
is no fear that an attack by a battery can do as much damage as if
the stone were hard and resisting. The balls cannot be fired so as
to strike, without great difficulty, as the fort is on the shore and
the country is perfectly level. Within there is fresh running water
in abundance; and in addition to that, wherever one digs, excellent
drinking water is found. It is impossible to undermine the fort,
because there is water around it, at a distance of one or two varas,
or even less in some places. The city is surrounded by water--the sea
on one side; on another the moat, which extends to the river; and, on
still another side, the river itself. Thus the city is on an island;
and, with the other bulwarks and the wooden fort, which I have had
repaired, this city is well defended, provided we had sufficient
troops and ammunition.

I received your Majesty's letter on the twenty-second of May of this
year; and, by a royal decree of the first of December of the year 86,
your Majesty orders me to act in accordance with my best judgment,
as your Majesty had understood that the auditors of this Audiencia
according to the present regulations, cannot visit the country out
of their turn. I will fulfil your Majesty's commands and will render
an account of all transactions.

By another royal decree of the nineteenth of August of said year,
your Majesty orders that, if it should appear necessary to me,
certain offices of notaries and magistrates in these islands should
be sold, under the condition that the persons who should be the
highest bidders should obtain confirmation of their title within
three years. These offices are of very little profit, and of none
at all in some places, as the land has been settled so recently,
and there are few inhabitants and little business therein. As it is
continually becoming more populous and well established, it would
be more advantageous to postpone the sale of these offices for some
years, until they shall be worth more. I will make the necessary
investigations, as your Majesty commands me, and will advise your
Majesty of the prices offered. If I find that for any of them I
can obtain its value in the future I will have it auctioned. In the
meantime I will make endeavors to have them sold for a price that
can be profitable to your Majesty's royal exchequer.

By another decree of the twenty-seventh of August of said year,
your Majesty orders me to give my opinion of the arms that are in
the fort of the city of Manila, and those that are needed. In three
forts which your Majesty has here, there are twenty-four heavy pieces,
two small ones, and some culverins, as will be seen below.

In the stone fort there are three swivel-guns, located in the three
casemates, of about twenty quintals' weight. On the first floor over
the rampart, there are seven heavy pieces, extra thick and strong at
the breech. Two are of about forty quintals' weight, three varas in
length and carry a ball of cast iron weighing sixteen libras. Two
others are of wrought iron, of sixty quintals' weight, three and
two-thirds varas in length, and carry a ball of cast iron weighing
fifteen libras. One cannon is of fifty-five quintals' weight, four and
one-third varas in length, and carries a ball of cast iron weighing
fourteen libras; one culverin, five and one-half varas in length,
weighs one hundred and one quintals one arroba, and carries a cast
iron ball weighing seventeen libras; another piece of thirty-five
quintals' weight, three varas in length, carries a cast iron ball
weighing twelve libras.

The fort at the point has one cannon weighing twenty-five quintals;
three small cannon [_sacres_], weighing twenty-two; and a half-sacre
weighing thirteen--the last, with its apparatus, being four varas
in length.

The cavalier of the beach has a piece, extra thick and strong at
the breech, of forty quintals' weight which carries a ball weighing
fifteen libras; and one half-sacre, of thirteen quintals' weight.

At the river there is a large swivel-gun with cross-bars, weighing
thirty quintals; one cannon weighing twenty-six quintals, one sacre
weighing twenty-two quintals, four half-sacres weighing thirteen or
fourteen quintals, and two _esmeriles_ [a small piece of ordnance]
weighing four or five quintals.

For the stone fort to be provided with artillery according to its
plan and embrasures, it is necessary to have twenty-five pieces,
three of them heavy, and twelve sacres and half-sacres.

The cavalier of the beach needs five pieces, two of them heavy,
and three sacres.

That at the point of the sea and the river needs six pieces--some
sacres, and two swivel-guns.

For the service of the ships and galleys there are needed four
cannon, six swivel-guns, six sacres, six half-sacres, and some small
culverins. Thus sixty pieces in all are necessary to provide the
city well with artillery for defense, as well as for the galleys
and ships of the fleet, and for the succor and pacification of all
these islands. There are only twenty-four needed, for there are now
thirty-six. In the shipyard there are now four sacres of twenty-two
quintals' weight, two of which have been cast, and the other two are
about to be cast. This class of arms is the best and most important for
this land these and the swivel-guns. This artillery could be provided,
and much more be made, for other of your Majesty's strongholds in these
islands and the Yndias, should your Majesty be pleased to have six or
eight thousand pesos sent annually from Mexico so that the metal could
be bought at Macao in China, as it is very plentiful and cheap there.

According to the commission of your Majesty, I have proceeded
against the royal officials in regard to their traffic and trade
in merchandise. By the convictions of guilt which have resulted
from the investigations and process of law, I have condemned the
guilty to pay fines to the exchequer. There seems to have been no
traffic with funds in the royal exchequer; or, if there were any,
no damage or injury to it has resulted. I am sending the testimony
of the sentences and proceedings to your Majesty's royal Council,
where your Majesty will order their examination, if such is your
pleasure. May God guard the Catholic person of your Majesty. Manila,
June twenty-sixth, of the year 1588.

The licentiate _Santiago de Vera_

[_Endorsed_: "Examined, with the other letter."]



Letter from Domingo de Salazar to Felipe II


Sire:

In a letter which your Majesty had written to me from Madrid, on the
eleventh of January of the year 87, I see the reprimand which your
Majesty gives me, on account of information that you had received that,
on certain occasions which had arisen, I had had controversies with the
royal Audiencia here; also that this has finally resulted in scandal
and comment in the town, and that there was fault on both sides. I
receive this reprimand as from my king and lord, but, although it
comes from him, it is very serious and is sufficient to cause much
pain; nevertheless, I have not allowed myself to feel hurt, since your
Majesty judges according to the information that you have received. He
who so informed your Majesty that I was made to appear guilty will
give account to God for his good or bad intention, since for my own
satisfaction the testimony of my conscience is all-sufficient. It is
well-known in the city, and outside of it, that if I had not entered
as mediator neither the president and auditors, nor the auditors
alone, would have had peace. It would not have been possible for me
to establish peace if there had not been friendly relations between
them and me. Since they were pacified through my intercession, peace
has lasted until now; and in order that this peace be lasting, and
that there be no occasion for violating it, I humbly beseech your
Majesty to be pleased to command the president and auditors not to
interfere with me in affairs which concern my privileges--since my
life is a very open one, a fact known to all. They have no cause for
complaint because I sat down in my own church on the gospel side;
for, besides my being the father and pastor of this state, and having
in charge the souls of the auditors, it is a very usual thing for
bishops and archbishops to seat themselves in that very place in the
presence of viceroys and presidents, without that act exciting any
surprise. For the sake of peace, I have overlooked the matter, and
have not again taken my seat in that place, hoping that your Majesty
would send commands concerning this and what ought to be done, since
it is not right that I should leave to my successors the disputes
and controversies with the Audiencia whereby results so much harm to
the commonwealth. It is of no less importance that the prelates be as
much respected by the people as are the audiencias. The latter make
themselves feared by the power which they hold; but if the prelates
are not favored by those who govern, they are speedily despised by
the people. Since your Majesty sees how important this matter is, may
it be your Majesty's pleasure not to leave us in controversies, but
to order that each shall do his duty without prejudice to the other.

The hardships and calamities sent by God to this land make me greatly
fear that we who live here have seriously offended Him. For I have
been here eight years, and not one year have I seen pass without the
happening of great calamities--loss of ships; death of the animals
which maintained us; hurricanes, called here _baguios_, which tear
up the trees by the roots and overthrow the houses completely, or
leave them so that they cannot be inhabited; and the general fire
of the year 83, of which your Majesty has been informed. Both before
and since that time, this city has been burned three or four times;
and now, as the last straw, the ship "Santa Ana," which left this
city last year, the richest ship to leave these islands, fell into
the hands of the Lutherans. With that loss, and also that of the ship
"Sant Juan" the year before, which likewise was laden with goods from
this country, some of the citizens of these islands are totally ruined,
and others have suffered so heavy losses that it will be long ere,
with much difficulty, they regain their former state.

It is very evident, and can be denied by no one, that the loss of
that particular ship was ordained by God; for, three days before
it reached the coast [of California], another ship--from Macao,
bound for Mexico--passed the same place and was not sighted by the
Lutherans. When news was received in Piru of the coming of this pirate,
the viceroy sent in pursuit of them a good fleet, with many soldiers
and ammunition sufficient to engage an equal or greater number. When
they came to the port of Acapulco, supplies were needed; and they
requested these from the purveyor who had them in your Majesty's
warehouses. He was unwilling to give them; and they even say that an
order was given to detain some pack-teams which brought biscuits, so
that the captain of the fleet from Peru could not take them. Thus they
say that, as it was not desired to supply them with provisions, and
because Doctor Palacios [11] became dictatorial in regard to several
points, they returned to Piru; while the Lutheran remained free to
attack and capture, as he did. So great was our misfortune that, at the
time when the two captains were debating as to who should take command,
the pirate was near Puerto de la Navidad, which is not very far from
Acapulco, repairing his ships. Had they attacked him, it would have
been impossible for him to escape; but God chose to blind our men,
so that we might be punished by this pirate. The punishment of God
did not stop here; for, having set fire to the ship "Santa Ana," they
left it half burnt, set sail, and came to these islands. With more than
human courage, they passed through the midst of them with a ship of one
hundred toneladas, where the natives venture with trembling in very
light boats; but this infidel dared not only to come into our midst,
but to collect tributes from your Majesty's vassals. A Spaniard was
captured, and after having told him what they wished him to say to us,
they put him ashore. What they said was in boast that they had left
the coasts of Peru and Nueva España utterly ruined; and that they had
robbed and burned the ship "Santa Ana," and hanged a canon who was
on his way from this city to Mexico. In testimony of his prowess and
our misfortune he displayed the silks, brocades, and cloths of gold
which he had seized as plunder. Not content with this, he went away
threatening us that he is to return soon to drive us all hence, and
to destroy the nest that we have made here--meaning thereby the stone
fortress built here. The grief that afflicts me is not because this
barbarian infidel has robbed us of the ship "Santa Ana," and destroyed
thereby the property of almost all the citizens; but because an English
youth of about twenty-two years, with a wretched little vessel of
a hundred toneladas and forty or fifty companions, should dare to
come to my own place of residence, defy us, and boast of the damage
that he had wrought. As your Majesty has here an army of captains,
who, as I understand, are certainly as many as the companions of the
Lutheran, he went from our midst laughing, without anyone molesting
or troubling him; neither has he felt that the Spaniards are in this
land to any purpose. In this matter, I do not care to blame anyone,
because I understand that the governor did his duty--although I was
always of the opinion that the pirate should be pursued and that the
result thereof would not be so bad as some say. The belief here,
however, is that God is chastising us for our sins, and is making
us the laughing-stock of other nations, who have all hitherto stood
in such fear of us. I must explain to your Majesty two other points
bearing on this subject, although it detains me somewhat, as I consider
that I do thereby a very great service. The first is the failure of
the expedition to Maluco. We all had been certain that with fewer men
and less equipment than there actually were, the king of Terrenate
could be subdued; but, quite to the contrary, our men came back as
if fleeing from an unknown foe. The Indians of this archipelago,
who feared us, now laugh; and, together with those of Terrenate,
threaten us. The second point is that in the island of Mindanao,
which is subject to your Majesty, and for many years has paid you
tribute, the law of Mahoma has been publicly proclaimed, for somewhat
more than three years, by preachers from Burney and Terrenate who
have come there--some of them even, it is believed, having come from
Meca. They have erected and are now building mosques, and the boys
are being circumcised, and there is a school where they are taught the
Alcoran. I was promptly informed of this, and urged the president to
supply a remedy therefor at once, in order that that pestilential fire
should not spread in these islands. I could not persuade them to go,
and thus the hatred of Christianity is there; and we are striving no
more to remedy this than if the matter did not concern us. Such are
the calamities and miseries to which we have come, and the punishments
which God inflicts upon us. The reason for it, He only knows; but,
as I infer and fear, it is because we have ill acquitted ourselves
in this land, where it is so needful that we be upright and furnish
good examples. I have written to your Majesty on this point at other
times; and I think that either my letters are not read, or what I
say is not credited. I assure your Majesty that I have never written
anything which is not true, and free from all outward influence,
or self-interest, or human considerations; but I have only done my
duty. The temporal affairs of this land are in the condition which I
have related to your Majesty; and I consider that there will never be
improvement, since cupidity is increasing so immeasurably that neither
the punishments of God nor the threats of men are effectual to produce
any moderation, nor do the manifold outrages cease to be felt.

The spiritual state, which is my concern, is in the sorriest condition,
because there is no more respect for the things of God than if we
were not Christians. I refer to the Indians and their instruction; and
because entering on this subject is like embarking on a bottomless sea,
I have determined to send to your Majesty a relation of the islands and
towns of this bishopric which are without instruction, in order that
your Majesty's conscience may be relieved by commanding that the remedy
be applied. Therefore I shall now proceed with the said relation.

The cause of ruin in these islands--which is very menacing, although
it is not declared in España--is that both the villages of your
Majesty and those of encomenderos are places where the curacy is so
ill-supplied with chalices and ornaments that it is a shame to see
them. Many of the churches are so indecent that when I visited them,
from pure shame I was obliged to command that they be torn down; they
were not fit to be entered by horses. There are two principal causes
for this: the first is that the encomenderos are penurious and allow
little for the proper ornamentation of the church; and the second,
that some or the majority of the encomiendas are so small that they do
not suffice to support their encomenderos, who thus cannot attend to
matters of divine worship. Consequently, the natives come to regard
the things of God as of little worth, and have little esteem for our
faith and the Christian religion, seeing that we who profess to be
Christians pay so little attention to them. Moreover, the natives of
these islands are so harassed and afflicted with public and private
undertakings, that they are not able to take breath; nor do they have
time to observe the instruction, and hold it of so little account that
when they lack for anything, it must be in the instruction and not in
temporal affairs. I cannot picture to your Majesty, nor declare what
I feel in my heart about this matter. Moreover, I am very sure that
all the chastisements given us by God, the hardships, misfortunes, and
calamities sent us, all are because of evil treatment of the Indians
and the little heed taken for the principal reason for our coming--that
is, their conversion and protection. The remedy therefor is not that
your Majesty send decrees and orders charging good treatment of the
Indians, as in the letters which have already been received here; but
that a number of the best religious be sent. They can deal with these
natives, and defend them from the labors imposed by the Spaniards,
and from the outrages that they inflict upon them. Again, it is of
even more importance that, if your Majesty, as is rumored here, is
to send hither a governor or president, he be a man free from all
human interests, whose head could not be turned by the great gains
in this country. He should not be married, nor should he bring with
him relatives or followers for whom to provide. For under any one of
the aforesaid conditions it is impossible to avoid the destruction of
this country, beyond the power of your Majesty to remedy it. I have
written this to your Majesty several times before, and now I repeat it,
since it is the most necessary thing for the betterment of this land,
which would be surely destroyed by its lack.

Of the viceroy of Nueva España, so many things are said in this
country, that if but one-tenth of them were true, it is impossible
for your Majesty to know them and fail to correct them. This is
another of the heavy afflictions that God has sent upon this land,
for even the severity which has been shown by him to those who
go from here is alone sufficient to make this land desolate. No
consideration is given to the fact that the citizens and soldiers
thereof serve your Majesty with the same hardships and loyalty with
which other men have served their king. Nevertheless, there is no
lack of persons to inform your Majesty thereof, since the loss of
temporal things is always felt more than the spiritual. I leave it
to be described by those who have felt the hurt, since it does not
concern me in any way, except the regret that I feel for the damage
done to my neighbors; for my enterprises and traffic are to remedy
the needs of the poor, and to defend and help the natives of these
islands, who have much need thereof. The complaint that I make of the
viceroy of Nueva España is that he has not allowed more than fifteen
Dominican friars to come here, although your Majesty sent to Mexico
forty of them. This is the greatest damage that the viceroy could do
to this country, as there is exceeding need of ministers of religion,
such as come now. If the fifteen were five hundred, the evils of the
country would be corrected, and the conscience of your Majesty quite
at ease. It is such men that your Majesty should order to come here,
and you should refuse to permit those to come who will do more harm
than good. Likewise your Majesty should order the generals of the
orders of St. Francis and St. Augustine to send hither visitors,
who are most necessary. Those of St. Augustine are to be preferred,
however, as the friars of St. Francis are more retired from the world.

I wrote to your Majesty, via Malaca, of what had happened with the
religious in regard to the observance of the royal decrees treating
of the instruction of the Indians by the religious. As the licentiate
Ayala, fiscal of the royal Audiencia here, sent the records concerning
the subject, I shall but mention and not refer to them at length.

At other times I have written to your Majesty explaining the
impossibility of a bishop being able to govern all the bishopric which
I have now. For this island of Luçon it is necessary to have two or
even three bishops--that is to say, I humbly beseech your Majesty to
be pleased to provide for the Pintados Islands a bishop with his seat
in the city of Çubu. By the relation which I am sending, your Majesty
will see that two bishops are not sufficient. I declare to your Majesty
that in that case the royal conscience would not be at ease nor would
mine; and I dare not leave it unsaid, for fear of my peace of mind.

As I have said before, I had determined to write nothing whatever in
detail concerning the damages that the viceroy of Nueva España had
done to these kingdoms. It seems to me that your Majesty will have had
advices thereof, and will have ordered a means of correction. Moreover,
as many are interested and have grievances, there will be no lack of
a person to advise your Majesty thereof. Nevertheless, I have since
thought that I neglect my duty in failing to send a testimonial to
your Majesty which was forwarded to this city from Lope de Palacios,
captain of the ship "Sant Martin," which went to China. He sent
to this city, asking that he be granted permission to leave Macao,
because he feared that they were about to kill him in order to gain
possession of his property. I am the only person who can send this
memorial to your Majesty, as Lope de Palacios sent it to this city
with much secrecy, and in the same manner was it given to me. I
discussed the matter with the president, saying that we should send
for the captain as if the idea were our own and he had not requested
it--employing so great secrecy, so that the Portuguese who were here
would not learn of it; for the same Lope de Palacios had declared that
he would be certainly put to death if they knew that he was trying
to come here. Nevertheless, the request to send for him was in vain,
and I was moved to forward this testimonial to your Majesty. It states
therein the great harm done by the viceroy in sending the ship "San
Martin" to Macao. As the same person who went to learn the damage gives
testimony thereof, no witness more worthy of credit can be entered in
the cause. I am also writing to the viceroy of Nueva España in regard
to the injuries which he wrought on these kingdoms by despatching
the ship "San Martin" to China--although God supplied the remedy,
by the loss of the same ship. I tell him that if that ship had been
sent to this city a more prosperous voyage would have been made than
the investors could have expected, for so many Chinese merchants came
this year to this city, that the merchandise was worth nothing; and
if the ship "San Martin" had come here a satisfactory and cheap cargo
could have been obtained, perhaps even in greater quantity than at
Macao. Instead of damaging this city, those persons would have been
enriched, who on account of greed were unable to see the damage done
to all of us. Thus God has punished them all, by depriving them of
that profit the desire for which had blinded them to their duty.

They also say that the ship "Sant Ana" was sold for thirty thousand
pesos and ordered to make a voyage to Macao. These proceedings also
were put to confusion by God, through means which have cost us dearly,
namely the loss, of that vessel. It can be said that if it had been
at Macao somewhat less damage would have been done to these islands
than in the burning of the ship by the Englishman. As I wrote to
your Majesty, via Malaca, for ships to go from Mexico to Macao is
to destroy both those kingdoms and these, since the Chinese raise
the prices of their merchandise to such an extent that Portuguese
and Castilians cannot live. May your Majesty be pleased to order
the viceroy to hold these lands in somewhat higher estimation,
since your Majesty considers them (and justly so) worthy of constant
attention. Ever since the viceroy came to Mexico, he has not sent to
this country any troops (except exiles or criminals), or ammunition,
or the customary supplies for this camp, as wine, flour, and other
articles; he has so reduced everything that there is great privation
here, and very little profit to your Majesty.

Your Majesty's governor and royal Audiencia in these islands look well
to the service of your Majesty and the good of this country. Will
your Majesty be pleased to order the viceroy of Nueva España,
present or future, not to disturb or change what may be decided by
them? not only in the customs duties, but in the price fixed for
each tonelada, and in the mode of registration. According to our
information, the viceroy has changed everything, greatly increasing
the taxes imposed here. The labors of the citizens in the service of
your Majesty in these islands should be sufficient without still more
severe requirements from Nueva España.

During the past year there was great confusion, which still continues,
about the goods which were brought to this city by your Majesty's
ships. The citizens claim that they ought to be preferred to the
merchants; and the merchants complain that, on account of the cargoes
of the citizens, their merchandise remained here. I understand that on
this point offenses' against God have been committed, and still more
serious damage may be done--some persons being ruined, as they have
no space in the cargoes for their property--unless it is checked by
your Majesty commanding what order must be followed in this affair. It
is of exceeding importance for the quiet and content of this city.

There are so many Chinese that come to this land that the islands
are full of them. Thereby follows much damage to the natives, as
the Chinese are a very vicious people, from intercourse with whom no
good but much harm can be gained. I have tried to have the governors
remedy the matter by commanding that all the Chinese be collected in
this city. I see no improvement, however; and it is of much importance
that this be corrected, for the temporal and spiritual good of these
lands. Will your Majesty be pleased to order that this be remedied
by severe measures. May our Lord guard your Majesty many years for
the good of us who can do but little. At Manila, June 27, 1588.

_The Bishop of the Filipinas_




Documents of 1589



	Excerpt from a letter from the viceroy of India. [Manuel de
	Sousa Coutinho]; April 3. Letter to Felipe II. Santiago de
	Vera; July 13. Conspiracy against the Spaniards. Santiago de
	Vera, and others; May-July.
	Letter to Felipe II. [Gaspar] de Ayala; July 15. Decree
	regarding commerce. Felipe II; August 9. Instructions to
	Dasmariñas. Felipe II; August 9. Customs of the Tagalogs
	(two relations). Juan de Plasencia, O.S.F.: October 21.


_Sources_: All but the fifth and the last of these documents are
obtained from MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias. The decree
of August 9 is taken from the "Cedulario Indico" in the Archivo
Historico Nacional, Madrid; and Plasencia's accounts of the Tagalogs,
from Santa Inés's Crónica, ii, pp. 592-603.

_Translations_: The first of these documents is translated by Arthur
B. Myrick, of Harvard University; the second and fourth are by José
M. and Clara M. Asensio; the third and fifth, by Alfonso de Salvio,
of Harvard University; the sixth, by James A. Robertson; the seventh,
by Frederic W. Morrison, of Harvard University.




Excerpt of a Letter from the Viceroy of India


One of the things that have seemed most surprising in Don Juan de Gama
is the following. When decrees were published by order of the viceroy;
Don Duarte, [12] in your Majesty's name, prohibiting navigation to
China and Luçoens [Luzón], which he [Juan de Gama] as captain-general
should have executed, he did the contrary. Jheronimo Pereira, captain
of the expedition to Japon, had already done likewise; thus those in
authority, who were under obligation to execute your Majesty's laws
and commands, were the first to break them, to the great scandal
of all. Therefore, as soon as possible, I ordered a remedy for such
disorders. For this purpose I appointed certain chief magistrates,
who excused themselves, either through fear of Don Juan or dread of
the sea. Things came to such a pass that, it was necessary to send by
schooner, outside the monsoon season, the licentiate Ruy Machado who
came from the kingdom this year, and who had been appointed to that
auditorship; his adjutant was Ynacio Nuñez de Mancelos, the captain of
the said vessel. The latter had a few soldiers, and is also to remain
as captain of the city, since an order for the voyage will not have
arrived from India. I think that these two vessels will suffice in
every respect for this matter, both to extend the voyage for Don Juan,
and to quiet various disturbances arising in the country, on account
of the navigation from Nueva España. I also hope that everything will
turn out well, and that your Majesty will bestow upon him great favor
and honor for this service alone. Among the despatches brought by the
auditor is a decree ordering, the embarcation for India and Luçoens of
all Castilians, both religious and secular, so that only the original
Portuguese citizens shall remain in Machao. That will do away with
any further occasion for vessels to go there from Nueva España. From
this last has resulted great injury to your Majesty's vassals in these
regions, to the royal exchequer, and religion itself. Peradventure
the Castilians were the cause of again closing the door to the
preaching of the gospel, being moved by indiscreet eagerness or too
much solicitude. They are so unrestrained in this particular, that, by
trading in China without your Majesty's permission, they are the first
who broke your decrees, under pretense of religion itself. No easier
remedy can be applied than preventing them from entering this trade,
which your Majesty should have for the advantage of your own service.

We might describe here the great inconveniences and hindrances to your
Majesty from a longer continuance of this navigation. But since this
letter will, be despatched by land, and the viceroy Don Duarte has
described these matters so fully, I refrain from doing so here. I say
only that, even if there were no other reason than not opening the
way to the English and other nations to resort to those regions (as
they did last year and this) that alone would be sufficient reason
to stop this intercourse entirely. The Englishman Don Thomas, who
came to these regions lately, has caused us much anxiety here. For
this reason the people of India are very confident that your Majesty
will order assistance in this case and apply the fitting remedy,
for the common good of these states and that of your service.

Don Thomas, the Englishman, sailed from England with three ships in
the year 87. Entering the straits of Magallanes, he sailed to the
South Seas. Having made some prizes of large and small vessels, he
loaded two of his own vessels and sent them to that kingdom [England]
by the same route. Nearing the Philipinas, he took his course to
Java, and entered the port of Balambuao in Java itself. At that
time two Portuguese were at that port, who came immediately to the
ship thinking it was from India. The Englishman received them well,
and gave them some church ornaments and other valuable articles,
together with a letter for the bishop of Malaca and another for the
captain, the substance of which was, that he had come to explore
those regions. From the questions asked these men by the auditor of
Malaca, it was ascertained that the purpose of their coming was none
other than trade, exploration, and prizes. He asked particularly about
Achen, the straits of Meca and Malaca, and their fortifications. It is
thought that this Englishman came especially to explore the channels
of Bale, whence these men said that he would sail in March of this
year to the island of Sant Lorenzo, from which place he would lay
his course to the island of Santa Helena, following the course taken
by the Portuguese vessels. Pray God he come not hither again, as an
example for the daring of others--although the interest they have in
doing so is so great, that I fear this navigation cannot be stopped
without much trouble, and the prohibition of navigation by Castilians
and Portuguese to Nueva España. A blockade will be established again,
so that foreign nations will not undertake this navigation. On this
account alone, it seems to me that this navigation should always be
rigorously prohibited.




Letter from Santiago de Vera to Felipe II


Sire:

This past year of eighty-eight I gave an account to your Majesty of
the condition of this land. As the voyage is so full of sea-perils
and danger from corsairs, and it is difficult for the despatches
to reach the hands of your Majesty, the duplicate of that letter
accompanies this. Therein is declared the extreme need of the islands
for reënforcements of troops and necessary supplies for the camp,
and other things, of which I gave an account to your Majesty. They
are most important to the royal service and the preservation of
this land. I beseech your Majesty to have provision made with all
possible expedition.

A small ship leaving this port for the city of Malaca carried two
descalced religious of the order of St. Francis. As the king of Burney
was at peace with us, they stopped at the port of Mohala which is
two leagues from Burney. They visited the king, to whom they gave
my letters, and were well received by him. He commanded houses to be
given them and everything necessary to assure their sustenance. One
night many people of that kingdom attacked them, among whom, it
is said, there were a brother and other kinsmen of the king. They
killed three Spaniards, among them one of the religious, and robbed
them of all their possessions. From those who escaped I learned that
the assaulting party were people well known in Burney, and that the
spoils were sold publicly in that city. Some articles were seen in
the possession of the king's kinsmen. I learned that some chiefs of
these islands had intrigued with that people to secure their aid;
and that they had plotted together to do this, and had agreed to bring
Burney and the kings of Jolo and of Mindanao, and many other foreigners
against this city, in order to rob and kill us. As there was a Japanese
ship here, they conferred with the captain, and with people who came
from that land, all Japanese, proposing that the latter should aid
them with what they had, and with supplies and everything necessary,
and thus deliver to them this land, in accordance with the plan and
arrangements previously agreed upon. So well did they keep this secret,
during fifteen months while they were awaiting a favorable opportunity,
that they were not even suspected by myself, or the religious, or any
other person. To accomplish their design, they despatched the chiefs
of these islands to Burney, and to the other kingdoms three chiefs of
their number. They wrote to Japon, so that, at the appointed time,
all would come; and all were given orders as to what they were to
do. I made secret investigations, and found out that all the aforesaid
was true; and in a short time I had in my hands the guilty ones who
were in these islands, and also those who had gone away after the
death of the people, so that none remained uncaptured. Without any
disturbance whatever, I beheaded seven of the authors of the rebellion,
sons, nephews, and grandsons of the lords of this land. Others not so
culpable I punished by exile to Nueva España and by other penalties,
so that it now seems that this disturbance is quelled. After that,
in the province of Cubu and in that called the Pintados, the chiefs
held a conference, and plotted to kill the Spaniards. The majority of
those who took part in this have been imprisoned, and proceedings are
being instituted against them. I think that this will cause us but
little trouble. This boldness is caused by the natives noticing the
fewness of Spanish troops in the islands and the few reënforcements
sent from Nueva España. It is necessary that your Majesty should
order that there be less negligence in this respect.

By a royal decree your Majesty commands me to sell the magistracies
of this city and four offices of notaries-public therein; also those
of the provinces of Oton, Cebu, Camarines, Ylocos, Cagayan, Panpanga,
and Bonbon. As the land is so newly settled, and the offices of so
little profit, I wrote to your Majesty that, in my opinion, it was
not time to dispose of them, and that they would bring but little if
offered at auction; but that, if anyone would buy them at a reasonable
price, I would sell them. This I did, and in order to enhance their
value at the sale, I announced that the offices could be renounced and
sold by paying to your Majesty the third part of the price they were
worth. As the offices of notary have been sold, will your Majesty
be pleased to provide that this condition be observed; or, if not,
that the price be returned to them and the offices be sold without
this condition--as the perquisites and influence of these offices are
held in such esteem in this land, that they have risen to very good
prices. The bids for the first of the magistracies that were commanded
to be sold closed at one thousand two hundred and fifty-one pesos;
and for the second, third, fourth, and fifth, at two thousand eight
hundred. The four offices of notary-public of this city brought two
thousand eight hundred and eighty pesos, at seven hundred and twenty
pesos each. That of the province of Panpanga brought one thousand;
of Oton, one thousand six hundred and twenty; that of the city and
province of Cubu, five hundred and sixty; of Ylocos, three hundred
pesos; and that of Bombon, two hundred and sixty-two pesos. The other
magistracies and offices of notary-public which were offered at auction
did not bring so high a price, as the stubbornness and competitions
which had caused the offices to rise so in value had ceased. For
this reason the remaining magistracies and offices of notary-public
have not been sold. I shall give an account to your Majesty, later,
of whatever is done with regard to them, and the sum they bring will
be placed in the royal treasury as soon as it is collected. [_Marginal
note_: "Write to the governor that, in what refers to the offices of
regidor, it is not expedient that there be the condition permitting
them to renounce the offices. The sales must be made in the usual
way. As regards the notarial offices, what has been done is approved."]

On this route to Nueva España your Majesty has four ships, and the
new one that has just been finished, and which makes the voyage this
year. Of these, the viceroy of Nueva España sold the ship "San Martin,"
to make the voyage to Macan, where it was wrecked and burned by the
Chinese. Another was taken by the English corsair, as I reported to
your Majesty; and but now when another, in the port of this city,
was ready to make the voyage, so great a hurricane burst on this and
many other Spanish and Chinese ships that only a small boat was left
unwrecked. Of the two remaining, only one is available; the other
cannot be used, as it is so old. Understanding the great need there
was of ships, I had a large galleon of six hundred toneladas, which
had been built in the Pintados Islands, placed in the shipyards of
your Majesty, for the above-named route. God willing, it may sail in
the year ninety-one. I have given orders for private persons to make
two other ships of less tonnage. One is already finished, and both
will be able to sail next year. It is most important that there be
for this navigation plenty of ships, both for the emergencies of war
which may arise, and for the preservation of these islands, which are
supported by trade. If, as I have suggested several times before, your
Majesty were pleased to have about ten thousand pesos sent annually
from Nueva España, two ships of good capacity can be launched very
easily, without harassing the natives in any way--and with this
help, at even less than a third of the cost elsewhere. Otherwise,
there is no way to bring it about. Your Majesty will signify your
royal pleasure in this. [_Marginal note_: "Write to the governor to
proceed with and carry out this plan, and to give orders for private
persons to build ships."]

For the ships sailing between these islands and Nueva España,
and to other places which may be found, sailors are much needed,
to navigate them and to remain here to look after them; also
carpenters and calkers who must reside here to repair them. They
should be paid in Nueva España as this treasury is too poor. As the
money for their wages must be sent, sometimes it is not brought,
and at other times it is lost, thereby causing the sailors to die of
starvation. Therefore the sailors serve half-heartedly, and desert;
and there is great negligence in the despatch of the fleets. The only
remedy for both these evils is from the exchequer of your Majesty. If
it is to be spent therefor, it would be best for your Majesty to have
the amount of the freight-charges on the property sent from these
islands in the said ships granted annually to this royal treasury
up to the sum of three thousand pesos. Thus the needs here will be
met without taking from the treasury of Mexico. [_Marginal note_:
"A decree in accordance herewith. Meanwhile order shall not be given
that the ships of this line shall sail at his Majesty's cost."]

I have already reported to your Majesty the removal from these forts
of a quantity of artillery, for the security of the two ships which
I despatched to Nueva España last year, eighty-eight. That carried by
one of the ships is paid for by the merchants, as well as the powder,
arms, and ammunition; and that on the other was at your Majesty's
expense. Part of the money received I sent to the kingdom of China
in order to buy what metal could be obtained. Thence they brought
me one hundred and twenty-five picos [13] (about five arrobas) of
copper, at thirteen pesos and eight rreals. With this artillery is
being cast; to take the place of the pieces carried by the ships,
I had others cast from the metal which I had here. The results are
very good. Bronze is so cheap in China, and so easy to transport
and cast in this country, that, if your Majesty will have money
sent hither from Nueva España for this purpose, artillery could
be provided in this country both for Nueva España and Piru. Will
your Majesty signify the royal pleasure in this. [_Marginal note_:
"Write to the viceroy of Nueva España that this seems expedient, and
that he may send money to the governor, in order that some artillery
may be made there, both for Nueva España and Peru. Advice as to what
is needed must be given to the viceroy of Peru."]

The trade with the Chinese is continually increasing in these
islands. About four thousand men of that land are here as a general
rule, including merchants and workmen. These become citizens and settle
in the alcaiceria [silk-market] of this city. In the surrounding
villages there are also a large number of Chinese. Their houses are
being rapidly built of stone, according to the Spanish custom. They
are very strong, large and imposing in appearance. In two or three
years, God willing, all the buildings will be erected, as also the
cathedral church, the monasteries, and other churches. They are being
built very substantially and some are already finished. The materials
are so good and the workmen, both Chinese and natives, so numerous,
that everyone is encouraged to build the houses in this manner. But
it is a melancholy fact (for it all is like an empty purse, or an
inn without a guest) that the land is unhealthful, and there are no
doctors or medicines; and so there is great lack of troops, and of
men for the usual work of guard and sentinel-duty, and for expeditions
to carry succor to the settlements and to pacify the uprisings of the
Indians. The soldiers are constantly dying and passing away, in such
number that I fear there will be no troops to defend the city from any
of the many enemies by whom we are surrounded. For the remedy thereof,
will your Majesty be pleased to have the viceroy of Nueva España send
the troops, arms, and ammunition which may be requested by the governor
of these islands, and also the medicines and supplies necessary for
the camp. It has been three years since we have had any kind of aid
whatever, and consequently we are in extreme necessity. I beseech
your Majesty, if you wish these islands to be preserved, that you will
expressly command the said viceroy to send reënforcements annually to
this camp, of two hundred men, with powder and ammunition; medicines,
and other supplies for the hospitals; and whatever the governor may
advise is necessary. I can assure your Majesty that if this succor
fail, everything else will fail also, and everything gained by your
Majesty at so great and excessive expenses, in order to start on the
way to heaven so many millions of souls who had been dominated by the
devil, will be lost. Thus will be closed the door of this new world
which has been opened by your Majesty. [_Marginal note_: "Write to
the governor that he continue the building. To Don Luis de Velasco,
that he observe this command, and aid the settlements."]

The fort which, as I had written to your Majesty, was being built, was
shaken, when about completed, in three places by great earthquakes. It
opened in one place more than a finger's breadth, although less in the
others. To assure its safety and construct it in the modern style,
although it was quite sufficiently strong before, I am constructing
cavaliers which are to serve as buttresses for it. The principal part,
that toward the sea, is finished; the other parts are commenced, and,
God helping, will soon be completed. These will make it so capacious
and strong that it can withstand any attack. I am sending the model,
report, and account herewith to your Majesty. _[Marginal note_:
"Let it be brought."]

Since coming to this country, I have insisted that the religious
should try to learn the Chinese language, in order to convert and
teach the Chinese in this land, who are ordinarily about as many as I
before stated. As it is so difficult and the religious are so busily
engaged with the natives of the islands, they have not done this. When
the Dominicans came here, I entrusted to them the instruction of
the Chinese, and supplied them with interpreters to teach them the
language. I bade them build a church and dwelling in the alcaiceria
(called the Parian); and at the point of Tondo, where the Chinese live
and carry on their trade. Two of the religious have been so apt that
one of them already understands and speaks that language well, and the
other will know it in a short time. They are preaching and teaching and
have converted many people, having now a village of Christians. This
year, on Holy Thursday they held a procession in honor of the blood
of Christ, wherein they displayed much devotion. I hope in our Lord
that, as this people so clearly and firmly understand what they learn,
and as they have no particular worship, in a short time they will all
be converted. It is certain that if their long hair were not cut off
when they are baptized (according to the bishop's commands), there
would already have been a general conversion in this land, and they
would have received baptism. I gave account thereof to your Majesty,
and await your orders. [_Marginal note_: "Write to the provincial
acknowledging this, and to the bishop "in regard to cutting off the
hair of the Chinese. This is not expedient, as their conversion is
thereby retarded. Moreover, they do not dare to return to their own
country where they could teach and convert others. This custom of the
Chinese, wearing their hair long, is more usual in other parts of
the Yndias, as he knows; and hitherto this has not been considered
unseemly. Let the bishop call together the superiors of the orders,
and other learned and zealous persons. They shall confer and give
commands for what is expedient in regard to suitable measures for the
conversion of the Chinese. He shall send advices thereof, and of the
difficulties in the way, and shall provide for both."]

The bishop of these islands, as I have at other times written to
your Majesty, does not countenance appeals made by force, and the
decrees of the Audiencia; and when he is so inclined, he refuses to
comply therewith. We have therefore been put to much annoyance and
constraint in enforcing exile and other penalties, particularly in
regard to the defense of the royal jurisdiction. This latter has
not been done because the land is new, and to avoid offending the
natives. He becomes very angry at times, with little or no occasion,
so that he often disagrees with the Audiencia, in the pulpit and out of
it, and causes others to do the same--notwithstanding what your Majesty
has commanded, and the reprimands that he has received. Although there
have been serious difficulties, I do not discuss them, in order not
to weary your Majesty with a longer account. I beseech your Majesty to
supply the remedy which you think suitable, and to order the bishop not
to publish, without reason, as he has done, causes of the Holy Office
against the Audiencia and fiscal. Although we must always do justice,
and the fiscal must act as plaintiff, there is caused much scandal and
many hindrances to the authority of your Majesty's Audiencia, by trying
to disgrace and intimidate the judges by threats of the Inquisition.

Although your Majesty has ordered this camp and the royal hospitals to
be provided with medicines and other necessities, as there is no doctor
the soldiers are only treated by unskilled surgeons who attempt to cure
them. For this reason many people die, and I beseech your Majesty,
as it so important to your service, to order the viceroy of Nueva
España to send a good physician with an adequate salary at the cost
of your royal estate. The city has no money with which to pay him,
nor do the soldiers, since even the richest of them has not enough
for his own support. _[Marginal note_: "Write to the viceroy of Nueva
España to send a doctor and a surgeon to treat these people and give
advice thereof."]

At the shipyard of these islands your Majesty's chief shipbuilder
and superintendent of work was Master Miguel de Palacio. He died and
his place was filled by Master Marco, a good builder of all kinds of
ships. He died also; and although I understand there is another now in
charge of the galleon which is being built in the Pintados, he is old
and cannot all alone attend to the work, to the repairing of the ships
of the line, and the building of others. There is great need of another
good officer. I beseech your Majesty to order that, if possible, men
be sent for this from the kingdoms of Nueva España. [_Marginal note:
"Idem."_]

In the relation written by the Audiencia are other matters, of which
I give no account here, since they are there mentioned; your Majesty
will please order that these be examined. May God preserve the Catholic
person of your Majesty. At Manila, July 13 of the year 1589.

The doctor _Santiago de Vera_

[_Endorsed_: "Provision is made for the within; let the governor
be informed."]




Conspiracy Against the Spaniards


_Testimony in certain investigations made by Doctor Santiago de Vera,
president of the Philipinas_


In the city of Manila, on the twentieth of May in the year one thousand
five hundred and eighty-nine. Doctor Santiago de Vera, of the Council
of the king, our lord, and his governor and captain-general in these
Philipinas Islands, stated that inasmuch as it is proper and necessary
to inform the king our sovereign of the compact and conspiracy which
the Indian chiefs and natives of these islands and the vicinity of
Manila had plotted against the service of God, our Lord, and against
his Majesty, and of the inquiry and investigations made thus far in
order to ascertain and verify the facts, and the status of the case:
he therefore would order, and he did order, Estevan de Marquina,
notary-public of Manila--before whom most of the trial has been
conducted, of which an account has already been given three times to
the royal Audiencia--to draw up an attested record of the said trial
in a summary and relation, or such documents as shall be necessary,
in order to send them to the royal Council of the Indias this present
year. He also ordered him to inform his Majesty of what is occurring,
and of what has been done about the matter. This was what Doctor
Santiago de Vera declared, ordered, and signed.

By order of his Lordship:

_Thomas Perez_


In fulfilment of the command and decree of Doctor Santiago de Vera,
governor and captain-general of these islands, and president of the
royal Audiencia, I, Estevan de Marquina, notary-public for the king our
sovereign, of the number [authorized] in the city of Manila, testify
that a trial and criminal process has been conducted and is still
pending before the said governor and captain-general. The parties are
the royal department of justice of the one part, and certain Indian
chiefs, natives of the villages of Tondo, Misilo, Bulacan, and other
villages in the neighborhood of Manila, of the other part. The cause
of this contention seems to be that on the twenty-sixth of October
of last year, one thousand five hundred and eighty-eight, Doctor
Santiago de Vera, governor and captain-general of these islands,
and president of the royal Audiencia, learned that the following
persons: Don Agustin de Legaspi, one of the chiefs of this land;
Martin Panga, governor of the village of Tondo, and his first cousin;
Magat Salamat, the son of the old lord of this land; and other chiefs,
had not long ago sent a present of weapons and other articles to the
king of Burney, and that they were quite intent upon holding meetings
and their usual drunken feasts, swearing to keep secret whatever they
discussed. He also learned that they had sold and were selling their
landed property. In order to ascertain what the condition of affairs
is, the governor made an inquiry and many witnesses were summoned. From
this inquiry and other investigations and inquests made in the course
of the trials, it appears that the said Don Agustin de Legaspi and
Magat Salamat had sent a quantity of shields, arquebuses, and other
weapons to Xapon and to the petty king of Burney, who has thus been
enabled to put himself on a war-footing. They warned these powers to
fortify themselves in their strongholds, because the Spaniards intended
to go there. They added that the said Don Agustin would notify them in
person of what was taking place; and that, for this purpose, he would
ask permission to set out on his commercial enterprises. Likewise
we learned that the people of the kingdom of Burney were thinking of
manning a fleet for the purpose of attacking the Spaniards; and that
they had killed a Franciscan friar and other Spaniards while on their
way to Malaca from Manila with messages and despatches for the king,
our sovereign. It appears that on the fourth of November of the said
year, when the inquiry had not gone further than this, Captain Pedro
Sarmiento arrived in this city from the Calamianes, which are islands
near Burney; and brought the news and information that he had left
behind in the said Calamianes three Indian chiefs of Tondo, namely,
Magat Salamat, Don Agustin Manuguit, son of Don Phelipe Salalila, and
Don Joan Banal, brother-in-law of the said Magat. Through Don Antonio
Surabao, his servant and chief of his encomienda, he had learned that
these men were going as ambassadors to the petty king of Burney, in
order to induce him to send a fleet to attack the Spaniards, and to
join the chiefs of Jolo, and Sumaelob, chief of Cuyo, who had already
come to terms and offered to help them with two thousand men. They had
persuaded the said Don Antonio Surabao to accompany them and carry
out their plans; but the latter while on the one hand he promised
to help them, in order not to arouse their suspicion, on the other
hand unfolded the plan to Captain Sarmiento. He added, moreover,
that Amarlangagui, chief of Baibai, who was within the jurisdiction
of Manila and held the office of master-of-artillery, had told him,
while in this city, that all the chiefs of this neighborhood had
plotted and conspired with the Borneans to rebel against the service
of the king our sovereign, and to kill the Spaniards of this city,
while they were off their guard. The plan was that when the fleet
of Burney reached the port of Cavite, and the Spaniards trustfully
called these chiefs to their aid, they would all immediately enter
the houses of the Spaniards with their men, fortify themselves in
them and thus take possession of them one by one. If the Spaniards
took refuge in the fortress, Indian soldiers would follow them; and,
being two to one, they would surely kill the Spaniards. Maluco offered
an example of this; for with but few people they had taken so large a
fortress from the Portuguese. To this end the people of Burney were
building seven galleys and other warships, and were getting ready
ammunition and war-material. Thus it is affirmed by the said Don
Antonio Surabao himself, who says that, under the pledge of friendship
and secrecy, he was made acquainted with all this, and was persuaded
to join the said conspiracy. Upon this, with the governor's approval,
soldiers and attendants were immediately despatched with his orders to
arrest the said chiefs, and to bring them to this city as quickly as
possible. From the inquiry and secret investigations which were taken
up anew, it appears that last year, five hundred and eighty-seven,
when Captain Don Joan Gayo and many Japanese with merchandise arrived
at this city in a ship from Xapon, Don Agustin de Legaspi became
very friendly to him, inviting him many times to eat and drink at
his house which is on the other side of the river of this city. The
agreement and stipulation which he made with Don Joan Gayo through
the Japanese interpreter, Dionisio Fernandez, and in the presence of
the said Magat Salamat, Don Agustin Manuguit, Don Phelipe Salalila,
his father, and Don Geronimo Bassi, Don Agustin de Legaspi's brother,
was, that the said captain should come to this city with soldiers from
Xapon, and enter it under pretext of peace and commerce, bringing in
his ship flags for the use of the Spaniards, so that the latter should
think his intentions peaceful. It was also agreed that the chiefs
of the neighborhood would help them to kill the Spaniards, and would
supply the provisions and everything necessary. The said Don Agustin
de Legaspi was to set out to meet them; and, in order that they might
recognize one another, he would carry some of the weapons which the
said captain had given him. After they had conquered the Spaniards,
they would make him [Don Agustin] king of the land, and collect the
tribute from the natives, which would be divided between Don Agustin
and the Japanese. They swore this after their fashion, by anointing
their necks with a broken egg. Don Agustin de Legaspi discussed and
arranged the whole plan with Amaghicon, an Indian chief of Navotas,
warned him to keep the secret, and gave him some of the weapons which
the Japanese had given him, in order that they might recognize one
another. According to the declarations of Dionisio Fernandez, the
Japanese interpreter, Don Phelipe Salalila, Don Geronimo Basi, Magat
Salamat, and other witnesses who were present at the said meetings and
compacts, and as it appears also from the trial and investigations,
it seems that when Don Martin Panga, under the charge of adultery,
Don Agustin de Legaspi, for accounts demanded of him at the time when
he was governor of Tondo, Don Gabriel Tuambaçan, Don Francisco Acta,
his son, and Pitongatan were taken to the prison of this court, each
and every one of them swore, after their fashion, to help one another
with their persons and property in all matters--be it concerning the
liberty of their slaves, or in any other difficulty.

Likewise it appears that after they left the said prison, the said
Don Martin Panga was exiled from the village of Tondo for a certain
period, and went to live in the village of Tambobo, not far from this
city. There he and Don Agustin de Legaspi invited the other leaders to
come together for a secret meeting. Under pretext of visiting said Don
Martin Panga, a meeting was held in the said village by Don Phelipe
Salalila, Don Agustin Manuguit; Magat Salamat, chief of Tondo; Don
Pedro Bolingui, chief of Pandaca; Don Geronimo Basi and Don Grabiel
Tuam Basar, Don Agustin's brothers; Don Luis Amanicalao and Calao
his son; the brothers Don Dionisio Capolo and Don Phelipe Salonga;
Don Phelipe Amarlangagui, chief of Catangalan; Don Francisco Acta and
Amaghicon; with other Indian timaguas, servants, and allies of his. For
three days they met, and drank after their fashion. During this time
they resolved to act in harmony and with one mind in everything. If
their slaves demanded liberty, they were to help one another against
them; for already they were not regarded or obeyed as before. They
possessed neither slaves nor gold, and found themselves poor and
cast down, ready to go to prison any day. Their sorrow was very keen
because their wives were being taken away from them, and given to
others to whom, they claimed, they had been first married. For all
these reasons they were very sad, and they discussed and plotted,
and took oath, according to their custom, that if an enemy came to
Manila to attack the Spaniards, they would unanimously and with one
mind aid the enemy against the Spaniards. Thus they would once more
become masters, as they had been before, and exercise the old tyranny
over the common people--who now were much favored by the Spaniards,
being promoted to superior places by them. The said Don Agustin de
Legaspi proposed to them the plan and compact which he had made with
the said Japanese Don Joan Payo [Gayo]; and the other chiefs declared
that they were ready to help him and to accede to his wishes.

After this, it appears that in the month of February, one thousand
five hundred and eighty-eight, when we heard of the English pirate
who passed through these islands and plundered the ship "Santana,"
the said chiefs made preparations, thinking he would come to this city,
to carry out their plan.

A few days afterward, Don Estevan Taes, chief of Bulacan, came to
the village of Tondo where they were. He conferred with Don Martin
Panga; and they decided that since the Englishman had not come, and
the compact made at the meeting of Tambobo had not been carried out,
they should call another meeting to discuss what had been planned at
the former one. To this end, he offered to notify and call together
all the chiefs from his village as far as Tondo, while Don Martin
Panga was to summon the other chiefs as far as Cavite. To this end,
the said Don Martin Panga said that he would carry a letter to the
governors of Malolos and Guiguinto, and tell them to hasten to the
meeting; and that, when they were assembled, he could communicate
to them the bad or the good which he kept within his breast. After
Don Esteban Tael [_sic_] had told him to leave the matter in his
hands, Don Martin Panga declared, in the presence of Pitongatan,
that he and Don Agustin had planned to call together the men of La
Laguna and Comitan; and that, when the people were all gathered,
they would discuss the means of regaining the freedom and lordship
which their fathers had enjoyed before them; and, with all the people
collected at Tondo, would attack Manila, as arranged with Balaya,
chief of Vangos, and with the natives of Batan. It seems that the
said meeting did not take place, on account of various occupations
which detained the said chiefs. Moreover it appears that about the
same time, when certain Indian chiefs of Panpanga came to Manila on
business connected with their province, on passing through the village
of Tondo, Don Agustin Panga summoned them; and he, together with
Don Agustin de Legaspi, Sagat Malagat, and Amanicalao, talked with
them, and inquired after the business that took them to Manila. The
chiefs answered that they came to entreat the governor to command the
cessation of the lawsuits concerning slaves in Panpanga, until they
could gather in the harvest. Don Martin said that this was very good,
and that they also wished to make the same entreaty and to bring their
slaves to court; but that to attain this it would be best to assemble
and choose a leader from among them, whom they should swear to obey
in everything as a king, in order that none should act alone. The
chiefs of Panpanga said that they had [no] war with the Spaniards,
to cause them to plot against the latter, and that they had a good
king. Thus they did not consent to what was asked from them by the
aforesaid chiefs, and proceeded to Manila in order to transact their
business. In Manila they were again invited to go to Tondo, to take
food with the plotters; but the Panpanga chiefs refused. On the same
day a meeting was held in Tondo by Don Agustin de Legaspi and Don
Martin Panga; Don Luis Balaya, chief of Bangos; Agustin Lea and Alonso
Digma, his nephews; Don Phelipe Salalila and Don Agustin Manuguit, his
son; Don Luis Amanicalao, and Calao, his son; Don Grabiel Tuambacar,
Don Francisco Acta, Don Phelipe Salonga, and other natives who rendered
service. While they were thus assembled, they all resolved and agreed,
amid the usual drinking, that the abovementioned Magat should go to the
Calamianes and from that place notify the Borneans to come to Manila
to attack the Spaniards; and the chiefs would wait for them here,
and would take care to receive and help them. In fulfilment of this,
the said chief Magat Salamat went to the Calamianes, which are near the
kingdom of Burney, taking with him the chiefs Don Agustin Manuguit and
Don Joan Banal. Thence he went to the island of Cuyo, where it seems
that he discussed the matter with Sumaelob, chief of the said island,
and persuaded him to come with the Borneans to plunder Manila. At
that time he was arrested for this trial, was brought to this city,
and openly confessed that what has been said actually occurred.

The said inquiries and investigations made in reference to the
trial of the aforesaid persons were examined by the governor and
captain-general; and he gave orders to arrest those who appeared
guilty, in the various regions and provinces in which they were
to be found, and on different days, letting no one of the guilty
ones escape. The men were arrested and their confessions were taken
down separately. At the proper time and place they were each charged
with the crime which resulted against each of them; and a copy of the
charge was given to them and to their attorneys on their behalf. Their
cases were received on trial in a certain order and for a certain
period, so as to give them, during that period, an opportunity of
clearing themselves from the charge. The time expired, and the trial
was definitely closed. The governor and captain-general reviewed the
trial, and on different days pronounced a final sentence against each
one of them, according to their guilt. The sentence is in substance
as follows:

Don Agustin de Legaspi and Don Martin Panga, as leaders and chiefs, and
being convicted by witnesses, were condemned to be dragged and hanged;
their heads were to be cut off and exposed on the gibbet in iron cages,
as an example and warning against the said crime. All their goods
were to be confiscated and set apart, half for the royal treasury
and half for judicial expenses. The above-mentioned appealed from
the aforesaid sentence to the royal Audiencia of these islands; but
after having examined the trial, the Audiencia confirmed the aforesaid
sentence, and returned the case to the governor and captain-general
in order that justice might be done. The death-punishment was to cut
their heads off and to expose them on the gibbet in iron cages. The
sites of their houses were to be plowed and sown with salt. All their
property, after the judicial expenses had been defrayed, should be
set aside for the royal treasury. This sentence was executed upon
the abovementioned persons as here stated.

Dionisio Fernandez, Japanese interpreter in the negotiations with
Xapon, having confessed and having been convicted, was condemned to
be hanged and to lose his property, half of it to be set aside for
the royal treasury and half for judicial expenses. He appealed from
this sentence to the royal Audiencia; but this court, after it had
examined the trial, returned it to the governor and captain-general,
in order that justice might be done. The sentence was executed upon
him as here stated.

Don Pedro Balinguit, chief of the village of Pandaca, was sentenced to
six years of prescribed exile in Nueva España, and was condemned to
pay six taes of orejeras gold [14] for the treasury of the king our
sovereign, and for judicial expenses. The fiscal and he appealed to
his Majesty's chamber--I mean to the royal Audiencia--and this court
returned the case to the captain-general, so that justice might be
done. This man is about to sail in these ships for his place of exile.

Pitongatan, chief of the village of Tondo, was sentenced to exile in
Nueva España for eight years. His property was to be equally divided
between the treasury of the king, our sovereign, and the judicial
expenses. He and the fiscal appealed to the royal Audiencia; and this
court on a second examination sentenced him to exile in such place
as the governor should choose, for two years--one prescribed and the
other unconditioned--and to pay costs only.

Don Phelipe Salonga, chief of the village of Polo, was sentenced to
exile in Nueva España for six years. Half of his property was to be
set aside for the treasury of the king, our sovereign, and half for
judicial expenses. He and the fiscal appealed to the royal Audiencia;
but the case was returned to the captain-general, in order that
justice might be done.

Don Phelipe Amarlangagui, chief of Catangalan, was sentenced to
exile from his village for six years, to a place prescribed. His
property was to be divided equally between the treasury of the king,
our sovereign, and the judicial expenses. He and the fiscal appealed to
the royal Audiencia; but the case was returned to the captain-general,
in order that justice might be done, except that the exile was to be
for four years.

Daulat, chief of the village of Castilla, was sentenced to prescribed
exile from this district for four years, and condemned to pay ten taes
of orejeras gold, half for the royal treasury and half for judicial
expenses. He and the fiscal appealed to the royal Audiencia; but
the case was returned to the captain-general, in order that justice
might be done, except that of the four years of exile two were to be
prescribed and two unconditioned.

Don Joan Basi, chief and former governor of the village of Tagui,
was sentenced to prescribed exile from this jurisdiction [15] for
four years. Half of his property was set aside for the treasury of
his Majesty, and half for the judicial expenses. He and the fiscal
appealed to the royal Audiencia, whence the case was remitted to the
captain-general, with the exception that the whole penalty should
consist only of two years of prescribed exile.

Dionisio Capolo, chief of Candava, was sentenced to prescribed exile
from this jurisdiction for eight years, and was condemned to pay
fifteen taes of orejeras gold, half of which was to be set aside
for the treasury of his Majesty, and half for judicial expenses. He
and the fiscal appealed to the royal Audiencia, which, after having
examined the report of the trial, remitted it to the captain-general,
in order that justice might be done--save that the whole penalty
was to consist of four years of prescribed exile, and the payment of
twelve taes of orejeras gold. The sentence was executed.

Don Francisco Acta, chief of Tondo, was sentenced to four years of
prescribed exile. Half of his goods and property was to be divided
between the treasury of his Majesty and judicial expenses. He and the
fiscal appealed to the court of his Majesty; but the case was remitted
to the captain-general in order that justice might be done--save that
the whole penalty was to consist of four years' prescribed exile,
and nothing more.

Don Luis Amanicalao was sentenced to prescribed exile from this
jurisdiction for six years. His goods were to be divided between the
treasury of his Majesty and the judicial expenses. He and the attorney
appealed to the royal Audiencia, but the case was likewise remitted
to the captain-general in order that justice might be done--only that
the exile was to be reduced to three years. The sentence was executed.

Don Grabiel Tuambacar, chief of Tondo, was sentenced to exile from
this jurisdiction for four years, and was condemned to pay six taes
of orejeras gold--half for the treasury of his Majesty, and half for
the judicial expenses. He appealed to the royal Audiencia, as did the
fiscal also; but the case was remitted to the governor, in order that
he might execute justice upon him--except that the penalty was to be
only four years' exile.

Calao, chief of Tondo, was sentenced to exile from this jurisdiction
for four years. Half of his goods were to be applied as in other
cases. He and the fiscal appealed to the royal Audiencia, whence
the case was returned to the captain-general, in order that he might
execute justice--except that the only penalty was four years' exile.

Omaghicon, chief of Navotas, was sentenced to prescribed exile in
Nueva España for six years, and was condemned to pay sixty taes of
orejeras gold, half of it to be set aside for the treasury of his
Majesty, and half for the judicial expenses. This money was to be paid
within a month, under pain of hanging. The fiscal of his Majesty and
the culprit appealed to the royal Audiencia; there the sentence was
revoked, and the guilty man was condemned to die, and to lose half of
his goods, the latter to be applied as specified above. Thus he was
condemned on a new trial, and put to death; and inquiries are being
made about his goods.

Don Geronimo Bassi was sentenced to exile in Nueva España for ten
years. His property was to be divided between the treasury of his
Majesty and the judicial expenses. He and the fiscal of his Majesty
appealed to the royal Audiencia--which, after an examination and a
new trial, revoked the sentence and condemned him to death, and to
the loss of all his goods in favor of the royal treasury. The sentence
was executed.

Don Phelipe Salalila, chief of Misilo, was exiled to Nueva España for
twelve years, and condemned to pay seventy taes of gold _de orejeras_,
of which half was to be set aside for the treasury of his Majesty
and half for judicial expenses. He was to pay the money within twenty
days under pain of death. He and the attorney of his Majesty appealed
to the royal Audiencia--which, after an examination and a new trial,
revoked the sentence and condemned him to death, and to the loss of
all his goods in favor of the treasury of his Majesty. The sentence
was executed upon him.

Don Esteban Taes, chief of Bulacan, was sentenced to prescribed
exile in Nueva España for eight years, and condemned to pay sixty
taes of orejeras gold, for the treasury of his Majesty and for
judicial expenses. The money was to be paid within thirty days
under pain of death. He and the fiscal of the king appealed to the
royal Audiencia--which, on an examination and new trial, revoked the
sentence, and condemned him to death and to the loss of all his goods
in favor of the royal exchequer and the treasury of his Majesty. The
sentence was executed.

Magat Salamat was condemned to death. His goods were to be employed
for the erection of the new fortress of this city. He appealed to
the royal Audiencia; but the case was remitted to the governor, in
order that justice might be done--except that the goods were to be
set aside for the treasury. The sentence was executed.

Don Agustin Manuguit was sentenced to exile in Nueva España for six
years, and condemned to pay twenty taes of orejeras gold toward the
building of the new fortress. Failing to pay this sum, the term of
his exile would be doubled. He agreed to pay it, and the sentence
was executed.

Don Luis Balaya, chief of Bangos, was sentenced to exile from his
village for two years, one prescribed and the other unconditioned. He
was also condemned to pay ten taes of orejeras gold toward the building
of the fortress, to which he agreed.

Alonso Lea was acquitted on the trial.

Amarlangagui, chief of the village of Tondo, was exiled from this
jurisdiction for four years, two prescribed and two unconditioned. He
was also condemned to pay fifteen taes of orejeras gold toward the
said building of the fortress. He agreed to this, and the sentence
was executed.

Don Joan Banal, chief of Tondo, was sentenced to exile from this
jurisdiction for six years, and condemned to pay ten taes of orejeras
gold toward the building of the said fortress. He agreed to this,
and paid the money.

In the case of Amaghicon, Indian chief of the island of Cuyo, sentence
is yet to be passed by the governor; for the man was brought hither
only a short time ago, as he lived very far from this city.

The said sentences, as specified, were executed upon the above-named
persons. Those who were exiled to Nueva España are about to sail in
the ships which are to be despatched this year to that country. As for
the goods [confiscated], most of the men have paid their fines; but in
case of those who have failed to do this, the alcaldes-mayor have been
ordered to make investigations about them. They are already doing so,
as appears from the said trial and process, to which I refer. And,
in order that the whole matter may be evident, I give by the said
command the present record, in Manila, on the thirteenth day of July
in the year one thousand five hundred and eighty-nine. I affix my seal,
in testimony of the truth.

_Esteban de Marquina_, notary-public.


We, the notaries who have here signed our names, [16] certify and
attest that Esteban de Marquina, from whom proceeds this authenticated
record, is indeed a notary-public, of the number authorized in this
city, as is stated herein, and is now exercising his office; and
that the deeds, attestations, and records which have been and are
transacted in his presence have been and are thoroughly certified
and authenticated, both within court and without. Done at Manila,
on the thirteenth day of July in the year one thousand five hundred
and eighty-nine.




Letter from Gaspar de Ayala to Felipe II


Sire:

Last year I gave your Majesty a detailed account of the events that
had hitherto occurred in these islands; of what has since happened I
will give account in this letter. As soon as the ships left for Nueva
España, we set about building a ship of seven hundred toneladas at
the cost of your Majesty's royal exchequer. As purveyor thereof was
appointed Captain Don Juan Ronquillo, alcalde-mayor of the province
of Pintados. The ship is being built in that district, and paid
for out of the tributes which your Majesty has from that province;
and this city provided some articles which were lacking there. The
purveyor writes that he can make the voyage this coming year. This ship
will be the fourth of your Majesty's vessels on that route [to Nueva
España]. I understand that two of them will be of no use for this next
year, as they will have to be laid aside. Thus it will be necessary,
that the navigation on that route may not cease, that ships be built
continually. Although the Mariscal Grabiel de Rribera and Captain Juan
Pablo de Carrion are each building a ship, they will not be able to
support them, and will be obliged to sell them at the port of Acapulco
on the first voyage, for the Piru trade. Although they could be bought
in these islands on the account of your Majesty's royal exchequer,
it seems to me better that your Majesty should save the profits that
will be made after their construction; since they can easily be built
at much less cost than if they were bought after they are built.

The accounts of your royal exchequer have been audited this year, and
are being sent with everything clearly expressed. The entire accounts
are set forth and the data in detail, each class by itself. Because
the gold was very cheap this year, on account of the great lack of
coin, some uneasiness was felt for your royal exchequer. Its income
has not reached the value of last year, although your Majesty's gold
has been more valuable than that of private persons, because it had
to be distributed in various payments. If it were possible for your
Majesty's royal treasury to keep the gold and sell it at the coming of
the ships, there would be considerable profit. However, as the gold is
being constantly needed, and there is nothing else with which to meet
the salaries and other necessary obligations, it is, when there is a
lack of coin, distributed at the common value--although, as I have said
before, a somewhat higher value is given to your Majesty's gold. If,
as I have written in other letters, your Majesty would be pleased to
command forty or fifty thousand pesos to be brought every year from
Nueva España to the royal treasury of these islands, returning thence
the value thereof in gold, it would give the greatest relief to this
treasury and profit to your royal exchequer; for twenty-five thousand
pesos in gold, at the price at which it is given in tribute by the
Indians, would amount to fifty thousand in Nueva España. This could
be done very easily, if your Majesty would assume the risk of the
transportation of the money and the return of the gold. As a result,
your royal treasury could in a short time be free from obligations,
and could aid in the maintenance of this kingdom. [_Marginal note_:
"Abstract this clause, and send it to the viceroy of Nueva España."]

By virtue of your royal decree received by your governor in the past
year, concerning the sale of the magistracies and offices of notary,
by order of your said governor the following offices were sold, in the
usual manner of selling your royal property: Four public notaryships
in this city, at eight hundred pesos each; the notarial office of
Panpanga, at one thousand pesos; that of the province of Pintados,
at one thousand seven hundred pesos; that of Cebu, at six hundred;
that of Bombon, at three hundred; that of Ylocos, at three hundred;
that of Camarines is set at six hundred, and has not been adjudged
to a bidder. These offices were sold with some inducements, in order
that there should be more bidding. Of ten magistracies which were
placed at auction, five were sold--the first at one thousand four
hundred pesos, the second at nine hundred, the third at a thousand,
the fourth at one thousand two hundred, and the fifth at nine hundred
and ten. The others are left to be auctioned upon the arrival of the
ship from Nueva España. To increase the value of the offices sold,
there were also admitted some bonuses, after payment of which, I
understand, the offices will clear fifteen thousand pesos more or
less. That the magistracies might have more value to meet the present
necessities, your said governor commanded that they be sold with the
condition that the owners thereof could renounce them by depositing
in your royal treasury the third of the value, as is done with the
offices of clerks. Should your Majesty confirm this, it will be of
much profit to your royal exchequer.

Besides the notarial offices which your royal decree ordered to be
sold, no mention was made of those of La Laguna, of the Coast and
Tondo, of Bulacan, of the cabildo of this city, and that of Pangasinan,
which are all large jurisdictions and have notaries appointed by
themselves. Moreover, there may thus be sold the office of notary of
the alcaiceria [silk-market] of the Chinese, where there is a separate
judge; and that of the mines and registries, with the inspection
of the Chinese ships, in the form provided by your governor, and
used by Thomas Perez. If this last office were sold with the others,
we could find a person who would give therefor five thousand pesos;
and should your governor provide the office of al-ferez-mayor and
that of depositary-general, it would come to six thousand pesos. I
understand that if your Majesty should command these offices to be
sold by open vote in the cabildo, there would be found many purchasers.

When Alonso Veltran, your notary of the court of this Audiencia,
departed for Nueva España, he sold his office, by official permission,
to Alonso de Torres, an honored merchant, for four thousand five
hundred pesos. The third thereof was placed in your royal treasury
of which he made royal exhibition in the Audiencia, and asked to be
admitted to the possession and exercise of said office. When your
governor examined the records, he said that the cognizance of that
cause was not for the Audiencia, but for the governor, because the
general decree providing for the sale of offices for Nueva España came
addressed to the viceroy. Consequently, the Audiencia referred to the
governor the cognizance and decision of this matter; and he declared
that the said Alonso de Torres was not entitled to admission. Although
the latter appealed, he did not dare continue the case, in order,
as he said, to avoid misfortune. For this reason, your royal treasury
lost one thousand five hundred pesos. To remedy this, and to increase
your royal exchequer, it is most important for your Majesty to command
that the said general decree directed to the viceroy of Nueva España
in the year eighty-one, [17] which treats of the sale and renunciation
of offices, be observed in these islands. Its fulfilment should be
enforced by your president and auditors; and, when a vacancy occurs
in any office, the said office should be sold, in order that your
royal treasury may have some relief. If it is not thus commanded,
the governors will exercise the privilege of providing offices.

Last year I reported to your Majesty that, because of the death of
Doña Ana de Palacios, there had been left vacant an encomienda owned
by her in Camarines. Petition had been made to your governor that
it be placed to the account of your royal crown, in virtue of your
Majesty's royal decree; and that twelve thousand pesos of income should
be paid to this royal Audiencia. But because Captain Joan Maldonado
presented another decree in which your Majesty commands that there
be given him two thousand pesos of income from unallotted Indians,
on account of his many services and extreme poverty, part of the
said encomienda was given him; while to your royal crown there was
assigned the other part, amounting to eleven hundred Indians, more or
less. Moreover, at the end of December of the past year, eighty-eight,
the encomienda owned by Don Luis de Sagajosa at Ylocos was left vacant
by his death. I petitioned your governor to place it to the account
of your royal crown, in compliance with the said royal decree. He
declared that it could not be allotted to the crown, but that it would
remain vacant, and the income would be assigned to your royal treasury
as royal property, until your Majesty should command otherwise. Less
than seven hundred Indians of this encomienda were apportioned to your
royal crown, in order that the income therefrom should be enjoyed by
the hospital. Appeal from this was made to the Audiencia, and the case
was continued. The result thereof was that another decree was issued
by your Majesty to the Augustinian friars, in which your Majesty
granted them a gift and alms of ten thousand ducats, payable within
ten years in unassigned Indians. In consideration of their poverty,
I consented that from the income of this encomienda there should be
given them three hundred pesos every year, until your decree should
be fulfilled. Then a revision of the decree was issued, ordering that
the said encomienda be allotted to your royal crown; but that from the
income thereof there should be given to the hospital six hundred pesos
for eight years, and to the convent of San Agustin three hundred pesos
every year until your decree should be fulfilled. After the payment
of that nine hundred pesos, the grants for religious instruction, and
the costs of the collection, I understand that there will remain clear
for your royal treasury the sum of one thousand four hundred pesos,
besides the nine hundred of the hospital and convent after their dues
are satisfied. The Audiencia placed this encomienda to the account of
your royal crown; for, although your governor was ordered twice to do
so, according to the ordinances of first consideration and revision,
he would not comply. He was ordered to give a writ, in order that
the officials of your royal exchequer could hold it as title.

Later, on account of the death of Captain Villanueva, two encomiendas
were left vacant--one called Malgandon, and the other near this
city--which were worth two thousand pesos of income. As soon as he
died, without notice thereof having been given to me, on the first
day of last May before daybreak, your governor assigned the said
encomiendas--that of Malgandon to Cristoval de Axqueta; and the
other to Don Luis Enrriques, who abandoned another encomienda which
he held, of as much and more income, but somewhat farther away from
this city. At the same time the encomienda that he had abandoned was
assigned, half to each of two other soldiers. On the following day
I heard the news, and I presented myself in the Audiencia in order
to appeal, and to take exception to whatever possession should
be taken. I appealed from whatever writ of possession might be
provided; and I ordered that a copy of this appeal be handed to the
parties. Cristoval de Axqueta kept himself hidden, in order that notice
might not be served on him; and four or five days after my appeal
the possession which I had opposed was given him by an alcalde-mayor
of Pangasinan. The other litigants did not take possession; and, the
case being concluded, a writ was issued, by which all were protected
in their possession. The decision in respect to the ownership was
submitted to your royal Council of the Indias, I having appealed
from the writ. The case has been concluded and considered, and the
decision has not been reached; of that I shall later send a report
to your Majesty.

For these reasons your governor is inciting the soldiers and telling
them that I am depriving them of means of sustenance, and various
other things, in order to set them against me, and make himself
popular with them, while disparaging me. Consequently, some of them
bear me ill-will. Your said governor, although he knows that he cannot
take Indians from your royal crown, has assigned some of them three
or four times; and I have had them taken away by process of law. He
satisfied himself by telling the soldiers that he had given them a
means of support, but that I had taken it away. As I took exception
to his acts, and caused several encomiendas to be revoked which
had been given by him, he says that he is not the governor, but I
am. I beseech your Majesty to be pleased to command your governor to
refrain from such indignities to me, as the diligence which I exercise
and the actions at law which I cause are for your royal service, the
increase of the royal exchequer, and the fulfilment of my conscience
and obligation. As I am hated in this country for doing my duty,
would your Majesty be pleased to favor me by granting me leave to
depart, and giving me a charge elsewhere where I may serve better and
more satisfactorily, and where no one will complain of me. When your
Majesty receives this, I shall have served in this office of fiscal
almost seven years. Should your Majesty not be disposed to grant me
this favor I shall continue in my service here until I die.

Still later, at the death of Doña Maria de Miranda, two encomiendas
were left vacant, both worth a thousand pesos of income. They were
given to Don Fernando de Villafaña, by virtue of your royal decree,
in which it is commanded that your governor should give him an
encomienda of Indians. He has served in these islands about ten years,
and for his good service and poverty but little has been given him. On
this account, and as your Majesty had commanded that he be given an
encomienda of Indians, I took no exception, as in the other cases.

This year there came from China eleven or twelve vessels with but
little merchandise, because, as they say, there have been many wars
and a severe plague. It has been reported that a ship from Panama
or Piru, prepared to lay out a large sum of money, has arrived at
Macan, which is on the river of Canton. As I have stated in previous
communications, if it is permitted to carry on trade between Piru
or Nueva España and China, this country will be depopulated and
ruined. The principal means of support here is the merchandise from
China, and the profit which results from sending those goods to be
sold in Nueva España. This would be completely done away with, should
ships go from that country or Piru to China; for it is evident that,
if these ships bought the merchandise needed, there would be no market
or sale for the goods brought from these islands. Neither would the
Chinese come here with their ships to sell the goods, or at least
not in so large numbers; and besides the general loss to this land,
there would be lost the customs duties of import and export.

At my petition, in view of the fact that a large part of the gold
paid as tribute had not been declared, and the fifth taken, it was
decreed that within a fortnight after the collection of tribute, the
gold should be declared, and the registers of collection displayed,
before the officials of your royal exchequer, under penalty of
losing the third part of the tribute for that year. The aforesaid was
proclaimed and notification was given to the encomenderos of this city,
and the decrees therefor were sent to the alcaldes-mayor. Nevertheless,
there is laxity in the declarations; and it would be of great benefit
for your Majesty to order the officers of your royal exchequer to
exercise great care in this, and to see that the disobedient suffer
the penalties. [_Marginal note_: "Bring the decrees in this case."]

Last year a fragata was despatched from this city to Maluco. Therein
were two descalced friars, who were going to that court on business
connected with their order; and they carried with them a packet of
letters from this Audiencia and your governor. This fragata anchored
in a port of the island of Borney, called El Paso; and the natives
attacked them, after having given assurance of safety so that they
would land. They killed one of the friars, and all the men except
three or four Spaniards; and burned the fragata, after having robbed
it. Those who escaped say that this attack had been made by order
of the king of Burney, and that a Spanish soldier who had gone
there had been persuaded to turn renegade. They pay him a stipend
for making plans for stone fortifications, and making weapons and
powder. Your governor despatched a ship, sending a messenger to ask
for this soldier; but the reply has not yet come. Many people were
of the opinion that, if soldiers had been in these islands in any
great number, a fleet should be sent to attack the said king--both
for the reason already given, and because he was a tributario to
your Majesty, and has refused to pay tribute. But with the few
troops in these islands, no expedition can be made, nor do we who
are in Manila feel at all secure, with the forces that we have in
this kingdom. There are many enemies and but few Spaniards, and
the latter are dying in great numbers every day. Also, for lack of
troops, punishment has not been meted out for the insolence which, as
I reported to your Majesty last year, had been perpetrated by the king
of Mindanao. In the past few days the Indians of Cibu have revolted,
and have killed the encomenderos who were collecting the tribute,
and other soldiers. They seized the women, and detained them for a
long time, until the alcalde-mayor of that island, with a number of
friendly Indians and fifty or sixty Spaniards, attacked and chastised
them. Some were killed in the encounter, and those most guilty were
hanged. Thereupon the said alcalde-mayor wrote that that island was
pacified. It lies more than one hundred and fifty leagues from this
city. Later, on the seventh of last June, there came further advices
from the said alcalde-mayor, to the effect that the natives of said
islands, with other neighboring peoples, had conspired to burn the
city, and kill all the Spaniards who might be there; and that several
of the principal authors of the plot have been captured, and steps are
being taken to arrest the others. Your governor sent him instructions
as to what he should do.

Four or five months ago two soldiers came from the city of Segovia,
located in the province of Cagayan. They were sent by the alcalde-mayor
of that province, bringing word that the province was all in rebellion
and that the Indians had killed many Spaniards. The natives were so
bold and daring that they entered into the city to murder and rob. He
begged for reënforcements of troops and ammunition, or that province
would be depopulated. It is the most important of these islands as
it is the nearest to Japon and is within fifty leagues of the coast
of China. Reënforcements were sent by the master-of-camp, Pedro de
Chaves, with four or five ships and fifty soldiers, besides what
supplies and ammunition they could take. We have received news of
their arrival only. The outcome of the expedition I will relate when
it is over. Captain Martin de Barrios was also slain by the Indians
while he was collecting the tribute from his encomienda, together with
other soldiers; and I am ready to certify that there are few places
in these islands where the natives are not disaffected. When there is
any uprising they communicate with one another, make allies, and send
messengers to keep up relations. This is because the Indians know that
there is but a small force of Spaniards, and that they are separated
from one another, and that their punishments are not inflicted as
they formerly were, under a military régime, but by a judicial order.

The past year we were informed that the Indian chiefs of this
district had met together at different times to discuss rebellion
against your royal service, and the death of all the Spaniards in
these islands, and the mastery of this land which was enjoyed by
their forefathers. At the time when this happened there was in this
city a Japanese captain, who had come here ostensibly for trading and
carrying on commerce. The natives made arrangements with him to come
to their aid with ships and soldiers. They were to give him part of
the land, and would send messengers to the king of Borney and other
principal Indians of other provinces, in order that they might come to
their assistance. They swore very solemnly according to their custom
to keep and fulfil the agreement. They chose a king, captains, and
officers of war; and weapons were made in secret. On the discovery
of their treachery and plots, the principal chiefs were arrested;
seven or eight of them were hanged and beheaded, and their property
confiscated. Many others were exiled, some from their villages, and
others to Nueva España who sail in this ship. By this punishment it
seems as if the people have become somewhat cowed. May God aid us,
and free us from so many dangers to which we are exposed. This land
will be lost and ruined if your Majesty does not expressly order a
goodly number of soldiers to be sent here, and that something be paid
to the men for their support. It is pitiful to see them die of hunger,
and if they are not paid no soldiers will care to come here, to be
in captivity; and we are dying off very fast. Your Majesty should
not permit such a thing; for, although this land is of much cost and
no profit, it is a foothold and stepping-stone by which to enter the
realms of Great China. For this it is very important to learn that
language, and for some religious of the orders of St. Augustine and
St. Dominic to teach the Chinese in that tongue, since in that wise
they will become fond of our religion. May God bring this to pass,
later. It would tend greatly to the preservation of the soldiers,
should your Majesty order your viceroy of Nueva España to send a doctor
to these islands, although he should be given a salary from your royal
treasury of Nueva España. For lack of a physician and of someone who
knows how to cure sickness, many of the people die--especially the
soldiers and sailors, who have few comforts.

Your Majesty's galleys in this city are useless, and serve for nothing
whatever. It will be more profitable and less costly to have a couple
of small ships and another couple of armed fragatas. This can be done
if your Majesty will order them to be built, and the galleys to be
broken up.

The fort, which is being built of stone, has been fractured in some
places, from the great weight. They say that it is caused by the
small amount of cement used, and because it is near the water and
built in a round shape. It seemed as if it could be made secure by
building three buttresses with three cavaliers; and this work is
now being done. If the cavaliers had been built at first, much money
could have been saved; but, as there are no engineers here, they have
done the best they could--although several captains say that they had
given warning at the beginning of the work. For this there has been
collected a little more than four thousand pesos from certain duties
which used to be paid to your Majesty on the money brought from Nueva
España. Later, collections were made from the Indians of the land,
on each being levied one real--thus raising another twelve thousand
pesos, more or less. Now another tax of one real has been levied on
the Indians, who are oppressed by it; but as your royal treasury is
so poor, everything must be borne.

In last year's letter I advised you that at my petition, taxes were
levied on the Indians in their suits, according to the tariff of Spain,
charging the Spaniards triple the amount. Finding that the clerks
could not support themselves on so small fees, and at risk of levying
too much, it was ordered that the fees be doubled, and it was so done.

Captain Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa, son-in-law of the licentiate
Melchior Davalos, your auditor, killed his wife and nephew, the own
son of his brother, saying that they had committed adultery. This he
proved by some Indian women of his house, although he did not find
them in the act. I conducted the trial, and, after review thereof,
condemned him to six years of exile, and a fine of five thousand
pesos for your royal court, the expenses of justice, and other things.

This year a Japanese ship came to this port with many supplies and
arms. There must have been more than five hundred arquebuses and as
many of their kind of swords, and some battle-axes. As the conspiracy
of the Indians had taken place when the said ship arrived, it was
believed that it came for the execution of that plot. On entering the
port, this ship was boarded, and all its cargo was sequestered and
the crew imprisoned. It was learned that they were going to sell the
weapons in Cian, and they were released from custody, on condition
that they would sell the goods here. This they did, and this country
has consequently been supplied with weapons.

As your royal treasury is usually in need and lack of money,
it happened at the beginning of February of this year that,
on petition of the prebendaries and curas of the cathedral, the
bishop of these islands commanded the royal officials, under pain
of excommunication, to pay them the stipends assigned them from your
royal treasury--amounting to one thousand five hundred pesos annually,
for four prebendaries. According to my information your said officials
owed them nothing whatever, in accordance with the agreement made with
them in the month of July of the year eighty-seven--namely, that from
that day they were to be paid their entire current salary; and of that
due them they were to be paid little by little, as your royal treasury
was so over-burdened. At this notification they replied to the bishop
that he could not be judge of that case, as it was a secular one
and they were laymen. Of necessity, they appealed to the Audiencia;
and the bishop ordered that they be declared excommunicated. This
was publicly done, and their names written on the public list, on a
Saturday evening. After the Audiencia saw what difficulties would
follow on the excommunication of your royal officials, and after
it had examined the proceedings in the report made to the judge, it
passed an ordinance, asking and requiring the bishop to absolve and
reinstate the officials until the documents could be examined in the
council-room. To this he gave a certain reply, and after considering
this, with the documents, another decree was made, in which it was
declared to the bishop that he was not the judge of the cause, which
the Audiencia ordered to be retained under its own jurisdiction. As I
was not present at this decision it was ordered that I be notified,
and that I should appear in the suit in defense of your royal
jurisdiction. Therefore, on the Monday next following, I presented
before the said bishop a petition requesting that he absolve the
persons excommunicated, and declare himself not to have jurisdiction
over that cause. To establish the fact that the recognition thereof
did not belong to him, I stated in the first argument of my petition
that it could not pertain to him as the royal officials were mere
laymen, and not subject to the ecclesiastical jurisdiction, but to
the royal. I alleged further reasons that the cause was secular and
temporal. Among other things, the bishop replied to the petition
that he was not satisfied with a proposition that I had offered,
in reference to the holy office of the Inquisition. This caused
exceeding disturbance and scandal in this city, because the bishop was
not content with saying what he did in reply to my petition; but to
every person who entered his house he said that I had been guilty of a
heresy, and unlettered persons who heard this gave it credit. Moreover,
as there is here a commissary of the Inquisition, he called together
many friars and certified this proposition, separating it from the
petition and paying no attention to my purpose therein, or to the
circumstances under which I made it. I am sending a report of all the
proceedings, in order that your Majesty may provide for the future,
as to whether the bishop is to be the judge, and have entrance and
privilege to cause the salaries to be paid from your royal treasury,
which your Majesty in kindness and mercy had ordered to be assigned to
the prebendaries and curates. The bishop, for the sake of peace, after
he had kept your royal officials excommunicated many days, refusing to
obey or fulfil the ordinances of your royal Audiencia, issued a decree
in which he gave up the decision of the cause to his Holiness and to
your Majesty. He protested that he would proceed with the case when he
saw fit. Although I stated in petition that the bishop had not complied
with the ordinances of the Audiencia, and that thereby he had incurred
the penalties provided--which I begged to have executed--everything was
passed over, and it was not deemed proper to exact the penalties. In
this wise, whenever any dispute over jurisdiction occurs, the bishop
displays like obstinacy, as he has done in other cases which are being
added to the principal one. If a penalty should once be imposed that
would hurt him, he would obey and comply with the ordinances of the
Audiencia. But he says publicly that nothing can be done which will
restrain him, and this is what he desires. Because of this case the
prebendaries and bishop abandoned the cathedral church and did not
enter it, or celebrate the divine offices therein from the fourth of
February until the twenty-second of March--when, as it was holy week,
they returned. During this time only the cura came to the church, to
say mass; and thereby great complaint, scandal, and discontent were
caused among all the people. I beseech your Majesty to be pleased to
order this case to be summarily settled. The bishop declares that he
will use the right, which he claims to own, when he sees fit to do so;
and it should be decided if it is right to suffer this thing. Also,
because I as fiscal attend to the defense of your royal jurisdiction,
should the bishop have license to declare in writing that I had made
a proposition touching the Holy Inquisition? It was not only this,
but that the statement went from one pulpit to another, by his
command, that to say that the bishop was not judge of that cause
was a heresy. These and other words of which the Audiencia will
give information caused no little scandal in this city. Likewise he
refuses to obey the ordinances of the Audiencia, making light of and
disputing over them, for which he may be restrained and condemned in
temporal matters.

It is quite common for controversies to arise between your governor and
the bishop as to which of them is to assign the salary to be given to
the ecclesiastics who administer instruction, both in the encomiendas
of your royal crown and in those of private individuals. Since the
salaries in the encomiendas of the crown are paid from your royal
exchequer, it is but just that your governor assign them, or at
least that they do so jointly. In this way your royal patronage
will be better guarded, and it will be known for whom the bishop is
providing. I beg your Majesty to be pleased to have suitable orders
given in this matter, and that it be done shortly, for every day more
and more difficulties arise.

A case has been considered in the Audiencia, between the bishop and
the order of St. Augustine, as to whether the said order and the
religious thereof are to administer instruction to the Chinese living
in the village of Tondo. Ever since the settlement of this town,
they have had a convent there, ministering to the natives in their
own language. They say that they have also instructed the Chinese,
who understand what they say. The bishop placed in this town friars
of his own order, the Dominican, so that they could minister to the
Chinese in a chapel there. The Augustinians complained, saying that
by a brief of his Holiness, and a royal decree which they presented,
two monasteries of different orders should not be situated in the same
town, or in its vicinity. The Audiencia passed an ordinance requiring
that within thirty days the bishop should appoint ministers of one
order, to administer instruction to the natives and the Chinese. As
this ordinance concerned a matter already adjudicated, the bishop
asked for a declaration of their position; and it was thereupon
declared that by that ordinance the Dominicans were not excluded
from the administration of instruction to the Chinese. An appeal was
then made on the part of the order of St. Augustine; and they said
that some of their religious would in a short time know the Chinese
language. They were commanded by ordinance to observe the past decree,
until your Majesty should have been consulted and should provide
otherwise. Afterward, when the Augustinians saw that they were not
by the said ordinances excluded from administering instruction to
the Chinese, they commenced to undertake this work. The bishop, as he
desired a religious of the said order who was said to know the Chinese
language to preach to the Chinese on the afternoon of St John's day,
went to the town of Tondo, which is opposite this city, on the other
side of the river. He had trouble with the Augustinian friars, and
the abovementioned religious would not consent to preach. Thereby was
caused much severe comment and scandal, both among the natives and
Chinese, and among the Spaniards. The Augustinian friars complain that
the bishop, being a Dominican, favors his own order and persecutes
them; and that before the coming of the Dominicans to these islands
they did not have this persecution, but peace and concord.

There is great need of religious to administer instruction to the
natives, since of the few who were here a large number have died,
this year and last. There are many places without instruction, and
in still others there are ecclesiastics who do not know the language,
from which it results that the natives cannot be well instructed. It is
of much importance for the welfare and pacification of this land that
religious should come here, because in those places where they are now
stationed the Indians live more peaceably and with less license. I
beseech your Majesty to be pleased to give orders for their prompt
despatch, since their coming is so necessary for the service of God
and the good of souls. They should be of the three orders already here.

In this city there are two hospitals, one for Spaniards and the
other for the natives. That of the natives is under the charge of a
Franciscan friar, [18] who cares for them and ministers to them with
much charity. It seems as if God supports them as by a miracle; for
there are usually more than a hundred patients, sick with all kinds
of diseases, and they are maintained by alms, as they have no other
income. It would be very injurious if the Franciscan friars should
abandon it; and thus it will be expedient for your Majesty to order
that they hold and administer it, as has been done hitherto. Moreover,
license should be given for said hospital to send four toneladas
of pepper as cargo on the ships which sail every year from these
islands to Nueva España. There should be levied on them neither
duties in these islands, nor freight charges at Acapulco; for with
this privilege, which would little affect your Majesty's interests,
they can further the work, and support themselves.

Those who are serving your Majesty in this royal Audiencia are:
the doctor Santiago de Vera, your president; the licentiate Melchior
Davalos, the licentiate Pedro de Rrojas, and the licentiate Don Antonio
de Rribera, your auditors. The first two suffer from many ailments
and infirmities. There are also myself, a secretary, a reporter,
three attorneys, and interpreters and other officials of the Audiencia.

The persons who have been provided with offices this year are the
following: Don Fernando de Villafaña, alcalde-mayor of La Laguna, with
a salary of three hundred pesos, the amount usually given to other
alcaldes-mayor; Pedro Manrique, alcalde-mayor at Pangansinan, who has
served your Majesty nine years, in these islands; Cristoval de Leon,
chief magistrate at Calompite, an elderly man, long in the land, and
with wife and children; Gaspar de Ysla, chief magistrate at Lubao,
one of the early colonists, and married; Captain Gomez de Machuca,
alcalde-mayor of Camarines, who has served ten years in this country,
and married here; Bartolome Pacheco, alcalde-mayor of Bulacan, who has
seen six years' service in this land; Captain Don Alonso Maldonado,
alcalde-mayor of the alcaicería of the Chinese, who has served here six
years; Clemente Hurtado de Monrreal, alcalde-mayor of the coast of this
city, who has seen six years' service here; Lorenço Lopez de Abiste,
alcalde-mayor of the island of Çubu, who has served here six years;
Captain Don Diego de Alcaraso, who was appointed by your governor
as warden of the old fort, at the death of Captain Juan Maldonado,
who used to hold it, and draws a salary of three hundred pesos; Juan
de Bustamante, who was appointed by your governor as inspector to the
Indians, and is now inspecting in the province of Ylocos; Don Gaspar
de Vera, son of your governor, who was appointed as general of the
sea; and Joan, Cantero, alcalde-mayor of Calompite, who has served
seventeen years in this land.

On the twenty-ninth of June returned the messenger sent by your
governor to the kingdom of Burney to ask the king to deliver to him
the soldier who had turned renegade, as I have said above. Although
the king made some excuses for his acts, he nevertheless refused to
deliver the renegade.

On the same day there was an unusually severe tempest of wind and
water in this city. The natives say that they never saw such a
one. The sea and the river Madre rose until they joined and reached
the fort. Much damage was done in the houses; and worse still, two
ships which were here loading a cargo for Nueva España--one belonging
to your Majesty, and the other to the mariscal Grabiel de Rivera--were
driven on the coast by the force of this tempest, and it is understood
that they cannot be repaired. Even should one of them be repaired,
it cannot make the voyage this year. In all the port not one ship
or fragata escaped, except one small boat, which was taken to send
advices to Nueva España of the condition of this land, which is
most unpropitious. By this calamity, so injurious to the community,
the people have become greatly disheartened. Moreover, as I write
this clause, we have had thus far no news of ships from Nueva España,
although this is the seventh of July. The entire support of this land
depends on the coming and going of the ships; and if they are not
here by May or the middle of June, by delaying longer they run great
risk of being lost, and with them the welfare and support of this
land. Sailing from the port of Acapulco at the beginning of March,
they would arrive here in good time and without risk from storms. As
this is of so much importance, I beseech your Majesty to be pleased to
order your viceroy of Nueva España to exercise the utmost diligence
in the early despatch of the ships which are to come to this land,
in order that they may accomplish the purpose of the voyage.

On the first of July, arrived the master-of-camp, Pedro de Chaves,
who had gone to chastise the Indians of the province of Cagayan,
who as I have said before, were at war. Although he had gone out
with sixty soldiers and more than eight hundred friendly Indians, he
did nothing whatever except to cut down their palm-trees and destroy
their crops. He says that the Indians themselves burned their villages
and went to the mountains. It is known, however, that he left that
province in a worse state of war than before, and when the Indians
see our men turn back and leave them they regain courage.

We Spaniards are very few in number, and are surrounded by enemies
on every side. If we are not relieved in time by the despatch of
reënforcements, it will be impossible to apply a remedy when it
is wanted. As I have already said, we are but few, and the troops
die very quickly. When the Indians see an opportunity to crush us,
they are not likely to let it slip. I beseech your Majesty to be
pleased to order your viceroy that, when your governor sends to ask
troops and ammunition, or other necessaries, he should send them;
and also that he should send some money, because on account of the
many extraordinary occasions for expense which every day arise, your
royal treasury is usually much embarrassed and in debt. Sometimes,
for lack of money, important things are left undone.

On Sunday, the ninth of this month, I was in the cathedral, where
were gathered all the people and the orders, as there was to be a
solemn procession and sermon. The deacon came out to sprinkle the
holy water, and went directly to the choir and sprinkled it on the
bishop and all the persons who were in the choir. It is the custom
to give it first to the Audiencia. When the deacon came back from
the choir, your president and auditors told him that if the bishop
would not cause precedence to be observed for the Audiencia, they
would go to hear service elsewhere. When the bishop learned this,
he left the church immediately, and sent orders to the preacher not
to preach; and we were left without a sermon, to the great scandal
of the people gathered there.

There is nothing else at present. Only I pray that our Lord may
preserve your Majesty many years in perfect health, and with increase
of greater kingdoms and seigniories, in His holy service. At Manila,
July 15, 1589.

The licentiate _Ayala_.




Royal Decree Regarding Commerce


The King: To Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, [19] knight of the order of
Santiago, and appointed by me governor and captain-general of the
Phelipinas Islands. As soon as Father Alonso Sanchez, a religious
of the Society of Jesus, came here, ordered and empowered by all
the estates of the islands to discuss certain matters regarding
the service of our Lord, and the welfare and preservation of the
inhabitants and natives of those islands, I ordered certain members of
my councils to come together to hear him. This they did, and a thorough
examination was made of certain memorials which that religious had
been ordered to present. [20] After they had consulted with me upon
certain points of the said memorials, I decided, with the approval
of the above-mentioned councilors to whom the matter was delegated,
upon the following instructions which are given to you. I order you
to fulfil your duties, in every respect, with the consideration,
care, and diligence which I expect from you. The father has also
entreated me, in behalf of the said city, to order that no persons
entering the ports of the said islands from without shall be made to
pay duties--whether they be Chinese, Portuguese, Japanese, Siamese,
Borneans, or any other people whatsoever, especially when they bring
provisions, ammunition, and raw material for these articles. These
taxes are a grievance to the Chinese, and trade is hindered, and there
are other resultant disadvantages, as the said Father Alonso Sanchez
has informed me at length; accordingly I have held and do now hold it
best that for the present no more of the said duties be levied upon
provisions and ammunitions. Therefore you will not permit any duty
to be levied until otherwise ordered and decreed. Another advisable
measure discussed was that no Chinese or foreign ships could sell at
retail the goods which they carried to the islands, as is done now;
nor could the inhabitants buy the goods, openly or in secret, under
severe penalties. The purchase of the said goods was to be discussed
by the Council, and as many and so qualified persons as the business
demanded were to be appointed. These persons alone should buy in a
lot all the merchandise brought by the ships, and then distribute it
fairly among the citizens, Spanish, the Chinese, and the Indians,
at the same price at which it should be appraised. The matter was
discussed and examined by the members of the said Council, and it
has seemed best to send you the decision reached in this affair,
as I now do. I order you, keeping this in mind, to give the orders
which you may think acceptable to me. You will keep me informed of
your proceedings, and will not permit or allow any person to go to
the ships except the ones appointed to do so by a special order. You
will endeavor to give products of the islands in exchange for the
said merchandise, so as to avoid, if possible, the introduction of so
much coin into foreign kingdoms as has been customary. Besides the
good results which will follow from carrying out the provisions of
the preceding clause, we may expect another of no less importance;
and that is, that by enforcing the regulations, not only will you
rid yourself of the Chinese retailers, who conceal and sell their
merchandise, but there will be also avoided many other losses,
expenses, and scarcity, and the secret sins and witchcraft which
they teach. Their shops, which are necessary for the sale at retail,
could, in the course of the year, be given up to Spaniards, so that
they might remain in their possession and bring them profit. Such a
course would also bring together a larger number of citizens. You might
permit the Chinese Christians and other old inhabitants to remain,
who do not come and go, and are not retailers in the true sense of
the word; but who work as mechanics, carpenters, gardeners, farmers,
and in other labors for food production. Considering the importance
of this affair, you are warned not to permit or allow the presence of
infidels and retailers in the said islands; and to prevent their coming
together in so large numbers as to give rise to difficulties. All this
you will carry out with the care and diligence which I am confident
lies in your character and prudence, and the zeal which you will show
where my service is concerned. San Lorenzo, August 9, 1589.




Instructions to Gomez Perez Dasmarinas


The King: To Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, knight of the order of Santiago,
whom I have appointed as my governor and captain-general of the
Philipinas Islands. Upon the arrival of Father Alonso Sanchez, a
religious of the Society of Jesus, who came, by order and authorization
of all estates of the said islands, to confer about certain matters
pertaining to the service of our Lord and the welfare and preservation
of the inhabitants and natives of the islands, [21] I convened certain
members of my councils in order that they might hear him. After they
had done so, and had examined in great detail certain memorials
that the father presented, in accordance with his orders, and had
consulted with me in regard to all the points of the said memorials,
I resolved, with the advice of the aforesaid my counselors, to whom
I committed the matter, upon what will follow here, which will serve
as your instructions. I order you to observe and fulfil them to the
letter, with the consideration, care, and diligence that I expect
from your person.

2. Infinite thanks should be given our Lord, and I hereby offer
them to Him, for the great mercy that He has been pleased to show
me, in that, during the period while I, by His mercy and will,
rule as king, and through me as the instrument, those so remote
islands have been discovered; and that at present, as I have heard,
more than two hundred and fifty thousand inhabitants enjoy in those
islands evangelical instruction, besides the great inclination which is
manifest to spread the knowledge of our holy Catholic faith throughout
the other islands with which all that great archipelago is sown and
inhabited for the space of more than nine hundred leguas of latitude,
and more than five hundred of longitude. This does not include the
vast kingdoms of the mainland--China, Cochina, Conchinchina, Champa,
Canvoja, Siam, Patan, Joor [Johore], and others--notwithstanding
that I wish and desire that a pathway to them be opened. In order
that this end be attained, it is necessary that for the present, and
until our Lord so dispose and direct it, the conservation of what
has been pacified and conquered, by so great labor and at so vast
expense to my exchequer, be looked after carefully. I charge you
straitly to see to this, taking note of the condition of affairs,
what is advisable for their continuous improvement and settlement,
and giving them a sound foundation, so that among so many enemies,
not only may they be preserved, but continue to increase daily.

3. First: The above-mentioned father, Alonso Sanchez, has reported
that the cathedral of those islands, located in the said city of
Manila, has no building, ornaments, or other adornments pertaining
to the service of divine worship; or income, or alms for its aid, or
in order to provide it with sacristans, verger, or other necessary
assistants; and that being, as is the case, in the gaze of so many
idolatrous enemies and Mahometans, both natives and foreigners who meet
there--especially the Chinese, who have observed this condition--it
is very annoying that they should see it served so inadequately
and covered with wood and thatch--poor, dilapidated, and without
provision. And because it is very just, and in accord with my will
and desire, that the above-mentioned church be built and served with
all possible propriety, you shall, as soon as you arrive at the said
islands, especially further the building and construction of the
said church. You shall apportion for this purpose the sum of twelve
thousand ducados, in three parts--to wit, one from my royal exchequer,
another from the encomenderos, and the third from the Indians, as is
done in Nueva España. The said twelve thousand ducados shall be spent
upon the said building within four years, spending three thousand
each year. And in order that it may be better done and be commenced
immediately, I have ordered two thousand ducados paid, in anticipation,
on the account of my third, from my royal treasury of the said Nueva
España. As you pass there, you will ask them to send this amount.

4. I have been told that there are two hospitals in the said city of
Manila--one for Spaniards, and the other for Indians--and that both
of them suffer extreme need; for to that of the Spaniards resort many
soldiers, sailors, and other poor folk, who become ill through certain
exertions in my service, and those common to that country; while that
of the Indians is sustained by themselves, by means of their fruits,
work, and tributes. All those who are treated in the latter hospital
fall sick in the same manner as the others, and in the foundation
and preservation of the settlements. Both classes die in discomfort,
through having no building in which to be protected from the ravages
of the climate, and through the lack of beds, food, medicines, nurses,
and other necessities. It would be advisable to send these supplies
from the said Nueva Spaña, together with some blankets. This is,
as you see, a work of the greatest charity, and it is especially
desirable to assist with great care in the consolation and treatment
of the sick. And besides that, you shall have diligence to examine
the hospital built there, and ascertain what care is taken of the
sick. From the first repartimientos that may become vacant in the
said island, you shall apply to the principal hospital sufficient
for an income of five thousand pesos annually; and to that of the
Indians, five hundred ducados annually, granted from the increase of
the tributes of the Indians (which shall be collected in the manner
set down in the sixth section of these instructions), so that both
may enjoy the said income as long as may be my pleasure. From these
amounts the necessary buildings shall be constructed, and other things
provided, so that both may be properly conducted. In order that this
may be commenced immediately, I have granted four hundred ducados
to the principal hospital, and two hundred to that of the Indians,
to be paid from my royal treasury of the said Nueva Spaña, as you
will see by the decree that will be given you.

5. The said Father Alonso Sanchez also reported that the need of
ministers of instruction in the said islands is so great that many
Indians die without baptism; that because of the same need, the
conquest and conversion of other islands are neglected; and that
it would be advisable to send religious from the orders established
there, with instructions to remain there and not go elsewhere. Already
permission has been granted and the needful care taken, so that
some religious may go there, and others will be provided as soon as
possible. All of them shall be notified to resolve upon staying in the
said Philipinas Islands, and not to go to any other place without the
express permission of the bishop and of yourself. Therefore I charge
you that, whenever any religious shall offer themselves to you to
leave the said islands, you shall confer with the said bishop, and
shall consider and discuss the matter; but you shall grant the said
permission only after thorough consideration.

6. Another section of the above-mentioned memorials indicates how
instruction may be provided, not only where there is none, but also
where there is some, although inadequate; that it would be advisable to
increase the tributes and clear up the appraisements of the tributes,
for they are at present in a very confused and dangerous condition,
because of many scruples and injuries connected with them; and that,
as each Indian's tribute has hitherto generally been collected in
pesos of eight reals apiece, it should reasonably be raised to the
value of ten Castilian reals to each of the said pesos--provided that
the Indian may not be forced to pay it in any designated article,
but only in money, if he have it, or shall choose to give it, or in
some other article produced by him, or in goods acquired in trade,
according to their valuation at the time of payment. Because, after
discussing this point, it is believed that each peso may be increased
by two reals to make up the ten, as is petitioned, therefore you shall
order that this increase be paid into my royal treasury, and that half
a real be used to pay the obligations of the tithes, and the other one
and one-half reals be used for the pay of the soldiers stationed in
the said islands, and for other things pertaining thereto; and that
the encomenderos be obliged to pay, from the eight reals remaining,
for the necessary instruction, and their share of the building of
the church, during the time of its construction, in accordance with
the foregoing. The said Indians shall reserve the choice to pay the
tributes in money or in products, in whichever one they wish.

7. Another section of the said memorials also petitions that in
order that this increase of tributes may be more justifiable, the
encomenderos be ordered to pay the tithes, according to the use and
custom in Mexico; for, inasmuch as the commonwealth previously had
neither church, bishop, curates, nor settled rule, the tithes have
not been paid. This is a just order, and as such you shall enforce it,
providing that the said tithes due be paid from the products of their
farms and their animals.

8. On the part of the said city of Manila, I have been petitioned to
have it granted some public property, in order that it may attend to
the affairs of peace, war, government, and other matters pertaining to
its conservation and defense, and for suits that may arise--granting it
for this purpose some Indians, or something from the duties on Chinese
merchandise, or on the storehouses or shops where they trade. After
advising with my counselors, I have determined to bestow upon the
said city for six years, for its public property, one-half of the
fines and pecuniary penalties paid into my treasury, and the incomes
from the said storehouses; with the obligation that, each three years,
the account of money thus obtained be sent, as well as a statement of
what is expended. You shall take care to procure the advancement of the
said city in this, to watch in what manner this grant is used, and to
order that the said account and statement be sent at the proper time.

9. I have also been petitioned, in the name of the said city, to
order that neither in the said city nor in any other part of the
other islands shall be paid the three per cent duty [22] imposed by
Don Gonzalo Ronquillo, as the country is very new and needy, and the
inhabitants have to assist in many other things. Although I would be
very glad to relieve them, still expenses are so heavy, that I must
aid myself by whatever is available. Therefore it will be advisable to
collect the said three per cent. You shall give orders to this effect;
and that the amount that is collected from these duties on merchandise
be placed in my treasury on a separate account, and it shall be used
for paying the soldiers stationed there; and that of the rest that
is collected this duty be discontinued for the present. [23]

10. I have also been petitioned, in the name of the said city, to order
that none of those who resort from foreign parts to the ports of the
said islands--as Chinese, Portuguese, Japanese, Cianese, Burneyes, or
any others--pay duty, especially on food, ammunition, and materials
for ammunition. Because of this, much annoyance is caused--as, for
instance to the Chinese--and the steady course of trade is hindered,
and other troubles follow. After receiving detailed information from
the said Father Alonso Sanchez, I have considered and still consider
it advisable that, for the present, the collection of the said duties
on provisions and ammunition be repealed; and therefore you shall
not allow them to be levied until I order and provide otherwise.

11. I was also petitioned by the said islands to order that, inasmuch
as none of the merchandise from Sevilla to Mexico pays any duties
on the first sale, it be not paid on the merchandise sent from
those islands to the port of Acapulco, or other places. So little is
collected in said port of Acapulco, namely, twelve pesos per tonelada
of freight on the goods of the inhabitants--the duty imposed by Don
Gonçalo Ronquillo--and because likewise the proceeds of this duty are
needed to pay the said soldiers, you shall order that it be collected
for the present for the above purpose.

12. One of the things most conducive to the good government of the
state and the happiness of the members and parts composing it, is
the equitable administration of distributive justice. Accordingly, I
command that the offices at your disposal and the advantageous posts
of the country be given to men who merit them by their services and
capacity, in such manner that the offices be filled by old citizens,
who have lived in the country at least three years, and are citizens
of it; and the encomiendas to soldiers who shall have lived there in
actual military duty and service. Among them you should always give the
preference to those who are most deserving; including, with the other
circumstances of greater and better services in the country, their
length of residence there. They must not be sons, brothers, relatives,
servants, or friends of yours; for--besides that you are advised that
you are not to grant encomiendas of Indians or provide offices to
such men; and, with this end in view, a sufficient salary is given
you to enable you to help them--it is not right for men who are but
new arrivals, and have done no work, to enjoy the fruit of another's
toil. If rewards are bestowed justly, all will serve willingly in the
hope of attaining reward. Therefore it is my will that you observe
this order; and, that it may be thus inviolable, I declare that, now
and henceforth, your said sons, brothers, servants, and friends shall
be incapable of holding the said encomiendas or offices. And because
certain persons, who already hold encomiendas in the said islands,
and with these easily [can satisfy] whatever needs they may have,
are begging for further reward, you are advised not to grant them
any more until many others--who, as I have been informed have been
there for so long a time and are deserving, and have toiled in the
conquest and maintenance of the country, to a much greater extent
than those who are petitioning anew; but who have not been rewarded,
and therefore are poor, irritated, and querulous--shall be provided
and rewarded with encomiendas and other posts and means of gain. You
shall take especial care to reward those whose names follow:

13. Diego Ronquillo, former governor and captain-general of those
islands, who, I am told, exercised the said offices excellently and
to the complete satisfaction of the country.

Don Rodrigo Ronquillo de Peñalosa, son of the governor Don Gonçalo
Ronquillo.

Captain Antonio Rodriguez Chacon.

Captain Agustin de Arceo.

Captain Don Gonçalo Vallesteras Saavedra.

Captain Diego del Castillo.

Captain Don Juan Ronquillo del Castillo.

Captain Caravallo.

Captain Rodrigo Alvarez.

Captain Gomez de Machuca.

Hernando Muñoz de Poyatos, regidor of Manila.

Ensign Juan de Medrano.

Miguel Rodriguez.

Ensign Antonio Guerrero.

Charavia, an old and good soldier.

Gaspar Ruiz de Morales.

Aguilar, likewise an excellent soldier.

Villalobos.

Bartholome Rodriguez.

Sargeant Cantero.

Gaspar de Ysla.

Ensign Christoval de Azcueta.

Geronimo de Cuellar.

Luis Nuñez Hernandez.

[14]. Others, who are said not to have been there so long, but who
are men of worth and account, are as follows:

Don Francisco de Porras y Guevara.

Joan de Alcega.

Don Luis de Velasco.

Don Fernando de Villafañe.

Christoval Gueral.

Joan Verdugo, who has lost his right arm in my service.

Joan Diaz Guerrero.

Blas Garcia.

Joan de Cuellar.

Gaspar de Mena.

Diego de Çarate, who is returning with you, and who, I have been
told, has usually been a commander, and has put down a rebellion,
and has served faithfully.

15. You shall provide for and reward all of the above according to age,
merits, and individual qualifications; and shall give them preference
over all others who do not possess the above qualifications, in the
distribution of encomiendas, posts of government and war, and other
means for the advancement of the country.

16. I charge and order you to observe the same plan in all that
pertains to the commissions and sources of profit, on land or on
sea--especially in the choice of masters and officers of vessels. For
besides observing, in regard to them, that they must have rendered
service and deserve the appointment, the others will be encouraged,
it will attract hither those who have gone away, and the country will
be settled and increased.

17. I have been petitioned also, in behalf of the said city, that
all those who have worked, or have held appointments for wages or
pay, in the said islands be paid their wages there--as for instance,
sailors, carpenters, smiths, and all others who live there, and they
must live there permanently; and that the money for this purpose be
paid from the said royal treasury of Mexico--in order that the country
may become more thickly settled, and other good results follow. In
regard to this, since there will be a treasury there, from which it
may be paid, you shall be careful to order that those who labor be
reimbursed fully for their services; and, if there is insufficient
money to meet the obligations, you and my royal officials shall advise
my officials of the said Nueva España thereof, where an order will be
given to furnish that portion which appears, by sufficient testimony
and report, to be needful.

18. In place of the third office of my royal treasury--namely, the
office of factor, which I ordered to be suppressed--they petition for
a ship-purveyor, in order that the vessels may leave better equipped
and more promptly; for the other two officials are so busy that they
cannot attend to it. As it would be advisable to place this in charge
of the factor whom I am having appointed, you shall have care to see
that he attends to it, as far as may be necessary, so that there may
be no grievance or lack in this matter.

19. In regard to the trade of the said islands, on which their growth
likewise depends, the said Father Alonso Sanchez relates that the
large consignments of money sent there by wealthy people of Mexico,
who do not quit their homes, is one of the things which has ruined
the country; for great injuries result from it. The first is that
all Chinese goods are bought by wholesale and are becoming dearer,
so that the poor and common people of the said islands cannot buy
them, or must buy them at extremely high rates. The second is that,
as the said consignments are many and large, and the vessels few in
number--being at times, and in fact generally, not more than one; and,
by this one being quite laden and filled with goods for Mexicans,
there is no space left for the citizens and common people to embark
their goods. They have petitioned me that, as a remedy for the above
wrongs, I forbid the sending of consignments of money from Mexico,
or the maintenance of agents or companies in the said islands for any
person of Nueva España; that only the inhabitants of the islands be
allowed to buy and export domestic and foreign goods to the said Nueva
España; and that, if anyone else wishes to trade and traffic, it must
be on consideration of his becoming a citizen and residing there for
at least ten years, and of not trading with the property of another,
under penalty of its confiscation, besides that of his other personal
effects. Since, by this method, some goods would still be sent to
Mexico, the money now taken by the Chinese would not be withdrawn from
the country, and goods would be bought more cheaply and in exchange for
products of the islands. Now, because I am desirous of the advancement
of the said islands, and the best interests of their inhabitants,
I have therefore granted them by one of my decrees [24] that, for
the space of six years, only the said inhabitants may trade in China
and in the said Nueva España. You shall observe the said decree, and
shall not allow anything to be done in any wise contrary to its tenor.

20. The question was also discussed whether it would not be better
to prohibit Chinese or other foreign vessels from selling at retail
the merchandise that they bring to the said islands (as is done
now), and the inhabitants of the country from buying those goods,
in public or private, under heavy penalties; and to provide that,
for the purchase of the said merchandise in bulk, as many and as
capable persons as the matter requires be there deputed and appointed,
so that they, and they alone, may buy in mass all the goods brought
in the vessels, and afterward divide them among the Spanish, Chinese,
and Indian inhabitants, with just and fair distribution, at the same
prices which they paid for them. After discussion and conference by
the members of the said assembly, it was decided to refer the entire
matter to you, as I hereby do. I order you, since you will have the
matter in hand, to ordain therein what you deem best. You shall advise
me of what you do, and shall not permit or allow any person to go
to the vessels except those assigned for that purpose, in the order
that shall be prescribed. You shall see that their said merchandise
is exchanged for other products of the islands, so that the taking
of so much coin as is now carried to foreign kingdoms may be avoided.

21. In addition to the good effects, that, it is said, will result
from the execution of what is ordered in the above section, it is
presupposed that another, no less important, will follow--namely,
that, through the operations of the aforesaid, the Chinese hucksters
who lurk there and hawk their goods, will not stay there. Moreover,
other very heavy expenses and increase in prices, and the secret
sins and sorceries which they teach, would be avoided; while their
shops, which are necessary for retail trade, in the course of the
year could be given to Spaniards, so that the profits could remain
among the Spaniards, and there would be an opportunity for more
persons to acquire citizenship. The Chinese Christians and other old
citizens who are not transients, or who are not expressly hucksters,
but workmen--such as mechanics, carpenters, gardeners, farmers,
or those engaged in other food trades--might be permitted to remain
there. Inasmuch as this is a matter of importance, you are advised not
to permit or allow any infidel hucksters in the said islands; or so
many to become residents there that they may give rise to any trouble.

22. Should you consider it advisable to permit and allow the
inhabitants of the said islands to go to Japon, Macan, or other
kingdoms, or settlements, whether of Portuguese or heathen, in order
that those countries may admit our commerce, you may do so--first
taking especial care that no trouble arises therefrom, and that it
is attended with no danger.

23. You shall cause the fifty settlers and fifty farmers whom you are
to take with you to assemble, and go with you, according to the order
contained in my decree that treats of this. In order to incline them to
make the voyage, you shall give them the rewards and privileges which I
have granted to them, which you shall maintain to the utmost. You shall
take especial care that they attend to their settlement and farming;
and that for the space of fifteen years, they and the Indians who aid
and accompany them in their farming are not to be compelled to go to
war, or to engage in any other personal service, such as manning the
vessels, building, or any other services which may hinder or fatigue
them. And since it is fair that, if these rewards and accommodations
are given them, they, on their part, engage only in the work for which
they go; and since peaceful men who are not forced from their trade
and mode of living, apply themselves better, you shall see to it that
those who enlist and are taken be married farmers, of humble estate
and quiet disposition. From each one of them you shall take accredited
bonds, to the amount that seems advisable to you, that for the period
of six years they will not change to any other occupation or means of
gain, or do anything else beyond the thing for which they enlisted,
under the penalties which you may impose, and which you shall inflict.

24. You shall see that the chiefs and timagua Indians have just
contracts and shares with the farmers, so that they may conceive
a liking for and learn farming as practiced here; and so that the
Spaniards may have those who can supply them with people and other
necessities. You shall see that these Indians are intelligent and know
how to keep their contracts with the farmers, especially if they are
peaceful, as above stated.

25. The said islands, as I am told, need stallions, mares, cows,
and other domestic animals. In order that they may be bred there
in numbers, I am writing to the viceroy of Nueva España to send
to the said islands twelve mares, two stallions, twenty-four cows,
and two bulls. You shall ask him for these as you pass there, and
shall take them with you in your vessels as you go upon your voyage;
and whatever you think needful for the animals can be brought from
China and Japon. You shall order those farmers who are about to go
to the said islands, and the chiefs, to tame and breed buffaloes,
so that with all these animals there may be a sufficiency to carry
on the farming, and for other needful services.

26.  It was also petitioned in behalf of the said islands that,
now and henceforth, the encomiendas be given under the obligation
and condition that the encomendero shall work a patch of ground,
and assist the farmers and Indians, so that they also may work and
cultivate the soil. You shall strive to begin this, and shall give
lands and homesteads, farms and horses, for breeding and farming,
to the settlers and farmers, without any prejudice to the Indians.

27.  Upon your arrival at the said islands, you shall find out how
and where, and with what endowment, a convent of secluded girls may
be established, so that both those who go from here, and those born
there may stay in it, and live respectably and well instructed, and
go out therefrom to be married and bear children. By this method
and by the naturalization of persons in the land, its population
will increase continually. You shall endeavor to find some good plan
or method for doing this without encroaching on my royal treasury,
or so that it may be relieved as much as possible. You shall advise
me of it on the first opportunity, as well as of the method that can
be employed in endowing the said poor girls; and how and from what
source other smaller dowries may be established, in order that the
Indian women may marry poor Spanish soldiers and sailors.

28.  In regard to what is petitioned by the said islands about
appointing citizens of the islands to the posts therein, and not
selling the offices, as former governors have tried to do, you shall
look to it carefully, and favor and reward the citizens.

29. Further, it was proposed also that, as far as the natural fitness
of the land and the settlements of the Indians permitted, it would be
advisable to order that encomiendas of not less than eight hundred
or one thousand Indians be granted, for there are tithes for the
instruction, and the other expenses of maintenance, which small
encomiendas cannot bear; and that those who have but few Indians
be allowed to transfer or sell them at their pleasure to other and
neighboring encomenderos, so that, by this union, the encomiendas may
be larger, and may be able to meet the above expenses. Inasmuch as
all matters pertaining to the sale of encomiendas have been enacted
with great care, and it is not fitting to violate these enactments,
you shall not permit this request. But you shall see to it carefully
that the repartimientos have enough for instruction, and for the
maintenance of the encomenderos. You shall endeavor to establish the
Indians in settlements, which shall have adequate instruction. This
you shall attend to with the most rigorous care and attention.

30. Among the things most wasteful of property, and which
embarrass, and may cause harm in, a country so new, because of
the animosity and quarrels resulting therefrom, are the suits and
controversies engendered among the citizens, and among the Indians
themselves. Although it is my will that complete justice be observed
in each case, I charge you that, in so far as may be possible, and
can be rightly done, you settle the differences and suits which
arise, without having recourse to the technicalities of the law
or proceeding by the ordinary methods, or condemning to pecuniary
fines; but observing throughout the provisions of the decrees that
shall be given you. And in order that all may enjoy the blessings
which must ensue from so mild a government, and may live in ease and
contentment, and without any perturbation in the great undertakings
that, God helping, will be accomplished, I am writing in like tenor
to the bishop of the said islands in regard to what touches their
ecclesiastical service. You shall give him my letter, which shall be
delivered to you, and you shall charge him straitly in my name.

31. I have been informed that there has been and is poor system, and
worse observance and fulfilment of the ordinances, in the collection of
the tributes of the disaffected or never-pacified encomiendas; and that
it would be advisable to command that the ordinances be kept, and that,
since such encomiendas ought not to be abandoned, at least the entire
tributes should not be collected, but only a small portion of them, as
a token of recognition. For since the Indians of the said encomiendas
receive no spiritual or temporal benefit from their encomenderos, it
is not right that they pay the tributes--especially as soldiers are
sent annually to make the collection. This latter renders impossible
the pacification of the country; and hence a large portion of the said
islands are in revolt, and we must subdue Burney, Maluco, Mindanao,
and other neighboring islands and mainlands. This matter demands much
reform as you may plan. Therefore I charge you to ordain for this
purpose what you may deem best, after consulting with the bishop;
and that you carry your resolution into prompt and rigorous execution,
in order that so great and injurious annoyances may cease.

32. As I have been informed, there is but little instruction in the
said islands, and much difficulty in providing it, which is greatly
increased by the natural conditions of the country, since it all
consists of islands. Most of them, too, are so small that they do
not have a population of more than three to five hundred Indians,
and some even of less than one or two hundred. It is also prevented
by the long and dangerous navigation, the heat, the rains, and the
poor roads of the country. It is not right that even all of these,
or the many other greater hindrances and difficulties should turn
aside the accomplishment of what is so important. Therefore I order
and charge you straitly that, immediately upon your arrival in the
said islands, you shall note very particularly how this instruction
can be furnished. After ascertaining the opinion of the bishop, with
whom you shall meet and whom you shall charge, in my name, to aid in
this matter with his person, as I expect from him--since, in truth,
this matter is one for him to procure and bring about, by reason of
his office--you shall enact what you consider advisable, so that all
parts of the islands may have sufficient instruction. This shall be
done with kind and gentle methods, in accordance with the will of the
chiefs; and all the Indians who are dispersed shall be established
in settlements, in order that account of them can be taken. You shall
have the greatest care possible in procuring the accomplishment of what
is ordained and enacted, since without that all the work will be lost.

33. Since I desire the welfare and conservation of the said Indians,
and their protection and defense, and as I think that the said bishop
can procure this better than anyone else, I am writing to him, and
charging him with their protection. I am quite sure that he will be
very glad to undertake this, inasmuch as it pertains to the service of
our Lord and the relief of his conscience. And in order that everything
may be done better and more smoothly, you shall maintain the best of
relations throughout with the said bishop; and on your part, you shall
have the greatest care to protect the said Indians and to aid them.

34. I have been informed that, because the soldiers who are stationed
in the said islands receive no pay, nor have any other remuneration,
they obey orders very unwillingly, and are discontented, since
they endure the greatest poverty and affliction; that they are all
spiritless, sick, necessitous, and compelled to become servants. Many
die from their discontent, hunger, lack of comfort, and less provision
for their sicknesses; and others escape by claiming to be married,
sick, or bound to religion. As a consequence, the country has fallen
into disrepute, and men of the requisite valor and quality do not
go there, but only a very few poor, unarmed, and worthless men. If
any of these do have weapons, they pawn or sell them for clothes and
food. Their needs constrain them to commit injuries upon the natives,
so that the latter are irritated. It is said that not only is there no
increase in what has been conquered, but that even that pacification
is becoming more doubtful each day; that domestic and neighboring
enemies are being aroused; and that all of this would be remedied by
giving pay to the said soldiers, who should be regularly and promptly
paid. Inasmuch as it is my will that this be done, it was decided,
after having considered how many soldiers it is necessary and advisable
to maintain usually in the said islands, that there be four hundred
soldiers; and that each one receive a monthly wage of six pesos,
the captains thirty-five, the ensigns twenty, the sergeants ten,
and the corporals seven. Also that the sum of one thousand pesos
additional pay be distributed annually and proportionally among all
of the companies, each person not to receive more than ten pesos each
year; and that this additional pay be given according to the order
and manner set forth in the decree that will be handed you. You shall
order that the said soldiers be regularly paid, and see that they are
satisfied, armed, and well disciplined; that the said number of four
hundred soldiers be not lessened; and that they be divided into what
companies you deem fitting. When you shall appoint the said captains,
officers, or soldiers to any encomienda or other post, you shall not
permit them to draw their pay any longer; and while they receive pay
they cannot trade or traffic, for their solicitude in that pursuit
necessarily occupies their minds and distracts them from their proper
object and the practice of war. For the same reason, likewise, you
shall not grant the said pay to any soldier who acts as servant to
another person, whoever he may be. Whenever any repartimientos of
Indians become vacant in the said islands, you shall apportion some
of the Indians to my crown, as an aid toward the said pay.

35. In respect to the said captains, officers, and soldiers, you shall
observe, and cause to be observed, their privilege of exemption from
arrest for debt contracted while they were in the service; or the
seizure of their weapons, horses, or other things needful and proper
to military service, in satisfaction therefor.

36. Whenever you shall send any captain with men on any commission
or business that arises, you shall order him also to maintain his
privileges, in whatever pertains to the usual exercise of the power
and authority requisite to command, direct, and punish his inferiors;
as well as all the other things peculiar to the service, and which
are conceded to and exercised by officers.

37. It is my will that you have a body-guard of twelve halberdiers,
who shall be paid the same sum as the soldiers. The said halberdiers
shall have a leader or captain, who shall receive pay of fifteen
pesos monthly. Although their principal service shall be to act as a
body-guard, and this is determined and ordained by that which pertains
to the authority and dignity of your position, you shall take note
that they also must go to war upon any occasion that arises.

38. Inasmuch as I have been informed that many of the soldiers,
who are sent to the said islands from Nueva España, are mere lads,
mestizos, and a few Indians, and unarmed; and that a portion of them
are pages and servants of the captains or other persons, who under the
title and name of soldier draw their pay but neither they nor their
masters are soldiers: you shall allow none of them to be enrolled
as soldiers unless they are more than fifteen years old; and accept
no page or servant of any person, while he serves as such, as above
stated. You shall receive only those mestizos who are worthy, but
shall not open a gateway for this in general. I charge and recommend
you to pay especial attention to this.

39. Immediately upon your arrival at the said islands, you shall
give orders to enclose the city of Manila with stone, along that
portion where it is necessary and advisable, and on the other sides
by water. You shall construct a fort in the place assigned and deemed
best there. You shall erect a tower at the junction and point made
by the river and sea. All this shall be very thoroughly done, and
with most careful planning and consideration; and shall be done at
the least possible expense to my treasury--since, as you know, the
buildings can be constructed there with great ease and cheapness.

40. You shall assign what garrison you judge advisable to the said
fort and tower, so that the country may be defended, and that they
may check the designs and hopes of the enemy, and the fear of revolts
and risings.

41. Although you ought to live in great vigilance and the continual
caution demanded for the conservation of a country so new, distant,
and surrounded by enemies, you must beware chiefly of five classes of
them. First, of the natives of the land, who are numerous, and but
partially settled and established in the faith. Second, of four or
five thousand Chinese Indians who live there, and go back and forth in
their tradings. Third, of the Japanese who usually go thither. Fourth,
of the natives of Maluco and Borney, who are aroused, and already
display themselves boldly and openly. Fifth and chiefly, of the
Lutheran English pirates who infest those coasts. In order to check
their incursions, and present a superior force and defense to them all,
you shall construct another fort in Yllocos or Cagayan, to oppose the
Japanese and Chinese robbers; a second in Cebu, to oppose the Borneans
and Malucos; a third in Panpanga, to oppose the Çambales. All shall be
located in places where they may be effectual, and shall be carefully
planned and substantially built by good engineers. The cost will be
very little, because of the great abundance of materials, and because
almost all of the Indians are workmen. You are to see that each fort
has an adequate and desirable garrison.

42. Besides these forts and presidios, it is presupposed that a
moderate-sized fleet of a few galleys or fragatas would be necessary,
to cruise along the coasts in order to protect them, and to prevent
the thefts and injuries wont to be committed along them by the
Japanese, especially in the districts of Cagayan and Ylocos. They
seize the Chinese vessels that bring food and merchandise to the said
islands, whereby great loss is suffered, and commerce and plenty
checked. This fleet would also serve to prevent the Chinese, when
they are returning to their own country, from going among the said
islands and committing depredations on the natives of them, and as a
countercheck to other Chinese or Bornean pirates, as well as against
all other undertakings, and troubles with foreigners. This appears
advisable to me, and desirable. Therefore, as soon as you shall arrive
at the said island, you shall construct six or eight galleys. You
shall note what Doctor Sande, my former governor of those islands,
and Father Alonso Sanchez say--namely, that it will cost but from
one hundred and fifty ducados upward; and that there are, moreover,
the necessary accommodations. You shall order these vessels to be
well equipped, strengthened, and provisioned, so that they may be
effectual. You shall give me an itemized account of the cost of the
said galleys and facilities for building them.

43. It is advisable to set about the construction of the said forts
and galleys as quickly as possible, in order to avoid the troubles
and harm that might ensue if the Spaniards, upon the occasion of any
danger from enemies, were compelled to retire inland among the Indians,
who are all irritated and offended because of the ill-treatment that
they have received; and I charge you straitly with this.

44. Upon your arrival at those islands, and when the situation
is actually before you, you shall investigate the new method and
circumstances with which the new entrances and pacifications are and
can be justifiably made, as well as the few soldiers, slight cost,
and the great ease and profit with which they can be made, because
of the country being divided into many islands, and there being many
petty rulers. These fall out among themselves on slight occasion,
and make treaties with the Spaniards, and hence are kept in order
with but little assistance. Since the petition made there in regard
to the pay and the number of soldiers has been granted--and you are
to maintain the soldiers in good discipline, and keep them quiet, and
punctually paid--you shall make the said entrances and pacifications
with great circumspection and just cause, in which you shall observe
the rules of the instructions, which shall be furnished to you,
regarding new discoveries.

45. It is said that there is great need of such pacification in the
said islands, especially in the very districts where the Spaniards
live and travel, for all of the natives are in revolt and unsubdued,
because of the lack of soldiers, and of the injuries and annoyances
inflicted upon the natives by what soldiers are there. Moreover,
as we are informed from there, many provinces of the island of Luçon
either have never been subdued, or, if subdued, have revolted--as,
for instance, those of Cagayan, Pangasinan, Payasondan, Çambales,
Balente, and others, which are situated among the pacified provinces
quite near and round about Manila; all the provinces, therefore,
are in confusion and disorder. Upon your arrival at the said islands,
you shall ordain in this whatever is advisable. You shall proceed in
this as shall seem expedient, commencing as shall be right, and be
attentive to the remedy for these evils, with very special care and
assistance, since evil may happen to what is distant, if one's own
house is left in suspicion and unsubdued. Besides there is the great
obligation to endeavor to instruct the many people converted already,
who are under my royal protection. These, because of their lack of
the requisite peace and quiet, live in great hardship and danger;
for those who are in revolt and unpacified harass them daily, kill and
assault them, and burn their crops. Because of this, and because they
also kill many Spaniards, not only is there no increase in what has
been gained, but each day that is becoming less. Everything demands
and requires so prompt a remedy, which is thus committed to you.

46. Beyond and beside the said provinces which are here and there
disaffected among the Spaniards and the Indians already converted, are
others, which although not so near, owing to their remoteness and the
nature of their inhabitants, still cannot be called new discoveries,
because they have been visited and known already. These are Babuyanes,
the island of Hermosa, the island of Cavallos ["horses"], Lequios,
the island of Ayncio, Javas, Burney, Paca, Guancalanyanes, Mindanao,
Siao [Siam], Maluco, and many others. Because it has been reported
that they are falling into a worse condition daily, and having been
advised that their welfare and the safety of the Spaniards demand
their pacification, and that delay might render it difficult, you shall
ascertain the manner and method with which the said pacification and
subjection can be best and most quickly brought about, and you shall
execute it, as seems best to you.

47. Since it seems advisable that you, from whom I expect so much,
should have authority and power to make all the said entrances and
pacifications at the cost of my royal estate, in respect to which if
you were constrained to await a reply from here, in a land so distant,
important occasions and opportunities might be lost, I have resolved
to give you authorization for this. Accordingly I grant it to you,
and order the officials of my royal estate of the said islands that,
in all matters under your control, they shall honor and pay all the
orders that you present to them for the said purpose. But you shall
observe that you are to use the said authority only in the most
important matters which shall arise, after consulting about matters
of law with the ecclesiastics and the lawyers, and those of action
with the captains and men of experience and conscience, and taking
account of all other necessary conditions, so that the expense may
be no greater than can be avoided, and profitable.

48. In order that you may accomplish them better and avoid expense, I
authorize you to covenant and bargain with captains, encomenderos, and
any others, in respect to the said entrances and pacifications, they
to make them wholly or partly at their own cost, as seems advisable to
you; and to give them title, for a limited time, as governors of the
islands or provinces that they explore or pacify, and as captains and
masters-of-camp, providing you do not give them title as adelantado
or mariscal. You shall advise me of it, when anyone undertakes this,
reporting the services, capacity, and merits of such person. The said
covenant and agreement which you shall make may be kept in force until
I approve them, because time will be saved thus--but with the condition
of sending them to me, so that I may confirm them. You shall bind the
parties to the agreement, upon the arrival of the said confirmations,
to some brief period, such as you may assign for it.

49. I have been told that, although a few of the encomenderos of
the said islands, who fear God and their consciences, are trying to
establish ministers of religious instruction in their encomiendas,
others are not doing this, and refuse to do it as they are obliged,
and as is advisable, notwithstanding that there are plenty of the
said ministers; that there are encomiendas which have been paying
tribute peacefully for fifteen, twenty, or twenty-five years, without
the Indians of them ever having seen a minister or heard a word
of Christian instruction; and that also many other encomiendas pay
tribute by pure force of soldiers and arquebuses, who rebel and revolt
because of the oppression and severity with which they are treated,
without knowing the reason why they should pay it, since they have no
instruction. Since, besides the obligation to procure the welfare of
those souls, their conversion, instruction, and teaching, which should
be the chief constraining force; and since even for temporal affairs,
for the peace and tranquillity of the country, so that those pacified
should not revolt, and so that those in revolt should be subdued, the
best method is that of instruction--for which the common treatment,
mildness, upright life, and counsels of the religious and ministers
of the gospel incline and regulate their minds: therefore I charge you
that, after consulting with the bishop you shall, in my name, provide
what is advisable in this, so that the necessary instruction may be
furnished, that my conscience, and his, and your own may be relieved.

50. I have also been informed that, in collecting the tributes from the
Indians, there has been in the past, and is at present, great disorder,
because the former governors of the said islands have done things very
confusedly and haphazardly.  Because the tribute of each Indian is
of the value of eight reals, paid in what the Indian might possess,
some persons take advantage of certain words of the said assessments,
and of the articles in which tributes are designated--such as cotton
cloth, rice, and other products of the country--to cause the said
lawlessness. This disorder has consisted in each one collecting
whatever he wished, to the great offense and injury of the said
Indians; for when gold is abundant, their encomenderos demand coin
from the Indians; and when coin is abundant and gold scarce, they
demand gold, although the said Indians have to search for and buy
it. In short, they always demand their tributes in those things which
are scarce, by reason of which, for the tribute worth eight reals,
some collect fifteen, and others twenty, twenty-five, thirty, and
more, according to the value of those things that are demanded. They
cause the Indians to seek them and bring them from other parts, to
their great vexation and affliction. It is advisable to check this
lawlessness and excess. Therefore I charge you to ordain that, in
the payment of the said tributes, the order referred to in section
six of these instructions shall be observed. That section treats
of the Indians being allowed to pay their tributes in coin, gold,
or products, as they may choose.

51. Another section of the said memorial also pointed out that,
although certain Spaniards of tender conscience have freed their
slaves, native to the said islands, in fulfilment of the provision
of my decrees, many others have retained them, and do not allow
them to have houses of their own, or to live on their own land under
the ordinary instruction. It is advisable to remedy this also; and
I therefore commit it to you, and order you that, immediately upon
your arrival at the said islands, you shall set at liberty all those
Indians held as slaves by the Spaniards.

52. I am informed that the said Indians have suffered many grievances
and burdens from all the ministers of justice, because the latter
have incited many suits, not only of cases after the country was
discovered, but of others that had happened in its pagan days,
among both the living and their forefathers, and both civil and
criminal cases. These are not summary, but have all the terms,
demands, preliminary hearings, and reviews, which can be found in any
chancilleria of these kingdoms. In these the Indians have wasted and
continue to waste their possessions. Although in section twenty-nine
of these instructions, it treats of what you and the bishop have to do
or provide as a remedy for these vexations of suits by Spaniards and
Indians, once more I charge you and recommend you to strive to have
the suits finished and decided promptly and summarily. You must take
note that this will be one of the matters in which I shall consider
myself most faithfully and fully served by you.

53. In regard to the confusion existing, past and present, in the
religious leaving the said islands for the mainland of China and other
places, without permission of the governor or bishop--asserting that,
through their all-sufficient power, those who hinder them shall be
excommunicated--the advisable course has also been pointed out in time
past--namely, that the religious should go there with the resolution
to settle in the said Philipinas Islands, and not go elsewhere without
your permission and that of the said bishop. This must be construed
in respect to the religious who shall have been assigned to make a
settlement and to live there, and not with those who have license
from me to pass farther and to go to other regions; for when this is
given or permitted to them, it is after much consideration.

54. It has been said that, for the remedy of past confusion and
wrongs, which have resulted from people going from the said islands
to China and other districts without order or permission, it would be
advisable to ordain, under severe penalties, that no secular Spaniard
may leave them for any place or on any business, or supply a fragata,
provisions, or any other assistance to any of the said religious,
without my special order, or your permission and that of the said
bishop. Inasmuch as this fits in with the provision of the above
section, the same provision there is to be noted by you, so that
likewise you may know what pertains to this, and doing that you shall
understand it thoroughly.

You shall attend to all of the above with the care and close attention
that I expect from your character and prudence, and from your earnest
zeal in affairs touching my service. San Lorenço, August nine, one
thousand five hundred and eighty-nine.

_I The King_

By order of the king, our sovereign:

_Juan de Ybarra_

Countersigned by the council.




Customs of the Tagalogs

(_Two Relations by Juan de Plasencia, O.S.F._)


After receiving your Lordship's letter, I wished to reply immediately;
but I postponed my answer in order that I might first thoroughly
inform myself in regard to your request, and to avoid discussing
the conflicting reports of the Indians, who are wont to tell what
suits their purpose. Therefore, to this end, I collected Indians from
different districts--old men, and those of most capacity, all known
to me; and from them I have obtained the simple truth, after weeding
out much foolishness, in regard to their government, administration
of justice, inheritances, slaves, and dowries. [25] It is as follows:

_Customs of the Tagalogs_

This people always had chiefs, called by them _datos_, who governed
them and were captains in their wars, and whom they obeyed and
reverenced. The subject who committed any offense against them,
or spoke but a word to their wives and children, was severely punished.

These chiefs ruled over but few people; sometimes as many as
a hundred houses, sometimes even less than thirty. This tribal
gathering is called in Tagalo a _barangay_. It was inferred that the
reason for giving themselves this name arose from the fact (as they
are classed, by their language, among the Malay nations) that when
they came to this land, the head of the barangay, which is a boat,
thus called--as is discussed at length in the first chapter of the
first ten chapters--became a _dato_. And so, even at the present day,
it is ascertained that this barangay in its origin was a family of
parents and children, relations and slaves. There were many of these
barangays in each town, or, at least, on account of wars, they did
not settle far from one another. They were not, however, subject to
one another, except in friendship and relationship. The chiefs, in
their various wars, helped one another with their respective barangays.

In addition to the chiefs, who corresponded to our knights, there
were three castes: nobles, commoners, and slaves. The nobles were the
free-born whom they call _maharlica_. They did not pay tax or tribute
to the dato, but must accompany him in war, at their own expense. The
chief offered them beforehand a feast, and afterward they divided
the spoils. Moreover, when the dato went upon the water those whom he
summoned rowed for him. If he built a house, they helped him, and had
to be fed for it. The same was true when the whole barangay went to
clear up his lands for tillage. The lands which they inhabited were
divided among the whole barangay, especially the irrigated portion,
and thus each one knew his own. No one belonging to another barangay
would cultivate them unless after purchase or inheritance. The lands
on the _tingues_, or mountain-ridges, are not divided, but owned in
common by the barangay. Consequently, at the time of the rice harvest,
any individual of any particular barangay, although he may have come
from some other village, if he commences to clear any land may sow it,
and no one can compel him to abandon it. There are some villages (as,
for example, Pila de la Laguna) in which these nobles, or maharlicas,
paid annually to the dato a hundred gantas of rice. The reason of this
was that, at the time of their settlement there, another chief occupied
the lands, which the new chief, upon his arrival, bought with his own
gold; and therefore the members of his barangay paid him for the arable
land, and he divided it, among those whom he saw fit to reward. But
now, since the advent of the Spaniards, it is not so divided.

The chiefs in some villages had also fisheries, with established
limits, and sections of the rivers for markets. At these no one could
fish, or trade in the markets, without paying for the privilege,
unless he belonged to the chief's barangay or village.

The commoners are called _aliping namamahay_. They are married, and
serve their master, whether he be a dato or not, with half of their
cultivated lands, as was agreed upon in the beginning. They accompanied
him whenever he went beyond the island, and rowed for him. They live
in their own houses, and are lords of their property and gold. Their
children inherit it, and enjoy their property and lands. The children,
then, enjoy the rank of their fathers, and they cannot be made slaves
(_sa guiguilir_) nor can either parents or children be sold. If they
should fall by inheritance into the hands of a son of their master who
was going to dwell in another village, they could not be taken from
their own village and carried with him; but they would remain in their
native village, doing service there and cultivating the sowed lands.

The slaves are called _aliping sa guiguilir_. They serve their master
in his house and on his cultivated lands, and may be sold. The master
grants them, should he see fit, and providing that he has profited
through their industry, a portion of their harvests, so that they
may work faithfully. For these reasons, servants who are born in the
house of their master are rarely, if ever, sold. That is the lot of
captives in war, and of those brought up in the harvest fields.

Those to whom a debt was owed transferred the debt to another, thereby
themselves making a profit, and reducing the wretched debtors to a
slavery which was not their natural lot. If any person among those
who were made slaves (_sa guiguilir_)--through war, by the trade of
goldsmith, or otherwise--happened to possess any gold beyond the sum
that he had to give his master, he ransomed himself, becoming thus
a _namamahay_, or what we call a commoner. The price of this ransom
was never less than five taels, and from that upwards; and if he gave
ten or more taels, as they might agree, he became wholly free. An
amusing ceremony accompanied this custom. After having divided all
the trinkets which the slave possessed, if he maintained a house of
his own, they divided even the pots and jars, and if an odd one of
these remained, they broke it; and if a piece of cloth were left,
they parted it in the middle.

The difference between the _aliping namamahay_ and the _aliping sa
guiguilir_, should be noted; for, by a confusion of the two terms,
many have been classed as slaves who really are not. The Indians seeing
that the alcaldes-mayor do not understand this, have adopted the custom
of taking away the children of the _aliping namamahay_, making use
of them as they would of the _aliping sa guiguilir_, as servants in
their households, which is illegal, and if the _aliping namamahay_
should appeal to justice, it is proved that he is an _aliping_ as
well as his father and mother before him and no reservation is made
as to whether he is _aliping namamahay_ or _atiping sa guiguilir_. He
is at once considered an _alipin_, without further declaration. In
this way he becomes a _sa guiguilir_, and is even sold. Consequently,
the alcaldes-mayor should be instructed to ascertain, when anyone
asks for his _alipin_, to which class he belongs, and to have the
answer put in the document that they give him.

In these three classes, those who are _maharlicas_ on both the father's
and mother's side continue to be so forever; and if it happens that
they should become slaves, it is through marriage, as I shall soon
explain. If these maharlicas had children among their slaves, the
children and their mothers became free; if one of them had children
by the slave-woman of another, she was compelled, when pregnant, to
give her master half of a gold tael, because of her risk of death,
and for her inability to labor during the pregnancy. In such a case
half of the child was free--namely, the half belonging to the father,
who supplied the child with food. If he did not do this, he showed
that he did not recognize him as his child, in which case the latter
was wholly a slave. If a free woman had children by a slave, they
were all free, provided he were not her husband.

If two persons married, of whom one was a _maharlica_ and the other
a slave, whether _namamahay_ or _sa guiguilir_, the children were
divided: the first, whether male or female, belonged to the father,
as did the third and fifth; the second, the fourth, and the sixth
fell to the mother, and so on. In this manner, if the father were
free, all those who belonged to him were free; if he were a slave,
all those who belonged to him were slaves; and the same applied to
the mother. If there should not be more than one child he was half
free and half slave. The only question here concerned the division,
whether the child were male or female. Those who became slaves fell
under the category of servitude which was their parent's, either
namamahay or sa guiguilir. If there were an odd number of children,
the odd one was half free and half slave. I have not been able to
ascertain with any certainty when or at what age the division of
children was made, for each one suited himself in this respect. Of
these two kinds of slaves the sa guiguilir could be sold, but not the
namamahay and their children, nor could they be transferred. However,
they could be transferred from the barangay by inheritance, provided
they remained in the same village.

The maharlicas could not, after marriage, move from one village to
another, or from one barangay to another, without paying a certain
fine in gold, as arranged among them. This fine was larger or smaller
according to the inclination of the different villages, running from
one to three taels and a banquet to the entire barangay. Failure
to pay the fine might result in a war between the barangay which
the person left and the one which he entered. This applied equally
to men and women, except that when one married a woman of another
village, the children were afterwards divided equally between the two
barangays. This arrangement kept them obedient to the dato, or chief,
which is no longer the case--because, if the dato is energetic and
commands what the religious fathers enjoin him, they soon leave him
and go to other villages and other datos, who endure and protect them
and do not order them about. This is the kind of dato that they now
prefer, not him who has the spirit to command. There is a great need
of reform in this, for the chiefs are spiritless and faint-hearted.

Investigations made and sentences passed by the dato must take place
in the presence of those of his barangay. If any of the litigants
felt himself aggrieved, an arbiter was unanimously named from
another village or barangay, whether he were a dato or not; since
they had for this purpose some persons, known as fair and just men,
who were said to give true judgment according to their customs. If the
controversy lay between two chiefs, when they wished to avoid war,
they also convoked judges to act as arbiters; they did the same if
the disputants belonged to two different barangays. In this ceremony
they always had to drink, the plaintiff inviting the others.

They had laws by which they condemned to death a man of low birth
who insulted the daughter or wife of a chief; likewise witches,
and others of the same class.

They condemned no one to slavery, unless he merited the
death-penalty. As for the witches, they killed them, and their
children and accomplices became slaves of the chief, after he had
made some recompense to the injured person. All other offenses
were punished by fines in gold, which, if not paid with promptness,
exposed the culprit to serve, until the payment should be made, the
person aggrieved, to whom the money was to be paid. This was done in
the following way: Half the cultivated lands and all their produce
belonged to the master. The master provided the culprit with food and
clothing, thus enslaving the culprit and his children until such time
as he might amass enough money to pay the fine. If the father should
by chance pay his debt, the master then claimed that he had fed and
clothed his children, and should be paid therefor. In this way he kept
possession of the children if the payment could not be met. This last
was usually the case, and they remained slaves. If the culprit had
some relative or friend who paid for him, he was obliged to render
the latter half his service until he was paid--not, however, service
within the house as aliping sa guiguilir, but living independently,
as aliping namamahay. If the creditor were not served in this wise,
the culprit had to pay the double of what was lent him. In this way
slaves were made by debt: either sa guiguilir, if they served the
master to whom the judgment applied; or aliping namamahay, if they
served the person who lent them wherewith to pay.

In what concerns loans, there was formerly, and is today, an excess of
usury, which is a great hindrance to baptism as well as to confession;
for it turns out in the same way as I have showed in the case of the
one under judgment, who gives half of his cultivated lands and profits
until he pays the debt. The debtor is condemned to a life of toil;
and thus borrowers become slaves, and after the death of the father
the children pay the debt. Not doing so, double the amount must be
paid. This system should and can be reformed.

As for inheritances, the legitimate children of a father and mother
inherited equally, except in the case where the father and mother
showed a slight partiality by such gifts as two or three gold taels,
or perhaps a jewel.

When the parents gave a dowry to any son, and, when, in order to
marry him to a chief's daughter, the dowry was greater than the
sum given the other sons, the excess was not counted in the whole
property to be divided. But any other thing that should have been
given to any son, though it might be for some necessity, was taken
into consideration at the time of the partition of the property,
unless the parents should declare that such a bestowal was made
outside of the inheritance. If one had had children by two or more
legitimate wives, each child received the inheritance and dowry of
his mother, with its increase, and that share of his father's estate
which fell to him out of the whole. If a man had a child by one of his
slaves, as well as legitimate children, the former had no share in
the inheritance; but the legitimate children were bound to free the
mother, and to give him something--a tael or a slave, if the father
were a chief; or if, finally, anything else were given it was by the
unanimous consent of all. If besides his legitimate children, he had
also some son by a free unmarried woman, to whom a dowry was given
but who was not considered as a real wife, all these were classed as
natural children, although the child by the unmarried woman should
have been begotten after his marriage. Such children did not inherit
equally with the legitimate children, but only the third part. For
example, if there were two children, the legitimate one had two parts,
and the one of the _inaasava_ one part. When there were no children
by a legitimate wife, but only children by an unmarried woman, or
_inaasava_, the latter inherited all. If he had a child by a slave
woman, that child received his share as above stated. If there were
no legitimate or natural child, or a child by an inaasava, whether
there was a son of a slave woman or not, the inheritance went only
to the father or grandparents, brothers, or nearest relatives of the
deceased, who gave to the slave-child as above stated.

In the case of a child by a free married woman, born while she was
married, if the husband punished the adulterer this was considered
a dowry; and the child entered with the others into partition in the
inheritance. His share equaled the part left by the father, nothing
more. If there were no other sons than he, the children and the nearest
relatives inherited equally with him. But if the adulterer were not
punished by the husband of the woman who had the child, the latter
was not considered as his child, nor did he inherit anything. It
should be noticed that the offender was not considered dishonored
by the punishment inflicted, nor did the husband leave the woman. By
the punishment of the father the child was fittingly made legitimate.

Adopted children, of whom there are many among them, inherit the
double of what was paid for their adoption. For example, if one gold
tael was given that he might be adopted when the first father died,
the child was given [in inheritance] two taels. But if this child
should die first, his children do not inherit from the second father,
for the arrangement stops at that point.

This is the danger to which his money is exposed, as well as his being
protected as a child. On this account this manner of adoption common
among them is considered lawful.

Dowries are given by the men to the women's parents. If the latter are
living, they enjoy the use of it. At their death, provided the dowry
has not been consumed, it is divided like the rest of the estate,
equally among the children, except in case the father should care to
bestow something additional upon the daughter. If the wife, at the
time of her marriage, has neither father, mother, nor grandparents,
she enjoys her dowry--which, in such a case, belongs to no other
relative or child. It should be noticed that unmarried women can own
no property, in land or dowry, for the result of all their labors
accrues to their parents.

In the case of a divorce before the birth of children, if the wife left
the husband for the purpose of marrying another, all her dowry and
an equal additional amount fell to the husband; but if she left him,
and did not marry another, the dowry was returned. When the husband
left his wife, he lost the half of the dowry, and the other half was
returned to him. If he possessed children at the time of his divorce,
the whole dowry and the fine went to the children, and was held for
them by their grandparents or other responsible relatives.

I have also seen another practice in two villages. In one case, upon
the death of the wife who in a year's time had borne no children,
the parents returned one-half the dowry to the husband whose wife had
died. In the other case, upon the death of the husband, one-half the
dowry was returned to the relatives of the husband. I have ascertained
that this is not a general practice; for upon inquiry I learned that
when this is done it is done through piety, and that all do not do it.

In the matter of marriage dowries which fathers bestow upon their
sons when they are about to be married, and half of which is given
immediately, even when they are only children, there is a great deal
more complexity. There is a fine stipulated in the contract, that he
who violates it shall pay a certain sum which varies according to the
practice of the village and the affluence of the individual. The fine
was heaviest if, upon the death of the parents, the son or daughter
should be unwilling to marry because it had been arranged by his or
her parents. In this case the dowry which the parents had received
was returned and nothing more. But if the parents were living, they
paid the fine, because it was assumed that it had been their design
to separate the children.

The above is what I have been able to ascertain clearly concerning
customs observed among these natives in all this Laguna and the
tingues, and among the entire Tagalo race. The old men say that a
dato who did anything contrary to this would not be esteemed; and,
in relating tyrannies which they had committed, some condemned them
and adjudged them wicked.

Others, perchance, may offer a more extended narrative, but leaving
aside irrelevant matters concerning government and justice among them,
a summary of the whole truth is contained in the above. I am sending
the account in this clear and concise form because I had received no
orders to pursue the work further. Whatever may be decided upon, it is
certainly important that it should be given to the alcal-des-mayor,
accompanied by an explanation; for the absurdities which are to be
found in their opinions are indeed pitiable.

May our Lord bestow upon your Lordship His grace and spirit, so that in
every step good fortune may be yours; and upon every occasion may your
Lordship deign to consider me your humble servant, to be which would
be the greatest satisfaction and favor that I could receive. Nagcarlán,
October 21, 1589.

_Fray Juan de Plasencia_ [26]


_Relation of the Worship of the Tagalogs, Their Gods, and Their
Burials and Superstitions_

In all the villages, or in other parts of the Filipinas Islands,
there are no temples consecrated to the performing of sacrifices,
the adoration of their idols, or the general practice of idolatry. It
is true that they have the name _simbahan_, which means a temple or
place of adoration; but this is because, formerly, when they wished to
celebrate a festival, which they called _pandot_, or "worship," they
celebrated it in the large house of a chief. There they constructed,
for the purpose of sheltering the assembled people, a temporary shed
on each side of the house, with a roof, called _sibi_, to protect the
people from the wet when it rained. They so constructed the house
that it might contain many people--dividing it, after the fashion
of ships, into three compartments. On the posts of the house they
set small lamps, called _sorihile_; in the center of the house they
placed one large lamp, adorned with leaves of the white palm, wrought
into many designs. They also brought together many drums, large and
small, which they beat successively while the feast lasted, which was
usually four days. During this time the whole barangay, or family,
united and joined in the worship which they call _nagaanitos_. The
house, for the above-mentioned period of time, was called a temple.

Among their many idols there was one called. Badhala, whom they
especially worshiped. The title seems to signify "all powerful,"
or "maker of all things." They also worshiped the sun, which, on
account of its beauty, is almost universally respected and honored by
heathens. They worshiped, too, the moon, especially when it was new,
at which time they held great rejoicings, adoring it and bidding it
welcome. Some of them also adored the stars, although they did not
know them by their names, as the Spaniards and other nations know the
planets--with the one exception of the morning star, which they called
Tala. They knew, too, the "seven little goats" [the Pleiades]--as
we call them--and, consequently, the change of seasons, which they
call Mapolon; and Balatic, which is our Greater Bear. They possessed
many idols called _lic-ha_, which were images with different shapes;
and at times they worshiped any little trifle, in which they adored,
as did the Romans, some particular dead man who was brave in war and
endowed with special faculties, to whom they commended themselves for
protection in their tribulations. They had another idol called Dian
masalanta, who was the patron of lovers and of generation. The idols
called Lacapati and Idianale were the patrons of the cultivated lands
and of husbandry. They paid reverence to water-lizards called by them
_buaya_, or crocodiles, from fear of being harmed by them. They were
even in the habit of offering these animals a portion of what they
carried in their boats, by throwing it into the water, or placing it
upon the bank.

They were, moreover, very liable to find auguries in things they
witnessed. For example, if they left their house and met on the
way a serpent or rat, or a bird called _Tigmamanuguin_ which was
singing in the tree, or if they chanced upon anyone who sneezed,
they returned at once to their house, considering the incident as an
augury that some evil might befall them if they should continue their
journey--especially when the above-mentioned bird sang. This song had
two different forms: in the one case it was considered as an evil
omen; in the other, as a good omen, and then they continued their
journey. They also practiced divination, to see whether weapons,
such as a dagger or knife, were to be useful and lucky for their
possessor whenever occasion should offer.

These natives had no established division of years, months, and days;
these are determined by the cultivation of the soil, counted by moons,
and the different effect produced upon the trees when yielding flowers,
fruits, and leaves: all this helps them in making up the year. The
winter and summer are distinguished as sun-time and water-time--the
latter term designating winter in those regions, where there is no
cold, snow, or ice.

It seems, however, that now since they have become Christians, the
seasons are not quite the same, for at Christmas it gets somewhat
cooler. The years, since the advent of the Spaniards, have been
determined by the latter, and the seasons have been given their proper
names, and they have been divided into weeks.

Their manner of offering sacrifice was to proclaim a feast, and offer
to the devil what they had to eat. This was done in front of the idol,
which they anoint with fragrant perfumes, such as musk and civet,
or gum of the storax-tree and other odoriferous woods, and praise it
in poetic songs sung by the officiating priest, male or female, who
is called _catolonan_. The participants made responses to the song,
beseeching the idol to favor them with those things of which they
were in need, and generally, by offering repeated healths, they all
became intoxicated. In some of their idolatries they were accustomed
to place a good piece of cloth, doubled, over the idol, and over the
cloth a chain or large, gold ring, thus worshiping the devil without
having sight of him. The devil was sometimes liable to enter into
the body of the catolonan, and, assuming her shape and appearance,
filled her with so great arrogance--he being the cause of it--that
she seemed to shoot flames from her eyes; her hair stood on end, a
fearful sight to those beholding, and she uttered words of arrogance
and superiority. In some districts, especially in the mountains, when
in those idolatries the devil incarnated himself and took on the form
of his minister, the latter had to be tied to a tree by his companions,
to prevent the devil in his infernal fury from destroying him. This,
however, happened but rarely. The objects of sacrifice were goats,
fowls, and swine, which were flayed, decapitated, and laid before
the idol. They performed another ceremony by cooking a jar of rice
until the water was evaporated, after which they broke the jar, and
the rice was left as an intact mass which was set before the idol;
and all about it, at intervals, were placed a few buyos--which is a
small fruit [27] wrapped in a leaf with some lime, a food generally
eaten in these regions--as well as fried food and fruits. All the
above-mentioned articles were eaten by the guests at the feast; the
heads [of the animals], after being "offered," as they expressed it,
were cooked and eaten also.

The reasons for offering this sacrifice and adoration were, in addition
to whatever personal matters there might be, the recovery of a sick
person, the prosperous voyage of those embarking on the sea, a good
harvest in the sowed lands, a propitious result in wars, a successful
delivery in childbirth, and a happy outcome in married life. If this
took place among people of rank, the festivities lasted thirty days.

In the case of young girls who first had their monthly courses, their
eyes were blindfolded four days and four nights; and, in the meantime,
the friends and relatives were all invited to partake of food and
drink. At the end of this period, the catolonan took the young girl
to the water, bathed her and washed her head, and removed the bandage
from her eyes. The old men said that they did this in order that the
girls might bear children, and have fortune in finding husbands to
their taste, who would not leave them widows in their youth.

The distinctions made among the priests of the devil were as follows:
The first, called catolonan, as above stated, was either a man or a
woman. This office was an honorable one among the natives, and was
held ordinarily by people of rank, this rule being general in all
the islands.

The second they called _mangagauay_, or witches, who deceived by
pretending to heal the sick. These priests even induced maladies by
their charms, which in proportion to the strength and efficacy of the
witchcraft, are capable of causing death. In this way, if they wished
to kill at once they did so; or they could prolong life for a year
by binding to the waist a live serpent, which was believed to be the
devil, or at least his substance. This office was general throughout
the land. The third they called _manyisalat_, which is the same as
magagauay. These priests had the power of applying such remedies to
lovers that they would abandon and despise their own wives, and in
fact could prevent them from having intercourse with the latter. If
the woman, constrained by these means, were abandoned, it would bring
sickness upon her; and on account of the desertion she would discharge
blood and matter. This office was also general throughout the land.

The fourth was called _mancocolam_, whose duty it was to emit fire
from himself at night, once or oftener each month. This fire could
not be extinguished; nor could it be thus emitted except as the priest
wallowed in the ordure and filth which falls from the houses; and he
who lived in the house where the priest was wallowing in order to emit
this fire from himself, fell ill and died. This office was general.

The fifth was called _hocloban_, which is another kind of witch, of
greater efficacy than the mangagauay. Without the use of medicine,
and by simply saluting or raising the hand, they killed whom they
chose. But if they desired to heal those whom they had made ill by
their charms, they did so by using other charms. Moreover, if they
wished to destroy the house of some Indian hostile to them, they
were able to do so without instruments. This was in Catanduanes,
an island off the upper part of Luzon.

The sixth was called _silagan_, whose office it was, if they saw anyone
clothed in white, to tear out his liver and eat it, thus causing his
death. This, like the preceding, was in the island of Catanduanes. Let
no one, moreover, consider this a fable; because, in Calavan, they
tore out in this way through the anus all the intestines of a Spanish
notary, who was buried in Calilaya by father Fray Juan de Mérida.

The seventh was called _magtatangal_, and his purpose was to show
himself at night to many persons, without his head or entrails. In
such wise the devil walked about and carried, or pretended to carry,
his head to different places; and, in the morning, returned it to his
body--remaining, as before, alive. This seems to me to be a fable,
although the natives affirm that they have seen it, because the devil
probably caused them so to believe. This occurred in Catanduanes.

The eighth they called _osuang_, which is equivalent to "sorcerer;"
they say that they have seen him fly, and that he murdered men and
ate their flesh. This was among the Visayas Islands; among the Tagalos
these did not exist.

The ninth was another class of witches called _mangagayoma_. They
made charms for lovers out of herbs, stones, and wood, which would
infuse the heart with love. Thus did they deceive the people, although
sometimes, through the intervention of the devil, they gained their
ends.

The tenth was known as _sonat_, which is equivalent to "preacher." It
was his office to help one to die, at which time he predicted the
salvation or condemnation of the soul. It was not lawful for the
functions of this office to be fulfilled by others than people of
high standing, on account of the esteem in which it was held. This
office was general throughout the islands.

The eleventh, _pangatahojan_, was a soothsayer, and predicted the
future. This office was general in all the islands.

The twelfth, _bayoguin_, signified a "cotquean," a man whose nature
inclined toward that of a woman.

Their manner of burying the dead was as follows: The deceased was
buried beside his house; and, if he were a chief, he was placed beneath
a little house or porch which they constructed for this purpose. Before
interring him, they mourned him for four days; and afterward laid him
on a boat which served as a coffin or bier, placing him beneath the
porch, where guard was kept over him by a slave. In place of rowers,
various animals were placed within the boat, each one being assigned
a place at the oar by twos--male and female of each species being
together--as for example two goats, two deer, or two fowls. It was
the slave's care to see that they were fed. If the deceased had
been a warrior, a living slave was tied beneath his body until in
this wretched way he died. In course of time, all suffered decay;
and for many days the relatives of the dead man bewailed him, singing
dirges, and praises of his good qualities, until finally they wearied
of it. This grief was also accompanied by eating and drinking. This
was a custom of the Tagalos.

The Aetas, [28] or Negrillos [Negritos] inhabitants of this island, had
also a form of burial, but different. They dug a deep, perpendicular
hole, and placed the deceased within it, leaving him upright with head
or crown unburied, on top of which they put half a cocoa-nut which was
to serve him as a shield. Then they went in pursuit of some Indian,
whom they killed in retribution for the Negrillo who had died. To
this end they conspired together, hanging a certain token on their
necks until some one of them procured the death of the innocent one.

These infidels said that they knew that there was another life of
rest which they called _maca_, just as if we should say "paradise,"
or, in other words, "village of rest." They say that those who go
to this place are the just, and the valiant, and those who lived
without doing harm, or who possessed other moral virtues. They
said also that in the other life and mortality, there was a place
of punishment, grief, and affliction, called _casanaan_, which was
"a place of anguish;" they also maintained that no one would go to
heaven, where there dwelt only Bathala, "the maker of all things,"
who governed from above. There were also other pagans who confessed
more clearly to a hell, which they called, as I have said, casanaan;
they said that all the wicked went to that place, and there dwelt
the demons, whom they called _sitan_.

All the various kinds of infernal ministers were, therefore, as has
been stated: _catolonan; sonat_ (who was a sort of bishop who ordained
priestesses and received their reverence, for they knelt before him as
before one who could pardon sins, and expected salvation through him);
_mangagauay, manyisalat, mancocolam, hocloban, silagan, magtatangal,
osuan, mangagayoma, pangatahoan_. [29]

There were also ghosts, which they called _vibit_; and phantoms,
which they called _Tigbalaang_. They had another deception--namely,
that if any woman died in childbirth, she and the child suffered
punishment; and that, at night, she could be heard lamenting. This
was called _patianac_. May the honor and glory be God our Lord's,
that among all the Tagalos not a trace of this is left; and that
those who are now marrying do not even know what it is, thanks to
the preaching of the holy gospel, which has banished it.




Documents of 1590



	Letter from Portugal to Felipe II. [Unsigned and undated.]
	Decree ordering a grant to Salazar. Felipe II; April 12.
	Letter from members of the suppressed Audiencia to Felipe
	II. Santiago de Vera, and others; June 20.
	The Chinese and the Parián at Manila. Domingo de Salazar;
	June 24.
	Two letters to Felipe II. Domingo de Salazar; June 24.
	Decree regarding commerce in the Philippines. Felipe II;
	July 23.



_Sources_: These documents are obtained from the original MSS. in
the Archivo general dé Indias, Sevilla--except the fourth, which is
taken from Retana's _Archivo del bibliófilo filipino_, iii, pp. 47-80.

_Translations_: The first document is translated by Arthur B. Myrick,
of Harvard University; the second, third, and sixth, by James
A. Robertson; the fourth, by Alfonso de Salvio, of Harvard University;
the fifth, by Isaac J. Cox, of the University of Pennsylvania, and
by José M. and Clara M. Asensio.




Letter from Portugal to Felipe II


After the king, our lord, succeeded to the crown of Portugal, there
began to open a new commerce between the Philipinas Islands and the
western Yndias belonging to the domain of Castilla and China, Maluco,
Amboino, Banda, and other parts of the Portuguese conquest. As soon
as this was known in the eastern Yndias, the viceroys and governors
thereof were continually writing to his Majesty, that from this new
commerce many heavy injuries were sustained by his Majesty's service,
in regard to the preservation and support of that state of eastern
Yndia, and the quiet of its inhabitants.

His Majesty after reading their letters and going over truthful
reports of the great injury that the continuation of this new trade
might cause, both to the crown of Castilla and to that of Portugal,
resolved to prohibit anyone from going from the western Yndias to
China, Maluco, Amboino, and Banda, and other places belonging to the
crown of Portugal; or from the Eastern to the Western Yndias. Decrees
for this prohibition, signed by his Majesty and by the Portuguese
ministers, were passed and sent to Yndia, where they were published
and ordered to be observed under heavy penalties. The same was to be
done by the ministers of the crown of Castilla and certain memoranda
of it were to be given. We do not know whether this has been done yet.

Because they have again written and continue to write from Yndia
that the said decrees prohibiting the said commerce are not being
observed by the Castilians, and because they everywhere encourage it
and increase to a great extent the evils that result therefrom, which
might be very serious indeed, and difficult to remedy, and involve the
total destruction and loss of those states: his Majesty ordered, for
the more thorough understanding of these details, that they should make
this report of the existing causes for not continuing this commerce,
and even for prohibiting it. These reasons are as follows:

The state of Eastern Yndia is very large, and its cities and
garrisons very distant and remote from one another, and situated in
the territories of kings and princes of great power. On this account
they are maintained by regular soldiery and very powerful fleets, of
large and small galleys and galleons. All the Portuguese resident in
those places, and other Christian vassals of his Majesty, easily bear
the excessive expense. The latter is made up by the income from those
cities and strongholds. This income, although it exceeds a million, is
not sufficient to obviate its being always pledged. Some aid in money
is sent from Portugal. This income from Yndia consists principally
in imposts from the said cities, which are paid for entries and
clearances. The entire amount of these imposts is raised on merchandise
from China, Maluco, Amboino, Banda, and other regions of the south;
for the taxes that are raised on merchandise coming from the northern
districts are of so much less importance, and the merchandise likewise,
that they cannot be compared with those of the south. The principal
commerce that the Portuguese have to live upon, is that from China
and other southern districts, because the other traffic is contracted
for by his Majesty's treasury and belongs to it. The better and more
valuable trade through the southern districts belongs to the crown.

From all this it may be inferred that if we continue this commerce
with China and other southern regions by way of the western Yndias,
the income from the customs duties, on which Yndia is supported,
will necessarily be lost. Nor will there be money or forces with which
many large fleets may be organized by his Majesty for its preservation
and defense, or with which to pay the soldiery stationed there, or to
bear all the other state expenses incurred by the public government,
or those incurred by his Majesty for the ecclesiastical estate in
those places the conquest of which was granted to him by the apostolic
bulls. The rest of these reasons which concern his Majesty's service,
the profit and loss of his treasury, and what is expedient for common
good of the inhabitants of that state, should be considered in this
case with the greatest care. For the inhabitants of Yndia have no
other resources to live upon except trade and commerce; and of these
the principal is the trade with China and other places to which
reference has been made. On this account, they feel very strongly
the seizure of this commerce by the Castilians, saying that they and
their fathers and forefathers conquered it for the royal crown with
their blood and lives. There are and were on this subject practices
and complaints of base character, principally in the city of Goa,
the capital of that state.

And even if all the above (in respect to what concerns Portugal and
the preservation and quiet of Yndia) were not of so great moment and
consideration for his Majesty's service, so great are the injuries
to the crown of Castilla which result from this new commerce that
only for that (both for reasons of state and finance) it should be
strictly prohibited. For if navigation is permitted from the western
Indias to China, all the money and coin in the kingdom will flow
thither and none will go to Hespaña, because China is so large and
has so much to exchange and sell that, however much coin is sent,
that country will absorb it all. The Indias will come to have no need
of Hespaña, because all the products obtained from this country can
be obtained from China in much greater abundance and more cheaply,
except wines and olives, which can be very easily introduced in the
Yndias. They might also do without them, because they are not very
necessary or requisite. So they would care for trade with Hespaña
only on that account, especially since they may get them from China
itself through the Portuguese traders. Of how much consequence and
importance this is in state matters, it is unnecessary to point out,
because it may be well understood. It is, moreover, understood that
the Indians have wine of their own.

And above all, when Chinese merchandise is in the western Indias and
money is flowing toward China, trade and commerce with Hespaña will
necessarily fall off, together with the income of the custom house
at Sevilla, while money will be scarce there and throughout España.

Let it be further noted that among the sworn promises which his Majesty
made to the kingdom of Portugal, there is one clause (the copy of
which accompanies this) in which it is said that traffic with Yndia,
Guinea, and other regions belonging to the kingdom of Portugal, both
discovered and to be discovered, will not be wrested from them or any
innovation made in present conditions; and the officials who are to
go out for the said commerce and on the ships for that purpose shall
be Portuguese. According to this clause, no alteration can be made
in the commerce with China, Maluco, Amboino, Banda, and other parts
of the Eastern Yndias. The Castilians shall not go there, nor shall
the Portuguese go from here to the Castilian Yndias. [30]

The Lord Cardinal Archduke, [31] to whom his Majesty has entrusted
the government of Portugal, seeing and considering all these dangers,
wrote many times to his Majesty that it would be greatly to his
interest to prohibit this commerce; and besides what he says in
many of his letters, in one letter of December 23, of last year, 89,
he wrote as follows:

"In this despatch is sent a report of all that has been written to your
Majesty by the viceroy Don Duarte, and by the governor Miguel de Sosa,
and other persons, affirming that it is of no use to your Majesty,
and unsafe for the state of Yndia, to continue the commerce which has
begun to be opened from the Indias of the Castilian crown to China;
and what your Majesty has had written in regard to it--in order that
your Majesty may have it examined. According to the information
which I possess in this matter, I advise your Majesty to order,
under heavy penalties, that no one shall further this commerce from
the said districts to China, nor from China the other way, because it
is known that if there is no remedy applied, we will lose the customs
receipts of the state of Yndia, and the trade of the merchants. It
seems to me that the lack of confidence and the suspicion which the
ships and embarkations of the Castilians cause in the Chinese are of
even greater consequence. The latter is referred to in the letter which
the city of Nombre de Dios wrote to your Majesty, on this matter."

Hereunto is added the copy of one clause from a letter by the governor
of Yndia (which was received a few days ago, having come by land)
that what he says in regard to this matter, and the way in which this
commerce is looked upon there, may be known. He concludes by explaining
how well it suits his Majesty's service, and how advantageous it is
to both Castilla and Portugal, to prohibit this commerce in such a
way that all the ports shall be closed to it.

		       +

[_Instructions_: "On the new commerce of the Western Yndias, with
China. His Majesty orders that this shall be examined in the Council
of the Indias. The Council shall then advise him of their opinion,
so that his Majesty can determine what measures must be taken, before
the sailing of the ships. Pardo, March 3, 1590."] [32]




Decree Ordering a Grant to Salazar


Sire:

From information received _de officio_ in the royal Audiencia of the
city of Manila, of the Philipinas Islands, and from the opinion of
the said Audiencia, it has been evident that, upon the arrival of
the bishop [Salazar] in the islands, all the houses were built of
wood and bamboo, and thatched with straw. As he saw that they were
burned frequently, and especially in the year eighty-three, when, in
but one fire, the city was nearly all destroyed including, with the
property of the citizens, the cathedral church, monastery, hospital,
fort, supplies, and artillery; seeing also the constant danger from
fire and from the natives of whom there was great fear, the said
bishop exerted himself to aid the citizens and soldiers with three
thousand pesos of his own and others' money, dividing this sum among
all of them, in order that they might rebuild their houses. By this
means he relieved their extreme necessity, and afterward endeavored
to persuade the governor and city to have the buildings constructed
of stone and roofed with tile; and although everyone placed decided
obstacles in the way, he set about this himself, and put great effort
into it, even to the seeking and opening of quarries, and procuring
the making of mortar and roof-tiles. Through his diligence, the result
was obtained and great increase followed therefrom to the said city,
for he built houses with the utmost toil and expense. Thereupon many
of the citizens began to do the same, and the city has been made
safe and fortified. Now, a fort, hospital, church, and monasteries
are being built--all of stone. In addition to the above, when he
went to those islands, he took altar-pieces, ornaments, and other
articles of value for the service of divine worship; and afterward
he bought there some buildings for the church, at an expense of
eight hundred ducados. As, for both this and the bishopric, there is
nothing left of the five hundred thousand maravedis paid him yearly
from your Majesty's royal exchequer--which sum, even, has not been
paid because there is no money there--he is deeply in debt and in
need. He beseeches your Majesty that, attentive to his great labors
in the service of our Lord and of your Majesty, and for the good of
that state, your Majesty will bestow upon him a sum equal to what he
has spent, in order that he may pay his debts; and that he be given
an order for it on the royal treasury of Mexico. The said Audiencia,
in its opinion cited above, declares that his debts amount to six
or seven thousand pesos; that his request seems to them very just;
and that any concession made to him will be a great aid to the
bishop. After deliberation in the council, it is our opinion that,
in consideration of the above, a concession of three thousand pesos,
the equivalent of three thousand six hundred ducados, might be made
the said bishop, as an aid in paying his debts: this sum to be given
him once from the tributes of unassigned Indians in those islands,
or from those that shall first become vacant. Your Majesty will act
herein as suits your pleasure. Madrid, April xii, 1590.

		      +

[_Endorsed_: "Council of the Indias. April 12, 1590. That the bishop
of the Philippinas be granted three thousand six hundred ducados
in unassigned tributes of those islands, as an aid in paying the
debts that he has contracted in the service of our Lord, and of your
Majesty, and the welfare of that state." "The opinion of the council
is approved, although the former concessions and assignments would be
preferable; for I suspect that in such favors irregularities are wont
to occur in the payment to the loss of the collectors." "A warrant
[for that sum] has been drawn up, in accordance with his Majesty's
commands."] [33]




Letter from Members of the Suppressed Audiencia to Felipe II


Sire: All vessels sailing to Nueva España, since the Audiencia was
established here, have taken advices to your Majesty of everything that
has appeared fitting to your royal service. The orders of your royal
decrees and the ordinances of the royal Council have been observed
with all care. Whenever any trouble has arisen in the execution of
these decrees and ordinances, advice thereof has been given in the
letters from this royal Audiencia, as your Majesty may see, should
you wish information thereof.

With the arrival of Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, governor and
captain-general of these islands, the president, auditors, and fiscal
of this Audiencia ceased to exercise their duties, and the trials of
cases pending in that body were suspended, so that, in accordance with
the orders of the royal decrees despatched in regard to this matter,
they might be concluded in the royal chancilleria of Mexico.

Doctor Sanctiago de Vera, former president of this Audiencia, intended
to go to Nueva España this year to assume his post as auditor in the
royal Audiencia of Mexico, to which your Majesty appointed him. Just as
he was about to embark, he was forced to remain here in these islands
this year, because of a certain very severe sickness of his wife, from
which she nearly died. He will sail next year. Licentiate Pedro de
Rojas remains in these islands in the capacity of lieutenant-governor
and counselor in government and military matters, in accordance with
his letters-patent. Although this country proves very unfavorable to
his health, so that he remains here at evident risk of life--because
of a disease from which many die, and which has brought him twice
or thrice to the verge of death--yet he thinks it his duty to
continue his service to your Majesty here, and to remain at his post,
notwithstanding all the danger. We beg your Majesty kindly to appoint
him to another post elsewhere, where his health may be preserved,
for he has always suffered here from weakness and ill-health. Not only
would this prove to be an assurance of his life; his services, which
are so acceptable and well-known, are such that he merits this favor
from your Majesty. Inasmuch as he was auditor of this Audiencia, and
the oldest member of it, because of the death of the licentiate Abalos,
he should not be permitted to remain now as lieutenant-governor; for
he is a person of whom your Majesty can make use in the government,
and in any post whatever of great importance and trust.

The licentiate Don Antonio de Rivera, auditor of this royal Audiencia,
and the licentiate Ayala, [34] its fiscal, remain here without
office. They were detained here one year in order to be present
in this city during the four months of their residencia. They are
very much disheartened over this, for they do not know to what post
your Majesty will appoint them. They have served in their respective
posts in these islands during their whole term with care, integrity,
and disinterestedness, that [_MS. illegible_] and they are suffering
from so great necessity and are five thousand leagues distant from
those kingdoms, burdened with large families and households. They are
grieving greatly over the prospect of so long, dangerous, and costly a
voyage. We entreat your Majesty, since it is so just that rewards and
promotions be given to your servants who have served you faithfully,
and which your Majesty has ever been wont to bestow so generously, that
you do not permit them to remain unrewarded, and that you have their
salaries paid them from the time when their offices became vacant;
for their services merit this, as well as the eagerness with which
they have always exerted themselves, devoting all their energies to
the sole service of God and your Majesty. They have ceased to exercise
their duties in-these posts--the best and chiefest of the kingdom--not
through any demerit, but through the suppression of the Audiencia. We
trust that your Majesty will look favorably upon them and upon your
other servants who have served you in this royal Audiencia; and that
you will reward them and promote them as we desire. May God preserve
the Catholic person of your Majesty. Manila, June 20, 1590.

The doctor _Santiago Devera_
The licentiate _Pedro de Rojas_
The licentiate _Don Antonio de Ribera Maldonado_


[_Endorsed_: "Filipinas; to his Majesty, 1590. The Audiencia, June
20. Seen, and no answer is necessary. Make a memorandum regarding
this auditor and fiscal."]



The Chinese, and the Parian at Manila


Sire:

As Chinese matters are so worthy of being known, I have thought best
to give your Majesty an account of them in a special letter, although
all I say will be but little in comparison with the facts. Before I
undertake to relate what God through His mercy has chosen to unfold to
us concerning the affairs of that kingdom which were so hidden to us,
I must, in order to ease my conscience, and die without this scruple,
undo an error into which I had fallen for a while. Under that error I
wrote to your Majesty as I felt then; and, although what I wrote was
true, according to the information received, I have learned since that
the contrary is the fact. As soon as I began to see the error, I wrote
to your Majesty; but it was not done with the necessary effectiveness,
for I was not yet completely undeceived. Now that I am, it would
be a very serious matter if I did not try to undo the deception. As
at that time I wrote to your Majesty what I felt, under an erroneous
impression, I shall write what I feel, now that I am fully undeceived;
for one ought always to present the entire and naked truth, with no
confusing elements, to all men, and much more to your Majesty.

Before reaching these islands, I heard that no foreigner could without
danger of death set foot in the kingdom of China unless he received
special permission from those having that kingdom in charge; and that
the native who took a foreigner into the land without permission would
be executed, and the foreigner sent to prison for life. When I reached
these islands, I first interviewed some Portuguese who came here,
and I heard them declare and affirm the same thing which I had heard
before. Since I had that impression at my coming, I easily believed
what the Portuguese told me, and persuaded myself that it was true that
no foreigner could enter China without risk of losing his life. For
a long time I have had the conversion of that kingdom at heart, and
with that thought I came to these islands. One of the reasons which
made me accept this bishopric was the fact that these islands were
very near China, and that many Chinese had come to live here. Being
grieved over the thought that by not allowing foreigners to set foot
in that land the preaching of the gospel there might be hindered, I
drew up a report signed by many Portuguese witnesses from Macan and
Yndia who were here. In this report, which I sent to your Majesty,
I gave evidence that the rulers of China, who are styled "mandarins,"
allowed no one to enter the kingdom without their permission; and that
for this purpose they kept large fleets to guard the coast, and to kill
or arrest all who land there. Relying upon the information given me by
the Portuguese, I wrote to your Majesty, asserting that it would be
justifiable for your Majesty to send your fleet to that kingdom, and
in case the preachers were denied entrance, to open a way by force,
and make the Chinese receive them--it being understood that this
opposition was from the mandarins alone, and that the common people
offered no resistance and would receive them well. While all those in
the islands, including myself, held this view, it pleased our Lord to
reveal this deception and to deliver us from this error. It so happened
that a ship left these islands for Mexico, and reached the coast of
China in distress. At first the crew were somewhat ill-treated by the
soldiers who guard the coast, because the latter had taken them for
thieves or spies; but as soon as they were brought before the mandarin
governor and it was learned that they had set out from the Lugones,
as they call these islands, the governor treated them well, gave
orders to return what the soldiers had taken from them, and punished
those who had taken it. They sent the Spaniards in peace to Macan,
whence they came to this city. The captain of the ship is living here
at the present day, as well as two Augustinians who were on board;
and they have told me all that happened to them.

From this time I began to be undeceived, and to understand that
the kingdom of China was not so inaccessible as the Portuguese had
represented it. Then I wrote to your Majesty the aforesaid letter,
asserting that the ill-report concerning the mandarins of China was
rather an invention of the Portuguese than a true report. Later on, my
belief in this truth was confirmed by certain persons, both religious
and laymen, who have gone to China from these islands. When these
persons arrived there the Chinese arrested them, in order to find out
whence they came and what they were seeking; and when it was learned
who they were, they were allowed to return in peace and were even
given supplies for the journey. While writing this, I have met two
Franciscan friars who tell me that, as soon as they reached China,
they were arrested and taken, handcuffed, before the mandarin. When he
learned who they were he gave orders to set them free, and to provide
for their support until they could return here. What fully confirms
me as to the truth of all this is the report which I received of the
kind reception given in the province of Chincheo to a ship which
the viceroy then governing Nueba España sent to Macan, and whose
captain was Lope de Palacios, the brother of the auditor Palacios,
auditor of Mexico. This ship was driven to Chincheo under stress
of weather, and there everyone in her was well received, when the
inhabitants of Chincheo learned that they were coming to trade in
China. They persuaded them to go no farther, saying that they would
give them a cargo there for their ship; but God, who had chosen to
punish those who by that means sought to destroy this land against
the wish of your Majesty, blinded them, so that they would not take
the most salutary advice that could have been given them. The three
Dominican religious who were on board the ship were well received and
lovingly treated by the mandarin of that province. He took them to
the city and lodged them in his own house, giving them an apartment
where they could celebrate mass. This they did with as much quiet
and safety as if they had been at your court. The mandarin kept
them with him for one week, after which he allowed them to go to
their ship and proceed to Macan. I had this relation from the very
religious who were there. At present I am entertaining at my house a
man who came from Mexico in that ship, and who, being an eyewitness,
has told me of all the occurrence; but, since this account and other
events which occurred were reported to your Majesty two years ago,
and I am sure that the report reached its destination, I shall not
detain you with a more detailed account of those matters.

I have said all this in order to correct the wrong opinion held
about the rulers of China; and although it is true that they are
cautious and suspicious, prudently seeking to protect their nation
against the entrance of foreigners who might harm and disturb the
land, still, without any question, what has been said against them
is a false accusation; for until now we know of no person whom they
have killed for setting foot in their land, nor do we know of any
one whom they have thrown into prison for life, as the Portuguese
reported. If any of the Spaniards who went to that land received
ill-treatment at the hands of the Chinese, it was due to the evil
reports of us which the Portuguese spread among them, warning them
to beware of Castilians as a people addicted to stealing and seizing
foreign kingdoms; and who, as they had become masters of Nueva España,
Peru, and the Philipinas, would strive likewise to obtain China. The
people of that kingdom, being the most cautious people in the world,
believed quite readily what the Portuguese told them of us; and in
consequence they ill-treated the Castilians who went there. What I
say here is a well ascertained fact, known by people who have seen
themselves in great danger of being killed in China, just because the
Portuguese had pointed them out to the Chinese as spies. One of the
Franciscan religious whom I mentioned above has affirmed to me that
he himself had heard it said that the Portuguese had reported them
as spies, and that for this reason they had been handcuffed. Were
I not sure that this was so, I would not dare to affirm it to your
Majesty, for these are serious matters which do not speak well for the
Portuguese. Although it is not to be believed that all of them say
these things of us, still it needs only a few of them to speak such
words in order to persuade the Chinese; and those few have caused
no little harm, for, had not God provided a remedy, they would have
greatly hindered the gospel from ever entering that kingdom. However,
since the Chinese have experienced the contrary of what had been told
them, and the Chinese or Sangleys (which mean the same thing) who go
there from here tell them of the fairness with which we treat them
here, and of the freedom that they enjoy among us, they have regained
confidence, and are not offended at seeing us there, as is proved by
those two ships which were driven on their shores. Doctor Sanctiago
de Vera told me last year that he intended to make arrangements with
the mandarins of Chincheo by which they might give us an island not
far from that coast where the Castilians might settle and establish
their commerce; he added that this plan met with no great opposition
on the part of the Sangleys. But this was not carried out, and I do
not know who was the cause of the failure. To corroborate the fact
that the mandarins do not keep the gates of that kingdom so tightly
closed as the Portuguese affirmed, something else has occurred quite
recently which shows it clearly. When the Portuguese expelled all the
Castilian religious from Macan and ordered them to go to Yndia, and
not to return here, two friars fled secretly to the city of Canton,
and thence they went to Chincheo by land, covering a distance of
about one hundred leagues, without receiving any harm whatever; on
the contrary, they were well treated, and the mardarin of Chincheo
sent them back to this city in one of his own ships. The captain
who brought them has visited me several times, and I have thanked
him. At present these religious are in this city, and have spoken to
me of what occurred to them on the journey from Macan to Chincheo,
and of the presents which the captain who brought them here from
Chincheo gave them. From all the aforesaid we infer that what has been
reported of the refusal of the Chinese kingdom, and of its rulers,
to permit entrance to foreigners has been invention and slander by the
Portuguese, who did this for their own private interests, fearing that
their commerce with the Chinese would cease if the Castilians gained
an entrance there. We who live here have attributed this slander to
that cause--or, more properly speaking, it has been the cunning of
the devil, who has tried in this way to hinder the results which we
hope to obtain by introducing the gospel into that great kingdom,
in such manner as Jesus Christ, our Lord, commanded his disciples
and apostles to preach it throughout the whole world, not trusting in
their own strength, or in human wisdom or power, but only in the power
of God. For He, when it pleases Him, smoothes out all difficulties
which may arise; and if at times He allows his ministers to suffer,
it is for their best good, in order that the perfection and power of
God may shine forth with more brilliancy. Therefore, I say that if
once I thought it possible to make war on China because of the false
report given me of the hindrance and obstacles offered by the rulers
of that kingdom to the preaching of the gospel, by not allowing those
who could preach it to enter the land, now that I know the truth,
I declare that one of the worst offenses which could be committed
against God, and the greatest possible obstacle and opposition to the
spread of the gospel, would be to go to China with the mailed hand,
or to use any sort of violence. For we have had at no time, nor do
we have, any cause, right, or reason to enter that kingdom by force
of arms; for it is evident that we have not told them, nor do they
know, our intention. On the contrary they take us for people whose
only aim is to usurp foreign kingdoms; and, since they think thus,
it is well for them to guard against us. In order to correct the
wrong opinion which they entertain of us, we should not go there
with large fleets and armies equipped, because the only result would
be to vex and offend the greatest and best kingdom in the world;
but if we go there in the way that God commands and desires, and at
the time appointed by His Divine Majesty (for we men cannot know),
we shall make one of the largest conversions ever seen since the time
of the primitive church. This is what the devil tries to hinder by
spreading abroad the notion that the only way by which China can
be entered is by force of arms. The truth is, that until now no
people has been discovered so ready to receive the gospel as this,
or of whom can be entertained such hope of great results by going
to preach the gospel as our Lord Jesus Christ commanded; and if any
one, be he even an angel from heaven, were of a different opinion,
may your Majesty consider him an agent of the devil, who tries to
convince people that the gospel of Jesus Christ is to be preached
with zeal and not with knowledge, with violence and force of arms,
like the alcoran of Mahoma. This is a principle which may God remove
from the minds of all Christian princes, and from all men who are well
acquainted with the law of God and evangelical truth. I am confident
that, when your Majesty learns the truth, you will not allow anything
to be done contrary to the will of God.

Now I shall speak of the Sangleys, of whom there would be much to
say had I not in the past given to your Majesty an account of many
things concerning them. Therefore I shall be brief, in order not to
make this account longer than is necessary.

When I arrived in this land, I found that in a village called
Tondo--which is not far from this city, there being a river
between--lived many Sangleys; of whom some were Christians, but
the larger part infidels. In this city were also some shops kept
by Sangleys, who lived here in order to sell the goods which they
kept here from year to year. These Sangleys were scattered among
the Spaniards, with no specific place assigned to them, until Don
Gongalo Ronquillo allotted them a place to live in, and to be used
as a silk-market (which is called here _Parián_), of four large
buildings. Here, many shops were opened, commerce increased, and more
Sangleys came to this city. Anxious for the conversion of this people,
I soon cast my eyes upon them, and took precautions that they be well
treated, for in that way they would become attached to our religion--as
I was aware that this was your Majesty's desire. Considering that,
wherever Spaniards are to be found, there will always be some unruly
ones, who, forgetting the good example which they ought to give
these infidels, ill-treat them at times, I began on this account to
protect and to assist the Chinese, reproaching those who maltreated
them. I took care to have their grievances removed so as to give them
freedom to attend to their mercantile interests, and to sell their
goods. In this there has been very much abuse in this city by those
who were under obligation to furnish a remedy for it. For this reason
the Sangleys began to have much love for me, for they are the most
grateful people I have ever seen. Gradually commerce has so increased,
and so many are the Sangley ships which come to this city laden with
goods--as all kinds of linen, and silks; ammunition; food supplies,
as wheat, flour, sugar; and many kinds of fruit (although I have not
seen the fruits common in Spaña)--and the city has been so embellished,
that were it not for the fires and the calamities visited upon her
by land and by sea, she would be the most prosperous and rich city
of your Majesty's domains. As I have written to your Majesty in
other letters, this city has the best possible location for both
its temporal and spiritual welfare, and for all its interests, that
could be desired. For on the east, although quite distant, yet not
so far as to hinder a man from coming hither, with favorable voyage,
lie Nueba España and Perú; to the north, about three hundred leagues,
are the large islands of Japón; on the northwest lies the great and
vast kingdom of China, which is so near this island that, starting
early in the morning with reasonable weather, one would sight China on
the next day; on the west lie Conchinchina, the kingdoms of Sián and
Patany, Malaca, the great kingdom of Dacheu (the ancient Trapobana),
and the two Xavas [Javas], the greater and the smaller; [35] and on
the south lie the islands of Maluco and Burney. From all these regions
people come to trade in this city; and from here we can go to them,
for they are near. As to spiritual advantages, if we had preachers
of the gospel to send thither, these regions all stand open to us,
and we could gain good results from it, because Franciscan religious
have gone to some of these places and have been well received, although
on account of many wars and the lack of interpreters they were forced
to return. It is not so certain that they would be received in China
as they are elsewhere; but up to this time no one of those who went
thither has been killed or thrown into prison.

When I came, all the Sangleys were almost forgotten, and relegated to
a corner. No thought was taken for their conversion, because no one
knew their language or undertook to learn it on account of its great
difficulty; and because the religious who lived here were too busy with
the natives of these islands. Although the Augustinian religious had
charge of the Sangleys of Tondo, they did not minister to or instruct
them in their own language, but in that of the natives of this land;
thus the Sangley Christians living here, were Christians only in name,
knowing no more of Christianity than if they had never accepted it. I
was much grieved that a nation of such renown should lack priests to
teach and instruct them in their own language. This led me to make
arrangements with Don Goncalo Ronquillo for a special location to be
assigned to them for their own use, and priests were to be given them
who should learn their language and teach them in it. When this had
been all arranged, and a priest had been appointed, the whole thing was
undone through obstacles which arose at that time. Then I appealed to
all religious orders to appoint some one of their religious to learn
the language and take charge of the Sangleys. Although all of them
showed a desire to do so, and some even began to learn it, yet no one
succeeded; and the Sangleys found themselves with no one to instruct
them and take up their conversion with the necessary earnestness,
until, in the year eighty-seven, God brought to these islands the
religious of St. Dominic. Their coming was for the welfare of the
Sangleys, as the result proved, and as I shall relate further on. God
soon showed us that the religious had come by His will, to take charge
of the Sangleys. This city, being built on a narrow site with the sea
on one side and a river on the other, was all occupied, and there
seemed to be no place where the Dominicans could settle; but there
was soon discovered a site of which no one had thought until then,
and which now is the best in the city. The site adjoins the Parian
of the Sangleys, and that gave the religious of that order occasion
to begin to hold intercourse with them, and for the religious and
Sangleys to become mutually attached to one another. For, whenever
the Sangleys come and go from the Parián, they pass by the church of
Sancto Domingo, and, being a very inquisitive people, they often stop
and watch what is taking place there. When the confraternities of the
Rosary and of the Oaths, which are founded in that house, hold their
processions, a great many Sangleys come out to watch them. They live
so near the monastery that in the night they hear the religious sing
matins, and are not a little edified by it; for they also have their
own form of religion, and there are among them religious men who lead
a very austere life and claim to live in profound meditation. When
it shall please God to enlighten them, Christianity will undoubtedly
profit much by this characteristic.

I said above that the monastery of Sancto Domingo stands close by
the Parián of the Sangleys, which is built in a marshy place on the
border of this city between its northern and southern sides. The
Sangleys were transferred thither by Diego Ronquillo, during his
governorship, because the Parián which Don Gonzalo Ronquillo had built
was destroyed by fire. At first it seemed absurd to think that human
habitations were to be built in that marsh, but the Sangleys, who are
very industrious, and a most ingenious people, managed it so well
that, in a place seemingly uninhabitable, they have built a Parián
resembling the other, although much larger and higher. According to
them it suits them better than the other, because on the firm ground
where the four rows of buildings are located they have built their
houses and the streets leading through the Parián, a separate street
for each row of buildings.

There are long passages and the buildings are quadrangular
in shape. This Parián was also destroyed by fire on account of
the houses being built of reeds; but through the diligence of the
president and governor, Doctor Vera, much better houses were built,
and covered with tiles for protection against fire. This Parián has
so adorned the city that I do not hesitate to affirm to your Majesty
that no other known city in España or in these regions possesses
anything so well worth seeing as this; for in it can be found the
whole trade of China, with all kinds of goods and curious things
which come from that country. These articles have already begun to be
manufactured here, as quickly and with better finish than in China;
and this is due to the intercourse between Chinese and Spaniards,
which has enabled the former to perfect themselves in things which
they were not wont to produce in China. In this Parián are to be found
workmen of all trades and handicrafts of a nation, and many of them
in each occupation. They make much prettier articles than are made in
España, and sometimes so cheap that I am ashamed to mention it. If we
Castilians were as cautious as the Portuguese in trading with them,
these articles would be much cheaper, and the Chinese would still
gain by it. For goods are sold at a very low cost in China; and,
no matter how little profit they make there, when these objects are
sold here they yield large profits. But no restraint can be put upon
the Castilians, nor can they be regulated--the consequence of which
is that everything is going to ruin; for the Sangleys, who were not
born as fools, begin to understand the Spaniards' disposition, and
to take advantage of their lack of prudence, thus becoming richer
than they would did the latter observe moderation.

This Parián is provided with doctors and apothecaries, who post in
their shops placards printed in their own language announcing what
they have to sell. There are also many eating-houses where the Sangleys
and the natives take their meals; and I have been told that these are
frequented even by Spaniards. The handicrafts pursued by Spaniards
have all died out, because people buy their clothes and shoes from
the Sangleys, who are very good craftsmen in Spanish fashion, and make
everything at a very low cost. Although the silversmiths do not know
how to enamel (for enamel is not used in China), in other respects
they produce marvelous work in gold and silver. They are so skilful
and clever that, as soon as they see any object made by a Spanish
workman, they reproduce it with exactness. What arouses my wonder
most is, that when I arrived no Sangley knew how to paint anything;
but now they have so perfected themselves in this art that they have
produced marvelous work with both the brush and the chisel, and I
think that nothing more perfect could be produced than some of their
marble statues of the Child Jesus which I have seen. This opinion is
affirmed by all who have seen them. The churches are beginning to
be furnished with the images which the Sangleys make, and which we
greatly lacked before; and considering the ability displayed by these
people in reproducing the images which come from España, I believe
that soon we shall not even miss those made in Flandes. What I say of
the painters applies also to embroiderers, who are already producing
excellent embroidered works, and are continually improving in that art.

What has pleased all of us here has been the arrival of a book-binder
from Mexico. He brought books with him, set up a bindery, and hired a
Sangley who had offered his services to him. The Sangley secretly, and
without his master noticing it, watched how the latter bound books,
and lo, in less than [_blank space in Retana_] he left the house,
saying that he wished to serve him no longer, and set up a similar
shop. I assure your Majesty that he became so excellent a workman
that his master has been forced to give up the business, because the
Sangley has drawn all the trade. His work is so good that there is
no need of the Spanish tradesman. At the time I am writing, I have in
my hand a Latin version of Nabarro bound by him; and, in my judgment,
it could not be better bound, even in Sevilla.

There are many gardeners among the Sangleys, who, in places which
seemed totally unproductive, are raising many good vegetables of the
kinds that grow in España and in Mexico. They keep the market here
as well supplied as that of Madrid or Salamanca. They make chairs,
bridles, and stirrups of so good a quality and so cheaply that some
merchants wish to load a cargo of these articles for Mexico.

Many bakers make bread with the wheat and fine flour which they bring
from China, and sell it in the market-place and along the streets. This
has much benefited the city, for they make good bread and sell it at
low cost; and although this land possesses much rice, many now use
bread who did not do so before. They are so accommodating that when
one has no money to pay for the bread, they give him credit and mark
it on a tally. It happens that many soldiers get food this way all
through the year, and the bakers never fail to provide them with all
the bread they need. This has been a great help for the poor of this
city, for had they not found this refuge they would suffer want. The
Sangleys sell meat of animals raised in this country, as swine,
deer, and carabaos (a kind of Italian buffalo, whose flesh is equal
to beef). They also sell many fowls and eggs; and if they did not
sell them we all would suffer want. They are so intent upon making
a livelihood that even split wood is sold in the Parián. The city
finds most of its sustenance in the fish which these Sangleys sell;
they catch so much of it every day that the surplus is left in the
streets, and they sell it at so low a cost that for one real one can
buy a sufficient quantity of fish to supply dinner and supper for
one of the leading houses in the city.

In the remaining space within the four fronts of the Parián is a
large pond, which receives water from the sea through an estuary. In
the middle of the pond is an islet, where the Sangleys who commit
crimes receive their punishment, so as to be seen by all. The pond
beautifies the Parián and proves to be of great advantage, because
many ships sail into it through the aforesaid estuary at high tide,
and bring to the Parián all the supplies, which are distributed thence
all over the city.

Among the benefits which this city receives from the intercourse
with the Sangleys, by no means the least important is that, while in
España stone-masonry is so expensive and difficult to produce, here,
through the diligence and industry of the Sangleys, we are able to
build fine houses of hewn stone at a low cost; and in so short a
time that in one year a man has been able to complete a house, all
ready for habitation. It is wonderful to see with what rapidity many
sumptuous houses, churches, monasteries, hospitals, and a fort are
being built. The Sangleys also made very good bricks and roof-tiles
at low cost. At first, lime was made with stone as in España; but now
the Sangleys are using a kind of pebble, called "white corals," which
they find on this coast; and also shells of large oysters, of which
there is a large quantity. At the beginning this lime did not seem to
be of good quality; but the kind produced ever since has been so good
that no other kind of lime is being employed in this city. It came to
be sold at so low a price that for my house as well as for others we
bought a cahiz [36] of lime for four reals, and one thousand bricks
for eight--although this is not the fixed price, for it fluctuates
according to the money which comes from Mexico. The Sangleys know how
to take advantage of the right time; they sell their goods dearer when
they know that there is money to buy them, but they never raise the
price so as to make it unreasonable. They agree to bring all the lime,
bricks, and tiles to the house of the purchaser, thus saving him a
great deal of labor. It is of great advantage also to have the Sangleys
construct the building; they agree on so much per braza, including the
cutting of stones and the carrying of the sand. If they are given the
lime, they will furnish all the rest, and will thus deliver the house
or work without any trouble to the owner. The day's wage of a Sangley,
when he does not work by the job, is one real, and he provides his own
food. The Sangleys are hard workers and very greedy for money. The
number of those who have come to this city is so large that another
large Parián is being built by the side of the above-mentioned one,
resembling it in shape. Many Sangleys have built their houses in it,
and it would be filled with people by this time had not the bricks of
Mexico failed us last year through the Marquis de Villa-Manrrique--who,
according to report, prevented the shipment of the bricks to us, thus
causing no little injury and loss to this city and to the Sangleys. He
shall give an account to your Majesty, and a more exact one to God,
of the injuries and loss that he has caused to this land. Had not your
Majesty set matters right by sending a successor to him, [37] and so
good a one as you did send, he would have brought ruin upon this land;
and, even so, he leaves it sufficiently harassed and afflicted.

The Sangleys who live in this Parián number ordinarily between three
and four thousand, not counting the two thousand and more who come
and go in ships. These, together with those residing in Tondo, and
the fishermen and gardeners who live in this neighborhood, number,
according to the Dominican fathers who have them in charge, from six
to seven thousand souls. Four religious of that order are engaged in
their conversion and instruction.

I have mentioned many small matters here, and it does not seem very
considerate to write so long a letter to one who is so occupied in
affairs of moment as your Majesty is; but my great zeal deserves
forgiveness. For, considering how far distant these regions are, and
how extraordinary are these people--of whom we have known so little
hitherto, on account of the opposition shown by the Portuguese to our
gaining any knowledge of them--it seemed right for me to send your
Majesty a relation and more specific news concerning the matter, so
that your Majesty may know what exists and occurs here in his realms,
and may enjoy through experience what was denied to his predecessors
to hear even through report. Had I not already given your Majesty
news of many other things which occur here, I would not dare to omit
them now, even if I might be considered prolix.

This was the condition and disposition of the Sangleys in temporal
matters, when the Dominican religious came to these islands in May,
eighty-seven. I have already sent to your Majesty an account of what
took place from the time of their arrival until the following year. I
reported the singular change which had taken place among the Sangleys
after the Dominican religious took charge of them, and the results
which began to be obtained among them; and that they willingly began
to accept Christianity, in which they have persevered until now. I
will not here reiterate that, although there are many things worthy of
being known, and for which many thanks are due to God, who shows how
wonderful is His power when it pleases Him. What is left for me to
relate, is the departure of the Dominican religious for China; and,
although we do not know how it has fared with them, as they set out
so recently, still the beginnings give us reason to hope that with
the help of our Lord, they will be very successful.

Of the Dominican religious who came to these islands, four are
engaged in ministering to the Sangleys. Two of these four officiate
in the church of Sant Gabriel, which, together with the house where
the religious live, stands close to the Parián. Another church with
its house is on the promontory of Bay-bay, near Tondo--which a river
divides, separating it from Manila. Two of the four have learned
the language of the Sangleys so well, and one of these two how
to write also (which is the most difficult part of the language),
that the Sangleys wonder at their knowledge. The opportunity which
the infidels of both towns had to hear the sermons preached by the
fathers to the Christians, made them acquainted with many matters
relating to our faith, and some of them desired to be baptized. But
when they saw that, by becoming Christians, they would not be allowed
to return to their own country, on account of the danger which the
faith encounters in a country where the people are all idolaters,
they said that our religion was too severe, since in embracing it one
has to forsake his native country, and to deprive himself of father,
mother, wife, children, and relatives. The arguments that they set
forth were such that it seemed as if they wished to persuade us to
baptize them without cutting off their hair, and without forbidding
them to return to their own country. We saw that it was not advisable
to do as they desired, and left matters as they stood. The Sangleys
themselves told us to send fathers to their country to preach to them,
saying that there they would become converted without so much risk as
here. After due consideration of the matter, the Dominican fathers
and myself decided that it was necessary to go to China; for, if
God permitted the religious to remain in that land, we could baptize
the Sangleys here without cutting off their hair, or preventing them
from returning to their country to rejoice in their children, wives,
and property. The Sangleys were much pleased at this decision; but
there were differences of opinion regarding the manner in which the
religious should go. The president thought that it would be best for
them to go in a fragata accompanied by Spaniards: but the Chinese said
that the friars should go alone, and not in the company of Spaniards;
thus many arguments were presented on both sides. Two or three times
I saw our endeavors thwarted, because the devil was laboring with
all his might to prevent them. A fragata had already been bought,
the captain and the men who were to take the friars over had been
chosen, and almost everything was ready for their setting sail, when
the plan was defeated I know not whence or how. My disappointment and
the great sadness which I felt in seeing the defeat of an expedition
which I so much desired, and for whose fulfilment had not sufficed his
Holiness's permission and the special ordinance from your Majesty,
made me think that this was the will of God; thus I was forced to
abandon the attempt. But God, whose plans do not depend upon the
advice of men, arranged matters better than I could have hoped, for
He moved the hearts of the Sangley Christians, Don Francisco Zanco, a
Christian and the governor of the Sangleys, and Don Tomás Syguán. The
latter I baptized about two years ago, without cutting his hair,
for I thought that God was to accomplish some great work through him,
as well as through the other--who, being one of the oldest Christians
in this island, also wore his hair long. When these two saw that the
Spaniards were not going to China, and that the friars remained here
because there was no one to take them over, they went to Fray Juan
Cobo, one of the two friars acquainted thoroughly with the language,
and who has charge of, the Sangleys of the Parián, and manifested to
him their grief at seeing how little they were trusted. They said that
since the fathers remained here because no Spaniards went to China,
they who were Christians and natives of that land would take them over
in more safety; they added that there should be no hesitation to accept
their company, for they would lose their own lives before any harm
should befall the religious. This we understood as an inspiration of
the Holy Spirit, because until then we had never heard that a Sangley
would dare to take any Spaniards to China; accordingly, we decided
to send the friars with the Chinese. When this was announced in the
Parián, all the friendly Sangleys, of whom there are many among the
infidels, were much pleased. One of the Sangley Christians had not
taken a mouthful of food for two days, through grief at seeing us
abandon the expedition; but when he heard that it was going to be
made, and how it was going to be carried out, his joy knew no bounds,
and he declared that it was just as he had hoped, and that it was
the necessary method to pursue. I called two Sangley infidels--who,
although without the faith, are endowed with all the qualities of
good men, and who, I hope, through God's blessing will soon become
Christians--and asked them what was their opinion concerning the
expedition. They answered that they were very glad to see the way in
which the religious were going; for, if they went with Spaniards,
all would be lost. Thus we decided upon the departure, sending at
present no more than two religious: Fray Miguel de Benavides, [38]
who was the first to learn the language of the Sangleys; and Father
Juan de Castro, who came as vicar of the religious, and who was made
provincial here. We preferred these two, as one is well acquainted
with the language, and the other is much loved and esteemed by the
Sangleys on account of his venerable gray locks and blessed old
age; and we know that in that land old people are much respected
and revered. As our Lord sent His disciples, so went these fathers,
stripped of all human support, and carrying nothing with them except
their own persons, their breviaries, and Bibles, for in this manner,
and not with encompassing soldiers, should the gospel be preached.

I give many thanks to God that this expedition, so much desired by
me, started under the best auspices which could be desired; for it is
being undertaken by special permission of the Pope and by a decree of
your Majesty, and with the consent of the governor, of myself, and
of the auditors of this Audiencia. This enterprise has caused great
happiness to all the religious orders, and to all the inhabitants of
this city; and many demonstrations of rejoicing on the part of all the
Sangleys. May it please the divine Majesty that the end be as we all
desire. Another event occurred at the time of the expedition, which
gave us a great deal of pleasure, and kindled in us the hope that
God was really about to open the gates of that great kingdom. The
aforesaid captain who brought the two Franciscan friars to this
city received a letter, which they call _chapa_, for the president,
in which the latter is entreated to do justice to the captain who
brought the letter, so that he might collect some money which was due
him in this city; in the letter, he anxiously entreats the two great
fathers Juan and Miguel, who know the language, to help the captain,
for they are known in that country to favor the Sangleys. Their names
occur twice in that chapa, the first letters of the two names being
written in red ink, which is considered a mark of veneration among
the Chinese. A Sangley woman who lives in Chincheo wrote a letter to
Fray Juan Cobo, thanking him for having helped her husband in a matter
of business. These were the first indications by which we knew that
this expedition was starting under the guidance of God. So on Tuesday,
the twenty-second of May, of this year ninety, I went to the church of
the Parián, and said mass there; after which the two Sangleys who had
offered their services went through a ceremony worthy of notice. They
knelt down before the altar where I said mass, and remained there
for the space of two _credos_, speaking to one another in their own
language and holding each other's hands; after that they embraced one
another, and I learned afterwards that they had sworn to each other
friendship and fidelity. From that place the fathers went to embark,
and I went with them, accompanied by many Sangleys. On account of a
contrary wind, the ship in which they were going could not set sail;
and there were sent, to tow it out, four champans, which are the
small boats of the Sangley ships. They gladly pulled it out to sea,
for more than a league, where we left them under God's protection,
and returned to the city. The captains of two Sangley ships who are
about to follow in the same course have asked me for letters for the
religious, promising me to place them in their own hands, and I shall
not fail to write to them.

In conclusion, I must announce to your Majesty that a hospital has been
built by the Dominican friars who have charge of the Sangleys of the
Parián, which is close by their house. The hospital takes care of sick
Sangleys and subsists on no other income than what the fathers gather
as charity, and what the Sangley infidels contribute towards it. This
fact has been so rumored in China, that the whole country feels very
kindly towards the fathers, knowing of the friendly reception given
to their countrymen here. About a year ago a prominent Sangley was
converted. He was a doctor and an herbalist; but, forsaking all other
worldly interests, he has offered and devoted himself to the service
of the hospital. He cures the sick, bestowing upon them much love and
charity, and prescribing for them his purges and medicines. In short,
it was God who led him thither for the welfare of that hospital, and,
to make the fame thereof more widely spread throughout China. Therefore
I humbly beg your Majesty to be pleased to order that this hospital be
endowed, so that the sick may be cared for. Moreover, if your Majesty
attend to this personally, that fact will be very well received in
China and will be of more benefit than the presents which your Majesty
ordered to be sent to the king.

Doctor Vera, who is now president, on seeing the good will with which
those two Sangley Christians, Don Francisco Canco and Don Tomás Siguán,
offered their services for taking the fathers to China, exempted them,
in the name of your Majesty, from paying taxes for the use of a ship
for six years. I entreat your Majesty to be pleased to confirm this
grant, and to extend it for life; for they certainly performed a great
deed, and one considered of much importance by all the inhabitants
of this city, both Spaniards and Sangleys. They deserve this favor
from your Majesty, even if we should not gain the desired result,
because they for their part have offered what they could.

Fray Juan Cobo, the Dominican religious--who, as I have said before,
knows the language of the Sangleys and their writing, and who is
most esteemed by them--is sending to your Majesty a book, one of a
number brought to him from China. This intercourse which is taking
root between them and ourselves is not a bad beginning for the object
we have in view. The book is in Chinese writing on one half of the
leaf, and Castilian on the other, the two corresponding to each
other. It is a work worthy of your Majesty, and may it be received
as such, not because of its worth, but because it is so rare a work,
never seen before in the Parián, or outside of China. According to
my judgment, it contains things worthy of consideration, by which
is seen the force of the human reason; since without the light
of the faith those things approach so near to those taught us by
the Christian religion. From this your Majesty will see how much in
error is the person who pretends that in kingdoms like that of China,
where such things are taught, we should enter by force of arms to
preach to them our faith. It is clear that with a people like this,
the force of reason has more power than that of arms. May our Lord
direct this affair according to His will; and may He be pleased that
within the days of your Majesty we may see these kingdoms converted
to the faith, and that your Majesty may enjoy this reputation first
on earth and then in heaven. Amen. Manila, June 24, 1590.

_Fray Domingo_, Bishop of the Philipinas.




Two Letters from Domingo de Salazar to Felipe II


Sire:

Five decrees of your Majesty came to me this year of ninety in the
ship "Santiago," which arrived at this port on the last of May. They
are all dated at Madrid, four on the twenty-third of June of the
year eighty-seven, and the fifth on the eighteenth of February of
eighty-eight. After perusing the contents of the said decrees, I can
truly not restrain my surprise that there can be men in the world who
dare to say and declare things which are not certainly proved to be
the truth, much less to give such information to their king. To report
to one's sovereign the contrary of what happens, or to affirm what
one is not certain is the truth, is a most grave offense, worthy of
all punishment and chastisement. Such persons may properly be called
destroyers of their countries, because, in not giving information
in accordance with the principles of truth, they fail to remedy the
evils and provide the good which is necessary for the preservation
of the land. As this commonwealth is so far away from your Majesty,
it has to be governed, not by what your Majesty sees and knows,
but by the information received by him regarding it. This must be
according to the good or bad intention of the informer. Consequently,
this commonwealth is subjected to many hardships and misfortunes, by
the fault not of your Majesty--with whose most holy zeal and desire
for the welfare of this land we are well acquainted--but of us here
who send information. There are but few of us who, oblivious of our own
interests and pretensions, now fix our eyes on the common good alone,
and seek only this; but the most of us seek only our own interests,
our informations and reports are shaped by these, as appears by the
increase of the tributes which your Majesty commands to be made. As
this is discussed, however, in another letter, I will go to no greater
length than to say that, if your Majesty were present here, no orders
would be given to increase the tributes of these miserable people,
but rather they would pay less. But he who informed your Majesty
that more tribute can be paid has already accounted or will account
to God also. I am affected in part by these hardships and dangers,
as it is now two years since your Majesty wrote me a reprimand, as
if I were the man to blame for the dissensions of the Audiencia. God
knows, as do all in this community, that if I had not made peace,
the dissensions between the president and auditors would have lasted
until today. The same I say of the five decrees which I received
this year. Among them are several which show that he who informed
your Majesty did so in an account entirely malicious and totally
contrary to the truth. Others show that, although the informer told
something of the truth, he did so in an entirely different manner from
the way in which things happened, concealing what he ought to say,
and affirming what he should not. This will appear by my reply to
each decree--not as an excuse for myself, as I consider myself to be
very rightly judged elsewhere; but in order to satisfy your Majesty,
as I shall proceed to relate.

Beginning with the first decree, which treats of the confessions of the
conquerors, they being constrained to make restitution _in solidum_,
I say that I have never done anything in this bishopric which leaves
me so vexed and conscience-stricken, as that I dealt so mildly with
those who came to this country nominally as conquerors, but actually
as destroyers. According to the true and sound doctrine of St. Thomas,
and of all right-feeling men, they are all bound to pay _in solidum_
for the damage which they have done. I, with more than necessary
boldness, have planned so that no one has been asked to pay more
than he himself has confessed that he owed; but that is nothing in
comparison with the innumerable injuries which have been committed in
this country. Four years have passed since I gave this order obliging
them to pay one hundred pesos, and then another two hundred pesos,
the largest amount not exceeding five hundred pesos. There were
very few persons taxed for the larger sum, and they were captains or
leaders of expeditions. They have put me off from one year to another
and even yet they have not paid me, always alleging poverty. I have
found it necessary to take from the little that I have to pay some
of these obligations, on account of the needs of the Indians, and
because the Spaniards had not the wherewithal to pay them. When I
considered the hardships suffered by Spaniards in this land, and that
it will utterly ruin them, if the matter with which we have to deal be
treated severely by the theologians, I dared, on this account, to do
what no one else would have done. There is no lack of religious who,
since their arrival here, condemn my action, and say that I am obliged
to constrain the conquerors still further, or to pay the compensation
myself. I assure your Majesty that these scruples have constrained me,
and do so today, to such an extent that this is the principal thing
among other matters of considerable import of which I have to give
an account to his Holiness and to your Majesty. There is no doubt
whatever that he who does the damage is obliged to make restitution;
and all the more when the injured persons are living as they, or their
children and heirs, do in these islands. From investigations which
I have had made regarding those persons who inflicted the injuries,
I am assured that the sums collected as restitution do not amount to
the hundredth part of the valuation of the damages. As my age makes it
impossible for me to go to Spain, and since your Majesty, as a most
Christian prince, so earnestly desires and strives for the welfare
of these natives, I shall send herewith a memorandum of what I have
done in this case, and of what each of the conquerors has paid, and
of the injuries committed--although it would be impossible to relate
them all. I do this so that your Majesty may be pleased to grant to me
and to all this land mercy and grace, when my actions are considered
there; and, if it should be necessary, to procure the approbation
of his Holiness to compromise the matter by releasing them from the
remainder of the restitutions, as full restitution is impossible. To
attempt to do more would be only to harass them, with no other result
than burdening their consciences. Thus I will be freed from these
intolerable scruples and continuous vexations in which I am placed.

Your Majesty seems to hold me guilty for having encouraged the slaves
to leave the Spaniards. I do not know how blame can be placed on me
therefor, since the Indians held as slaves by the Spaniards (who were
unwilling to let them go) have been declared free by your Majesty. It
was evident that the former could not be absolved, any more than
if they had stolen property; and your Majesty knows that, in the
jurisdiction of the conscience, there is not the liberty that there
is in external matters. Your Majesty may pardon a life, or remit the
penalty of the law to him whom he may consider meet; but the tribunal
of conscience is not free to pardon anyone, or to absolve persons from
any sin, except when they act as they ought. Confession being thus
rigorous, even greater laxity was permitted than should have been. Your
Majesty must believe that I am trying to do everything possible here,
so as not to exceed my duty, and I never take such action without first
consulting with such persons of learning and conscience as are here.

In the second decree, your Majesty orders that when the Sangleys
wish to be baptized, their hair shall not be cut off. He who reported
this to your Majesty deceived you, for there are not only a hundred
houses occupied by Sangleys who remain here for negotiations with
their merchandise, but more than [_blank space in MS_.] who live in
the alcaiceria of this city, called Parián, and more than [_blank
space in MS_.] [39] in all the neighborhood. It is certain that
in both places there are at the very least more than [_blank space
in MS_.]. Since the religious of St. Dominic came to this country,
more than two hundred have been baptized, and every day many more are
receiving baptism. But inasmuch as what concerns the Sangleys, and the
great compassion with which God has dealt with them and with us, will
go in a separate letter, in order not to increase the length of this,
your Majesty will read therein matters that will prove how well you
are served, and you will give abundant thanks to God. He who reported
this to your Majesty must have some zeal, but not with knowledge; for
I consider all the conditions, desire the conversion of these Chinese,
and obtain it, better than he who wrote to your Majesty. I would not
decide to have their hair cut off, if it were not so necessary that
not to do so would be to endanger greatly the faith and the persons
with whom I deal. These affairs are of such a nature that no matter
what opinion were given, I could not do anything else, even though I
should wish to do so. Because I considered it fitting to baptize two
of them without cutting off their hair, I thereby did myself much
harm; your Majesty may thus see how contrary to actual facts are
the things written you from here, and that the death-penalty is not
suffered for cutting off their hair, as was written to your Majesty;
for after the Dominican fathers learned the language we discovered
vast secrets of that land, which were formerly well hidden.

The third decree states that there are many ecclesiastics in this
bishopric who trade and carry on traffic, to the great scandal of
and bad example to both Spaniards and Indians. He who wrote your
Majesty told the truth in part, since two ecclesiastics from Nueva
España furnished this bad example, although I did what I could to
prevent them. Nevertheless, God punished them more severely than I
did; for all the property of one was taken away by the Englishman,
[40] and the other died here, and lost what he had sent to Nueva
España. Those ecclesiastics who are under my government, however,
have not exceeded their duty in this respect as much as your Majesty
has been informed. Moreover, they are not so many as has been said
in Spain, for there are not more than five who are stationed among
the Indians, and these are so poor that they do not even have enough
to eat. More than one and one-half years before this decree came, I
had taken measures to correct the excess which might result, having
ordered that no ecclesiastic should carry on traffic. This appears
by the ordinances which I had made concerning this. That your Majesty
may order them to be considered and amended, I enclose them with this
letter. In the future this order will be more rigorously observed,
according to your Majesty's command.

In the fourth decree, your Majesty says that the president of this
Audiencia wrote that when he came to this land, he agreed with me
as to the order [of precedence] to be followed when the Audiencia
and I should encounter each other in public. He further says that,
disregarding this arrangement, I sat in the place which did not belong
to me, and turned my back on the Audiencia. I would be very glad to
meet the president before your Majesty, and hear his reason for daring
to inform your Majesty in such a manner. It is very certain that no
such agreement was ever made between him and me, except that, when
there was to be a procession in the church, the president should go
with the auditors, and I with my clergy; for he claimed the right hand,
and I did not have it to take. Thus we came to this agreement. The
place, however, was not discussed, nor was there any excuse for doing
so, as it is well known that the Audiencia is always seated on the
gospel side in the body of the chapel; and, although the bishop is
usually in the choir, he may, when he wishes to do so, sit on the
gospel side, above the steps. Wherever I have been, this has been
the practice; and I sent an account thereof, with the testimony of
an eye-witness, to the Council of the Indias. Your Majesty provides
and commands by this decree that I shall take the place belonging to
me. This order means that I take the same place which I took then,
as that is the proper place belonging to a bishop, without giving
any cause whatever for the Audiencia to feel injured, as the places
are very distinct from each other. Although the vexation ceased,
because of the suppression of the Audiencia, the injury done me by
the president, in writing to your Majesty, has not yet come to an
end. I ought not to fail to reply to what is so unjustly imputed to me.

He who informed your Majesty of the matter contained in the fifth
decree, namely, that when appeal is made to the royal Audiencia in
cases of fuerça, [41] I do not allow the notaries to give an account
thereof; and that I seize the writs and records of proceedings, so that
they cannot be issued, the Audiencia having requested me in vain to do
otherwise--whoever, I say, gave this account to your Majesty did me
greater injury than any of the others. For not only is this not so,
but I even urge the notary to give a report; and I am so far from
[what has been said] to the contrary, that I assure your Majesty
that I much regretted the suppression of the Audiencia. For I was
very glad that, whenever I denied anything on appeal, the Audiencia
examined my reasons therefor; and, whatever was determined there,
my conscience was freed and at rest. Moreover, I always accepted,
without making any objection, the decisions of the Audiencia; for
I would consider it a grievous offense to deny your Majesty's right
to make the final decision in cases of fuerça, and would not presume
to contradict it in any manner whatsoever. If he who made that report
based it on two cases which came up--one when they erased my name from
the prayer at the mass of the Audiencia, and substituted their own
names; the other when, in an investigation, they claimed the right to
examine the proceedings which had been conducted in secret--in these
two cases I confess that I refused to give up the records. I did so in
one instance because there were therein very secret matters touching
the office of the Inquisition, of which I was then in charge. When
they commanded that report of this case be given, I said that it
would be furnished in so far as concerned the chaplain of the said
Audiencia. This was what they had asked, and claimed the right to
try this case. Nevertheless, they would accept nothing but the entire
proceedings; but with this I could not comply, for it would have been
impossible to do so without very grave damage to my office. After
considering my reasons therefor, the Audiencia insisted no more in
the case. The other case concerned the general investigation which I
had made of the prebendaries and clergy--two of whom appealed against
the sentence which I imposed, stipulating that the tenor thereof
be observed as is expressly commanded by the Council of Trent. They
had recourse to the Audiencia; and when an order was given for the
record of the case to be presented, I replied that there were secret
matters touching the honor of the clergy, which I could not show,
but that I would show that part referring to the two ecclesiastics;
as they wished their offenses to be known. Nevertheless, it was not
right to exhibit the guilt of the others, as they did not feel that
their sentences were unjust. There were many arguments over this point,
and all the theologians of this land said that I was right. To avoid
scandal I openly consented that the two ecclesiastics should appeal
to the archbishop. [42] Both then and now I have felt much aggrieved
by the injustice done me by the Audiencia. I have sent a complaint
thereof to your Majesty, and do not know why the testimony I sent has
not yet arrived there. I had then and still have reason for complaining
that the Audiencia usurped my jurisdiction and discussed proceedings
which properly belong to me, but in which they have forestalled me. A
citizen of this city left a piece of land whereon was built a hospital
and church for the poor. Although this was ecclesiastical property,
they deprived me of judgment in this case, and retained it in their own
body. At another time, the Indians had dared to take a friar from his
convent, and they dragged him to the place where I was. I commenced to
try the case, and gave a verdict against the Indians, as it was doubly
sacrilegious to take the friar from his convent, and to place hands
on an ecclesiastic. This case came to the Audiencia by way of appeal,
and it still remains there, with the records. A beneficed priest,
who was performing the duties of his office, was refused its dues
by the encomendero, and came to me for justice. After I had ordered
the encomendero to make the payment, he appealed to the Audiencia,
and they retained the suit there, claiming that the property given to
beneficiaries in this land is secular. As I am poor, and have little
power, these injuries and similar ones have not been heard of in
Spain. I have suffered them and have kept silence, in order to avoid
scandal; but for having resisted in but two cases, in which I was
obliged to defend the right of my jurisdiction, in order to comply
with the duties of my office, they made a damaging report of me to
your Majesty. They say that I would not permit a report to be made,
and took the records of the suit from the notary, so that they could
not be dealt with. In order that your Majesty may see the difference
between what I here declare (which is the actual truth), and what
they wrote to your Majesty, accusing me of resisting _in toto_ the
commands of the Audiencia in regard to the cases of fuerça (which
was glaringly false testimony against me), I have decided--although
everything touching the Audiencia is now settled, since your Majesty
has commanded it to be suppressed--to answer the account which they
gave your Majesty about the places and the cases of fuerça. Although I
am sure that my cause has been justified before God and those men who
know what has happened, I do it to satisfy your Majesty, to whom I owe
all obedience and subjection as to my king and lord. I am even bound
to explain my conduct; because, by the grace of God, your Majesty has
no one in this kingdom who serves you with greater love and zeal. I
claim no payment nor temporal interest whatever, because this I
neither desire nor demand; but I do only my duty, and that I do with
all my might. I could send your Majesty good and sufficient proofs
of everything which I have said here; for I certify, in all truth,
that everyone to whom I have shown these decrees has crossed himself
in surprise that there should be a person or persons who would dare
to make such malicious reports to your Majesty. It suffices me to say
that, if credit be not given me, not much time will pass before this
truth will be revealed, beyond all possibility of hiding.

May our Lord guard the royal person of your Majesty, and preserve
you many years. At Manila, the twenty-fourth of June, one thousand
five hundred and ninety.

_Fray Domingo_, Bishop of the Filipinas.

[_Endorsed_: "To the king our lord, in his royal Council of the
Indias. Filipinas. 1590. The bishop; June 24." "Received and read,
June 19, of the year 1591. It is unnecessary to respond thereto."]

Sire:

The letter which your Majesty ordered to be written to me from San
Lorenço el Real [i.e., the Escorial], on the seventeenth of August of
eighty-nine, I received by the hand of the secretary of the governor,
Gomes Perez Dasmarinas, in the village of Tabuco, outside of this
city, on the first of June of this year ninety. And for one so beset
with afflictions, labors, and difficulties as I am, the favor which
your Majesty therein shows me was no little comfort; for I have been
freed by it from the pains of conscience, which I continually bore in
my soul, at seeing the course of affairs in this land. I held myself
obliged by conscience to go in person to inform your Majesty of these
matters, as it appeared to me that my letters were accomplishing
little, in accord with my hope that your Majesty would at once amend
what you knew stood in need of betterment. And this thought gave me
more anxiety because, as at other times I have written your Majesty,
among the calamities and misfortunes under which this land suffers,
none the least is that your Majesty must get information of them
through the very men who have destroyed this land, and who work
for their private interests rather than for the common good. As
the reports are made by such persons, your Majesty can well see the
result. Therefore this land has come to its present misery; and the
new governor will have no small task if he maintains it, and saves it
from ruin, and it is even now all but lost. I am emboldened to say this
because hitherto there have been made to your Majesty many perverse
reports; and by this ship we have received the decrees, by which it
clearly appears that false reports were given your Majesty, because
of the provisions made in these decrees, as I shall explain elsewhere.

The greater part of the religious and other principal persons of this
land were of the same opinion as I, maintaining that I was in duty
bound to go in person and give your Majesty an account of affairs here,
because they see that everything here is going to ruin; and that this
common expedient was of greater importance than the harm that might be
done by my absence. But thanks be to God, in whose hands are the hearts
of kings, and who put into the heart of your Majesty what is provided,
ordained, and commanded by this letter for the weal and betterment of
all this land. If this be executed as your Majesty has ordered, the
country may be helped; but hitherto there has been so much sloth and
carelessness in executing what your Majesty provides and orders for the
good of this land, that thus it has come to its present extremity. I
trust in our Lord that this state of affairs will not continue, but
that the principal aim of the governor and of all the rest will be
to procure the good of these natives whom we have so afflicted.

This whole country has been well satisfied at your Majesty's
suppression of the Audiencia, for without doubt it was a greater
burden than a country so feeble and poor could bear; although I was
always of the opinion that, if it were paid from Mexico, the Audiencia
would work no harm here. But what your Majesty orders and commands is
expedient for all of us; and so we hold it a great favor, especially
as your Majesty sends in place of the Audiencia, as governor, Gomez
Perez Dasmarinas--who, from the good example which he has furnished
and the zeal which he has disclosed in the service of your Majesty
and the good of these realms, has given universal satisfaction, and
the hope that he will improve the condition of the land, and give it
the orderly condition which it was losing. May the divine Majesty
preserve in him these excellent intentions, and give him strength
and grace to execute them; because as the heart of man is so hard to
understand, and of itself so variable, and this land is so exposed,
it is not strange that we fear some alteration, having seen it in
others who also gave excellent examples. But if the governor who has
now come to us shall persevere in what he has begun (as I hope in
God he will persevere), your Majesty has sent us the man whom we need.

When Doctor Santiago de Vera came by command of your Majesty to
establish the Audiencia in this country, he set up for himself a seat
of honor in the church, as the viceroys do. The adelantado, Miguel
Lopez de Legaspi, did not establish one, nor did the governors who
afterward succeeded him. Gomez Perez, who is now governor, did not
wish to set one up; for in this and in all other things he has shown
himself very moderate. But it seemed to me that he should not fail to
establish it, and thus at my importunity, and that of other persons,
he has done so. Because your Majesty has already honored him in other
respects, favoring him with a guard of halberdiers, and as people from
all the kingdoms of the infidels by whom we are surrounded resort to
this city, and as these barbarians respect their superiors as gods,
it did not appear to me to be right that the person who represented
your Majesty should discontinue the dignity which was required to
represent you. And in order that your Majesty in the future may be
pleased to provide this land with a governor who shall be capable
and worthy to use his authority, I beg your Majesty to approve this
and send him the order to continue and make permanent the practice.

The twelve thousand ducats which your Majesty has ordered to be paid
in three installments for the work on this church, were necessary
enough, although I fear that they are to avail as little as the
rest; because, although your Majesty has so often commanded it,
and we on our part have exercised the greatest possible diligence,
it has not been possible to draw out from the royal treasury what was
due from it for the said work; and so it has come to a standstill,
or so little is done that it never advances. It really is a pity to
see a cathedral church, in a city containing so great a concourse of
heathen, where divine offices are celebrated in a church of straw,
in which, on the coming of a storm, no one can remain. Your Majesty
will see what the condition of the rest of the churches must be. It
certainly is a pity to see the little care there is in this matter,
and the scandal occasioned to the heathen and the recent converts by
the little veneration that we who have so long been Christians bestow
upon the temples in which we worship our God, for really many of them
are not fit to serve as stables. I have given your Majesty an account
of this before now. The two thousand ducats which your Majesty ordered
paid from the treasury of Mexico for this work were not brought,
because the governor could not bring the securities that were necessary
to obtain that sum there, because of his hurried departure. Moreover,
it should be understood that it will be very difficult to collect the
portions to be paid by Indians and encomenderos, because of their want
and poverty. And for this reason we do not dare to press them much,
deeming it better that the work should be done slowly than to harass
one who is unable to do more; and it has been the treasury of your
Majesty which has aided us least.

Your Majesty's command that the religious should not depart from the
bishopric without license of your Majesty, or that of the governor and
myself, is a very just thing, and therefore it will be carried out;
because it also seems fitting to me not to let the religious depart
from here, where they are so few and so many are needed. Before this
ship arrived the president and I had despatched two Dominican religious
to Chincheo, which is the province of China nearest to this land, and
the place whence all the Sangleys who come here to trade set forth. In
this departure there was a punctual observance of what your Majesty
commands in this clause of your letter, although we had not then
received it. And owing to the fact that before we determined to send
them, and at the time when we sent them, there occurred many notable
things from which your Majesty should receive much satisfaction,
I thought it better, in order not to make this letter so long, to
place them by themselves in another, which will accompany this one,
in order to give your Majesty a more detailed account of things so
worthy to be heard.

With regard to what your Majesty orders concerning the remission of
tithes for twenty years to those who now come to settle and who may
come in the future, I would to God that the Spaniards were inclined to
cultivate the land and to gather the fruits from it, rather than that
we should ever afflict the natives by tithes. But your Majesty should
know that when a man comes to this country, even if he were a beggar
in Spain, here he seeks to be a gentleman, and is not willing to work,
but desires to have all serve him; and so no one will give himself to
labor, but undertakes trafficking in merchandise, and for this reason
military and all other kinds of training have been forgotten. From
this fact not a little damage will come to this land, if the governor
does not regulate this. In the letter which the cabildo of the church
wrote to your Majesty a much longer account is given of this.

To proceed informally [_de plano_], without insisting on legal
technicalities [_sin llegar a tela de juicio_], and not to impose
pecuniary punishments in the suits which occur in these regions,
is a most holy and necessary practice. I desire greatly that in the
tribunals of your Majesty this be observed; in mine I have so provided,
and this practice has been observed and henceforth will be observed
with greater rigor.

He who informed your Majesty of the disorderly manner in which have
been collected the tributes of the encomiendas which are not fully
pacified, and how poorly the ordinances of your Majesty have been
observed, spoke the truth in this matter. The excess in this has
been so great that it has been the cause of all the riots and the
revolt of the Indians, and of the deaths which have occurred among
the Spaniards. I have given your Majesty news of this, grieving
for the evils which have sprung from it. For the Indians of this
province, in those places where the name of God has never entered,
nor that of your Majesty, must feel resentful where they have seen
neither ministers of instruction nor of justice; but only see that
each year a dozen of soldiers with arquebuses come to their houses
to take their property away from them, and the food upon which they
live, although their all is little enough. These collectors afflict,
maltreat, and torment them, and so leave them, until they return
another year to do the same. What else can these natives think of us,
but that we are tyrants, and that we come only to make our gain out
of their property and their persons? And this will be very difficult
to remedy, so distant from the rest are some of the encomiendas,
with water between, and so little fear of God have those who make
the collections. It may be that with the arrival of the new governor
there will be much improvement in this; although if he does not bear
an order from your Majesty to change some measures which up to the
present have been in force, I have no hope of betterment.

In the next to the last clause of this letter your Majesty says that
to remedy the present lack of instruction is my own special obligation,
which I confess; and I have so appreciated this that, seeing the great
present need of instruction and the little help which I can offer,
I am so disturbed and so filled with anxiety that, if I were able to
leave the bishopric, I would try to flee from it. But if, inasmuch as
your Majesty declares to me my obligation, and puts in my charge what
is lacking, you should give me, together with it, authority to right
affairs, your Majesty would be relieved of responsibility, and I of
anxiety, other than to make progress in learning my obligations. If
I do not have authority and power to remedy this, I must live all my
life in anxiety and perturbation of spirit, because every year I see
them collect tribute from a race that is never given to understand
why it is collected; nor is there any hope that they may be able to
have instruction, because of the great difficulty there is in giving
it to them. Knowing that this is the legitimate title which we have
in seeking tribute, your Majesty may see what peace of conscience
he can have who has all these souls in his charge, both those who
collect and those of whom collection is taken. To relieve me from the
anguish in which I live, the only means of removing all difficulties
is for your Majesty to send us a great number of religious of the
four orders already established here--without giving ear to those who
speak of a matter about which, in my opinion, they have no means of
judging here. They say that some have tried to persuade your Majesty,
with no other spirit than that of the devil (who wishes to hinder
so much good), that we have all the religious that are necessary. In
addition to the thirty-seven Augustinians now here, more than three
hundred others are needed; and even these will not be enough. Yet,
with this number great results would be accomplished.

The first is that your Majesty would be fulfilling the obligation
which you have toward these nations, in giving them instruction. They
need this, because of the ten divisions of this bishopric eight have
no instruction; and some provinces have been paying tribute to your
Majesty for more than twenty years, but without receiving on account
of that any greater advantage than to be tormented by the tribute
and afterward to go to hell.

Second, all the Indians who are to be pacified will then be found,
because experience has already shown us that to think of finding the
Indians with a force of soldiers is rather to lose them, and never
to pacify them; while with religious they all become obedient with
great good will. And, when they are pacified and converted, much
larger tributes can be exacted, and the increase of revenue in the
treasury of your Majesty from their tributes would be greater than the
amount spent in sending them religious; while the conscience of your
Majesty would be free from the greatest weight which, in my judgment,
it has in this land, because tributes are collected from Indians
who have never rendered obedience, and do not, as I have said above,
know why they are paying it.

In the last clause your Majesty orders me to charge myself with the
protection of the Indians of this bishopric. I receive this charge
as a special favor; because, as it was, I was burdened with the same
responsibility, and with this commission I shall have, as your Majesty
says, more authority in order to render aid. And this provision was
so necessary because, without it, I was able to do almost nothing to
succor the Indians. And with this I think I shall be able to serve your
Majesty more, and to advance the cause of those who shall come with
the charge of bishop, although the one joined to the other is of very
great consequence. The Indians who have learned of it are very glad,
since the obligation which is due them from the Spaniards is of no
concern to the latter. And as it is from the hand of your Majesty,
this office, then, is of greater importance for the relief of the
conscience of your Majesty and the preservation of the natives,
than any other one of all that are provided for afterward by the
governor. I have not the wherewithal for the expenses which occur;
for there must necessarily be a notary, interpreter, and lawyer,
and persons who with my authorization shall be present to plead the
suits--which will not be a few, and cannot be carried through without
spending money--since I am not able, nor is it right that I should be
on hand to present the petition, or to plead the causes and business
of so much weight and authority. To take this task of being my agent,
some honest man, however honorable his station, should be glad to do
it. It is necessary that he be a person of great credit and of resolute
mind, that he may not fear to defend the Indians, although at the risk
of injury from those who harm them, and this seldom fails to come to
pass, as the disputes are often with those who are very powerful.

It will also be necessary to send persons from this city through
all the bishopric to investigate the injuries that the Indians
suffer. Before they go to do this, I shall have notice of what is
happening; and this is to be done at the cost of your Majesty's
treasury, in order not to give occasion for the robbery of the
Indians, if they should have to pay them. All this is necessary in
order that I should be able to perform well this office, and relieve
the conscience of your Majesty and my own; because many are the wrongs
which the Indians receive in this bishopric from your encomenderos,
the alcaldes-mayor, and the tax-receivers; and, the farther away they
are, the greater the wrongs and the more difficult the remedy. I humbly
beseech your Majesty to be pleased to command provision to be made as
I here request, because otherwise my protection will be only nominal
and ineffectual. I have already discussed this with the governor,
and I understand that he will make provision in some of these things,
because the necessity is very urgent; and for the remainder we wait
what your Majesty is pleased to command. The friendly intercourse which
your Majesty commands me to observe with the governor, your Majesty
may be assured will not be lacking on my part; and I understand that
without doubt there will be as little lack on the part of the governor,
because in the little intercourse that I have had with him I have
conceived very great hopes of him. And I believe that God inspired
your Majesty to send him to us--although, as I have known him only
a little while, I am not able to express more than what I hope.

Because there is no mention made of the Sangleys in the clause of
the letter in which your Majesty commands me to take charge of the
protection of these natives, the governor has considered--and this
is his opinion--that because we were not there named, neither I nor
my agent could answer for them, as for the natives. May your Majesty
be pleased to command what is to be done in this case, because the
Sangleys have so much more need of protection than the natives. In
the meanwhile, according to the wish of the governor, I shall not
cease to aid in whatever may concern them, just as if I had been
appointed to look after them by your Majesty; and my agent will do
the same, in those matters which belong to him as such. May our Lord
preserve the royal person of your Majesty for many years. At Manila,
the twenty-fourth of June, 1590.

_Fray Domingo_, Bishop of the Filipinas.

[_Endorsed_: "Filipinas. To his Majesty; 1590. The bishop;
twenty-fourth of June." "Received and read on June 19, 1591; and
answer sent him that it had been received, and that what he advised
had been approved and should be continued."]




Royal Decree Regulating Commerce in the Philippines


Don Phelippe, by the grace of God, King of Castilla, Leon, Aragon,
the two Sicilies, Jherusalem, Portugal, Mallorca, Sevilla, Cerdeña,
Cordova, Corçega, Murçia, Jaem, the Algarves, Algezira, Gibraltar, the
islands of Canaria, the Eastern and Western Yndias, and the islands
and mainland of the Ocean Sea; Archduke of Austria; Duke of Borgoña,
Bravante, and Milan; Count of Habspurg, Flandes, Tirol, and Barzelona;
Seignior of Vizcaya and Molino, etc. Inasmuch as I have been informed
[43] by the city of Manila in the Philippinas Islands that the
great consignments of money sent by the wealthy from Nueva España,
for investment in Chinese merchandise and that of other countries,
have caused ruin to that country; and that the factors and others
taking part in the said trade buy the goods at wholesale prices,
and raise the price of all the merchandise, so that the poor and
common people of the said islands cannot buy them, or buy them at very
high rates; and furthermore that, because of the number and size of
the said consignments of goods, and the vessels being few in number
(indeed, sometimes and usually but one, and then quite filled up and
laden with the said merchandise for Mexicans), no space is left for
the citizens and common people [of the Philippines] to send their
merchandise: therefore, as they have implored me, as a remedy for
the said annoyances, to provide and order that no consignments of
money be sent from the said Nueva España to the said islands, and
that they be not allowed to have factors or companies there, but that
the citizens of the said islands alone be allowed to buy and export
to the said Nueva España domestic and foreign products; and that,
if anyone else should wish to trade and traffic there, he should be
compelled to become a citizen of the islands, and reside there for at
least ten years, or as might be my pleasure; and because my will is to
concede favor to the said islands, in order that their condition may
continue to improve, and the inhabitants thereof to be advantaged--I
grant that, for the present, they alone, and no others--whether of
Nueva España, or any other part of the Indias--may trade in China,
and export, take, or sell to the said Nueva España the merchandise and
articles thus traded for in both the kingdoms and mainland of China,
and in the said islands, for the time and space of six years, first
commencing from the date of the departure of the first vessel with a
cargo of merchandise for the said Nueva España. I prohibit and forbid
all other persons whomsoever, of whatever rank and preeminence, from
trading in the said islands and in China for the space of the said
six years, reckoned as above stated, under penalty of confiscation
of the merchandise that they have traded for therein. I order that
this my provision be promulgated in the City of Mexico, and that
my royal officials there enter it in their books. Those of the said
islands shall do likewise, and they shall endorse on the back of this
said provision the date upon which it took effect, by the departure
from port of the first vessel with the said merchandise. They shall
send me a separate attestation of the same, so that I may know when
the said six years are to be in force. And neither one nor the other
shall do anything contrary to this order. [_Blank spaces for place,
day, and month_] one thousand five hundred and ninety.

So that for the period of six years only, the citizens and inhabitants
of the Philippinas Islands and none others, whether in Nueva España
or other places, may trade and traffic in China. [44]

[Accompanying this decree is a separate paper reading as follows:
"÷ By the crown of Castilla. Provision allowing the people of Manila
to trade in China. His Majesty omitted to sign this decree, because
he wishes your Lordship to summon Pedro Barbosa and Pedro Alvarez
Pereira, and to ascertain from them what is written on the subject
from India from Don Christoval de Mora to Pedro Alvarez. This latter
will show your Lordship all the papers that he has bearing upon this
matter; and after you shall have examined them, you shall advise his
Majesty of your opinion. Sant Lorenzo, July 23, 1590." Without other
signature than a rubrica or flourish.]




The Collection of Tributes in the Filipinas Islands 1591


_Source_: This document is obtained from copies of the original MSS.,
in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla.

_Translation_: It is synopsized, and partially translated, by Emma
Helen Blair; the remaining translation is by Frederic W. Morrison,
of Harvard University, and Norman F. Hall.




The Collection of Tributes in the Filipinas Islands



Memorandum of the Resources of the Hospital of Manila and Its Needs



The royal hospital for the Spaniards possesses about
one hundred taes of gold in the encomienda of Darandum
in Ylocos, which was assigned to the said hospital
by Doctor Sande.											DC pesos

It possesses, further, six hundred pesos, which were
granted to it by the president from the encomienda
which fell vacant because of the death of Don Luis
de Sahajosa, in Ylocos.										DC pesos

It possesses one thousand five hundred fanegas of rice,
and one thousand seven hundred fowls, assigned by
the president from the tributes of Caruya and Lubao,
which belong to his Majesty.							  DLXX pesos

It possesses what your Lordship assigned it in the
encomienda of Bondoy Moron, which, it is thought,
will amount to more than eight hundred or nine
hundred pesos.											    IU pesos

													----------------
													IIU.DCCLXX pesos



With the above, the said hospital cannot even support the expenses
incurred for food and for services rendered by the Indians. It likewise
needs a doctor, medicine, nurses, and other services, as well as
exceptional delicacies, bed clothes, and tents. Indeed half the
money is expended in the anointings and sweatings which are applied
throughout the year.

There is also needed a chaplain, who is usually attached to the said
hospital, to administer the sacraments to the sick.

The building of the said hospital does not suffice for its needs. It
contains but one hall, where all classes of sick people are packed
together, to their own detriment. Another infirmary is greatly needed
for patients who suffer from buboes, and for anointings and sweatings;
there are many sick with this disease, since this country is well
suited to produce it. The said hospital also needs a room for the
convalescents, for lack of which many relapses are wont to occur.

We also need quarters for sick women, for many poor creatures do not
recover because they have no money, and no place where they can go.

Likewise, the said hospital is in need of a kitchen, utensils, and
quarters for its servants, all of which things are needful therein
for the suitable outfit and service of the said hospital.

The captain _Cuenca_, as director of the hospital.



Discussion and Conclusions of the Bishop Concerning the Matter
of Tributes

_Jesus_

Inasmuch as I understand that some of the encomenderos, and especially
those from Camarines, have gone, or desire to go, to ask permission
of your Lordship to collect from their encomiendas, in which they
never have, nor do they at present, maintain religious instruction,
I have deemed it best to send to your Lordship a brief statement
of what I and the theologians of this bishopric feel concerning the
collections in the aforesaid encomiendas, in order that your Lordship
may understand how and in what way they are to be licensed to make
these collections. [45] Although the king, our lord, has unburdened
his royal conscience by entrusting it to your Lordship and to myself,
I see no reason why we should weigh down our own souls and consciences
with what others are to eat and expend.

The encomiendas existing in these islands are, in general, divided into
two classes; for some of them have had and do still have religious
instruction, and others have never had it in the past, nor do they
enjoy it at present. The encomiendas which do not possess instruction
are themselves divided into two classes: the first consists of those
which have not had, and now have not, any religious instruction,
nor have they ever received from their encomenderos spiritual or
temporal benefits; on the contrary, their present condition is such
that it would seem the Spaniards had never gone thither to do aught
else than to reduce and conquer them in order to exact tributes. We
may even say that the encomiendas are in worse condition than if the
Spaniards had never come, for, with the harsh treatment and oppression
that they have received at our hands, they are at present further
from receiving the law of God than if they had never known us. The
second class consists of the encomiendas which, although they have
not been instructed, have received from their encomenderos, or by
means of them, some temporal advantages which tend toward spiritual
benefits, which prepare them so that they may be instructed, and
that one may live among them in security. In the first division are
included the encomiendas of Calamianes, which at present belong to
Captain Sarmyento; the islands of Cuyo, which belong to Captain Juan
Pablo de Carrion; the encomiendas which are in the islands of Mindanao
and Jolo, and on the coast opposite, Mindoro and Elin; the encomiendas
called Zambales, which extend from Maribeles to Pangasinan; in Ylocos,
the valley of Dinglas, and the encomiendas which extend from Ylagua to
Cagayan, and all those of Cagayan; and those which extend along the
farther coast from Cagayan to Mavban; and, finally, all those other
islands of like character, which I do not at present remember. In all
the aforementioned places, it has been hitherto impossible to collect
the tributes, and it will likewise be impossible in the future, should
they continue to maintain their present attitude; but whatever has
thus far been collected from them we are under obligations to restore.

In the other division are included all the remaining encomiendas of
the Pintados, with the exception of a few in Panay where there is
religious instruction. In the above division are included the islands
of Leite, Negros, Babao, Balon, and Bohol; and, in the island of Panay,
the encomienda of Captain Pedro Sarmiento; the encomienda of Axuy,
which belongs to his Majesty and to Francisco de Rribera; the tingues
[hills] of the river of Araud which belong to his Majesty and to
Captain Juan Pablo de Carrion and two or three other encomenderos;
the islands of Marinduque and Masbate, and all the others which
extend thence to the mouth of the channel; in Camarines, the islands
of Catanduanes and Lagunay, and those along the coast and many others
which are in this condition. In all the aforesaid places it may be
considered a general rule that religious teaching did not, and does
not exist--or at least has existed for so short a time that it is
practically the same as if it had never existed. Moreover, from all
the aforesaid places and from others like them, since they have been
in such condition that one could travel through them in security (and,
if ministers should come, their inhabitants could be instructed), it
has been possible to collect a certain amount of tribute, for aid,
and support, and expenses. Not all, or even half, of the tributes,
however, could be collected; if the encomiendas are rather large, only
the third part is obtained, and if they are small, only half. Moreover,
whatever collections were made from these encomiendas could not be
made until they had been prepared as aforesaid. Inasmuch as this
matter is a most difficult one, on account of the danger incurred
in collecting from the Indians what they do not owe, and when they
are not willing that it should be collected, and of depriving the
encomenderos of what is due them in case they have fulfilled their
obligations toward the Indians, this shall be the rule regarding
such action as has been taken hitherto by the confessors, namely,
that an encomendero who has simply made collections among the Indians,
without having done them any temporal or spiritual good, shall not be
entitled to collect any tributes; if, however, through his endeavors,
or by trading with them, they are so well-inclined that he can go about
safely among them, and they themselves can be instructed when they
have ministers, the encomenderos shall be entitled to collect from
them the portion which we have named above. In order that from this
time forth, the king in the royal encomiendas, and the encomenderos in
theirs, may, as has been stated, collect the third part or the half,
the following conditions must be observed:

First: That the encomenderos shall endeavor, with the utmost diligence
and care, to establish sufficient religious instruction in their
encomiendas. In case they are unable to do so, they shall write
to his Majesty, requesting him to provide the necessary number of
ministers to teach the Indians; and they shall ask this so earnestly
and effectively that his Majesty will feel himself under obligation
to send ministers. They shall likewise offer, if it be necessary, to
pay a part of the expenses which his Majesty shall incur in sending
the ministers.

Second: In case ministers cannot at once be found to instruct the
natives, orders shall meanwhile be given as to how the encomenderos
are to reside in their lands. This should not be done in the manner
which has been hitherto practiced, when some of the encomenderos
hoping thus to reduce their expenses go to live in their encomiendas
(indeed, I know not if there are any who act otherwise), and there
employ the Indians in the service of themselves, their families,
and their houses, taking away their possessions at the lowest price,
and treating them as if they were their slaves. They care nothing
for instructing the natives, or setting them a good example, or
preparing them to receive baptism; on the contrary they exasperate
the Indians with their harsh treatment, and cause them to abhor the
law of God. Such encomenderos as these should not reside in their
encomiendas: the governor ought to forbid them even to visit those
places, and should himself appoint such person or persons as would
fulfil toward the Indians the obligations which rest upon encomenderos.

Third: In the encomiendas of the king, and in those of the encomenderos
who, for the aforesaid reasons, ought not reside in their encomiendas,
such persons shall be appointed, with the approbation of the bishop
(to whom his Majesty has entrusted this care, and which of right falls
to him), as shall fulfil those obligations toward the aforesaid natives
which are incumbent upon encomenderos, conformably to the law of God
and to what his Majesty has provided and commanded in his laws and
ordinances--in order that in this manner the Indians may be pacified
and appeased; and so prepared that, when they shall have ministers,
they can receive instruction from them. Under these conditions and
limitations, the king in his encomiendas, and the encomenderos in
theirs, may collect from the said encomiendas something from their
current products, for help, maintenance, and expenses. That would be
a third part of the tributes, if the encomiendas are large and the
religious teaching sufficient therein; but if the encomiendas are
small it would be half, as has already been stated.

Among the encomiendas which maintain religious instruction
(although none, or very few, have enough of it), there are some whose
inhabitants, although including some Christians, are for the most part
infidels, and so ill-disposed and so unfavorably situated that it is
impossible for them to receive the instruction, since there are not
enough ministers in the said encomiendas. Even though instruction
exists therein, no tribute, or at least very little, ought to be
exacted of the infidels until they have ministers to teach them,
and the encomendero influences them to give consent, so that they can
be taught. In this class of encomiendas are included the tingues of
Silanga, Pasi, Tabuco, and Maragondon; those of Pangasinan, and others
in Ylocos; and the rest in the island of Panay. These encomiendas
are among those which have religious instruction: the others have
already been enumerated.

The encomenderos of these islands have fallen into an error, based upon
a misunderstanding of a decree of the king, in which he commands that
a fourth part of the tributes from the encomiendas shall be set aside
in order to construct churches and to provide for divine worship. They
imagine that by virtue of this decree those encomiendas which have
never had religious teaching may collect the entire tribute, after
setting aside a fourth part of it. Moreover, but a small number have
set aside this fourth part, and they have done it very seldom. It
is an unbearable deception for the encomenderos to hold this view,
for this decree does not refer to the encomiendas which, as we have
said, are deprived of religious teaching. As for the latter, not only
can the king not give them license to collect their tributes, but,
even were he here, he himself could not collect them. The aforesaid
decree, moreover, treats not of these, but of the encomiendas whose
inhabitants are already Christian. It is with regard to these that the
king commands that a fourth part of the tributes be appropriated for
the construction of churches; and that in place of the tithes which
they, as Christians, owe to the ministers for their maintenance, a
certain part of the tributes be appropriated in such wise as may be
here decided. Afterward, I shall satisfactorily prove that it never
entered the king's mind that the encomenderos would, by renouncing
the fourth part of the tributes, fulfil their obligations toward
their encomiendas.

The above is a summary of the contents of the opinion which I am
preparing, wherein may be found a more extensive treatment of what I
have here set down. In that document your Lordship will find complete
proofs of what is contained in this summary, accompanied by arguments
so cogent and convincing that there is neither room nor possibility
for doubt in this matter.

Two other points are to be found in the clauses furnished to me by
the secretary, Juan de Cuellar, drawn from the instructions which the
king, our lord, gave to your Lordship for the good government of this
land. In one of them there is a discussion of the two reals which his
Majesty ordered to be added to the tributes hitherto collected. It
also contains the views of the theologians of this bishopric, and
my own, concerning this increase. Your Lordship will find them all
in the document which, as I said above, I am preparing. Inasmuch as
the execution of that clause is not immediately pressing, it has not
seemed to me necessary to discuss it here.

The other clause deals with the means to be employed in establishing
religious instruction in the small encomiendas and districts where
the said instruction does not exist. Concerning this we shall have
but little to say at present, not because the affair is free from very
great difficulties, in undertaking to accomplish his Majesty's orders
as contained in the aforesaid clause; but because there is no present
occasion for anxiety regarding the establishment of this instruction,
inasmuch as there are no ministers to undertake the work. I will only
say that, if his Majesty does not decree that the small encomiendas
be made into a few large ones, it will be most difficult (and indeed
almost impossible) to establish therein religious instruction.

In conformity with this, your Lordship will see how you are to give
permission to the encomenderos who do not maintain instruction, so
that they may collect from their encomiendas, if your Lordship wishes
to make secure your own encomienda [46] which I, by this statement,
have enabled you to do.

May Jesus Christ, our Lord, bestow upon your Lordship the light of
His grace, so that in all matters you may be enabled to accomplish
His holy will, and secure the welfare and protection of these natives,
which they so sorely need. From our house, on the twelfth of January
of the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-one.

_Fray Domingo_, Bishop of the Filipinas.



Summary of the Decision Reached by the Bishop of these Philipinas
Islands, and the Other Theologians of this Bishopric, Concerning the
Collection of the Tributes Therein

_Jesus_

The first conclusion:  From the encomiendas which have not had and
do not have religious instruction, and have never received from
the encomenderos any other benefit or advantage, either spiritual
or temporal, than the collection of the tributes, then being left
in their former condition (and such are most of the encomiendas in
this bishopric), the tributes should not be exacted. But in case
they have already been exacted, or shall be in the future, and the
encomenderos shall have done no more good therein than they have thus
far, those who have made these collections shall be compelled to make
restitution therefor to the natives of the said encomiendas. This
same obligation also binds those who, being obliged by their office,
and having the power to prevent this evil, shall give license, or
consent, or permission, that these collections be made.

Second conclusion: In the encomiendas which, although they may not
have had or at present have religious instruction (or so little,
and for so short a space of time, that no result can be observed),
have been pacified through the earnest endeavors and good works of
the encomendero, and whose inhabitants are so subdued as to permit of
travel and residence among them, and favorably disposed to receive
instruction in case there should be anyone to impart it to them;
the encomenderos shall be allowed to collect a certain portion of the
tributes--as, for example, the third part, if the encomiendas are of
average size (for, if they are large, it is a great deal to collect the
third part), and one half, if they are small--by which we understand
a population of three hundred Indians, or a less number. The tributes
thus collected are granted as aid for the encomendero's maintenance,
and for the expenses of said pacification.

Third conclusion: All that was collected from the Indians before they
were thus rendered willing to pay must be restored to them by those
who made such collection, or by those who permitted it, as is stated
in the preceding clause.

Fourth conclusion: All the rest of the said half or third part
which has been or shall hereafter be levied upon the Indians,
before they shall have received sufficient religious instruction,
must be restored by those who have made or permitted to be made the
aforesaid collections.

Fifth conclusion: From the encomiendas which have received sufficient
religious instruction and whose inhabitants are all, or for the
most part, Christians; or when those who are not Christians have
voluntarily held back from conversion--all of the tributes may be
collected, provided that care be ever taken that the infidels be
persuaded and not compelled or forced to make these payments: indeed,
as much concern should be had for them as for the others. Let it
be understood that the said infidels do not refuse or be adverse to
becoming Christians; for in this case the tributes may not be exacted
from them--or, at least, not all, and even then with their consent.

Sixth conclusion: In the encomiendas where there are infidels who,
through lack of adequate religious instruction, have not received
baptism, taxes should not in the past nor shall they at present
be collected in full, but according to the manner set down in the
second clause.

Seventh conclusion: Although all the inhabitants may be Christians,
if their religious instruction has been insufficient the encomenderos
are obliged to deduct from the tributes all that should be expended for
a sufficient number of ministers to impart the necessary instruction.

Eighth conclusion: In order that an encomienda may be said to possess
sufficient and adequate religious instruction, the minister should not
be burdened with the care of more souls than he can properly instruct
and direct in spiritual matters, so that he can give to all those who
are infidels suitable instruction in Christian doctrine--not merely
so that they know it by rote, but also so that they may understand
(so far as they are capable of this) the signification of the words,
and the mysteries contained therein. Thus, too, he will be able to make
each and every one of them understand all that is necessary for them
to believe, and know, and do, in order to be good Christians. All this
should be done before baptism is conferred upon them; and like efforts
should be made that no one shall die without the sacrament. When the
minister undertakes to baptize them, he must see that they know well
what it is, and are prepared for it, and understand what they are
receiving--namely, that they are dead to their past life, and are
commencing a new one, and from that time forth are new men. As the
inhabitants of many of these islands have received baptism without
the aforesaid solicitude and preparation, many sacrileges have been
committed; and, as a result, many and great misfortunes have ensued,
which we can now clearly discern, and yet but poorly remedy.

In order that the Indians, after their conversion, may have adequate
religious teaching, and be taught and instructed and guided in the
conduct of their souls, a minister should not have the care of more
Indians than he can know, visit, and minister to in such wise that
all may understand and comprehend the doctrine. Then, if anyone is
sick, the minister can know of it, and visit and console him in his
sickness; and if the sick man be poor, the minister can give him what
he may need, or shall find someone to do so, so that the sick man may
not die without confession or extreme unction. To the living who are
prepared for it, he can administer the eucharist, and can persuade
everyone to prepare himself so that he can receive communion, and
can labor with all earnestness in making known the great benefits
which are contained in the most blessed sacrament, and how much is
lost by those who do not partake thereof, and the obligation of all
Christians to receive it. The minister can thus also personally care
for the burial of the dead; and, in short, fulfil with solicitude and
concern all the demands and obligations of his office as a priest,
and in the care of souls. It is because the ministers in the Indias
are burdened with so many souls, that we observe so little Christianity
there, that so many die without the sacraments, and there are so many
infidels to be converted.

Ninth conclusion: As soon as the Indians shall have become Christians
the encomendero may with good conscience exact from them the tributes
which are imposed and regulated by his Majesty or by persons
commissioned by him; and the Indians are bound by conscience and
justice to pay them, if they have adequate religious instruction
and the encomendero fulfils the obligations imposed upon him by his
acceptance of the encomienda.

Tenth conclusion: The encomenderos are under obligation to observe,
exactly and faithfully, the instructions given them, that they may not
transgress these in regard to the kind of tributes to be paid, or to
the age or condition of those who must pay them--under pain of mortal
sin, and of making restitution for what they shall have exacted in
violation of law or beyond the amount assessed. The damages moreover,
which are sustained by the natives in compelling them to pay tributes
which they are not bound to pay, and the expenses incurred in making
the collections, should be at the cost of the encomenderos and not
that of the Indians.

Eleventh conclusion: It is grievous inhumanity and a sort of cruel
tyranny to seize the chiefs and keep them prisoners until they pay
the tribute of those who fail to do so; and it is a much greater
wrong to afflict and torture them while in durance. He who shall
make collections in this manner, or permit them to be thus made,
is, aside from the mortal sin which he commits, bound to restore to
the chiefs the tributes thus exacted from them; and would be most
fittingly punished by being deprived of the encomienda of which,
through his own wrong-doing, he has made himself unworthy.

Twelfth conclusion: Although the encomiendas are given to the
encomenderos in return for their services to the king, our lord, the
principal aim and object of his Majesty in giving them has not been,
nor can it be, only that the Indians should pay tribute and render
service to the encomenderos; but, on the contrary, that in return for
the tributes which are paid them, the encomendero shall be obliged
to provide the Indians with ministers to instruct and care for them,
to defend and protect them, to see that they are not ill-treated,
and to answer for them in all necessary matters. It therefore follows
that the encomiendas are and should be instituted rather for the
good of the Indians than for that of the encomenderos; and that the
encomenderos cannot be termed, nor are they, the lords of the Indians,
but their attorneys, tutors, and protectors.

Thirteenth conclusion: The tributes which the king, our lord, has
imposed upon the Indians are not, nor can, nor should they be, all for
his Majesty or for the encomenderos--to whom he allots them in order
that from this fund may be taken all that is necessary to support the
ministers of religious instruction, and for the embellishment of the
churches and divine worship.

Fourteenth conclusion: The encomenderos who, to avoid or lessen
expense, neglect to employ in their encomiendas all the ministers
needed to accomplish and fulfil what has been set down in the eighth
conclusion are in mortal sin, and cannot be absolved. Moreover, it
is not enough to say that their encomiendas already have ministers;
they must employ as many of these as are necessary to fulfil all the
duties there enumerated, according to the number of souls contained
in their encomiendas. And the said encomenderos are responsible
for all the injuries and evils referred to in the said conclusion,
if through their fault there are not ministers to do what should be
done. The minister or ministers, moreover, are responsible if, when
they have in their care so many Indians that they cannot properly
minister to them, they shall be unwilling to receive or to look for
other ministers to help them.

Fifteenth conclusion: The number of ministers required for each
community cannot be readily determined, since there are not in all
the encomiendas the same conditions existing; in some, the people live
closer together than in others; and where they are more scattered, or
more difficult of access, more ministers will be needed than when they
live nearer one another. When they are thus near, and well disposed,
five hundred Indians are a sufficient number for one conscientious
minister to take in charge; and when we shall have an abundant
number of ministers, they should be stationed in each encomienda,
in that ratio.

Sixteenth conclusion: If through lack of ministers enough cannot be
placed in each encomienda to give adequate instruction, such as can
be obtained at the time should be employed, and the encomenderos
shall remain under obligation to deduct from the tributes what has
been stated in the seventh conclusion.

Seventeenth conclusion: All that the Indians have expended in erecting
churches and houses for the ministers, and in their maintenance,
through the unwillingness of the encomenderos to pay therefor, the
latter are obliged to make good--the entire amount expended, for the
maintenance of the ministers; and of that expended for churches and
houses, their share.

Eighteenth conclusion: In order that, from this time forth, the
encomenderos who do not maintain religious instruction may collect from
their encomiendas the portion which is stated in the second conclusion,
the following conditions shall be observed: (1) They shall endeavor,
most assiduously and earnestly, to establish religious instruction
in their encomiendas, that such establishment shall not be delayed;
or, if it be not made, so that the lack cannot be imputed to their
negligence and indifference. And, inasmuch as we have not here
the requisite number of ministers, the encomenderos shall inform
his Majesty how great is the lack, and supplicate him promptly to
send ministers hither--offering, if it shall be necessary, to pay
a part of the expenses to be incurred in sending them hither. (2)
The encomenderos shall endeavor, personally or through the medium of
persons skilled and competent, in whom may be placed entire confidence
that they will deal with the Indians as God requires and the king
commands, to defend the Indians and protect them against the injuries
inflicted upon them. They shall strive to influence them, by good
works and example, to accept the law of God, most carefully preparing
them so that, when they have ministers of the Christian doctrine,
they can be instructed. They shall not act as do some encomenderos
(and most of them are of this sort) who visit their encomiendas
not for the good of the Indians, but for their own profit; and who,
through their presence, work more injury to the Indians by the many
grievances which they occasion, and the bad example that they set,
than the latter are advantaged in being thus pacified.

Nineteenth conclusion: It has been a very great error on the part
of the encomenderos in these islands who do not maintain religious
instruction to think that because they contribute a fourth part of the
tributes they may collect and keep for themselves the remainder. This
is based upon their misinterpretation of a decree of the king which
states the portion which is to be appropriated from the tributes for
the erection of churches and the support of the ministers (although
this decree has already been annulled by others). This decree did
not apply to the encomiendas which we here mention; for if the king
himself cannot levy tributes, he could ill permit others to do so,
excepting the encomiendas which we discussed in the ninth conclusion.

Twentieth conclusion: What has been already said in the preceding
conclusions concerning the encomenderos likewise applies to the
encomiendas which belong to the royal crown; for the king is under even
greater obligation than are the encomenderos to provide his Indians
with religious teaching; and to the same extent as they, he is bound
to make restitution of all that has been unjustly collected. It
follows from this that the officials of the royal exchequer, who
are charged with the collection, of the tributes for the king, are
obliged in conscience to observe and fulfil all that is stated in the
preceding conclusions, and to make restitution of all the tributes,
or such part of them as has been or shall be collected contrary to
the tenor of the said conclusions. This obligation is all the greater
for the governor than for the officials of the royal exchequer; since
he, by reason of his office, is bound to care for all the natives of
these islands, and not to permit them to be wronged, and to require
satisfaction from anyone who may wrong them.

Twenty-first conclusion: Former governors were under obligation, as
are those who rule both now and hereafter, to observe and fulfil, in
the repartimientos which they assign or shall assign, the provisions
contained in section 144 of the royal ordinances drawn up in Segovia
in the year 73, the tenor of which is as follows: "When the country
has been pacified, and its rulers and inhabitants have been reduced
to obedience to us, the governor shall, with their consent, direct
the partition of the lands among the colonists so that each of them
shall be responsible for the Indians of his repartimiento, defend
and protect them, and provide a minister who shall teach them to live
in civilized ways, and shall do for them all else that encomenderos
are bound to do for the Indians of their repartimientos." In the
following section: "The Indians who shall be reduced to our obedience
and allotted to the conquerors shall be persuaded, in recognition of
universal seigniory and jurisdiction which we hold over the Indians,
to assist us by the payment of a moderate tribute, from the fruits of
the soil. It is our will that the tributes thus paid us be collected
by the Spaniards to whom encomiendas shall be given, for which reason
they fulfil the duties to which they are bound." What his Majesty
commands in these two sections of the said ordinances conforms to both
natural and divine law, both of which would be violated if even the
king should contravene these ordinances. From this the governors will
recognize the obligations under which they are to heed the attitude
of the Indians whom they must allot in encomiendas, in order not to
work against a law as just and necessary as this is.

Twenty-second conclusion: If in any case the governor allot an
encomienda whose inhabitants shall not be in the frame of mind
which the aforesaid law requires (a condition which must needs be
very rare, and the result of causes so forcible that the king, upon
consultation, would consider them of sufficient weight), in order that
the governor may not be under obligation to make restitution of what
shall be collected therefrom, he is bound to order such encomendero
not to collect the tributes until he has, by his earnest endeavors
and just treatment, brought the Indians to that disposition which,
in the aforesaid two sections, his Majesty requires. In case the
encomendero shall collect the tributes beforehand, the governor shall
command him to make restitution; and if, for lack of such orders,
the Indians shall suffer any wrong, the governor shall be responsible.

Twenty-third conclusion: The religious who are in the Indias are not
under obligation to go to Spain to obtain other religious; and if they
could avoid it they would do wrong in going on account of the great
deficiency of ministers caused by such departures. But as the need
of ministers is so great, and as they are not sent hither from Spain,
those who go thither to procure them should be well rewarded for the
great hardships that they undergo in bringing religious. His Majesty,
moreover, and the members of his royal Council are under obligation
to send back at once, and with suitable provision, those who in their
service to God and the king, and for the welfare of these souls,
have suffered such hardships.

Twenty-fourth conclusion: The king our lord and his royal Council
of the Indias are bound to send to these islands so many ministers
that they can give adequate instruction to all the natives therein,
even if our religious do not go or send for others.

Twenty-fifth conclusion: His Majesty is bound to give orders and to
make all possible efforts for the conversion of the infidels--not
only those who recognize him and pay tribute, but those who are
not under his sway and do not recognize him as their lord--so that
they may all come into the knowledge of God and enter the bosom of
the Church. Nor should this be accomplished in the manner hitherto
employed employed--namely, by the perversion of all law, divine
and human; by murders, robberies, captivities, conflagrations, and
the depopulation of villages, estates, and houses. These wrongs are
inflicted and perpetrated by those who, under pretext and in the name
of preaching the gospel, entered the Indias, and have thus profaned the
sacred name of God and made the holy gospel odious; and it is by them
that our holy religion has been dishonored. But now that his Majesty
knows what excesses have been committed in these islands, he should
order that henceforth they shall cease, and that in the promulgation of
the holy gospel the instructions and rules be observed which our Lord
Jesus Christ ordained, and which His holy evangelical law directs and
commands, and which the holy apostles and the apostolic men who came
after them practiced and observed until our wretched times. Since the
Spaniards entered the Indias, their excessive cupidity has devised
new methods of preaching the gospel such as our Lord Jesus Christ
never ordained, or His holy apostles knew; they are not permitted by
the law of nature, nor do they agree with reason.

I shall send the proofs of these conclusions to your Lordship as soon
as my occupations give me opportunity and leisure to prove them. At
Manila, on the eighteenth of January, 1591.

_The Bishop of the Filipinas_



Letter from the Bishop of the Philipinas to the Governor

_Jesus_

In the document which I sent to your Lordship the other day was
contained the substance of the opinion which I and other theologians
of this bishopric hold concerning the collection [of tributes] from
the encomiendas in these islands. I then stated that all the matter
outlined therein would be sent later to your Lordship, proved in detail
by convincing arguments. This, however, I have not been able to do,
nor will it be possible as long as I must remain in this city; for day
and night I am beset by necessary business. For this reason, I would be
glad to be able to leave the city for a few days in order that I might
conclude this matter--to which, since it is to be brought before his
Majesty and his royal Council, persons who are to consider it with
care, it would seem but right that I should also give most careful
attention. And yet the truth of all that I say is so manifest that I
would be put to little trouble if I were compelled to prove it; but
considerable time would be necessary to put it in order. Having sent
the aforesaid opinion to your Lordship, I ceased to concern myself
about the matter, for it seemed to me that the document contained
(although in outline) all that the truth required, and all that I
had to say thereon. Accordingly, what remains for me to set down will
not be an addition to the aforesaid, but merely an effort to explain
it further, and to prove by arguments and authority what has already
been stated in brief.

The dean informed me this morning that your Lordship was awaiting my
opinion, and had suspended action until I should send it. I told him
that, as far as I was concerned, I had already given it--that is to
say, I had told your Lordship how I, as well as the other theologians,
and right-thinking persons of this bishopric, felt in this matter. It
is true, I did not send, as soon as I might, what remained to be said;
but that, after all, matters but little for the truth of the affair. As
I stated in the opinion which your Lordship has in your possession,
all that I might afterward say is contained therein. However, in
order that your Lordship may have a clearer statement of what I sent
in that document, and of all else that I have to say, it has seemed
expedient to send to your Lordship another paper, which accompanies
this letter; therein are contained twenty-five conclusions, in
which there is a summary of all that may be said in relation to the
encomenderos of these islands, concerning both the collection of the
tributes, and the obligations of the encomenderos towards the Indians
of their encomiendas. Further, I have stated therein the duties of
the governors in respect to their treatment of the Indians and the
collection of tributes. I thought it best to state those conclusions
in the same order as before, since I shall place them in that order
in proving them.

I fully realize that for those who are accustomed to collect tributes
with no other care for the Indians of their encomiendas than to
obtain their money and then leave them to bear their afflictions,
those conclusions must of necessity appear very severe; but, although
the truth always hurts those whom it chastises, it should not on
that account be suppressed--for, as St. Gregory says, one should not
be hindered by any obstacle whatever from uttering the truth. The
difficulty of this affair, moreover, does not consist in knowing what
the truth is (for that is perfectly evident); but in the fact that
unrighteous custom favors the powerful, and is hostile to those who,
although they can do little, are unwilling to submit to what those who
are in power choose to command. But the weak have given thanks to God,
who has moved the heart of our most Christian king to order that a
remedy be applied to so many and so great disorders and excesses, which
up to the present time have been so contrary to natural law, and proved
so great an impediment to religion and evangelical preaching, and so
harmful and prejudicial to the inhabitants of these islands. Indeed,
if we should hear, as God does, the complaints and outcries which
continually arise in the hearts of these people, we would clearly see
how much more cause there is for comforting them than for favoring
those who have inflicted upon them such injury. And yet, if we but
consider this carefully, we shall see that the Spaniards have done
themselves still greater harm, since they have deprived the Indians
merely of their property, but have incurred the condemnation of their
own souls.

I, my Lord, do not wish, nor do I pretend, that the encomenderos
should die of hunger, or that your Lordship should lack the means to
fulfil your obligations; but I do maintain that we should have such
care for what is right for the Spaniards as not to sicken more souls,
or cause the gospel to be received in this land not gladly, but by
force, and in such wise that it will not avail those who receive it.

The king, our lord, need only decree that this matter be left to the
conscience of those who govern here; for his Majesty cannot examine
it with his own eyes, and, consequently, the entire burden falls upon
your Lordship and upon those of us who have to decide what shall be
done. This affair is not one of so little risk as not to require a
most careful consideration; for to deprive the Spaniards of the right
of collecting the tributes from their encomiendas, when they might
just as well do so, is to deprive them of their very property, and
give them permission to collect from those who do not owe tribute,
and to free them from obligation to the Indians. Thus the entire
responsibility would fall upon those who might express their opinion;
consequently, it has been necessary, as I have already said, to
consider the matter most carefully. This I have done by consulting
persons who know and thoroughly understand the point at issue; and
by comparing therewith what I have seen and know from experience,
and from my knowledge of the law.

Such are the contents of the conclusions which I herewith send your
Lordship. I trust that you will be pleased to read them and will expect
from me no other opinion than the one therein contained; for I have,
and shall have, no other, and there is not a right-minded person in
the bishopric who dares maintain the contrary.

Two points should be especially noted among those which I here
set down. The one concerns the second conclusion wherein I make the
following statement: From the small encomiendas may be collected half
of the tributes even where there is no instruction, if the encomendero
fulfils his duties; and from those of average size a third part of
the same. Although there is, in strictness, no reason why one-half
should be collected from the small encomiendas and only a third part
from the others, yet after careful consideration, it has seemed to
us both equitable and reasonable that, in a very small encomienda,
the encomendero should collect from each inhabitant somewhat more
for his maintenance than if the inhabitants were numerous and thus
could provide, even when a less sum was levied, better support for
the encomendero.

The other matter for consideration relates to the statements in the
third and fourth conclusions concerning the restitution of what has
thus far been taken from the natives. In this matter some moderation
should be displayed, in view of the present needy condition of the
encomenderos. This subject, however, will be discussed later, and
the best possible arrangement will be made for assuring the peace
of consciences, which we who are here strive to do. It is, too, no
small grace to your Lordship, that this matter should be considered
in your time. I can assure your Lordship that there has been much
criticism concerning what past governors have permitted, and I do not
know how in the end they are to fare with God; for a governor, from
the very character of his office, is under obligation to prevent,
within his jurisdiction, evils which can be remedied. God will
know how to call to account those who have permitted these abuses,
and will free your Lordship from these difficulties before they have
entangled you. Your Lordship indeed owes much gratitude to God, for,
whether or not the encomenderos make any collection, nothing will be
cast into your purse without your experiencing much scruple at not
having remedied the evil. God knows the scruples and anguish which
the past has caused my soul, for, although it seems that I could have
done no more than to raise my voice in opposition, and write to his
Majesty, I am not sure that this will avail me with God, who is wont to
dispose of such matters quite otherwise than we imagine; therefore, by
giving my views upon this question, and by expressing to your Lordship
my sentiments. I feel myself exonerated in the sight of God and of
men. Let your Lordship reflect what it is meet to do, for my opinion
has been already given. May God, our Lord, so enlighten your Lordship
that in all things you may do what is right. Amen. From this, your
Lordship's house, today, Friday, the twenty-fifth of January, 1591.

_The Bishop of the Filipinas_



The Governor's Reply

Assuming it to be his Majesty's will that, in the encomiendas where,
for lack of ministers, instruction is not given, some tribute
shall be collected, if only in recognition of services rendered,
it seems but fitting that enough should be collected to sustain the
encomendero--or, if he should abandon the encomienda, some person
who should continue, in his stead, intercourse and relations with the
Indians, so influencing and directing them that, when they are given
instruction, they may receive it willingly; and settling the minds of
the Indians, so that we can deal with them and travel among them. Such
persons or encomenderos are accessory to the gospel, and should be
supported, as ministers are, by the tributes of the Indians--who,
if deprived of their presence and left without this intercourse, will
doubtless become intractable, and a country which is at present secure
and orderly will require a fresh pacification. Accordingly I say that
if your Lordship should order the encomendero to appropriate, for his
own maintenance and for necessary expenses (which are so great, and
the encomiendas so small), [three--M.] [47] fourths of the tributes,
and if the remaining fourth should [be used--M.] for the erection of a
church, for ornaments, and other accessories of religious instruction;
or, if this fourth part should be remitted to the Indians (although,
in reality, if they think that by not becoming Christians less will be
exacted from them, they will never become Christians or admit fathers
into their territory; and it is certainly better for the Indians to
have this fourth part held as a deposit for the three years, since at
the end of that time [they can add--M.] to it a tribute, and assist
in paying the expenses of erecting the church and the costs of other
accessories of instruction and other necessary expenses which may
arise); and if the above should be asked from them in advance, and
as a whole--I maintain, that all this could not be exacted without
great injury to the Indians.

This tribute should be collected with much gentleness toward the
Indians, without the presence of soldiers and firearms, and without
entering their houses. One house should, however, be set apart for
the purpose of making these collections, where the Indians, summoned
in friendly terms, may come voluntarily to pay their tributes; and
no other force or pressure should be imposed upon them. Moreover,
of the increase of two reals in the tributes, only one (and no more)
should be exacted, and the aforesaid collection of the three-fourths
should be general in all the encomiendas. There are no grounds for
making a discrimination between the Indian of the large encomienda and
the Indian of the small one; and if it is right to collect in the one,
the same procedure holds good in the other, for the same thing applies
to [four--M.] as to forty, which in this case would mean not to change
the present and past condition of things, or the universal practice
throughout all the Indias, by interfering with his Majesty's decree.

We should consider how little there is in this country besides
the tributes, for the support of the encomendero or such person
who has to represent him; and that, if the Indians should cease
to pay the tributes, all would go to destruction; and even were
religious instruction to exist, there would be no system for applying
it. This instruction, moreover, is not at present in the hands of
the encomenderos, for they have asked me, as I believe they have your
Lordship, to make provision for the same, offering the necessary salary
and expenses. Accordingly, since this charge is not in their hands,
the above means might be justly employed; so that the districts which
are disaffected might, with such intercourse, be prepared to receive
the gospel in due time.

This plan can be followed temporarily, until information concerning
it shall reach his Majesty--who, I assure your Lordship, will
straightway adjust the matter by providing these islands, as well as
those most distant and as yet unpacified, with sufficient religious
instruction; and by determining what share of the cost shall fall to
the encomenderos according to the detailed information and report
which shall be sent hence to him, together with your Lordship's
statement. Thus all will come to enjoy the fruits of the gospel,
which is our principal end and object with these peoples. In return,
they are to offer this moderate tribute, which is to facilitate
their conversion, to which end everything is directed; and to prepare
them for it by this means, without which there would be no way for
endeavoring to interest anyone, even if the tribute should amount to
many millions. But, with this justification, it can be levied.

The encomenderos shall maintain their residence, and, as your
Lordship justly suggests, shall provide a good example and fair
treatment toward the Indians of their encomiendas. And, in order
that the latter may receive (as your Lordship says) some recompense
in return, orders shall be given that all the encomiendas, however
remote they may be, shall be provided with some administration of
justice, with orders to the alcaldes-mayor in whose district these
encomiendas chance to be to visit, at stated periods of the year,
the Indians thereof. The officials shall then settle the disputes
and redress the grievances of the Indians, bringing them by kind
acts into intercourse and friendship with us. Where the present
number of alcaldes-mayor is not large enough, others shall be sent,
in order that thus may be facilitated our intercourse and influence
among them. Under this pretext of administration of justice and of
defense, at least a sufficient maintenance may be derived.

Let your Lordship take this matter into careful consideration. For
my own part, cogent reasons oblige me to believe that, if this plan
be not carried out, the encomenderos much of necessity abandon their
encomiendas, as has [_illegible in MS._] and no one will be found
willing to burden himself with this charge and enter into relations
with the Indians, in return for so small a stipend. Even if there were
such persons, we could not place in them the confidence that we now
have in the encomenderos, in whose virtue and Christian spirit his
Majesty's conscience remains at rest. This would not be so secure in
the care of substitutes, who replace persons who have abandoned their
holdings, for lack [_illegible in MS._] without much fear of being
obliged to give a bad account of either themselves or the Indians;
and, consequently, instead of introducing our holy faith among them,
would only irritate the natives by oppression and ill-treatment.

This being so, if the encomenderos should abandon their offices, and
no capable persons could be found in their stead, the rule of the
Spaniards would come to an end in this land; for, as they possess
here nothing beyond the encomiendas as a source of profit and a
recompense for their services, if they should be deprived of these
I fear that they all would depart from the country and it would be
depopulated. In such a case, let your Lordship consider which of
the two evils is the less, and which should be preferred: namely,
that matters should remain in their present and past condition until
his Majesty, after thorough information, make suitable provision;
or that, in order to remedy this insignificant evil, we should run
the risk of ruining and depopulating all the islands. I, my Lord,
have not the slightest inclination to go to hell merely because the
encomendero collects one or two thousand. After all, whatever your
Lordship may consent to, and whatever we resolve to do, must be carried
out, and I must order it to be executed, with the utmost promptness;
for I understand this to be a matter which concerns the welfare of
my conscience, wherein his Majesty unburdens his. But at present,
I am thinking only of the difficulties involved in the execution of
this act, which must be so hard for the encomenderos. When, in the
establishment and accomplishment of a thing which in itself may be holy
and good, there exist such obstacles that by means of them the whole
is exposed to risk and danger, and the principal [_illegible in MS._],
as your Lordship may discern in the case of the religious fathers,
who, because they attempted to place the Indians in charge of justice,
desired them to give up all, and thus there was constraint. Yet they
had charity and love for them, for otherwise all would be lost. The
same injury will be inflicted on the encomendero, if we oblige him to
relinquish the tribute, and give him no other means of support. This
the king can do, by the decree which is expected.

It is certain that the very success of the affair admits of no other
outcome than this. For, assuming that his Majesty, to unburden his
own conscience, should commit to your Lordship and to myself the
conduct and decision of what should be done in this matter, and should
order me to execute what we both might determine, and agree upon,
provided your Lordship should decide that what you have set down in
your opinion and in your conclusions, ought in conscience to be done;
and if I should find that, although such action is just and right
according to law, yet in attempting to carry it out it would be in
no wise proper to run the risk of ruining these islands--in this case
your Lordship and I do not hold the same opinions, and we should report
this to his Majesty. In the meantime matters will remain as they now
are; and, if resolutions must be adopted, it is much better that we
should propose them conjointly to his Majesty, with complete harmony
and satisfaction on our part, in order that he may give such orders
as shall seem best to him. In the meantime we should not undertake
[_illegible in MS._] all the more because, considering the affair
in its beginnings, the commission and order of his Majesty--which
instruct me to see that your Lordship consider what should and can
be done in this matter; and also to execute the resolutions made
by our joint agreement, with all the punctuality which is required
therein--clearly express the will and determination of his Majesty,
who mentions only the encomiendas which are at present disaffected,
or have never been pacified. It is only concerning these latter,
that doubts may be entertained as to the question of collecting
the tributes, either in whole or in part (by way of recognition,
as is stated in your opinion). These encomiendas are not reached by
religious teaching, or by the administration of justice, or by other
advantages; and, consequently, are the ones concerning which, as I
have said, doubts are entertained. As for those encomiendas which may
possess any of the aforesaid benefits, such as religious teaching,
the administration of justice, intercourse, and other advantageous
relations, there is no occasion for any dispute concerning them; nor
should the management of these (as far as our present knowledge goes)
be committed to your Lordship. It is, therefore, needless to include
them in the general rule; but in dealing with the encomiendas which
are disaffected, and in those not yet pacified, only a part of the
tribute should be collected, for the unburdening of his Majesty's
and our own consciences. Your Lordship's, etc.




The Petition Presented to the Governor by the City and the Encomenderos
on the Fifteenth of February, 1591


We, the corporation and magistrates of the city of Manila, for
ourselves, and in the name of all these Filipinas Islands, and of their
encomenderos, settlers, and discoverers, do declare the following: As
is well known, many of us came here twenty-seven years ago, when these
islands were discovered, and have spent years in the propagation of
our holy Catholic faith, the defense of the preaching of the gospel,
and the service of the king, our lord. On account of this devotion
we abandoned our fatherland, and forgot our parents, brothers, and
relatives, and the comforts which each one of us possessed; and after
having endured the great dangers of a long and hitherto unknown voyage,
we settled in a land where we have shed our blood, and suffered the
fearful miseries of hunger, thirst, exposure, and many other hardships,
so great that they have cost the lives of the many thousands of men
who are known to have come to these islands--not to mention all those
valiant soldiers who serve his Majesty throughout his realm. At the
conclusion of so many toils and misfortunes--after we had made this
discovery, and had pacified and brought under the royal crown the
many vassals who today are to be found throughout these islands,
and had brought to the bosom of our faith the great number of souls
who have already received baptism--his Majesty and the governors
in his name have rewarded us by allotting to us a certain number of
natives. But these grants are under such limitations and the tributes
are so moderate that the most prosperous among us (and there are but
few) are living in straitened circumstances, and the others do not
receive the half of what is necessary for their sustenance; many of
these have no recompense. Although our possessions are so scanty, we
have been content therewith, inasmuch as we consider them as being a
reward which we have won with our blood and so great labors; for we
are thereby encouraged to serve our Lord and his Majesty--enjoying,
as we do, these tributes and encomiendas in tranquil and peaceable
possession of them, after they have been assigned to us. The king,
our lord, also is profited by those who hold positions in the service
of his royal crown; for they, with the tributes, assist in the great
expenses which his royal patrimony incurs for the churches, religious
orders, and ministers of the evangelical teaching, and for the
supplies necessary for their maintenance. In this state of affairs it
seems that on the part of the bishop of these islands and some of the
religious thereof--not only generally, in sermons and in the pulpit,
but privately, in the confessional--obstacles and difficulties are
imposed upon our consciences by maintaining that we cannot exact the
[_illegible in MS._] his Majesty those which he exacts, and that we
are going straight to hell [_illegible in MS._] and that we are under
obligation to make restitution for them. For this reason they refuse
us the sacraments of absolution and communion; and, finally, they
so obstruct us in the collection of this slender means of livelihood
that we, and in fact the whole colony, are continually disconsolate
and afflicted, and our consciences disturbed and ill at ease. We know
not what plan we are to pursue in making these collections; for if we
submit to the constraint which the aforesaid bishop and a portion of
the religious would impose upon us, the necessary result will be that
we cannot support ourselves, or even live; and his Majesty will be
unable to meet the costs and expenses necessary for the preservation
of the land--although our aim now as always, is to live and die in
the service of his Majesty like faithful and loyal vassals.

We therefore entreat and supplicate your Lordship--inasmuch as the
royal presence is so distant, and his authority is delegated to
you in order to preserve us in peace and justice--to decree, in the
name of his Majesty, as the person from whose hand we possess these
encomiendas, that orders and explicit statements be given us as to what
extent and in what manner we are to collect the aforesaid tributes, in
order that with definite knowledge and freedom from misunderstanding,
and without this present trouble and confusion, we may collect them
by virtue of the order which your Lordship may give us to make such
collections. And so likewise do we entreat your Lordship to command
that his Majesty be informed as promptly as possible of what your
Lordship shall order and decree, so that he may confirm and approve it,
and determine what plan shall be pursued in this matter; and so that
we may know and abide by it, and thus be delivered from these scruples
and anxieties. In case the above should not be done as we petition,
we would be deprived of part of the little that we possess; and,
if compelled to make our collections in conformity with the ideas of
the bishop and some of the religious, we shall not be able to support
ourselves. We therefore entreat your Lordship, inasmuch as we do not
depart from or fail in what we owe to the service of his Majesty as his
loyal vassals, to give us permission to depart for Spain, where we may
serve his Majesty in what he shall command us to do, and where he may
favor us in proportion to the quality of the services of each one of
us; thus we shall receive grace and justice, which is what we request.

_Francisco Mereado Dandrade_
_Pedro Davalos y Vargas_
_Juan de Moron_
_Diego de Castillo_
_Juan Pacheco Maldonado_
_Don Francisco de Poca y Pendara_
_Hernan Gomez de Cespedes_
_Don Luis Enriques de Guzman_
_Antonio de Canedo_
_Alonso Garrido de Salcedo_


[The remaining documents on tributes are presented partly in full,
partly in synopsis, because of the repetitions and diffuseness which
are frequent therein. Such parts as are thus synopsized will appear
in brackets.]



Letter from Salazar to the Governor

[Replying (February 8) to the governor's letter, the bishop makes
various suggestions. He considers that the responsibility for deciding
questions connected with the tribute rests upon himself and the
governor, and that it is unnecessary and undesirable to refer them
to the king in ordinary cases.] This has been done for the welfare
of these natives, or, to speak more exactly, in order that our holy
faith may be received in these realms. On account of the many and
glaring instances of lawlessness and disorder, this result is not
yet accomplished in the greater part of these islands; and even
those who have accepted the faith have received from it very little
benefit. [Salazar urges the governor to meet this responsibility,
and with him to determine the amount and methods of collection of
the tributes. He remonstrates with the latter against his intention
of collecting the whole or most of the tributes from the pagan
Indians. Salazar says:] You state that the encomenderos will not
desire the encomiendas, since they will obtain from them so little
advantage, but will abandon their holdings; that the Indians will
become unmanageable, and it will be necessary to pacify them anew,
in order to have them instructed; and (which would be still worse)
when the encomenderos can not be supported it will be necessary to
abandon the country, and the faith will be ruined. This is certainly
a very great difficulty, and would be the greatest which could befall
us. But God, who has established here the faith, will not permit it
to be so easily destroyed. Accordingly I maintain, first, that what is
assigned to the encomenderos is not too small to support adequately any
one of them whatsoever--not with the opulence and abundance that they
desire, but as the extreme poverty and wretchedness of the Indians
allows, and as the little that they have accomplished and are doing
requires. For, if the encomienda be of good size, the encomendero
can support himself very comfortably with the third part of the
tribute, if it is expended in the same encomienda, where goods are
held at lower prices; and if the encomienda be small, he may, by way
of equity--although by the letter of the law he should take no more
than does he who owns a large one--be allowed to collect the half of
the tribute, since it would seem that he could not support himself
with less. If they must have more, the encomenderos are not of so
poor standing as not to have other relations and dealings by which
they can increase their property and help to meet their expenses,
in order that all the burden may not be laid upon the Indians; since
even what they collect from the latter according to law they are not
entitled to, until they pay the Indians what is due them.

[Salazar goes on to say that there is no danger that the encomiendas
will be abandoned under this plan; and that the arrangement which he
proposes is for only such time as is necessary to provide adequate
religious instruction for the natives. Then the full amount of
tribute may be collected, and the encomenderos will enjoy all their
revenues. Most of them will shirk their obligations to the Indians,
as they have done in the past, unless they are compelled to meet them;
and Salazar thinks that they will be more ready to provide religious
instruction if they are restricted from collecting the tributes until
they shall have done so.] He who plants a vine expects to wait until it
can mature its fruit; it is only with the Indians that the encomenderos
will not wait until they are prepared to yield fruit, but are ready
at once to cut their throats to make them yield it. And since they
have thus far collected so many tributes from the Indians without
justification for exacting them, it will be right that henceforth
they should labor with them, without collecting from them the taxes
so harshly, waiting until the Indians are prepared for having to pay
the tribute; and the real preparation for this is to strive that they
shall have instruction.

... For this they deserve some reward, such as the concession made
to them in the second conclusion, which seems sufficient return
for the little value of all that will be done for the Indians until
they receive instruction. In order that your Lordship may be fully
convinced that, even if further limitations should be imposed on the
encomenderos, they need not for that abandon their holdings, your
Lordship should remember that, after coming here, you reduced the
salaries of some alcaldes-mayor, and took away those of some deputies;
and yet they did not cease on that account to discharge their duties
cheerfully, for they can with good conscience take whatever your
Lordship shall assign to them. Why, then, should we fear that the
encomenderos will leave their encomiendas, even if they are ordered
to collect no more than the third part of the tributes?... Former
governors, as well as your Lordship, have allotted encomiendas,
imposing upon them an annual charge, for a limited period, for
the benefit of the hospital or of some individual. These were most
willingly accepted, the owners knowing that when the annual pension
expired the encomiendas remained to them, which they might freely
enjoy. It is certain, too, that what the encomenderos collected
while the pension lasted was not equal to the third part. Why, then,
will not the encomenderos endure this pension for so short a time, in
order afterward to enjoy the encomiendas freely and with consciences
at ease? for they can do that now.

[The bishop declares that the conversion of the pagan Indians
will not be hindered by his plan. Not the least hindrance to the
conversion of these islands is the harshness with which the tributes
are collected from the Indians.] It is certain that when the faith
is preached to the Indians on the plan and with the gentleness which
our Lord ordained, attended with kind treatment and good examples,
in accordance with the requirements of God's law, the infidels will
never consider whether or not they have to pay tribute. For if they
once reach a real understanding of what it means to be converted to
God, and of the benefit which they receive from it, and the evils
from which they are set free, not only will they not heed whether or
not they are paying tribute, but they will, if necessary, surrender
their goods and estates, in order not to remain without baptism. We
need not vex ourselves to secure the baptism of infidels who avoid
baptism in order not to pay tribute; since it is not such whom God
chooses, or whom the church needs.

The greatest difficulty for the Sangleys who sought baptism has been
the command to cut off their hair. It is certain that on this account
many have failed to become Christians, whereat I have been exceedingly
grieved. Not that I have not always wished, and still desire, that
all of that nation might be converted, and I have exerted myself to
that end with all my strength; but when I see one of them hesitate
as to cutting off his hair, it seems to me that he has not come for
baptism in the right spirit, and for that reason I do not admit him
to baptism. Those, however, in whose hearts God has moved, and who
truly understand what they are receiving (and there are many such),
are not disturbed because their hair is cut, or because they are
forever abandoning their native land. On the contrary, these persons
have broken all ties, and submitted to every requirement, that they
might not remain without baptism. It is true that we have baptized
some of that nation without requiring them to cut off their hair,
through our reasonable consideration toward them; but we have never
consented that anyone of them should be baptized until he had made up
his mind to allow his hair to be cut: and then he did not know that we
intended to baptize him without removing his hair. From the above it
may be inferred that the payment of little, or much, or none of the
tribute is not in itself a reason for the infidels to avoid baptism;
they do so because we oppose so many obstacles to the preaching of
the gospel, and set so bad an example, and because it is so preached
that they do not understand it.

[Salazar protests against the notion entertained by the encomenderos
that "all their festivities and superfluous expenses should be at the
expense of the wretched Indians, when they themselves do not fulfil
their obligations toward the latter." Other persons can support
themselves without an encomienda; so those who possess such aid can
certainly do something outside of it to meet their expenses. The method
of collecting the tributes hitherto has been little more than slavery
for the natives; the bishop pleads in eloquent terms that the governor
will reform this abuse, and consider the subject from the standpoint
of the Indians as well as from that of the Spaniards.] In order that
they may endure their hardships cheerfully, it is well that they should
understand the change among the Spaniards which has occurred since the
coming of your Lordship; for their burdens have been lightened by the
reduction of the tributes from the former amount; and the Spaniards
have done what they did not previously--that is, to treat the natives
well, and to converse with them in a friendly manner. This, without
doubt, will greatly incline them toward our holy Christian religion;
and then the Indians cannot make this a matter of complaint against
the Spaniards, but will keep silence and yield to whatever commands
are given them. [The Spaniards have might on their side, and terrorize
the weaker natives; but the right only should be considered, and is
mainly on the side of the Indians. The conquerors have brought forward
many specious arguments to justify their oppression, which for a time
deceived even the bishop, who expresses his regret and remorse for
his own mistakes; but his long experience has opened his eyes, and he
espouses the cause of the oppressed Indians, urging the governor to
consider their needs, without allowing the Spaniards to influence him
in favor of their selfish and unjust practices. Salazar complains that
the orders of both the king and the governors have been systematically
violated or ignored; that no one has been punished for infractions
of law save the poor Indians, who often have been justified in these
actions.] But even this has not availed them to escape punishment
in their persons and property. Yet thus far there is no instance
known when an encontendero or collector has been punished for even
the grossest acts of injustice and injury which they have inflicted
upon the Indians. And this is the Christian spirit and the justice
with which we have thus far treated this unfortunate people--we, who
came hither to bestow upon them a knowledge of God! Notwithstanding
all that, we demand that they shall not dare to move, or to open
their lips in complaint. But we have a righteous God, who hears them,
and in His own time will bestow upon each man according to his deserts.

[The Audiencia had enacted laws favorable to the Indians, which the
governor should enforce. For this purpose, it is useless to depend
upon the alcaldes-mayor, since most of them care only for their own
interests and profit.] On this account the president undertook to
reduce the number of the alcaldes-mayor, and to increase the salaries
of those who were left, in order to remove from them the temptation
to plunder. He also wished to abolish entirely the office of deputy,
as he had already begun to do; this would have been no little benefit
to the country. [The country will only be injured by attempting to
increase the number of officials; they aid in the oppression of
the Indians, and care nothing for the bishop's efforts to oppose
them. If the condition of affairs in Luzon is so bad, what must it
be in Mindanao, or Xolo, or other remote districts? The Indians can
not come to the governor with their grievances, and are helpless in
the power of their oppressors.]

[Salazar briefly state the opinions given by the religious persons whom
he has consulted regarding some of the chief points at issue. Most of
them decide that the third part of the tributes will be enough for
any encomendero, no matter how small his holding may be. As for the
restitution of tributes unjustly collected, they all conclude that to
require the return of all the goods thus acquired by the Spaniards
would be too severe a penalty for the latter; but that hereafter no
encomendero should be allowed to collect tributes from Indians unless
he shall provide them with religious instruction, and if he shall
so collect, he shall be compelled to restore to them the goods thus
unjustly obtained. The governor is urgently entreated to investigate
the manner in which the encomenderos are dealing with the Indians;
to adopt and enforce the orders recommended by the clergy; and to
permit no Spaniard to make collections of tributes unless he fulfil
all obligations due from him to the natives. The same course should
be pursued in the encomiendas belonging to the royal crown. If the
governor will follow this course, the clergy will cooperate with him
by refusing absolution to all who disobey.] From our house, February
8, 1591.

_Fray Domingo_, Bishop of the Philipinas.



Opinions of the Religious

[At the request of the governor, the members of the various religious
orders furnish him with their opinions regarding the collection of
tributes. The Augustinians thus conclude, in brief: The natives who
enjoy the benefits of Spanish protection, the administration of
justice, and religious instruction, should pay the entire amount
assessed on them as tribute; for it is but just that they should
bear the expenses of these benefits. It was Spain to whom the Holy
See allotted the work of converting the pagans of the Indias; and,
although she has in doing so inflicted many injuries on the natives,
she has also conferred upon them many benefits in converting and
civilizing them. If she should abandon the islands great evils
would result. Even tyrannical treatment does not justify vassals in
refusing obedience to their rulers--in support of which position many
citations are made from the Bible and from historical precedents. The
Spanish rulers are accordingly entitled to collect the moderate
tribute which they have imposed on the Indians, if they protect and
instruct the latter--the condition on which their right to tribute
is based; but all should pay alike, infidels as well as Christians,
when they receive alike those benefits. As for the Indians who have
not been provided with instruction and the protection of law, no
tribute should in any case be demanded from them and whatever has
been thus far collected ought to be restored to them in full, as
having been unjustly and unrighteously exacted. In the encomiendas
which, although once pacified, have since rebelled, a small amount
of tribute should be collected, not to maintain the encomendero,
but to meet the expenses of restoring order and obedience therein. In
other cases, where the encomendero fulfils his obligations in other
respects, but fails to provide religious instruction for the natives
through lack of ministers, he is entitled to collect only part of
the tribute designated--that is, what remains after deducting the
amount due for the support of ministers (estimated in proportion to
the number of the people), and for the erection and maintenance of
churches. In short, the natives should pay only for such benefits as
they actually receive. The amount to be paid should be based on the
amount expended by the government and the encomenderos in providing
those benefits.] In these islands the number of five hundred Indians
(and in some places even a smaller number) has been assigned to
each minister as sufficient for his charge; and to each minister
of religion has been given a hundred pesos and a hundred fanégas of
rice, all which is worth at least one hundred and twenty-five pesos;
this is the fourth part of the five hundred pesos which the five
hundred Indians are worth to the encomendero. It is then a fair rate
of taxation, and usually the most exact, to deduct, when religious
instruction is lacking, the fourth part of the tribute. [If the
encomienda is governed with justice, its holder may in reason collect
the other three-fourths. The fathers remonstrate against the proposal
to allow the holder of a small encomienda to collect more than he may
who has a large one, as unjust and dangerous. If the fourth part is
to be withheld from the encomendero, they think that it should be at
once returned to the natives from whom it was taken. They recommend
that the governor give orders that the administration of justice be
everywhere established in the encomiendas, and then three-fourths
of the tributes may be collected. For this, however, they advise
the appointment of deputies directly by the governor, to inspect
the encomiendas regularly--a duty which will not be satisfactorily
performed by the present alcaldes-mayor, or by deputies whom they
would appoint; and these persons should be given adequate salaries,
to obviate the possibility of their defrauding the natives. The
paper is signed by the Augustinian provincial, Juan de Valderrama,
and eleven others of the order.]

[The Franciscans base their opinion upon the right of the king of
Spain to impose tribute, as derived from the commission given to
that country by the Holy See for the evangelization of the Indians;
but this right exists only where the gospel is actually preached. They
partially agree with the Augustinians, but hold a radically different
view as to the amount of collections to be made when the encomendero
does not or cannot provide religious instruction, but does protect and
defend the natives, and set them a good example. For these services,
as tending to prepare the Indians for receiving the true faith, he
may be entitled to collect one-third of the tributes; but considered
simply as temporal benefits, they do not give him any right to do
so. Even the administration of justice to the Indians confers upon
him no right in itself; it does so only as it may aid in or support
the preaching of the gospel. This opinion is signed by Fray Pedro
Baptista and three of his brethren.]

[The Jesuits regard both religious instruction and the administration
of justice as just ground for the imposition and collection of
tributes. When the Spaniards take possession of any land without
providing these benefits, they are only "establishing divisions of
territory between the crowns of Castilla and Portugal," which has
nothing to do with levying tributes on the natives of such region. In
encomiendas where instruction is not given through lack of ministers,
only such part of the tribute may be collected as belongs to the
administration of justice; and the part which would be used for the
support of religion must be returned to the natives. The fathers
cite, in support of their opinion, various learned theologians. They
would permit the encomendero who protects his Indians, but is
unable to maintain religious teaching, to collect means for the
support of himself and family--for which purpose they would allow him
three-fourths of the tributes. The other fourth should be returned to
the Indians; and, in districts where there is not and will not soon
be religious instruction, this should be done without telling them
the reason for such action; otherwise, they will not wish to become
Christians. They urge that definite and prompt action be taken in
regard to this matter. Their opinion is signed by Antonio Sedeño and
two other fathers, and is dated February 20.]

[The Jesuits also send to the bishop a long and learned discussion of
the question, answering some of the twenty-five "conclusions" which
were adopted by the bishop and clergy (_ante_, p. 276 ff.). Their
position is the same as that already stated to the governor; but they
make a more detailed and full statement of their opinions on certain
points mentioned by the bishop. They think that, in encomiendas where
both religion and justice are administered, the infidels as well as
the Christians should pay tribute; for they also are vassals of the
king, and receive from him those benefits, and they alone are to blame
if they do not profit by the instruction placed before them. Where
justice is administered, without instruction, the tributes should
be collected, after deducting the amount needed for the support of
religion.] The fundamental reason why your Lordship and we cannot
agree in this matter is, that your Lordship measures it by standards
of sustenance, and we by those of income and just and due tributes;
for since there are so many Christians here, there is no doubt that
the king holds these lands by just title, nor can he in conscience
abandon them. [In regard to making restitution to the Indians for
tributes unjustly collected, the Jesuits would exempt from this the
governors and royal officials; but it should be required from the
encomenderos. If in these matters, however, the bishop and governor do
not agree with them, the fathers will support the position taken by
those authorities. They desire that the latter shall make definite
decision on such points as can be settled, without unnecessary
delay. They oppose the bishop's desire to permit the collection of
a larger part of the tributes from small encomiendas than from large
ones, because this would be not only unjust, but a dangerous precedent
and a source of intolerable confusion and uncertainty. The tributes
should be considered not as the means of support for the encomendero,
but as the right and revenue of the king--a consideration which must
shape all conclusions reached upon this subject. The Indians are not
bound to support the encomendero; that is due him for his services
to the king, who gives him the encomienda for this purpose, and for
means to carry out the obligations of the king to the Indians. If
from this some encomenderos grow rich, that concerns only the king;
it is well that he should have in his colonies powerful men, "who
are the bone and sinew of commonwealths." Besides, the labors and
responsibilities of these men increase in proportion to the size of
their encomiendas; accordingly, they should be duly recompensed. The
services rendered to the natives by the king and the encomenderos are
enumerated; even those which are secular help to maintain religious
instruction, and are also more costly than that; they should then
be well recompensed. The restitution to be made by the encomenderos
is a matter to be decided by the secular rather than the religious
authorities; and such restitution need be only one-fourth of previous
collections. A curious piece of information is here furnished:
"It is known that a priest's district, even if it is not very large,
yields him eight hundred to one thousand pesos; and besides this he
has fees for burials, marriages, etc. There are reports, and even
numerous complaints, from both secular and religious sources, that
for lack of means to pay the fees, many persons do not marry, but
live in concubinage." The Jesuits think that this fee-system is wrong,
and that the priest should be content with his stipend, at least among
the poor, whether Indians or Spaniards; this applies both to regular
clergy and to friars. The bishop is urged to remedy this abuse.]

[This is followed by another paper, which discusses minutely,
from the standpoint of the logician and theologian, the question of
collecting tribute from infidels who are not provided with religious
instruction; it contains abundant citations from the Scriptures and
from ecclesiastical writers. As it simply elaborates the opinions they
have already stated, we do not here present it.] (_To be concluded_.)





Bibliographical Data


_Relation of 1586-88_.--The text of this document is obtained from
_Cartas de Indias_, pp. 637-652; but the location of the original
MS. is not indicated by the editor of that work.

_Decree of August 9, 1589_.--This is obtained from the "Cedulario
Indico" in the Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid; its pressmark is:
"Tomo 7, fº 301, nº 449."

_Customs of the Tagalogs_.--This is one of the appendices to Santa
Inés's _Crónica_; see vol. ii, pp. 592-603.

_The Chinese and the Parián_.--This is translated from Retana's
_Archivo del bibliófilo filipino_, iii, pp. 47-80.

All the remaining documents presented in this volume, are obtained
from the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla, and are translated either
from the originals or from transcripts thereof; the pressmark of each
is indicated as follows:

1. _Letter by Vera_ (1588).--"Simancas-Secular; Audiencia de Filipinas;
cartas y expedientes del gobernador de Filipinas, vistas en el Consejo;
años 1567 á 1599; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 6."

2. _Letter by Salazar_ (1588).--"Simancas-Eclesiastico; Audiencia de
Filipinas; cartas y espedientes del arzobispo de Manila vistos en el
Consejo; años de 1579 á 1599; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 32."

3. _Letter by viceroy of India_.--"Simancas-Secular; Audiencia de
Filipinas; cartas y expedientes del presidente y oidores de esta
Audiencia vistos en el Consejo; años 1583 á 1599; est. 67, caj. 6,
leg. 18."

4. _Letter by Vera_ (1589).--The same as No. 3.

5. _Conspiracy against the Spaniards_.--The same as No. 3.

6. _Letter by Ayala_.--The same as No. 3.

7. _Instructions to Dasmariñas_.--"Simancas-Secular; Audiencia de
Filipinas; registros de oficio y partes; reales ordenes dirigidas a
las autoridades y particulares del distrito de la Audiencia; años 1568
á 1605; est. 105, caj. 2, leg. 11, lib. i, fol. 171b-195a, part 2."

8. _Letter from Portugal_.--The same as No. 3.

9. _Grant to Salazar_.--"Simancas-Audiencia de Filipinas; consultas
originales correspondientes á dha Audiencia desde el año 1586 á 1636;
est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 1."

10. _Letter by Audiencia_.--The same as No. 3.

11. _Letter by Salazar_ (1590).--The same as No. 2.

12. _Decree of July 23_, 1590.--The same as No. 3.

13. _Collection of tributes_ (1591).--The same as No. 2.







NOTES

[1] This document is published in _Cartas de Indias_ (pp. 637-652),
under the title, "Letter of petition from the bishop of Manila to the
president of the Council of the Indias, giving information of the
religious condition and needs of the Filipinas Islands; December,
1585." This date is incorrect, as shown by the internal evidence
of the document itself, and probably arises from some error in
the transcription from the original; the cabildo's letter was dated
Dec. 31, 1586, and the bishop's on June 25, 1588 (incorrectly printed
1585 in _Cartas de Indias_). The allusions in this letter indicate
that it was addressed to the king, rather than to the president of
the council.

[2] Span., _ynsigne é siempre leal ciudad de Manilla_; see the royal
decree conferring this title, in _Vol_. III, pp. 250, 251.

[3] Span., _naguatatos_, originally a Mexican word.

[4] The alcaicería (silk-market) for the Chinese, where their trade
was exclusively carried on, was at first located on the Pasig River,
opposite Manila, and was established by Peñalosa (1581?). In 1583
it was brought within the city (_Vol_. V, p. 237) by his temporary
successor, Diego Ronquillo, and was generally styled "the Parián." An
interesting description of it is given by Salazar in a document,
dated 1590, which appears in the present volume, _post_. The Parián was
long the property of the city; it was destroyed under Governor Basco y
Vargas (1778-87), to make room for other edifices, but was rebuilt by
him in another location; it was finally destroyed in 1860. See Buzeta
and Bravo's _Diccionario_, ii, p. 229; and _Los Chinos en Filipinas_
(Manila, 1886).

[5] Lake Bombón, or Taal (_Vol_. III, p. 82).

[6] We here follow the text as given in _Cartas de Indias (dos mill)_;
but this number, if all the Indians in this province were allotted,
and the number of those in the royal encomienda is correctly given,
should be seven thousand four hundred.

[7] In 1579 Gabriel de Ribera, who had been one of Legazpi's officers,
was sent to conquer Mindanao--an undertaking, however, which was
unsuccessful. Later, he explored the coasts of Borneo and Patan, and
was afterward sent by Peñalosa to Spain, to render an account of the
conquests thus far made in the Indian archipelago. As a reward for
Ribera's services, Felipe II conferred upon him the title of Mariscal
de Bonbon; it is he who is referred to in our text.

[8] According to _U.S. Philippine Gazetteer_ (pp. 9, 10, 286), there
are now in the province of Ambos Camarines no active volcanoes,
although its mountains form a volcanic chain. The peaks of Labo,
Colasi, Isarog, and Iriga are extinct volcanoes, their height ranging
from 4,000 to 6,450 feet.

[9] This town was founded by Peñalosa (_Vol_. V, p. 26), and named
for his native town, Arevalo in Castilla. The former is located a
few miles west of Iloilo.

[10] See Candish's own account of this affair in Hakluyt's _Voyages_
(Goldsmid ed.). xvi, pp. 43-45.

[11] "The licentiate Palacios, alcalde of court in the Audiencia of
Mexico, who in 1581 made official visits to the ports of Guatulco and
Acapulco, where he had charge of the construction of ships intended
for the Philippine archipelago." (_Cartas de Indias_, p. 820.)

[12] The Portuguese admiral Don Duarte de Meneses--who had been present
in the negotiations between Legazpi and Pereira in 1569 (_Vol_. II,
pp. 295, 298, 310)--was viceroy of India from November, 1584 until
his death, May 15, 1588. He was succeeded in that office by Manuel de
Sousa Coutinho, the writer of this letter. See Linschoten's _Voyage_
(Hakluyt Society's trans., London, 1885), pp. 174, 200-203.

[13] The following table of Chinese weights is given in Clarke's
_Weights, Measures, and Money_ (N.Y., 1888): 10 mace = 1 tael; 16 taels
= 1 catty or kan; 2 catties = 1 yin; 50 yin = 1 pecul or tam. The catty
= 1 1/3 lbs., or 604.8 grammes. Hence the pecul = 133 1/3 lbs. The shik
is a weight of 160 lbs. In China almost everything is sold by weight.

[14] _Orejeras_ was the name of a fine grade of gold used by the
Malays; see _Vol_. III, p. 224, and IV, p. 99.

Exile thus inflicted was of two kinds. The Spanish phrase here is
_seis años de destierro precisos_--the last word meaning that the
culprit's residence was prescribed in a certain place. In the other
form of exile, read, for _precisos, voluntarios_ ("at will"), which
may be translated "unconditioned"--that is, he might choose his place
of residence.

[15] Span., _corte_; a now obsolete use of the word, to signify a
district of five leagues around the court. It will be remembered that
Sande, in 1577, fixed the boundaries of the city of Manila within
this limit. (See _Vol_. IV, p. 107.)

[16] As the names of these notaries do not appear on the MS. from
which our transcript was made, it was probably one of the duplicate
despatches sent to Spain, rather than the first and original document.

[17] Apparently a reference to the law found in _Recop. leyes Indias_
(ed. 1841), lib. viii, tit. xx, ley i, which enumerates the offices
that may be sold in the Indias. Cf. ley i, tit. xxi, which relates
to the renunciation of such offices after purchase.

[18] This was a lay brother, Juan Clemente, who came with the first
Franciscan mission. (1577). He devoted himself to the care of the
sick among the natives, and was in charge of a hospital for them
(founded by himself) for many years. For an account of this charity,
see Santa Inés's _Crónica_, i, pp. 379-392.

[19] Gómez Pérez Dasmariñas was corregidor of Murcia and Cartagena
in Spain when (in 1589) he was appointed governor of the Philippine
Islands. Arriving there in May, 1590, he at once began the task of
providing suitable fortifications for Manila, and a body of paid troops
in place of the irregular and unpaid soldiers who had hitherto been the
only dependence of the Spanish colony. In October, 1593, he formed a
naval expedition to recover the fortress at Ternate; but on the way
thither he was treacherously slain, with nearly all the Spaniards
in his galley, by the Chinese rowers thereon. See Morga's account
of him in _Sucesos_, cap. v, or in Stanley's translation (Hakluyt
Society's publications, no. 39), pp. 32-39; also La Concepcion's
_Hist. de Philipinas_, ii, pp. 177-213.

[20] The proceedings of Sanchez at the Spanish court, and the
decisions of the government regarding the Philippine colony, are
fully recounted by La Concepción in his _Hist. de Philipinas_,
ii, pp. 103-148. Sanchez did not return to the Philippines, being
assigned by the general of his order to various duties in Spain;
his death occurred not long afterward.

[21] For account of Sanchez's embassy, and of his instructions, see the
"Memorial" adopted by the junta of 1586, with accompanying documents,
in _Vol_. VI.

[22] Regarding the rates thus levied, see _Vol_. V, pp. 29, 30.

[23] This last sentence is literally translated from the MS which we
follow; but there is evidently a defect or error in the text--probably
arising from some mistake made by the first copyist, as the MS. is
not the first original, but a copy made apparently by some government
clerk.

[24] For the text of this decree, see p. 137, _ante_.

[25] With this document cf., throughout, the "Relation" by Miguel de
Loarca, in _Vol_. V of this series.

[26] Juan de Plasencia, who entered the Franciscan order in early
youth, came to the Philippine Islands as one of the first missionaries
of that order, in 1577. He was distinguished, in his labors among
the natives, for gathering the converts into reductions (villages in
which they dwelt apart from the heathen, and under the special care
of the missionaries), for establishing numerous primary schools, for
his linguistic abilities--being one of the first to form a grammar and
vocabulary of the Tagal language--and for the ethnological researches
embodied in the memoir which is presented in our text. He died at
Lilio, in the province of La Laguna, in 1590. See account of his life
in Santa Inés's _Crónica_, i, pp. 512-522; and of his writings, _Id_.,
ii, pp. 590, 591.

[27] The betel-nut; see _Vol_. IV, p. 222.

[28] The Aetas, or Negritos, were the primitive inhabitants
of the Philippine Islands; but their origin is not certainly
known. It is perhaps most probable that they came from Papua or New
Guinea. For various opinions on this point, see Zúñiga's _Estadismo_
(Retana's ed.), i, pp. 422-429; Delgado's _Historia general_, part i,
lib. iii, cap. i; and _Report_ of U.S. Philippine Commission, 1900,
iii, pp. 333-335. Invasions of the islands by Indonesian tribes, of
superior strength and culture, drove the Negritos into the forest
and mountain regions of the islands where they dwelt; they still
remain there, in a state of barbarism, but in gradually decreasing
numbers. See the _Report_ above cited (pp. 347-351), for habitat and
physical characteristics of this race.

[29] For much curious and interesting information regarding these
superstitions, beliefs in demons, etc., see Blumentritt's "_Diccionario
mitológico_," in Retana's _Archivo_, ii, pp. 345-454.

[30] This paragraph is a quite literal translation of the clause
therein mentioned; the latter (in Portuguese) is at the end of the
original MS. of this document.

[31] This was the Cardinal Archduke Albert of Austria, nephew of
Felipe II, who in 1583 appointed Albert viceroy of Portugal. In that
post he remained until 1594, when he was removed to the archiepiscopal
see of Toledo.

[32] The above instructions were intended doubtless for this
document. They occupy a separate sheet in the collection of documents,
but their position warrants this inference.

[33] The first sentence is the official endorsement by the Council;
the second, evidently that of the king; and the third, that of the
Council's secretary.

[34] The collection of documents of which the above forms a part
contains a letter from the licentiate Ayala to the king, under date
of June 25, 1590. As in so many letters from royal officials, Ayala
narrates his devotion to the king's service, and especially in the
Philippines, whither he had been ordered suddenly from the Canaries,
his previous post. He begs for a position in Mexico, and means to
return to that country. The king orders that one-half his salary be
given him.

[35] At that time, Java was supposed to contain two islands;
the western part, inhabited by the people of Sunda, was thought
to be separated by a river from the other, forming an entire
island. Trapobana is a misprint for Taprobana, the ancient name of
Sumatra; and Dacheu, for Achen (Achin).

[36] The cahiz is equal to twelve fanégas, or nearly nineteen and
one-fifth bushels.

[37] Villamanrique was removed from his post in 1589, and in his stead
as viceroy of Nueva España was appointed Luis de Velasco, Conde de
Santiago, a son of the second viceroy; he reached Mexico on Jan. 25,
1590. "The country made steady progress in every branch of industry
during Velasco's rule; political, commercial, and social conditions
were improved, and prosperity prevailed." (Bancroft, _Hist. Mexico_,
ii, p. 766.) He held the office until 1595, when he was appointed
viceroy of Peru.

[38] Miguel de Benavides was born about 1550, and came to the
Philippines as one of the first Dominican missionaries (1587). Soon
after his return from China, he sailed (1591) for Spain, where he
acted as procurator of his province. Early in 1598, he returned
to the Philippines as bishop of Nueva Segovia; but the archbishop
Santibañez dying in that same year (Aug. 14), he was succeeded by
Benavides. Under his administration was begun the college of Santo
Tomás at Manila. He died there July 26, 1605.

[39] Regarding the numbers of Chinese residents at Manila, see
Salazar's own statement in his account of the Parián (p. 230 _ante_.)

[40] The English pirate Candish, who plundered the "Santa Ana."

[41] _Fuerça_: as here used, indicates violence to law, done by
ecclesiastical judges; _see_ note 46, in _Vol_. V, p. 292.

[42] Reference is here made to the archbishop of Mexico, who
had ecclesiastical jurisdiction over the Philippines until the
archbishopric was created there. At the time when Salazar's letter
was written, the see of Mexico had no incumbent, the diocese being
governed by the dean and chapter.

[43] The MS. from which this document was translated is evidently a
copy of a decree prepared in answer to the request of the citizens of
the Philippines (see the "Memorial" of the general junta, in _Vol_. VI,
p. 166 ff.).

[44] On the back, this document is signed by members of the royal
Council of the Indias.

[45] This statement by the bishop, and the twenty-five "conclusions"
which follow it are, in the original document from which we copy,
misplaced in order of time; we therefore restore them to their proper
place, as indicated by their respective dates.

[46] Apparently a metaphorical use of the word, a religious _double
entendre_.

[47] The original MS. is in places torn or illegible; and matter
enclosed in brackets, with the translator's initial, gives his
conjectural readings of lacunæ.